# Young Adults Gambling Online in the ACT

### February 2024

Aino Suomi

Jeffrey Kim

Hunter Culbong

Kate Sollis

Megan Bailey

Adam Masters

Centre for Gambling Research

The Australian National University

Canberra ACT 2601 Australia

**[www.anu.edu.au](http://www.anu.edu.au/)**

CRICOS Provider


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**Suggested citation**

Suomi, A., Kim, J., Culbong, H., Sollis, K., Bailey, M., Masters, A. (2024). Young adults
gambling online in the ACT. ACT Commission for Gambling and Racing, Canberra.

_The Centre for Gambling Research is co-funded by the ACT Gambling and Racing_
_Commission and the Australian National University._

_The opinions, comments and/or analysis expressed in this [ insert details e.g. report]_
_do not necessarily represent the views of the ACT Gambling and Racing Commission_

_or the ACT Government._

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## Contents

**1.** **Executive summary ............................................................................................. 4**

1.1 Background ............................................................................................... 4

4.1 Method....................................................................................................... 5

4.2 Findings ..................................................................................................... 6

1.1 Conclusion ............................................................................................... 10

1.2 Summary recommendations ................................................................... 10

**2** **Introduction ........................................................................................................ 12**

2.1 What is online gambling? ........................................................................ 12

2.2 Prevalence of young people gambling ................................................... 25

2.3 Factors associated with gambling in young people ............................... 27

2.4 Young people and gambling harm ......................................................... 30

2.5 Gambling advertising .............................................................................. 31

2.6 Young people, gambling, and governance in the ACT context ............. 34

2.7 Key objectives of the current study ........................................................ 35

**3** **Method ................................................................................................................. 36**

3.1 Advisory group ........................................................................................ 36

3.2 Participants.............................................................................................. 36

3.3 Recruitment ............................................................................................. 37

3.4 Interviews ................................................................................................ 37

3.5 Analysis ................................................................................................... 38

**4.** **Findings related to videogame gambling ....................................................... 40**

What do young adults gamble on in videogames? ................................ 40

How do young adults gamble? ............................................................... 44

Why do young adults gamble on videogames? ..................................... 51

**5.** **Findings related to online gambling ................................................................ 63**

What do young adults gamble on online? .............................................. 63

How do young adults gamble? ............................................................... 64

Why do young adults gamble online? .................................................... 66

**6.** **Gambling harms ................................................................................................. 78**

Harms related to videogame gambling .................................................. 79

Harms related to online gambling ........................................................... 81

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Interviews with significant adults ............................................................ 84

**7.** **Discussion .......................................................................................................... 89**

What do young adults gamble on online? .............................................. 89

Pathways to gambling online .................................................................. 90

Why do young adults gamble online? .................................................... 91

Gambling Harms ..................................................................................... 96

Conclusion ............................................................................................... 98

**Recommendations ...................................................................................................... 99**

**References ................................................................................................................. 100**


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## Tables

Table 2.1 Taxonomy of gambling-like features included in videogames that

incorporate gacha, loot box and microtransaction features. ..................... 24

Table 2.2 Young adult gambling participation and frequency (past 12 months) ....... 20

Table 3.1 Demographic and gambling profiles of young adults. ................................ 36

Table 4.1 Videogame details and their gambling-like features in the present study

.................................................................................................................... 41

Table 4.2 Game launchers across platforms for gambling-like videogames. ............ 44

Table 4.2.1. Distribution of age first started gaming and/or gambling online by

game and gambling feature. ...................................................................... 45

Table 6.1 Distribution of SGHS item response. .......................................................... 78

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## 1. Executive summary

#### 1.1 Background

The uptake of online sports betting and other online gambling activities has grown
exponentially in recent years, particularly in the younger age cohorts. Australian
studies consistently show that 60 to 80% of adolescents have gambled, and that 40%
of young people between 12-17 years of age report having played online video games
with gambling components. Across Australian States and Territories, including the
ACT, young men between 18 and 24 years of age are the largest group of sports
bettors.

In Australia, only licenced lottery, sports, race, eSports, and Fantasy Sports betting
operators are permitted to offer online gambling products. Despite this, illegal offshore
gambling industry continue to operate within Australia. Typical illegal games include
online poker, blackjack, and roulette. In addition, gambling features available in video
games are not considered gambling from a regulatory perspective, and therefore are
not subject to the same harm minimisation measures as licenced gambling products.

Our study focused on traditional types of gambling online (betting on sports, races,
lottery casino table games, and ‘pokies’) but also included gambling-like features in
videogames that meet most of the criteria for gambling. These gambling features were
categorised into four overlapping but technically distinct categories: (1) loot boxes, (2)
gacha, (3) eSports and Fantasy sports betting, and (4) skin betting.

The normalisation of gambling plays a key role in gambling experiences of Australian
young people. Gambling advertising and other marketing strategies by the gambling
industry, as well as family influences and peer relationships are an integral part of the
normalisation process. Other factors contributing to reasons why young people take
up online gambling include psychological, financial and social motivations, and lack of
regulation of products available for children under the age of 18. Building on this, more
information on the circumstances in which young people take up gambling, and their
initial experiences of harm, is needed.

While gambling harms experienced from offline (in-venue) gambling are likely to be
similar to online gambling harm, some elements of online gambling such as isolation,
lack of interruption, and easy access may be exclusively associated with online
gambling harm. The combination of vulnerable developmental age where risk
behaviours peak, with the unlimited availability of gambling through mobile devices,
makes younger populations particularly important to focus on. Given that a majority of
research into online betting is focused on adult populations, or children under the 18
years of age, there is a critical knowledge gap around the experiences of young adults

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between the ages of 18 and 25, representing the one of the largest group of individuals
gambling online. More information is needed around the uptake and experiences of
gambling, patterns of play, gambling motives, attitudes and expectations, and critically:
experiences of gambling harm to better address gambling harm experienced by young
people. The aim of the current project is to generate information about key areas where
policy and public health interventions could intervene with youth online gambling by
answering three broad questions:

2 What do young adults gamble on online?

3 How do young adults gamble online including pathways to gambling?

4 Why do young adults gamble online?

#### 4.1 Method

Ethical approval for this study was obtained from the Australian National University
Human Research Ethics Committee (protocol #2022/457).

##### 1.1.1. Participants

We interviewed 38 young people (7 females, average age 21 years) between 18 and
24 years of age. Of them, 14 gambled on videogames only, and 16 gambled on
traditional gambling activities online, and 8 gambled on both. We also interviewed 9
significant adults in the lives of young people including parents (n=4), service providers
and other staff from youth serving organisations (n=5) in the ACT.

A key aspect of this study was an independent advisory group (n=15) that comprised
of students, parents, school personnel, government representatives, and other adults
who work with young people (i.e., through ACT sports clubs and schools).

##### 1.1.2. Recruitment and interviews

Participants were recruited through the ACT community, using flyers, social media,
local news media advertising and through research team’s networks, and the study
advisory group. The interviews were carried out between March and November 2023.
The discussion topics of the interviews were addressed in the following order:

-  Initial uptake of gambling (i.e., reasons, social context, age)

-  Types of online gambling activity (i.e., specific mode and type of gambling)

-  Online gambling motivations, attitudes, expectations

-  Gambling in family and friends, peer group influences

-  Views on gambling advertising

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##### 1.1.3. Analysis

The data were analysed using a dualistic technique of deductive and inductive thematic
analysis to explore the ways in which participants contextually situated their
experiences, perspectives and behaviours. The analysis was guided by broad research
questions (deductive), enabling an initial organization of codes, allowing for the
emergence of novel themes from participants’ stories.

#### 4.2 Findings

###### What do young adults gamble on in videogames?

The participants who engaged in gambling features through videogames
predominantly started playing videogames in early-to-mid teenage years, generally
after playing with the games without engaging in gambling for some time. The most
common games participants reported as their first gaming experience were
Counterstrike, Overwatch, League of Legends, Arknights, Fate and Grand Order.
These videogames were also frequently reported as participant’s first experience with
gambling-like features, typically with loot boxes, 'gachas’, and skins.

###### How do young adults gamble on videogames?

Participants gambling on video games typically used PCs for playing, they tended to
be physically alone but interacting with friends through the social platforms attached
to the games. Gaming was seen as an inherently social activity, similar to other inperson group activities such as sports. Participants described the videogaming
community as a type of subculture, whereby 'in-groups’ and ‘out-groups’ would form
based on the type of games they were playing and the type of gambling features in
these games.

A vast majority of participants had first engaged with gambling-like features before
turning 18 years of age, given that games with gambling features are generally
accessible to users of all ages. They reported that it was easy to hook up a parent’s
credit card if real money was required for gambling, or they would buy specific
vouchers or giftcards that could be dispensed through the game launchers to obtain
in-game currency.

###### Why do young adults gamble on videogames?

**_Gambling motivations_**

Main motivations to engage with gambling features in videogames were
psychological/emotional, social, and financial. Social motivations included

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experiences of peer pressure for opening loot boxes or enhancing the peer group
connection. Some participants also reported that obtaining valuable in-game items
through gambling also improved their social status and social desirability among the
players. Psychological motivations included ‘excitement’ and ‘enhancing the
enjoyment’ of playing the game. In some cases, gambling on videogames also served
as emotional regulation: improving mood or managing stress. Financial motivations
were mostly associated with obtaining skins, that could be sold on or used for betting
on third party websites. Skins were seen as an investment similar to stock market, but
they also could be used as currency on illegal betting sites for eSports that were readily
available for underage players.

**_Gaming industry strategies_**

Other reasons why young people engaged in gambling features were the purposeful
strategies that the gaming industry implemented through the game mechanics. These
strategies involved financial and temporal strategies (providing financial incentives, or
limiting time the gambling feature was available), but also game-play strategies
whereby engaging in gambling enhanced the character’s appearance or provided a
competitive advantage in the game. Financial strategies involved the use of in-game
currency, often multiple currencies in one game obscuring the value of the gambling
features, and making it impossible to monitor expenditure over time. Third party sites,
while acting as a platform to trade or buy in-game items, also provided a platform for
gambling activities and in many instances ‘behaved like an online casino’. Other
industry strategies to encourage gambling involved ‘pity’ mechanics that provide the
player with extremely inflated chances to win a rare item after spending enough
money, as well as time limited events whereby certain in-game items are only available
for a short amount of time. The industry strategies encouraging gambling through the
game-play involved improving the character attractiveness, opening new ‘storylines’,
and providing benefit or skill that allows progressing in the game.

**_Advertising_**

Advertising for gambling features was seen as a major reason to gamble on
videogames. They were exposed to gambling advertising for new characters or skins
through gambling mainly on social media platforms, and through social media
‘influencers’ or other known individuals were live streaming themselves gambling while
playing video games. Influencers included professional gamers with a large following,
who were likely sponsored by gambling or gaming companies with content specifically
made to attract young people and children. These influencers were particularly
common on YouTube, and previously on Twitch, that has recently been cracked down
on its excessive promotion of gambling content. Those engaging in eSports betting
also reported on increasing trend in traditional gambling advertising through eSports

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tournaments, and promoting unregulated platforms that allow underage skin betting
on the eSports events. In addition, the betting companies now sponsor eSports
tournaments with significant visibility for the gambling operators similar to sports
sponsorships.

##### 1.1.4. Findings related to traditional online gambling

###### What do young adults gamble on online?

A majority of the participants endorsing online gambling engaged in sports betting
online, mainly ‘footy’ (both NRL and AFL), races betting, and the World Cup or English
Premiere League soccer, but also cricket and NBA. eSports betting was common
among participants who engaged in online sports betting but also gambled on
videogames. Few participants engaged in other types of online gambling, including
casino table games or ‘pokies’, that were accessible through illegal offshore sites.

###### How do young adults gamble online? 

A majority of the participants gambled on mobile devices, normally during the sports
season, around big ‘decider’ games and finals. Those experiencing more gambling
harms tended to ‘always find something to gamble on’, given the accessibility to
international sports across time zones online. Pathways to gambling included three
mechanisms: exposure to (any) gambling as a child, heavy technology use, including
videogaming, and involvement in organised sports.

Similar to videogaming, gambling online was seen as a social activity that the
participants engaged in with their mates ‘on a night out’, either at a venue, or in live
events. Those with more severe gambling problems tended to gamble on their phones
any time of the week, or day, and mostly alone, or around others who were unaware
they were gambling on their phones.

###### Why do young adults gamble online?

**_Motivations to gamble_**

Motivations to gamble were psychological/emotional, financial and social, comparable
to gambling on videogames. Participants who described psychological motivations to
gamble placed a strong value on gambling as entertainment. Participants taking part
in sports and races betting supported a team, and thus gambling was used to enhance
the enjoyment of watching the sporting events. Participants who gambled online and
were motivated by the financial gains, commonly had an underlying assumption that
the potential wins would provide financial stability into the future, with common hopes

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for a ‘big win’. One clear pattern that emerged from the data were social reasons to
gamble, whereby they would only gamble when they ‘had a social need’. These social
motivations would also easily turn into social influence, or pressure, contributing to
increased gambling, or difficulties stopping.

**_Advertising_**

Another factor contributing to gambling behaviours was the direct influence of
gambling advertising on taking up, and continuing gambling. Generally, participants
spent most of their time online on social media, including TikTok, Snapchat, YouTube,
and Instagram. These platforms were also the most common platforms that the
participants were exposed to gambling advertising on, including when they were under
18 years of age. In addition, gambling advertising through live games on TV or events
were attached to most major sports including AFL and NRL footy, cricket, Australian
Open, with promotions of odds and betting company sponsorships for major events.
Particularly sports betting ads tended to minimise gambling harm, with a humorous
spin to ‘dilute’ potential gambling harms.

**_Gambling industry strategies_**

Given that most participants engaged in legal types of online gambling where industry
strategies are regulated, there were only two particular strategies mentioned to
encourage gambling behaviours: spending money online, including in-game currency;
and special offers and inducements offered by the betting companies. Overall,
spending money online was perceived easier than spending ‘real’ currency with
difficulty monitoring overall expenditure. In addition, the large amounts of virtual
currency appearing in some games (online pokies, casino table games, simulated
gambling) on the screen provided an illusion of large wins, although we did not find
evidence that this strategy encouraged spending more money on gambling. Online
promotions for sports betting with special offers and inducements were accessible
through websites, apps, including social media. They ranged from special offers to
individually targeting participants through SMS, WhatsApp and emails. Chasing
special offers was also a common reason why participants had multiple sports betting
apps, as they chased offers across different apps.

##### 1.1.5. Findings related to gambling harms

According to the gambling harm scores as measured by the Short Gambling Harm
Screen (SGHS), participants most commonly endorsed lower levels of financial harms
and ‘feelings of regret’ after gambling. The qualitative data showed that gambling
harms specifically related to videogaming included financial harms, ‘spending money
without realising’, and ‘spending too much time’ that would translate into work, study,

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and social impacts. A specific type of harm was ‘losing track of time’. These findings
were consistent with the interview data from the parents, carers and service providers.

The qualitative interview data shows that financial consequences of gambling were
not generally seen as a major source of harm in the current sample. In fact, financial
consequences were perceived as ‘harms’, only when accompanied by psychological
impacts, that were often triggered by large losses in a short space of time. Importantly,
many of the participants were still living at home, or otherwise supported by family,
with generally very little financial responsibilities. Similarly, few of the participants had
significant relationships, thus relational impacts were perceived relatively minor.
Generally, their closest reference group involved a group of friends who often gambled
at similar intensity. Common social impacts therefore included issues with friends who
were prioritising gambling over social interactions, or having an argument about
receiving ‘bad tips’ resulting in significant monetary losses. When participants had
access to more money, they also gambled more aggressively, a finding that
exemplifies a major risk factor for gambling harm in this, but also in other age groups.

Interviews with parents, carers and service providers point to an urgent need of
parents to obtain more information about children and young adults gambling online,
particularly through videogames. Parents and carers agreed that access to gambling
was easy for children under 18 years of age. They also outlined strategies by which
their young person had gained access to credit cards to pay for gambling or other ingame purchases without full parental consent. Both service providers and parents
called upon better regulation of online gambling products as well as advertising for
children.

#### 1.1 Conclusion

Given the scarcity of information about specific harms related to online gambling in
youth, the study outputs have a critical role in guiding the development of new online
support platforms, self-help tools, identification of early signs of gambling harm related
to online gambling, and other programs relating to prevention of harm in young people.
The outputs of the project can be used to significantly increase gambling harm
prevention capacity in the ACT, as the study outputs are directly translatable to
alleviate gambling harm.

#### 1.2 Summary recommendations

The main findings are discussed in depth in Chapter 7. Based on the current research
and that of others, we call for the development of a comprehensive public health
strategy to address online gambling harm for young people that includes (but is not
limited to) the following:


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-  Campaigns and/or education programs about gambling features in

videogames and advertising online, particularly around social media,
streaming and ‘influencers’ for primary school and high school students

-  Student-led initiatives to address gambling harm in high schools, including

gambling on videogames.

-  Co-designed and accessible online resources for children and young people

including online help platforms, self-help tools, identification of early signs of
gambling harm in self and others; harm minimisation measures relating to
gambling motives, attitudes and expectations of young people, particularly
relating to financial motives and expectations

-  Evidence-based guidelines around time and expenditure limits relating to

online gambling including gambling features on videogames

-  Evidence-based guidance, training and resources for parents including all of

the above

-  Evidence-based guidance, training and resources for service providers

including all of the above

-  Resources for sports clubs (and other relevant youth serving organisations) to

develop a comprehensive public health approach to gambling harm

The data presented in this report can also be used to guide regulatory action to
address gaps in the current regulatory frameworks including, but not limited to:

-  A review of the current video game classification framework

-  Age limits for videogames with loot boxes and gacha, including those

available without real money.

-  Tightened age verification protocols for video-games.

-  Monitoring of third party sites attached to video games enabling skin betting

and

-  Review of the regulatory framework for online gambling advertising,

specifically targeting social media


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## 2 Introduction

Over the last decade, online platforms have been rapidly making gambling and
gambling-like activities more accessible and attractive to younger age cohorts who
have grown up in the digital age (King et al., 2010; Flayelle et al., 2023; Drummond et
al., 2020; Drummond & Sauer, 2018). With the rapid decrease in venue-based
gambling (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2023), and the Australian online
gambling market opening to international betting companies, both illegal and legal
operators (i.e., O’Farrell, 2015; Podesta & Thomas, 2017), it is likely that online
gambling will become the main platform for most gambling activities in the near future.
While online gambling may serve as a relatively harmless recreational activity for many
young people, some experience significant gambling harm (i.e., Greer et al., 2023).
Australian and international research efforts have become increasingly focused on
understanding the gambling behaviour of young people (Yalcin, 2022), yet relatively
little is known about online gambling in these younger age cohorts. This section of the
report will highlight the current knowledge base about online gambling of young
people, as well as draw on current knowledge around young people and gambling
more broadly.

#### 2.1 What is online gambling?

Online gambling refers to a range of gambling activities offered through interactive
media and technology, including computers or mobile/digital devices, through the
internet (Gainsbury, 2015; Hing et al., 2014). These can encompass any form of
gambling, betting or wagering service, whether through a website, a mobile app, or as
a live-streaming service. Online gambling has also been referred to as interactive[1],
internet, or remote gambling (we use the term online gambling for the ease of
reference). Alongside traditional gambling activities that have become more
accessible in an online format, many new forms of online gambling and gaming
platforms have emerged. Indeed, nearly one-third of all individuals that gamble are
now estimated to engage in gambling online, although many of these individuals also
participate at venues (Hing, Russell, Black, et al., 2022). Recent Australian estimates
for online gambling suggest that as of June 2021, 11% of Australian adults report they
had gambled online in the last six months, up from 8% in 2020 (Commonwealth of
Australia, 2022).

Given the popularity of mobile devices and 24/7 internet connectivity, the accessibility
of online gambling has increased exponentially over the past decade compared to

1 Interactive gambling is defined as gambling activities that take place on broadcasting, datacasting and online platforms (The
Department of Infrastructure, Transport, Regional Development, Communications and the Arts, 2022).


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land-based gambling products (Hing, Smith, et al., 2022). While some online gambling
products mirror land-based products (such as race betting which can be done online
or in-person on track), others are unique to the online environment (such as betting on
eSports or Fantasy Sports). With the rapidly evolving technological advances in
gaming and gambling platforms and service offerings, only few studies have explored
what young people themselves consider to be gambling. However, there is
considerable inconsistency between studies; definitions vary from free-to play online
games, to video games that incorporate gambling-like features (Wardle, 2019). While
some young people perceive these gambling-like functionalities within video games
as analogous to gambling (Calado et al., 2014; Wilson & Ross, 2011), other young
people make a clear distinction between these video game functions and gambling for
‘real money’ (Carran & Griffiths, 2015). In some instances, young people view
gambling as an extension of bravado or dares (Skinner et al., 2004), or include informal
betting that may not necessarily include financial risk (Korn et al., 2005; Pitt et al.,
2017).

It should be noted that studies of online gambling and young people often include
those aged under 18 years of age, whose experience is likely different to young adults
who can gamble through traditional legal means. Additionally, the above studies are
now somewhat dated, given that both online gaming and gambling technologies have
progressed significantly in the past year or two. Thus, this study will provide an
important contribution to the literature on how young people perceive and engage with
online and traditional gambling. It will also provide a deeper insight into gambling
products that are regulated and legal to people aged 18 years and over in Australia.

The different gambling (or gambling-like) platforms in use in Australia can be broadly
separated into three categories: regulated (or legal), unregulated (or illegal), and
gambling-like gaming. These will each be discussed in the following sections.

##### 2.1.1 Regulated online gambling products in Australia

The Australian Communications and Media Authority (ACMA) is Australia’s National
interactive gambling regulator and takes action to enforce the Commonwealth
Interactive Gambling Act 2001[2] (ACMA, 2022a, 2022b). In addition, most Australian
States and Territories hold their own legislation governing the policy and regulation
relating to online gambling. However, any inconsistency between Commonwealth and
Territory law are overridden by the Interactive Gambling Act 2001. The Act stipulates
that only certain wagering operates granted on Australian licences are permitted to

2 While the current project is focused specifically on online gambling, we note that the interactive
gambling legislation and industry codes of conduct also cover gambling facilitated through other
offline broadcasting platforms (i.e. telephone, radio, and analogue TV) (Department of Infrastructure,
Transport, Regional Development, Communications, and the Arts, 2022).


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offer online gambling products to Australians ACMA, 2022c). This includes lotteries,
sports betting and race wagering, eSports betting, and Fantasy Sports betting.
Notably, the ACMA has recently requested that Australian Internet Service providers
block multiple illegal offshore gambling and affiliate marketing cites, after they found
11 of these were operating in breach of the Act (ACMA, 2023).

Online lotteries allow individuals to purchase ‘land based’ lottery tickets online from
approved websites (such as OzLotteries and Tattersalls), rather than needing to make
this purchase at an in-person vendor. The exception to this is scratch lotto’s
(‘scratchies’) or any other type of instant lotto (Hing et al., 2014). Online lotteries
available to ACT residents are consistent with the rest of Australia, in that residents
have online access to all the large lottery syndicates offered around the country. ACT
Lotteries operate under NSW Lotteries, and ACT residents can buy tickets to Lotto,
_Oz Lotto, Powerball, Set for Life, Lucky Lotteries, The Pools_ and Lotto Strike. The
Monday, Wednesday and Saturday Lotto draws are popular for ACT players. Lotteries
are the most popular form of online gambling to date, with 21% of Australian adults
participating in lotteries as of June 2021 (Commonwealth of Australia, 2022).

Online sports betting and race wagering involves using the internet to place a bet (or
wager) on the outcome of a sports game or race, or on a contingency within the event
(for example which team will score first in a game) (Hing et al., 2014). Online sports
betting is the fastest growing gambling activity in Australia. Sports betting rates have
continued to increase over the past decade and the resurgence of sports betting
following the COVID-19-related lockdowns contributed to a significant increase in
online gambling in 2021 (ACMA, 2022d; Jenkinson et al., 2020). Online in-game
betting, where wagers are placed after a game has commenced, is not allowed in
Australia (ACMA, 2022e).

eSports (or Esports), short for _electronic sports, describe a competition between_
groups or individuals through video games. eSports competitions are typically livestreamed online, or viewed by audiences at land-based venues (Jenny et al., 2017).
Betting on eSports is now available through most Australian regulated wagering
operators (Greer et al., 2019; Macey & Hamari, 2019). In Australia, adolescent eSports
betting appears to be associated with at risk or problem gambling (Hing, Lole, et al.,
2022), through cash but particularly betting with cosmetic videogame items (i.e.,
‘skins’).

Fantasy Sports are online structured competitions, in which human participants select
avatars of ‘real’ (i.e., land-based) athletes to join their virtual sports team. Points are
awarded to participants based on the ‘real’/’land-based’ performance of the human
athlete associated with the avatars they selected to their Fantasy team. Some Fantasy
Sports do not require a fee to enter (though many require purchase of the product).
However, competitions that do require money wagers to enter are considered a

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gambling product. Each participant deposits cash into a prize pool which is distributed
to the winners at the end of the competition (Hing et al., 2021; King, 2018; Windholz,
2021). Traditionally, Fantasy Sports betting competitions mirrors the entire length of a
land-based sports season. Daily Fantasy Sports are a faster-paced version of Fantasy
Sports, where a competition mirrors just a single land-based sports game (Hing et al.,
2021). Daily Fantasy Sports are regulated as a gambling product in Australia with
operators (including _Draftstars and_ _Moneyball) generally licenced in the Northern_
Territory (Northern Territory Racing Commission, 2022), but accessible to ACT
residents.

##### 2.1.2 Unregulated online gambling products

While there are a number of legal, regulated gambling platforms, the use of
unregulated/illegal platforms is widespread within Australia. This is due to the
presence of offshore gambling operators, which are marketed online to Australian
consumers. The ACMA is tasked with the responsibility to block illegal gambling
websites so that Australians are unable to access them (ACMA, 2022e). During 20212022, ACMA investigated 20 affiliate marketing services that promoted and directed
Australian consumers to illegal offshore gambling services. This resulted in the
majority of the services either withdrawing from the Australian market or being blocked
(ACMA, 2022b. 2022c). The ACMA also fields complaints and undertakes
investigations into providers or advertisers of online gambling products suspected of
breaching the Commonwealth Interactive Gambling Act 2001.

It is not legal to provide online casinos and online casino-style games involving real
money wagers to Australians (ACMA, 2022b). Despite this, illegal offshore gambling
services continue to operate within Australia. Typical illegal casino type games offered
include online poker, blackjack, craps, and roulette. Online slot machines (pokies) and
scratch tickets are also an unregulated product available to Australian consumers.
While games such as online bingo, online keno, live dealer lotto and other lotto-based
titles are generally legal to participate in in Australia, many of the games are offered
by unlicenced internet casino platforms (such as _Bonus Keno, Electric Bingo,_ and
_Krazy Keno) and are therefore considered illegal (for more detail see_
[https://onlinelotto.com.au/laws/).](https://onlinelotto.com.au/laws/)

Further to this, online in-play sports betting and wagering, where wagers are placed
after a game has commenced, is not allowed in Australia (ACMA, 2022d). However,
Australians are able to access these products through unlicensed off-shore online
providers. In Australia, those placing in-play bets are more likely to be younger adults
and those experience problems with gambling (Gainsbury et al., 2020; Russell et al.,
2019). Betting on eSports is also facilitated by unregulated offshore sites. Unregulated


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sites commonly facilitate payments made in cryptocurrencies (Gainsbury &
Blaszczynski, 2017) or in-game virtual items such as skins.

The National Consumer Protection Framework for Online Wagering was launched in
2018 (Department of Social Services, 2018). The Framework was developed in
response to a 2015 Review of Illegal Offshore Wagering (O’Farrell, 2015), conducted
on behalf of the Australian Government. Ten new consumer protection measures were
identified by the Framework, which continue to be implemented. These protections
include prohibiting online gambling services from providing lines of credit, advertising
payday lenders, and offering inducements to open an account. The Framework
stipulates tighter timeframes within which online gambling providers must verify
customer identity, and requires online gambling services to provide customers with
activity statements, a voluntary opt-out pre-commitment scheme, and to make account
closure easier. Providers are required to use consistent responsible gambling
messages within their advertising and staff need to undertake training in the
responsible service of online wagering. The Framework laid the groundwork for a
national self-exclusion register for all interactive gambling services (Department of
Social Services, 2018).

##### 2.1.3 Gambling features in videogames 

Young adults are increasingly able to access these gambling-like activities via online
games that feature simulated gambling (with no monetary cost involved), or through
videogames that incorporate gambling-like features for money or through in-game
currency (Delfabbro & King, 2021; Flayelle et al., 2023). The incorporation of
gambling-like elements within online games in these ways are seen to blur the lines
between gaming and gambling, and there is currently a lack of consensus whether
some in-game features meet the criteria for online gambling (Drummond et al., 2020).
Simulated gambling, also known as social casinos, are games in which individuals
participate in realistic gambling simulations, for example, they may realistically mimic
a poker game or a slot machine, but do not have any associated monetary cost or
reward (Ross & Nieborg, 2021). Social casinos are regulated as games (not gambling)
as participants are not necessarily required to use real money to play. Some products,
however, may allow participants to pay small amounts, a form of microtransaction, to
continue playing once the initial period of free play is consumed (Kim et al., 2022;
Flayelle et al., 2023).

_Microtransactions mean small transactions using real currency within the games, that_
can be used to pay money for gambling features such as loot box purchases and other
similar gambling-like mechanism in so-called ‘gacha’ games, for example. They differ
vastly across games with most common microtransactions including the following:


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**- Subscriptions: Either for access to the game or for in-game content, typically in**

_Massive Multiplayer Online Role-Playing Games (MMORPGS)._

**- In-game items: Virtual items that can be purchased from a videogame or console**

storefront, typically for cosmetic items such as skins (i.e., a character or weapon’s
appearance in-game), but can also include consumables or time bypasses to
augment core gameplay.

-  **Season passes: Typically feature larger content additions and updates to games,**

and are less frequent. These are conceptually similar to single-player downloadable
content (DLC), that provide additional content such as maps, characters, or items.
An example of a season pass is also shown in Figure 2.1a, where the _Fortnite_
character Peely is only available by achieving a high-rank in a time-limited season.

-  **Battle passes: Similar to season passes but typically require more in-game playing**

time and investment, as components are usually locked behind ‘levels’ and need to
be earned by the player, or through additional microtransactions.

-  **Loot boxes, crates, cases, packs: These are packs that contain a variety of in-**

game items, typically cosmetic items or items that provide the player with an ingame benefit. The item that the player receives is randomised, and thus is a
gambling mechanic. The specific
mechanics differ between games,
with some games allowing players
to directly purchase and open the
pack or require a ‘key’. Common
examples of videogames that
include loot boxes and loot keys to
open for Counterstrike, for League
_of Legends. Some games allow for_
trading of items between players,
but other games require third-party
markets (websites) to allow users
to trade items or sell items for real
currency (Cermak, 2020). These
items can include cosmetic character or weapon skins, such as shown in the figure
below, as well as actual unopened loot boxes that require a key.

-  **In-game currency: Most online videogames have a branded virtual currency that**

can be purchased with real-world money. This virtual currency/money can be
exchanged for goods and services within the game storefront, such as
subscriptions, season/battle passes, Loot boxes, or in-game items. Each
videogame shown in Figure 2.1 below has its own virtual currency to purchase
these items.


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-  **Gacha: Gacha mechanics are more common in free-to-play games developed in**

Japan and China. Gacha mechanics are similar to loot boxes in that they require
money to use, and provide random (or quasi-random) outcomes. However, gacha
games operate on a more complex probabilistic model, that can take into account
successive wins and adjust odds in real-time, and/or reward players after a number
of unsuccessful pulls. Gacha games tend to have multiple currencies for engaging
in the gambling-like mechanic, that typically requires purchasing at least one ingame currency with real money.

The above microtransactions are typically situated within game models that either
require or encourage the purchasing of these items to continue playing or progress in
the game. The models can be broadly categorised into four types:

1. Free-to-play, where players do not need to buy the game to start playing (i.e., a

free initial download), but content within the game may be restricted without
purchasing it, possibly through gambling mechanics.

2. Pay-to-play, where players must pay a subscription fee, typically used for online

multiplayer videogames, or to access online matchmaking features on consoles
(such as PlayStation Plus, Nintendo Switch Online, and Xbox Game Pass).

3. Buy-to-Play, where players make purchases for access to the game. This model

is usually for online multiplayer games that receive consistent support, updates
and new content.

4. Freemium, where components of the game are free but content and player

progress is restricted until payment is made. This model is different from Freeto-Play.

Each game is attached to game ‘launchers’ or a platform, with multiple functions such
as a shopfront, with the ability to directly purchase videogames or other downloadable
content, or to purchase and redeem gift cards unique to that platform. Some launchers
also had their own currency, for example, Steam gift cards can be used for PC and
Mac; Xbox currency is used for Xbox; PlayStation Store gift cards are used for
PlayStation; and Nintendo eShop Cards are used for Nintendo Switch). In addition
there are different in-game currencies that only can be used within specific games;
like V-Bucks, the in-game currency used in Fortnite, and the so-called Boins
(Battlefield Coins), for the Battlefield Series. The storefront currency can be also used
for in-game items, either directly or through the purchase of the associated in-game
currency, often obscuring the value of these items.


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###### Loot boxes

Loot boxes appear in all types of game models, including games that are seen as triple
A releases (i.e., a full-price $70-$100 yearly instalment of a popular videogame
franchise). Loot boxes typically
provide the player with

cosmetic items or other items
that do not directly advantage
or benefit one player over
another. An example of

opening a loot box in a game
called Counterstrike is shown
in the animation on this page.
This shows the possible items
and the rarity associated with these items in the loot box; how a purchasable case key
is required to open this loot box; the animation and display of possible random
outcomes; followed by the eventual ‘win’. The items that are won can be bought or
traded amongst players across several affiliated, or third-party marketplaces.

Most games with loot boxes are featured within online multiplayer as opposed to
single-player games, as single-player games tend to rely upon a DLC model of
‘seasonal’ content that only needs to be purchased once. ‘Drop rates’ for particular
items (i.e., the likelihood of acquiring each item within a loot box) have historically been
hidden from players, yet can include a guaranteed item of higher as opposed to
common or uncommon rarity. Explicit drop rates for obtaining these items from loot
boxes have become more transparent, yet this practice is not uniform across the
industry. Examples of common titles that deploy loot box systems include Overwatch,
Counterstrike, Battlefield (i.e., Battlepacks in BF4), and EA Sports (FIFA series,
Madden series).

Loot boxes have gained popularity as a controversial and unregulated gambling
feature in videogames. Loot boxes can be considered a virtual ‘lucky dip’ that provides
players the chance to win valuable items determined through chance. They can be
bought with real money or in-game currency earned through gameplay, and yield
randomised outcomes of differing rarity that benefit the player to varying degrees
(Zendle & Cairns, 2019; Drummond et al., 2020; Drummond & Sauer, 2018; Flayelle
et al., 2023)

The evolution of loot boxes within videogames are part of a long-term trend of
increased monetisation across the gaming industry. After the popularisation of home
computers and game consoles in the 1980s, most videogames were sold through
standard retail sales. In the 1990s, the first subscription-based online games, typically


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of the _Massively Multiplayer Online Role-Playing Game genre (MMORPGs) were_
created. These games required player subscriptions to cover the expense of operating
servers to host players. As the game industry grew in the 2000s, concepts such as
downloadable content (DLC), that provide additional content purchased after a game
has been released, and microtransactions, such as small purchases of items and
content (typically cosmetic in nature), became more commonplace.

A microtransaction in gaming refers to a system that allows players to spend real
currency for an in-game item, benefit, ability or advantage (Neely, 2021; Gibson et al.,
2022). A famous example of this is the ‘Horse Armour Pack’ for Bethesda’s Oblivion
(2006), widely seen as the inflection point and impetus for aggressive microtransaction
models within the videogame ecosystem (i.e., Antepenko et al., 2022). For just $2.49
USD, players can purchase the Horse Armour Pack that provides their horse with sets
of (purely cosmetic) armour, and is available for purchase in game from _Chestnut_
_Handy Stables. Novel revenue streams explored through business ventures such as_
Bethesda’s Horse Armour have paved the way for ongoing consumer purchasing and
engagement, beyond the traditional retail model that limits consumer purchasing to a
single point of sale (Tomic, 2018).

###### Gacha

Gacha mechanisms are comparable to loot boxes. Loot
boxes emerged in the Western gaming industry and are
more specific to videogames, whereas gacha are
based on physical toy machines and originated from
real-life Japanese toys and collectables known as
_Gashapon that offer small toys from vending machines_
that are released as part of a set or theme (see inset
Figure). These types of games are more popular in
Asia, and tend to include characters licensed from
official games or other mediums. To operate
_Gashapon, real money or tokens are inserted into the_
machine, cranking the handle manually to release a
randomly selected toy (pictured on the left). These

mechanics have increasingly become popular within free-to-play videogames, and
have more saturation in the mobile gaming market that is more popular in Asia. Just
like Gashapon, gacha as implemented within videogames provide randomly selected
items, typically cosmetic in nature, to players - but can include items that provide direct
benefit to players and give them an advantage in gameplay.

One of the ways that gacha mechanics are integrated in modern videogames include
“free gacha pulls”. A common example of free gacha pulls are the beginner ‘wish’ and


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‘banner’ pools (available items) in Genshin Impact’s gacha system, which are known
as Wishes. Players unlock wishes very early in the game’s story. The pool of items
and characters available are known as a _Banner. Wishes are split into standard_
Banners that are always available, and time-limited event Banners that require a
separate currency to open. The Beginners’ wish featured in the picture is exclusive to
new players to familiarise them with the gacha system and to provide them with higher
quality characters and equipment early in the game at a discounted price. The featured
character, Noelle, is guaranteed to the player within the first 10 wishes that they make
(see inset Figure below).

Gacha games such as
Genshin Impact

involve multiple

currency types, that
range from permanent
currencies such as the
common Mora

currency (gold coin), or
Special currencies

such as the Primogem (luminescent star), Genesis Crystal (blue triangle), Lucky Coin
(bronze coin), or Realm Currency (silver coin). Also included in Genshin Impact are
time-limited event currencies, such as the Glimmering Essence (red diamond). The
Primogem currency is used to purchase Wishes that are used for gacha pulls and can
be earned in-game, whereas the Genesis Crystal can only be purchased with real
money, and can be converted to Primogems to purchase wishes (1 genesis crystal is
worth 1 primogem). In Australia, 60 crystals can be purchased for $1.49 AUD. These
multiple different in-game currencies are earned different ways (some can be earned
through progress, some can’t), and require conversion across currencies. Thus,
individuals typically do not know how much money they put in, the conversion rates,
and the output.


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The two figures depicted below describe the probability of obtaining 4-star or 5-star
characters, and the individual drop rates for items. In gacha games, drop rates are

attributes or abilities.

usually displayed to the player, given the
legal requirements for online gaming in
China (i.e., “information displayed about
random drawings shall be truthful and
valid”) (Ministry of Culture and Tourism,

P.R. China, 2016). Genshin Impact uses
a star system that indicates the quality
and value of each item. A higher number
of stars indicates a better quality item or
character that will have increased


###### Similarities between loot boxes and gacha

Both loot boxes and gacha can include gambling elements such as exchange of
money and an unknown future event with some level of randomness of that event
involved. Each have their own unique ‘name’ for the loot box or gacha mechanic,
showing the integration of named gambling mechanics with core storyline or worldbuilding features (i.e., “Wishes” for Genshin Impact, or “Weapons Case” for
Counterstrike). Other similarities between loot boxes and gacha include the capacity
to earn currency either as a free reward or in-game achievement (Koeder et al., 2018).
In addition, randomised items have different levels of rarity, and can be associated
with in-game events or seasons (Koeder et al., 2018). Both gacha and loot box
systems exist in order to provide revenue to game publishers (Chen & Fang, 2023;
Koeder et al., 2018), as they require the exchange of money that cannot be cashed
out.

###### Differences between Loot boxes and gacha

The vast majority of loot box systems do not offer the player a competitive advantage,
with items providing purely cosmetic impact (Table 2.1). Furthermore, the odds for loot
box systems are typically static (i.e., pre-specified). In contrast, gacha odds can
operate in different ways across games and for example purchasing gacha in bulk can
increase the overall probability of obtaining rare items, referred to as ‘Consecutive
Gacha’ (Koeder et al., 2018). Most gacha games tend to disclose the probabilities of
obtaining certain items (i.e., Koeder et al., 2018), but also utilize a pity system, where


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players will either receive a valuable item after a certain number of ‘pulls’, after
spending a certain amount of money. In other gacha games the players will have their
odds for valuable items increase with each pull. Commonly, the initial free gacha pulls
can increase the likelihood of continuing to pull until you win. This is known as the
“whale property”, that describes both the behaviour of players who continue to spend
money on gacha games, as well as the deliberate design of gacha games to facilitate
this ongoing behavioural loop (Chen & Fang, 2023). This kind of reinforcement and
reward that adapts to player engagement are not evident with static loot boxes, and
are argued to motivate a player’s ‘grinding’ behaviour to continue to obtain items (i.e.,
Woods et al., 2022; Chen & Fang, 2023).

###### What makes in-game mechanisms gambling-like?

Six criteria for gambling features have been developed based on videogames released
in 2016-2017 (Drummond & Sauer, 2018): 1) the exchange of money; 2) an unknown
future event; 3) an element of chance or randomness; 4) losses can be avoided by not
participating; 5) a competitive advantage gained by purchasing; and 6) the inability to
cash out. We apply this taxonomy to videogames currently available that feature in the
present study, that encompasses loot box (or gacha), and other microtransaction
mechanics (Table 2.1).

As shown in Table 2.1, gacha games such as Arknights and Genshin Impact, as well
as loot box systems included in FIFA 23/24 and League of Legends, exhibit all six
gambling characteristics. The remaining videogames with loot box mechanics – Apex
Legends, Counterstrike, DOTA 2, Elder Scrolls Online, and Rainbow Six Siege –
contain five out of the six possible gambling characteristics, with the exception being
a competitive advantage. By way of comparison, videogames that don’t include loot
boxes but do include other mechanisms, such as microtransactions or battlepasses,
all include the exchange of money with the inability to cash out. For the purposes of
the current study we consider all gacha, loot box, skin betting, and simulated gambling
as ‘gambling-features’ in videogames, even if they do not meet each 6 criteria in
Drummond & Sauer (2018).


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Table 2.1 Taxonomy of gambling-like features included in videogames that incorporate gacha, loot box and microtransaction features.

|Game|ESRB Exchange of Unknown Chance Avoid Losses Competitive Unable to Fulfills all Name of Mechanic Rating Money Future Event Involved if Opt Out Advantage Cash Out+ Gambling Criteria?|
|---|---|
|Arknights Genshin Impact|Gacha: “Headhunting” N/A ✔ ️ ✔ ️ ✔ ️ ✔ ️ ✔ ️ ✔ ️ Yes Gacha: “Wishes” 13+ ✔ ️ ✔ ️ ✔ ️ ✔ ️ ✔ ️ ✔ ️ Yes|
|Apex Legends Counterstrike DOTA 2 Elder Scrolls Online FIFA 23/24 League of Legends Rainbow Six Siege|Loot box: “Apex Pack” 13+ ✔ ️ ✔ ️ ✔ ️ ✔ ️ Ⅹ ✔ ️ No (5/6) Loot box: “Weapons Case” 17+ ✔ ️ ✔ ️ ✔ ️ ✔ ️ Ⅹ ✔ ️ No (5/6) Loot box: “Treasure” N/A ✔ ️ ✔ ️ ✔ ️ ✔ ️ Ⅹ ✔ ️ No (5/6) Loot box: “Crown Crate” 17+ ✔ ️ ✔ ️ ✔ ️ ✔ ️ Ⅹ ✔ ️ No (5/6) Loot box: "Packs" Everyone ✔ ️ ✔ ️ ✔ ️ ✔ ️ ✔ ️ ✔ ️ Yes Loot box: "Hex Chest" 13+ ✔ ️ ✔ ️ ✔ ️ ✔ ️ ✔ ️ ✔ ️ Yes Loot box: "Alpha Pack" 17+ ✔ ️ ✔ ️ ✔ ️ ✔ ️ Ⅹ ✔ ️ No (5/6)|
|Call of Duty Fortnite Overwatch 2 Rocket League Valorant|Microtransactions/Battlepass 17+ ✔ ️ Ⅹ Ⅹ - Ⅹ ✔ ️ No (2/5) Microtransactions/Battlepass 13+ ✔ ️ Ⅹ Ⅹ - Ⅹ ✔ ️ No (2/5) Microtransactions/Battlepass 13+ ✔ ️ Ⅹ Ⅹ - Ⅹ ✔ ️ No (2/5) Microtransactions/”Rocket Pass” Everyone ✔ ️ Ⅹ Ⅹ - Ⅹ ✔ ️ No (2/5) Microtransactions/Battlepass 13+ ✔ ️ Ⅹ Ⅹ - Ⅹ ✔ ️ No (2/5)|



Note: Tick indicates the presence of a gambling feature, and a cross indicates the absence of a gambling feature. Hyphen indicates not applicable, and applies only to microtransaction games with no loot
[boxes. The ESRB is the Entertainment Software Rating Board that provides information and ratings for consumers and parents (https://www.esrb.org). Arknights is not currently rated by the ESRB, and nor](https://www.esrb.org/)
is DOTA 2, potentially due to the multiplayer online interactive features. [+]While these videogames don’t provide a mechanism to cash out in game, third-party marketplaces typically provide the ability to
convert in-game currency or items to real currency (i.e., https://dmarket.com/ingame-items/item-list/csgo-skins).


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###### Convergence between video game gambling and traditional gambling

A gateway hypothesis suggests that ‘gambling-like’ features in videogames, such as
social casinos and loot boxes, may encourage gamers to progress to using online
gambling products (Molde et al., 2019; Spicer et al., 2022). Overall, evidence for the
gateway hypothesis within the general population of gamers is limited (for recent
reviews see: Delfabbro & King, 2020; Montiel et al., 2022) but data suggests that
individuals who gamble at problematic levels may also be at risk of problematic
engagement with social casino games (Gainsbury et al., 2017). There is also a
reasonably strong association between purchasing loot boxes, problem gambling and
problem videogaming (Spicer et al., 2022; Greer, Boyle, & Jenkinson, 2022). Young
people tend to transition from gambling-like online videogames to more traditional
gambling where real money is involved (Dussault et al., 2017; Kim et al., 2016; Wardle,
2019). While causality and directionality of these associations is not entirely clear,
better regulation of videogames and simulated gambling has been called upon
(Kolandai-Matchett & Wenden, & Abbott, 2022; Spicer et al., 2022; Zendle & Cairns,
2019).

#### 2.2 Prevalence of young people gambling 

Including both online and venue based gambling, Australian studies consistently show
that 60 to 80%of adolescents have gambled (Miller, 2017). Furthermore, 40% of young
people report having played online video games with gambling components (Hing et
al., 2020). Dowling et al. (2018) recruited Australian tertiary education students aged
18 to 25 years and found that 23% of the sample were gambling at low risk, 18% were
gambling at moderate risk, and 5% were gambling at problem levels. Armstrong and
Carroll (2017) reported that in 2015-16, although young adults aged 18 to 29 years old
made up 23% of the Australian adult population, they accounted for 27% of all problem
gambling, and only 11% of non-problem gambling. These figures estimate the
prevalence of youth gambling across all modes and are not specific to online gambling,
however.

Freund et al.’s more recent 2022 study of Australian high school students aged 12 to
17 years old classified 18% of participants as gambling at non-problematic levels, 8%
as at-risk, and 2% as gambling at problematic levels. Of those who had gambled in
the last month, 34% were classified as at-risk, and 15% reported gambling at
problematic levels. 28% of students reported gambling online using a laptop or
computer, and 23% reported gambling using a tablet or mobile app (Freund et al.,
2022).


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The second national study of interactive gambling in Australia estimated that in 2019,
5% of 18-19 year old’s, 12% of 20-24 year old’s, and 11% of 25-29 year old’s
participated in gambling online (Hing et al., 2021). For this study, online gambling
included all forms of gambling using money or cryptocurrency conducted via the
internet. The prevalence of online gambling in each of these age groups was greater
than the prevalence of venue-based (not online) gambling (Hing et al., 2021). The
study (Hing et al., 2021) estimated that approximately one in three individuals who
gamble online also experience gambling harm. While the problem gambling
prevalence for Australian adults who gamble online is not yet established, recent
estimates from the National Gambling Trends Study suggest a high prevalence of atrisk gambling among younger individuals (aged 18-34) who regularly bet online (Greer,
Jenkinson, Vandenberg, & Sakata, 2023).

The 2019 ACT Gambling Survey was the first ACT gambling prevalence study to
report online gambling participation for young adults. It found that 27% of respondents
aged 18 to 29 years had gambled online within the last 12 months. Of those young
people that gambled, 11% did so exclusively online (Paterson et al., 2019). Past
gambling prevalence studies provide information about the extent of broader
(combined land-based and online) gambling participation by young adults aged 18 to
29 years in the ACT (Davidson et al., 2015; Davidson & Rodgers, 2010; Paterson et
al., 2019; Tremayne et al., 2001). Rate of gambling participation and the frequency of
gambling in the previous 12 months for the youngest age segment in 2009, 2014, and
2019 are displayed in Table 2.2[3].

Table 2.2 Gambling participation and frequency in the ACT for 18–29-year-old adults (previous 12
months)

Notes: for gambling frequency: low frequency = occasionally, less than once per month, medium frequency = 1–3 times per

|Year|Age group|Gambling Participation (%)|Gambling Frequency (%)|Col5|Col6|Col7|
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
||||Never|Low|Medium|High|
|2019|18–29|57.5|43.0|37.8|11.6|7.6|
|2014|18–29|54.7|45.3|38.0|12.3|4.4|
|2009|18–29|69.7|30.4|43.8|16.3|9.6|

month, and high frequency = 4+ times per month.

3 When interpreting these findings, it is important to note that cross-study comparisons should be made tentatively due to different
methods being applied (e.g. sample size, sampling frame, and conducting surveys in a language other than English).


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In addition in the 2019 ACT Gambling Survey, 16% of the ACT population aged 18 to
29 years were found to be gambling ‘at risk’ and 1% engaged in ‘problem gambling’,
based on the Problem Gambling Severity Index (Holtgraves, 2009). As measured by
the Short Gambling Harm Screen (Browne et al., 2017), 14% of young adults in the
ACT experienced harm (over the preceding 12 months) as a result of their own
gambling. However, only 1.4% of young adults who gambled ever sought help for their
gambling. 27% of the ACT young adult population were adversely affected by another
person’s gambling in the preceding 12 months. It is not possible to say from these
studies to what extent (if any) online gambling contributes to gambling harm
experienced by young adults. Other Australian evidence suggests that 68% of
individuals that regularly bet on sports/races online were at risk of gambling harm, with
younger age groups (18-34 years of age) being classified at the highest level of risk
(82%) (Greer et al., 2023).

#### 2.3 Factors associated with gambling in young people

##### 2.3.1 Social normalisation of gambling

A recent qualitative rapid review of research examining gambling by young people
(including 8 online gambling studies out of the total 16 studies) found that published
research tends to focus on two related areas: (1) young people's perceptions of
gambling, and (2) the factors that influence gambling behaviour (Wardle, 2019).
Across these studies, participants considered gambling as a normal part of life (Deans,
Thomas, Daube, et al., 2017; Pitt et al., 2017). For some, gambling was a rite of
passage (Carran & Griffiths, 2015; Kristiansen & Trabjerg, 2017) and for others, it was
embedded within their regular daily routines (Nekich & Ohtsuka, 2016). In a Swedish
study, young people gambled not as part of their everyday lives, but on specific socially
sanctioned occasions (e.g. when partying or on holiday) (Spångberg et al., 2022).
There is general ambiguity in the literature around what young people consider online
gambling, with perceptions ranging from online social media gambling to free-to-play
games (Wardle, 2019).

Australian qualitative studies highlight the normalisation of gambling in sports,
particularly for young men (Deans, Thomas, Daube, et al., 2017; Deans, Thomas,
Derevensky, et al., 2017; Gordon et al., 2015; Jenkinson et al., 2019; Lamont & Hing,
2020; Nyemcsok et al., 2021; Pitt et al., 2022). The mechanisms involved in the
normalisation of gambling in Australia include the alignment of gambling with culturally
valued agencies, such as sporting codes, that are likely to influence the social
acceptance of gambling amongst certain population sub-groups (Thomas, 2018). The
three most common factors contributing to the normalisation of online sports gambling

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include (1) access and availability of online gambling options, (2) the perception that
gambling is a socially accepted and regular activity in which most people engage, and
(3) the volume and content of online gambling advertising (Nyemcsok et al., 2021).

In addition to gambling and gaming platforms, the internet offers social environments
for individuals who gamble, and gamers to interact and engage with one another (such
as discussion forums and in-game interaction tools). Online communities involve
groups of people with a shared interest or purpose who use the internet to
communicate with each other, and research is emerging into the identification with
virtual communities and their influences on gambling behaviour. Sirola et al. (2018)
found an association between at risk gambling (online and/or land-based) and
visitation of gambling-related online communities within a sample of 15 to 25 year old
Finnish young people. A strong identification with online peer relationships, and
conforming to perceived gambling norms online, as opposed to in-person peer
relationships, may also be associated with a greater likelihood of gambling harm in
young people (Savolainen et al., 2019, 2021). However, belonging to online gambling
communities is also found to be associated with greater life satisfaction for younger
people, particularly for those with gambling problems and poorer offline relationships
(Koivula et al., 2022).

##### 2.3.2 Intergenerational transmission of gambling

Young adults and adolescents in Australia are more likely to experience problems with
gambling if their parents, particularly fathers, also report problem gambling. Children
of parents who engage in problem gambling are between two and ten times more likely
to engage in problem gambling themselves (Dowling et al., 2016, 2017, 2018). This
body of literature shows that parental gambling status is predictive of offspring
gambling status. A young person’s positive expectations of financial gain and selfenhancement (i.e., feeling in control and accepted by peers), as well as negative
expectancies such as becoming preoccupied with gambling and feeling shame and
guilt as a result of gambling, have all been found to strengthen the relationship
between parent-and-offspring problem gambling (Dowling et al., 2018). Furthermore,
when a parent uses gambling to enhance positive emotions or to cope with negative
emotions, this can also strengthen the intergenerational transmission of problem
gambling (Dowling et al., 2018). Comorbid parental alcohol and other drugs also
contribute to the transmission of gambling problems to their offspring (Dowling et al.,
2016).

Evidence across Australia and internationally strongly suggest that gambling is
normalised in some families, through using gambling as an intergenerational bonding
activity (Kristiansen et al., 2015, 2017; Lamont & Hing, 2020; Nekich & Ohtsuka, 2016;
Pitt et al., 2017; Wood & Griffiths, 2002). However, it should be noted that Australian

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and international evidence of intergenerational transmission of gambling are based on
studies that investigate gambling more broadly, and are not specifically focused on the
transmission of gambling behaviour in the online context.

##### 2.3.3 Gambling motives

Motivations for young adults to engage in online gambling range from social media
advertisements, encouragement from peers, accessibility of online gambling, and
incentives offered by online gambling operators (Kim et al., 2017). Other factors that
may increase engagement with online gambling include the attractiveness of
gambling-related online communities (Sirola et al., 2018); online identities and social
media (Sirola et al., 2021); and socialisation and immersion motives (Khan & Muqtadir,
2016). Research that has explored young people’s motives to gamble have examined
aspects such as the social context of gambling (Quinlan et al., 2014); attachment and
addictive behaviours (Jauregui & Estevez, 2020; Macía et al., 2022); cognitive
distortions and materialism (Estévez et al., 2021); and impulsivity traits and emotion
regulation (Canale et al., 2015). A meta-analysis found that financial gambling motives
are reliably and positively associated with both gambling frequency and the level of
problem gambling (Tabri et al., 2022). While some young people use gambling to
manage difficult emotions, gambling and associated losses in the longer term are likely
to exacerbate deterioration in mood and emotional wellbeing (Spångberg et al., 2022).
The hope of winning is a commonly cited motivation to gamble within the qualitative
literature (Calado et al., 2014; Carran & Griffiths, 2015; Wilson & Ross, 2011; Wood &
Griffiths, 2002; Zaman et al., 2014). Particularly for men, gambling is also linked to the
desire to compete, with the chance to demonstrate skill and competence (Svensson
et al., 2011).

The social importance of gambling is perhaps the key factor that motivate young adults
to gamble (Korn et al., 2005; Kristiansen et al., 2015, 2017; Lamont & Hing, 2020;
Nekich & Ohtsuka, 2016; Skinner et al., 2004). Indeed, gambling may be an activity
that enhances the experience of social gatherings (Petheram, 2017), yet young people
may also gamble to ‘fit in’ with social groups (Kristiansen et al., 2015) or in response
to fear of being ostracised if they do not gamble (Deans, Thomas, Daube, et al., 2017).
Again, this literature largely focuses on the gambling of young people more broadly
and does not specifically focus on online gambling. Regardless, the implications of this
research suggest that gambling has a wider value proposition than simply the risk and
reward of money, through its value within a broader social context.


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#### 2.4 Young people and gambling harm 

Gambling harm from venue-based gambling is not likely to be dissimilar to harms
caused by online gambling (AIHW, 2023; Hetherington & Phillips, 2023). Some
elements of internet gambling, however, such as isolation, lack of interruption, and
constant, easy access may be particularly relevant to harms associated with online
gambling (Gainsbury, 2015). Gambling-related harm (or gambling harm) refers to a
range of negative consequences arising from engagement in gambling activities. The
seven main categories of gambling harm include financial, social, psychological,
physical, occupational, cultural, and other harms (i.e., illegal behaviours, child neglect)
(Langham et al., 2016). The concept of gambling harm acknowledges that substantial
harm from gambling can be experienced by all individuals who gamble, including those
who report gambling at either moderate- or lower-levels of risk. Notably, harm as a
result of an individuals’ gambling can be experienced by their (non-gambling) family
members and friends (referred to as affected others), as well as their broader
community (Delfabbro & King, 2017, 2019; Hare, 2015). This highlights the need for a
broader public health approach to prevent gambling harm, with a clear focus on
reducing the prevalence of problem gambling, as well as the broader health and
wellbeing impacts of gambling (Hare, 2015). Understanding how gambling harms
relate to young people and online gambling is important for developing appropriate
interventions and measuring their effectiveness in future.

Investigating the trajectories of individuals that gamble from early adulthood through
to later life may inform earlier intervention and prevention initiatives targeting young
people, regardless of whether they are gambling in venues or online. Overall,
Australian research has found little stability in gambling patterns between adolescence
and adulthood (Delfabbro et al., 2009, 2014). Delfabbro et al. (2014) followed 256
young people from the age of 16-19 years to 20-23 years of age, and found gambling
at younger years was generally not associated with gambling four years later. In a
similar Australian longitudinal study, Delfabbro et al. (2009) tracked 578 young people
from age 15 to 18-19 years. Only one in four young people who gambled in the first
year of data collection continued to gamble every year. However, it should be noted
that gambling participation patterns in later adolescence were more predictive of adult
gambling compared to earlier adolescent gambling.

A Canadian study undertaken by Carbonneau et al. (2015) found evidence to support
three different longitudinal trajectories in the variety of gambling products used
between the ages of 15 to 30 years. An early onset low trajectory group (65% of the
sample) participated in an average of 2 gambling activities at age 15 year which
decreased slightly to 1.5 activities at 30 years. A late-onset low trajectory group (27%
of the sample) who reported no gambling at age 15 years and subsequently one


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gambling activity at age 30 years. A smaller group (8% of the sample) followed an
early onset high trajectory. This group reported, on average, 4.6 gambling activities at
age 15, and 3.2 activities at 30 years. Importantly, membership to the early onset high
trajectory group was significantly associated with problem gambling at age 30. When
controlling for confounders, the early onset high trajectory group was 3 and 2 times
more likely to experience problems compared to the late-low and early-low trajectories
respectively. A large population-based UK cohort study found that although gambling
increased between the ages of 17 and 20 years, there was little variation between 20
and 24 years, with the exception of online gambling and horse betting which increased
significantly in that period, particularly for males (Hollén et al., 2020). Overall, the
current literature suggests that for most, gambling during adolescence or earlier
adulthood does not appear to be associated with later problems with gambling
(Delfabbro & King, 2021). However, this may not be the case for young people who
take up gambling at a very early age, including gambling online and other forms of
interactive gambling/gaming.

#### 2.5 Gambling advertising

##### 2.5.1 Regulation of gambling advertising 

Advertising for all gambling products is subject to a co-regulatory scheme established
by the Commonwealth Broadcasting Services Act 1992. The Act requires the
broadcasting industry to develop codes or practice and submit them to the ACMA. The
Commercial Television Industry Code of Practice was most recently amended in 2018
following community consultation on the regulation of gambling advertising. However,
a more recent major review of the Code was undertaken in 2015 (Commercial
_Television Industry Code of Practice, 2018; Free TV Australia, 2022). In 2018, the_
ACMA also developed the Broadcasting Services (Online Content Services Provider
Rules) as an instrument under the Broadcasting Services Act 1992. The Online
Content Services Provider Rules stipulate how gambling promotional and advertising
content can be delivered during the live sports coverage online.

The Code of practice and the Online Content Services Provider Rules provide a range
of rules that apply to the advertising of gambling services, including online gambling
services (ACMA, 2022f). The code stipulates the following:

-  It is illegal to target the advertising of interactive gambling products that are

unlicensed in Australia, to an Australian audience.

-  During live sports on TV, radio, and streamed online, content providers must

not advertise or promote odds during play, must not promote odds during
breaks in play, and must not promote odds by commentators and
representatives of gambling services 30 minutes before or after play.

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-  Between 5:00am and 8:30pm, times in which it is assumed that children are

more likely to be watching sports, content providers must not advertise or
promote odds 5 minutes before or after play (ACMA, 2022f) (however, these
rules do not apply to live horse, harness, or grey hound racing).

-  Programs on free-to-air television that are principally directed to children are

not permitted to include gambling ads between 5am and 8:30pm.

-  Gambling advertisements on other free-to-air TV programs with child-friendly

classifications are not permitted from 6am to 8:30am and 4pm to 7pm.

##### 2.5.2 Implications of gambling advertising for young Australians

O'Brien and Iqbal (2019) found that The Commercial Television Industry Code of
Practice, implemented in 2015, was not effective in protecting children and young
people from exposure to gambling advertising when watching free to air TV. They
found that gambling advertisers place significantly more advertisements during sport
TV compared to non-sport TV, which accounted for the significant exposure of young
people to these advertisements as they view sports programming in large numbers
(O’Brien & Iqbal, 2019). However, ACMA 2019 study focusing on rule changes
implemented in 2018, found that gambling advertising during live sports broadcasting
on television and radio was reduced between the hours of 5.00 am and 8.30 pm, and
increased during later timeslots. Further to this, despite online gambling
advertisements appearing to not have been influenced by the change in regulations
from 2018, overall volumes of gambling advertisements have been shown to decrease
between 2016 and 2017 (ACMA, 2019).

Analysis of Australian sports betting advertising highlights a male-oriented focus and
use of positive themes including mateship, patriotism, adventure, and social status
(Deans, Thomas, Daube, Derevensky, et al., 2016). Gambling advertising appears to
make it seem ‘harmless’ or ‘fun’ (Korn et al., 2005) or ‘more okay’ (Deans, Thomas,
Derevensky, et al., 2017). Indeed, a UK study that focused specifically on young adult
male online sports gambling identified the ubiquitous visibility of gambling advertising
contributed to the normalisation of sports betting (McGee, 2020).

Most Australian high school students report having seen gambling advertising and
promotion of gambling (Noble et al., 2022). Exposure to online advertising for gambling
may be associated with at risk and problem gambling for Australian school students
(Noble et al., 2022). International studies have found similar relationships whereby
young peoples’ self-reported exposure to gambling advertising are associated with at
risk or problematic gambling behaviour (Clemens et al., 2017; Kristiansen & SeverinNielsen, 2022; Parrado-González & León-Jariego, 2020).


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##### 2.5.3 Online marketing, sports and gambling-related websites

Young people are increasingly targeted by the gambling industry through the symbolic
_content of sports betting advertising (Brevers, 2022). There is mounting literature on_
the specific strategies for the advertisement and promotion of sports betting in
Australia and internationally (Hing et al., 2017; Deans et al. 2017; Gordon et al. 2015;
Lopez-Gonzalez et al. 2018). The underlying observation is that sports betting
advertising relies on narratives themes that (a) exaggerate perceived control over
betting, and (b) emphasise the connection between betting and social/peer
acceptance. It has also been shown that high levels of recall of sports betting
advertisements, and positive attitudes towards such marketing, are linked to greater
betting intentions in young people, and therefore, constitute risk factors for problem
gambling in young people engaging in sports betting (Glozah et al. 2019; Hing et al.
2017; Newall et al. 2019).

There are significant gaps in knowledge around the impact technology plays in
shaping young people’s gambling behaviour (Wardle, 2019). Recent research into the
influence of social media on gambling exposure reveals how interacting with gambling
content increases the visibility of such content due to algorithmic filtering technologies,
which can fuel gambling-related intentions and behaviours and normalise gambling
(Sirola et al., 2021). A more comprehensive understanding of the so-called _techno-_
_ecosystem in which gambling exists (and young people's relationship with it) is needed_
as a matter of priority (Wardle, 2019). Establishing a clearer picture of youth online
gambling will inevitably assist in addressing the harms that lurk therein.

##### 2.5.4 Gambling advertising in sports: a not-so hidden agenda 

Generally, sports betting is moving online as it is the main legal online gambling
product available in Australia (Brevers et al. 2020). Citing the changing landscape of
sports betting as an emerging public health issue, Brevers et al. (2022) describe the
potential impact and consequences of sports betting on young people. Based on the
available evidence, one conclusion they report is that hyper-exposure and easy
access to sports betting indicates young male adults are at an increased risk for
developing gambling problems (Brevers, Vögele & Billieux, 2022).


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#### 2.6 Young people, gambling, and governance in the ACT
 context

Interactive gambling is regulated under both ACT and Commonwealth Law (ACT
Government Gambling and Racing Commission, 2022). At the time of writing
(December 2023), ACMA lists only one interactive gambling provider – Tabcorp ACT

-  as being licensed in the ACT by the ACT Gambling and Racing Commission[4] (ACMA,
2022c). The ACT Government taxes all Australian licenced betting operators on bets
placed by a person located in the ACT, regardless of which state or territory jurisdiction
they are licenced in (ACT Revenue Office, 2022).

The ACT government has generally adopted a public health approach to gambling and
addressing gambling harms, consistent with commitments made by other Australian
(NSW The Office of Responsible Gambling, 2021; Queensland Government, 2021;
Victorian Responsible Gambling Foundation, 2022; ACT Gambling and Racing
Commission, 2019) and international jurisdictions (Gambling Research Exchange
Ontario, 2019). Essential public health functions include health promotion, health
protection, disease and injury prevention, population health assessment, and health
surveillance (Martin-Moreno et al., 2016).

In a relatively old qualitative study of gambling in young people in the ACT, Petheram
et al. (2017) found that while participants generally viewed sports betting was the most
common form of gambling among young adults, a majority of the young participants
who gambled did so on the Electronic Gaming Machines (EGMs) or ‘pokies’. In line
with the broader literature, the study found that social pressures contributed to
participants’ EGM gambling. The young participants tended to underestimate the
impact that gambling had on their lives, and were confident in their ability to stop
gambling at a later date without relapse. Petheram et al. (2017) concluded there was
little recognition in the ACT of the ways gambling can negatively impact young people,
highlighting a need for a nuanced public conversation to address this topic. Even older
study in the ACT (Marshall et al., 2005) focused on young men, and found that the
availability of gambling opportunities in spaces (i.e., clubs) as well as socialising were
important factors in their decision to gamble. Specifically, participants reported that
they did not attend these venues with the primary purpose of gambling, but rather to
‘add value’ to other social activities.

4 The ACT Gambling and Racing Commission, established by the ACT Gambling and Racing Control Act 1998, is the independent
body responsible for regulating gambling within the ACT (ACT Gambling and Racing Commission, 2022; Australasian Gaming
Council, 2021).


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#### 2.7 Key objectives of the current study

Based on the literature reviewed in this section, the broad objective of the research
project was to generate information about key areas where gambling regulation, policy
and public health interventions could intervene with youth online gambling.
Specifically, the literature identifies current gaps in understanding of:

-  The circumstances in which young people take up gambling

-  Impacts of gambling advertising

-  Patterns of play

-  Gambling motives, attitudes and expectations, and critically:

-  Experiences and management of gambling harm

The current research examined the above by answering the following three broad
research questions:

1. What do young adults gamble on online?
2. How do young adults gamble online including pathways to gambling?
3. Why do young adults gamble online?


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## 3 Method

##### 3.1 Advisory group

A key aspect of this study involved the establishment of an independent advisory
group. A substantial time investment was committed to engage with relevant
stakeholders and the final group comprised of students, parents, school personnel,
government representatives, and other adults who work with young people (i.e.,
through ACT sports clubs and schools). Ethical approval for this study was obtained
from the Australian National University Human Research Ethics Committee (protocol
#2022/457).

##### 3.2 Participants

The study involved two participant groups: (1) young adults between 18 and 25 years
of age with personal experience of online gambling in the past 12 months; and (2)
other adults who interacted in the past 12 months with young people who engaged in
online gambling. Additional inclusion criteria for both participant groups were that they
currently lived, studied or worked (either paid work or volunteering) in the Australian
Capital Territory.

We interviewed 38 young adults (7 females, average age 21 years) and their
demographic and gambling profiles are shown in Table 1. We also interviewed 9 other
adults who interacted with young people engaging in online gambling. They were
parents, counsellors, sports club volunteers, and staff from other youth serving
organisations in the ACT (breakdown of n’s not reported due to small sample).

Table 3.1 Demographic and gambling profiles of young adults.

|Characteristic|Col2|Young People (%)|
|---|---|---|
|Age Group|18-19 20-21 22-23 24|21 39 29 11|
|Gender Category|Female|18|
|Type of Play|Gaming Gambling Gambling & Gaming|37 42 21|
|Harm Score|0 1-2 3-4 5+|18 34 29 18|


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##### 3.3 Recruitment

Participants were recruited through the ACT community, using flyers, social media,
local news media advertising and through research team’s networks including the
study advisory group. The young person participants who were 18-25 years of age
signed up to the study through a website or QR code with a Qualtrics link where they
provided their contact details for the research team to contact them directly. In total 87
eligible participants signed up for the study. Young person participants who were not
interviewed were either not deemed eligible after the first contact (n=25) or they were
unresponsive to research team’s contact efforts (n=24). Parents and service provider
participants were recruited directly through the research teams networks.

#### 3.4 Interviews

The interviews were carried out between March and September 2023, and they ranged
from 25 minutes to 130 minutes (average length 47 minutes). Participants were offered
a $50 digital debit card as a small acknowledgment of their contribution to the study.
The in-depth qualitative interviews with the young people included prompt questions
about their gambling participation and experiences. Interviews with parents, school
and sports club staff asked questions in relation to young people. Interviews with
school, sports club and other youth serving organisations staff also included questions
about potential gambling harm minimisation strategies that they had used or were
aware of.

At the start of the interview, the interviewer introduced the study and the aims of the
research study (see Appendix for the Introduction script). Participants were considered
as experts on young people and online gambling, and invited to share their lived
experiences about online gambling in the level of detail and depth they were
comfortable with, using relevant and strategic prompts to facilitate responses where
needed (see Appendix). The interviewer carefully adjusted their language and
terminology around gambling and gaming to language that was familiar to the
participant at the start of the interview, given the need for language to reflect the true
nature of things, such as participants’ contextually situated unique realities or truths
(Braun & Clarke, 2013).

The interview topics were addressed approximately in the following order:

-  Initial uptake of gambling (i.e., reasons, social context, age)

-  Types of online gambling activity (i.e., specific mode and type of gambling)

-  Online gambling motivations, attitudes, expectations


-  Gambling in family and friends, peer group influences

-  Views on gambling advertising

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Participants were also asked basic demographic information, such as age, gender,
and occupation, and were provided the Short Gambling Harm Screen (Browne,
Goodwin & Rockloff, 2017). This measure consists of 10 items that are designed to
capture unique financial, emotional or psychological, and relationship harms due to
gambling. Each item is scored in a binary yes or no format, with the sum total of these
responses ranging up to 10. With the exception of three interviews in which
handwritten notes were taken, the interviews were recorded (with the permission of
the participants), transcribed and imported into NVivo v12 for qualitative analysis.

##### 3.5 Analysis

The data were analysed using a dualistic technique of deductive and inductive thematic
analysis (Saldana, 2016; Fereday & Muir-Cochrane, 2006; Roberts, Dowell, & Nie,
2019). Deductive approaches are based on the assumption that there are some
principles that can be applied to the phenomenon in focus (e.g., online gambling in
young adults). We applied a deductive model to the set of information provided by the
participants, and searched for consistencies and anomalies across participants’
responses, with minimal interpretation of what the participants said (Sandelowski,
2010; Fereday & Muir-Cochrane, 2019). The interviews were guided by broad research
questions, enabling an initial organization of codes, yet allowing for the emergence of
novel themes from participants’ stories using an inductive approach, with the analytic
steps for this process outlined by Braun and Clarke (2006): 1) familiarisation, 2) re‐
reading and coding the transcripts through generating initial codes, and 3) developing
and modifying them in the context of the entire dataset. This procedure for data analysis
allows themes to emerge from the interview data.

The study used an experiential approach to thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2012,
2019, 2021, 2022), to explore the ways in which participants contextually situated their
experiences, perspectives and behaviours. Central to this is the researchers’ reflective
work on personal and research-specific values relating to data processing. Awareness
of researchers’ active role in theme generation is a key part of the reflective analysis,
and the themes are considered as analytic outputs and not merely ‘topic summaries’.
This involved building upon identified themes through a detailed unpacking of how
themes were spoken about in the interviews across different participants. This iterative
process involved a revision and review of the categorisation of information, until it was
determined that the themes and categories used to summarise and describe the
findings were a truthful and accurate reflection of the information obtained.

Consistent with participatory approaches, we ensured that the findings and
interpretations of data were consistent with the views of people with an experience of
gambling‐related harm. In order to achieve this, we consulted with the study advisory
group to ensure the interpretations of these data were relevant to young people who


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gamble. Participants were also provided with the opportunity to review their own
interview transcripts.


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## 4. Findings related to videogame gambling

The empirical findings of this study are presented in three chapters. The first chapter
(Chapter 4, this chapter) includes data relating to participants whose main activity was
engaging with gambling-like features through videogames, and the second findings
chapter (Chapter 5) includes data relating to traditional gambling online. Both parts
are structured according to the following structure: (1) What do young adults gamble
on? (2) How do they gamble? and (3) Why do they gamble? The third findings chapter
(Chapter 6) presents data on gambling harms relating to both video game and
traditional online gambling. We use direct quotes for the participants through the
findings sections and indicate their participant ID number, gender age and their
gambling harm score (a score out of ten) as measured by the Short Gambling Harm
Screen (Browne et al., 2018). For parents, carers and service providers we separate
the identifiers between parents/carers and service providers given the small sample
size.

#### What do young adults gamble on in videogames?

Table 4.1 shows the videogames participants used to engage with gambling features
in, outlining the wide variety of popular videogame franchises that include these
mechanics. Games included in Table 4.1 were typically free-to-play multiplayer firstor third-person shooter games. Participants reported engaging in gambling features
such as loot boxes and gacha mechanics in these games. Most items received from
in-game microtransactions (purchasing or gambling) were cosmetic in nature and
engaging in these mechanisms typically required using real-money. Most gambling
features could also be earned through play or engaged with for free, but some loot
boxes required the purchasing of a key to open. Player trading systems to swap, buy
or sell items were available in some but not all games, and most PC games (i.e.,
counterstrike) have third-party marketplaces to buy, sell, or cash out items for real
money. Participants frequently reported engaging with these third-party marketplaces
to either gamble, trade, sell, or cash out their in-game items for real-money, a feature
not available in the native game. A poignant illustration of one participant’s experience
with navigating these mechanisms is provided in the textbox following Table 4.1.


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Table 4.1 Videogame details and their gambling-like features in the present study






Note: [a]Even though participants might have to purchase or access gambling features with real-money, loot boxes can be earned ‘for free’ by progression in certain games, as shown in this column.

|Game|Platform|Game Model|Game genre|Name of gambling feature|Gambling mechanic; a gameplay benefit|Gambling with real currency|Gambling for freea|$ for lowest cost gambling|Player trading|
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
|Overwatch|PC, PS4, PS5, Xbox|Full-price; Overwatch 2 Free-to-Play|Team-Based First-Person Shooter|Loot box|Cosmetic items No|Yes|Yes|$2.95|No|
|Counter Strike – Global Offensive|PC, PS3, Xbox 360|Free-to-Play|Team-Based First-Person Shooter|Case|Cosmetic items No|Yes|No|$2.50|Yes|
|League of Legends|PC|Free-to-Play|Multiplayer Online Battle Arena|Hextech Chest|Cosmetic items, characters No|Yes|Yes|$5.99|Yes|
|Genshin Impact|PC, Mobile, PS4, PS5|Free-to-Play|Action Role-Playing Single w/ multiplayer component|Wishes|Characters, items Yes|Yes|No|Varies >$4|No|
|Valorant|PC|Free-to-play|Team-Based First-Person Shooter|N/A|Cosmetic items No|N/A|Yes|N/A|No|
|Rocket League|PC, PS4, PS5, Xbox|Previously full price, now Free- to-Play|Vehicular Football; Sports game|Crates|Cosmetic items Yes|Yes|Yes|$2.10|Yes|
|FIFA|PC, consoles|Full price release|Sports Simulation; football|Ultimate Team Packs|Players, items, uniforms, stadiums|Yes|Yes|$9.20|No|
|Rainbow Six Siege|PC, consoles|Previously full price – now Free-to-Play.|Tactical Team-Based First- Person Shooter|Alpha Packs|Cosmetic items No|Yes|Yes|$60.40|No|
|DOTA 2|PC|Free-to-Play|Multiplayer Online Battle Arena|Treasures|Cosmetic items No|Yes.|Yes|Varies|Yes|
|Arknights|Mobile|Free-to-Play|Tactical Role-Playing Tower Defence|Headhunt|Characters, items and resources. Yes|Yes|No|$3.96|No|
|Elder Scrolls Online|PC, consoles|Buy-to-Play|Massively Multiplayer Online Role-Playing Game|Crown Crates|Cosmetic items, Yes|Yes|Only with subscriptio n.|$10.45|Yes|
|Fortnite Battle Royale|PC, consoles|Free-to-Play|Third-Person Shooter Battle Royale|Llama|Cosmetic items Yes|Yes|Yes|N/A|No|
|Call of Duty Series|PC consoles|Full price release|First-Person Shooter|Supply drop*|Cosmetic items, weapons Yes|Yes|Yes.|Varies|No|
|Apex Legends|PC, Mobile consoles|Free-to-Play|First-Person Shooter|Apex Pack|Cosmetic items n/a|Yes|Yes|$6.45|No|

bThird-party marketplaces for buying and selling items tend to exist for every possible game. These marketplaces can range from buying or selling pre-made accounts, loot boxes, or items. In this
column we refer to both trading in-game, as well as third-party markets to buy, sell, trade, or gamble on in-game items.


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_On Dota, when they released a Battle Pass, that was the first time I spent significant_
_money on the game at all. And at first it didn't feel like significant money because it_
_was just like buy the Battle Pass for $10 and then, "now I want to buy a couple extra_
_levels for another $5," or "Now I want to buy this extra crate that's going on_
_concurrently somewhere else for $3 each. And I want to get 15 of them because then_
_I want to guarantee that I get every single skin." But then that buildup from those_
_smaller amounts in the many years that I played it turned into this Battle Pass in_
_2021. I knew from the start that I wanted to get the Battle Pass to level 1,000, which_
_is where you get a real life physical metal shield thing. And of course there's no value_
_in that for somebody who doesn't play or doesn't care for it. But for me, that just is a_
_really cool thing that I can probably hang on a wall or just have a sitting there in a_
_container, in a glass container or something. During that Battle Pass, I leveled up a_
_whole bunch over the time. And in each Battle Pass there are four or five different_
_crates that you just get. Each time you go up a level, you might get a random skin_
_just directly because it's built into the Battle Pass. Or you might get access to other_
_form of event currency, which you can then buy other things with. Basically every_
_level you're getting something, but it might not always be valuable. I very quickly got_
_all those common crates that are guaranteed when you open as many as there are. I_
_kept re-rolling, and got a couple of the rarer ones, and then that turned into me going,_
_"I think by the time I get this to level 1,000, I'm going to have all of the skins, including_
_all the rare ones." By level 1,000, you would've opened about 40, 50 of each type of_
_crate, and getting into those much higher chances because they increase as you_
_open more. I got basically every rare skin within my first 30, 40 openings. And what_
_helped me is if you have doubles of the common skins, you can recycle them and_
_turns them into a token, and with five tokens, you get another copy of that crate for_
_"free”. There was one skin that I was taking forever to get, and it was my 60th_
_opening of one of the crates, and I wanted it because it was a freaking cool skin. So_
_toward the end of the Battle Pass period, I was at level 900-ish. And I knew if I just_
_kept playing consistently, I will be able to get to the end. In an addiction kind of way, I_
_loved opening the crates and rolling and getting the chances, hoping for the rarer_
_skin, I just bought a few levels to get a few more of those crates and opened those_
_and got the skin. (ID19, male, 20, gaming, 3/10)_

###### eSports

A majority of the games described in Table 4.1 were also the games that the participants
played as ‘eSports’, as well as betting on the outcomes of the eSport game . Participants
who competed in these games (whether or not they were betting money on them)
described the competitive nature of eSports:

_I’m a very competitive person. I’m a very sporty person, and I also happen to be_
_somewhat okay at video games. So, eSports was the perfect cross section for me_
_between my competitive nature, being able to pursue my love of video games, and_
_competing. (ID23, female, 20, gaming, 3/10)_


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The existence of a ranking system and public leaderboards, as well as the capacity to get
better with practice, allowed participants to demonstrate skill:

_If you do a particular level at a particular speed, there’ll be a leaderboard. So right_
_now, one of my friends is 13th in one of the. I think on that leaderboard, I was at_
_like 200 something. (ID11, male, 22, gambling & gaming, 2/10)_

_You get what you put in. There’s not going to be some person that has 10 hours_
_playing, and they can just buy whatever they want and beat you. You actually have_
_to practice. (ID13, male, 20, gaming, 2/10)_

Another participant referenced competitiveness in relation to betting with friends:

_I think that having that somebody, even if it’s just in a friendly way, competing with_
_me, getting a high level, even though it’s a completely ridiculous competition, but_
_it is still something that exists, incentivized more purchasing, going higher. (ID19,_
male, 20, gaming, 3/10)

One participant was interested in watching eSports, namely due to inspiration of the skills
of professional eSports players:

_I really like seeing people having those really professional skills and they can do_
_what I can't do. So that's my first interest and my first step in into eSports area_
_that's my inspiration. I just want to see how well their skills are and then put some_
_money on it. (ID5, female, 23, gaming, 3/10)_

###### Online Gaming Platforms

Participants used multiple platforms to facilitate their online gaming and/or gambling but
also interacting socially while gaming using Reddit, Instagram, Facebook, Twitch and
Discord. Discord was the most popular social platform, allowing for the creation of
participant communities focused on specific games or interests.

Of the videogames played by participants, Table 4.2 describes the Title/Operating
System of the Platform (i.e., Computer, Console, Mobile Device); The Owner/Publisher
(i.e., Valve, Blizzard Entertainment, Epic Games), and the purpose/features included in
each platform.

In regard to purpose and features, a game launcher refers to a specific application that
runs videogames, and typically also includes a storefront for users to purchase games or
other in-game items. Note that platforms built for Windows and Mac typically include
community functions and player marketplaces, in conjunction with game launchers and
storefronts, whereas console and mobile platforms are typically limited to storefront
features only (i.e., PlayStation, Xbox, Nintendo Switch, App Store, Android Store). Not
included in this table are the social platforms that participants engaged with. These
facilitate communication and interaction either during videogame play, or as part of a

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broader community function. These can include Discord, a platform for instant
messaging, voice and videocalls, and the capacity to form shared ‘servers’ based upon
videogames and other interests. Discord was referenced very heavily by participants in
our study as crucial for facilitating team and community interactions. In addition to Discord
, Twitch was mentioned as a popular platform for streaming and/or broadcasting
videogame play, as well as Reddit, that functions as an online forum with less emphasis
on direct communication as in Discord.

Table 4.2 Game launchers across platforms for gambling-like videogames.




|Title and Operating System|Owner/Operator|Purpose/features|
|---|---|---|
|Steam (Windows, Mac, Linux)|Valve|Game launcher (i.e., Counterstrike) Storefront Facilitates community functions Player marketplace|
|Ubisoft Connect (Windows)|Ubisoft Entertainment|Game launcher Storefront Facilitates community functions|
|Riot Client (unique download for each game) (Windows, Mac)|Riot Games|Game launcher (i.e., League of Legends, Valorant, Rocket League)|
|Battle.net (Windows, Mac)|Blizzard Entertainment|Game launcher (i.e., Call of Duty, World of Warcraft, Overwatch, Diablo) Storefront|
|The EA app (Windows), Origin (Mac)|Electronic Arts|Game launcher (i.e., Apex Legends, Battlefield 2042) Storefront Facilitates community functions|
|Bethesda Launcher (note: Bethesda.net libraries were migrated to Steam from 2022)|Bethesda Softworks|Game launcher (i.e., The Elder Scrolls Online, Fallout 76) Storefront Facilitates community functions|
|Epic Games Launcher (PC, Mac)|Epic Games|Game launcher (i.e., Fortnite, Rocket League) Storefront Facilitates community functions|
|PlayStation Store (PlayStation)|Sony Interactive Entertainment|Storefront (i.e., Fortnite, Genshin Impact)|
|Xbox Games Store (Xbox)|Microsoft|Storefront (i.e., FIFA)|
|Nintendo eShop (Nintendo Switch)|Nintendo|Storefront (i.e., Super Dragon Ball Heroes)|
|App Store (Apple)|Apple Inc.|Storefront (i.e., Genshin Impact)|
|Google Play (Android)|Google|Storefront (i.e., Genshin Impact)|


#### How do young adults gamble?

This section describes the environment the participants played video and mobile games,
laying the context in which they also engaged in gambling-like features. The environment
for gaming includes the devices they used as well as physical and social environment in
which they played the games.


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##### 4.2.1. Pathways to gambling through videogames

Table 4.2.1 outlines the age participants recalled their initial commencement of playing
videogames online. It also shows the age they first gambled online, the game they
gambled on, and the specific gambling features they first engaged in. Participants
predominantly started playing videogames in early-to-mid teenage years, and generally
started gaming well before engaging in gambling -features through the games. The most
common games participants reported as their first gaming experience were
Counterstrike, Overwatch, League of Legends, and Gacha games (such as Arknights and
Fate/Grand Order). These videogames were also frequently reported as participant’s first
experience with gambling-like features, typically with loot boxes and skins. A vast majority
of participants had first engaged with gambling-like features before turning 18 years of
age.

Table 4.2.1. Distribution of age first started gaming and/or gambling online by game and gambling feature.

|ID|Gaming Age Started|Gambling in Videogames Age Started Which Game Which gambling feature|
|---|---|---|
|ID2 ID4 ID5 ID6 ID7 ID8 ID9 ID10 ID11 ID12 ID13 ID14 ID15 ID17 ID18 ID19 ID21 ID22 ID23 ID24 ID25 ID27 ID28 ID29|5 14 11 17 14 12 13 12 13 15 13 16 14 n/a 13 10 15 10 14 7 n/a n/a n/a n/a|20 Blue Archive Gacha 15 Counterstrike Loot boxes 18 League of Legends eSports Betting 17 Counterstrike Skins Betting 14 Overwatch/Counterstrike Loot boxes 19 Counterstrike Skins Betting* 17 Counterstrike Online Casino, Skins Betting* 16 Overwatch Loot boxes 14 League of Legends Loot boxes 15 Genshin Impact/Counterstrike/Overwatch Loot boxes 16 Counterstrike Skins Betting* 16 Fate/Grand Order Gacha 14 Counterstrike Skins Betting* 16 Genshin Impact/Valorant Gacha, Loot boxes 13 Arknights Gacha 14 Dota 2 Skins 15 Counterstrike Loot boxes, Skins Betting* 18 Elder Scrolls Online/EA Sports Loot boxes 14 Overwatch/Fortnite/Call of Duty Loot boxes 18 Unknown eSports Betting 24 League of Legends Loot boxes 16 Counterstrike Loot boxes 18 Unknown eSports Betting 19 League of Legends eSports Betting|



Note: *third party websites. Counterstrike is used to refer collectively to CS:GO and CS2.


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###### Underage gambling on video games

Multiple participants reported engaging in gambling features in videogames before
they turned 18 years of age. The majority of participants mentioned they did this in the
context of friends or peer groups:

_Obviously being a teenager, the incentive is you see this new shiny thing that_
_other people have, and you're like, "Oh, I really want to get it as well." Because_
_you're a young teenager, you get easily, not pressured, but influenced with that._
(ID23, female, 20, gaming, 3/10)

It was easy to engage with loot boxes and gacha in videogames, even underage, given
most game launchers (e.g. Steam) enable linking player accounts to gambling
websites or access gacha games with no age or ID restrictions. Participants described
their first exposure to gambling typically happened by chance, ‘stumbling across’ these
mechanics while playing videogames:

_I was scrolling through the game and that I noticed that they have those kind of_
_gacha, loot box thing and I was curious. I played for a bit and then just after_
_realizing that I kind of needed money for it, but I could get rare stuff out of it, so_
_that's how I got into it. (ID17, female, 20, gaming, 5/10)_

eSports betting was associated with underage gambling through unregulated thir party
websites, with tokenistic or non-existent age verification. Participants also referenced
the lack of ID checks on external gambling websites. These third party sites often took
advantage of using skins or in-game currency for betting, instead of real money.

_In high school, I had friends who would gamble Counter-Strike skins on_
_websites on professional eSports games. And if their team won, they would get_
_back skins equal to the value of the odds. So, if they put in skins and their team_
_won and they were on two X odds, $50 worth of skins and get a hundred dollars_
_worth of skins back. Those sites still exist for specific games and there's_
_obviously underground and deregulated gambling sites that offer eSports._
(ID24, male, 24, gambling & gaming, 0/10)

Access to money for underage gambling in videogames was facilitated by using own
or parent’s credit cards, or steam giftcards. Steam giftcards were popular among
participants who spent money on games or items accessible through the Steam
launcher, and could be easily purchased through physical shopfronts in Canberra:

_My parents would give me some money to go and buy lunch or something and_
_then I'd spend... They'd give me enough that I could go get proper lunch and_
_instead I'd go get Maccas and then spend the rest on a Steam gift voucher._
(ID15, male, 20, gambling & gaming, 3/10)

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The unregulated environment for videogames made it particularly easy for children to
put money in using their parents’ cards or devices linked to payment options, as one
participant reflects:

_… There was no regulation around it. I could just log on and if I had a Visa or a_
_debit MasterCard or something like that, I could just basically go on there and_
_(deposit money or skins for currency/loot box gambling). And as for other types_
_of gambling, I also was doing it on some third party websites that I don't believe_
_were operating legally. (ID21, male, 21, gaming, 4/10)_

Particularly the content of and experience of many of the games was seen as a major
attraction to children, the games themselves frequently depicting young people and
children within the games for easily relatable content.

_The content of game(s) do matter … the story and characters are_
_basically young people, (and are what) really young people around me_
_are looking for. (ID2, male, 23, gaming, 3/10)_

##### 4.2.2. Devices used for videogaming

A majority of participants that gamed used their Personal Computers (PC), and only
few used mobile devices, such as phones and tablets, for gaming and/or gambling
online. Some participants reported using or having owned multiple devices for gaming
and/or gambling online, such as PCs and laptops, or consoles and mobile devices,
either currently or historically. Participants who commenced gaming as younger
adolescents had often transitioned from consoles to PC. Transition from gaming on
mobile devices (i.e., phones, tablets, consoles) to PC gaming often coincided with
other developmental, and educational milestones, such as from school to university or
other tertiary training. Receiving a PC during adolescence was more often associated
with gaming purposes exclusively, whereas receiving a PC during university or tertiary
training was more likely to be intended for educational purposes alongside gaming.

PCs were seen as the ultimate gaming device. Some participants reported being
constrained to using other devices, given financial considerations or other
practicalities. As an example, one participant reported gaming on their mobile phone
and iPad as they were an exchange student, and thus “don’t have the luxury to set up
_a whole gaming PC” Having specific equipment such as a gaming mouse for online_
play, extra monitors, or furniture was important:

_I have everything. So, I’ve got the chair ... three monitors, nice special keyboard,_
_built the PC myself. So, I have the full shebang. Yes. (ID24, male, 24, gambling_
& gaming, 0/10)

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##### 4.2.3. Physical environment for videogaming

The vast majority of participants reported gaming online at home, in their own rooms,
or ‘dorms’ (dormitories). Participants who only played at home did so as they needed
their own computers to play particular games. Most participants described a specific
gaming set-up that would be difficult to move around, including physical desktop
computers, a specific gaming chair, and multiple monitors.

Games that travelled well on mobile devices or laptop PCs allowed for continuous
play. Participants were able to leave the game open while engaged in other activities
in ‘real-life’, for example, a lecture:

_If I’m at uni, you don’t actively have to play (arknights), you can just turn it on_
_and leave it. So I’ll turn it on and leave it while I’m in a lecture, and keep paying_
_attention to the lecture and then every five minutes just tell it what to do and_
_then go back to the lecture. (ID18, male, 20, gaming, 0/10)_

_It’s nice to do when I’m listening to something, for example, like a lecture, and_
_I could just multitask at the same time or get my hands occupied while I’m_
_listening. (ID23, female, 20, gaming, 3/10)_

Specific locations were also mentioned mostly in reference to the past, where
participants used to go to game arcades or internet cafes to play online. Given that
most young adults now have mobile devices connected to the internet, there was no
need to attend specific locations with internet connections or specific devices.

_In high school, me and my friends would go to the internet cafe after school,_
_maybe once or twice every week. And we stay there for three or four hours for_
_some games. Now we just do that on Discord from our own homes. (ID6, male,_
20, gaming, 3/10)

##### 4.2.4. Social environment of videogaming 

Nearly all participants engaged in gaming online with a group who they either knew
from real life, online only, or both. A handful of participants only played online games
with ‘randoms’.

###### Gaming as a social outlet 

The majority of participants described online gaming and/or gambling as an inherently
social outlet. Using social platforms like Discord allowed participants to meet new
friends and play with ‘randoms’ This social environment allowed participants to
connect with friends and others, whether locally, interstate, or overseas. Given the
ACT has a large student population, gaming served the purpose of maintaining
friendships for those who had moved from interstate or overseas:

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_My best friend, he is currently in Singapore, and we have been on this long_
_distance friendship for almost three years or four years now. I haven’t seen him,_
_but we play every day for minimum of one hour … and it kind of strengthens_
_our bond. (ID14, female, 20, gaming, 3/10)_

_I recently moved to the ACT and it has been very handy in my move being able_
_to communicate with friends from interstate._ _Its comparable to just a social_
_sport. So, if you go and play social football or social hockey or netball, gaming_
_is just an online version of that. (ID24, male, 24, gambling & gaming, 0/10)_

For others, gaming was just another way of interacting with friends they mainly
engaged with in person, similar to playing sports:

_The people I play with, the people I see in person, like, I went to school with_
_every day. I still talk to them, I still see them regularly. We do a lot of stuff_
_together, but yeah, at night-time when we have time we’ll just play some games_
_and stuff. (ID8, male, 21, gambling & gaming, 0/10)_

_Everyone in our Discord … (are) all … high school friends … (we physically)_
_hang out, do sports or play physical tabletop games or something. (ID11, male,_
22, gambling & gaming, 2/10).

Participants engaging in eSports referenced attending organised in-person gaming
events, such as local area network (LAN) events and specific eSports event. The
global presence of eSport events in Australia and internationally became apparent in
the interviews:

_I think gaming is a pretty universal language. It’s how people say football is the_
_world game, like soccer is the world game. eSports has that same kind of feel_
_where it’s just no matter really what the language you speak, everyone can_
_understand what’s happening in the game if they’re all fans of the game. And_
_you get that feel at an event no matter where you go. (ID24, male, 24, gambling_
& gaming, 0/10)

The interviews also revealed complexities in navigating subcultures within the gaming
community. One participant noted their non-gaming friends do not understand online
gaming and are not interested in games, hence this participant “just refrain(s) from
_talking about that”, and that they had become “quite adept in separating games and_
_friendships and also mixing them to make a better bonds between friendships and_
_games”. Another participant referenced an ‘inner circle’ based upon gacha games:_

_You are either in the circle and you do play them (gacha games), or you know_
_about them, or you prefer to not touch them with a 10-foot pole. (ID18, male,_
20, gaming, 0/10)

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One participant even reported significant friendships based upon a shared interest in
a videogame’s characters and universe:

_It’s really more of a friends over an interest deal where we talk about it and we_
_talk about the universe and the characters, but we don’t really play the game_
_together just because it doesn’t have that capacity. (ID18, male, 20, gaming,_
0/10)

##### 4.2.5. Patterns of play

The majority of participants reported playing at night-time or on weekends, commonly
due to work or study commitments during the day, free time at night, and availability
of friends to play with. As an exception, one participant reported playing games during
early mornings before work. Some reported playing online games overnight, and until
the next day, or spending the “whole day minus eating and sleeping” (ID5, female, 23,
gaming, 3/10). Others described they focused on playing a greater frequency on the
weekends, including ‘all-dayers/nighters’:

_I couldn’t say the exact hours, but I’m sure that there’s been days where it’s_
_been all day pretty much. Obviously, time to eat and shower and everything …_
_but I could go the whole day. (ID11, male, 22, gambling & gaming, 2/10)_

Certain game mechanics were also shown to drive patterns of engagement with
videogames. Genshin Impact, among some other games featured a server refresh,
that led one participant to check in with the game every 10-12 hours or so: Usually I
_play it at home but because I play it on a 12 hourly cycle, so I’ll play it at 10:00 AM and_
_10:00 PM. (ID14, female, 20, gaming, 3/10)_

The frequency and length of time spent gaming ranged substantially across
participants, but typically occurred daily, with the most common response a couple of
hours per day. Participant responses ranged from “every day… for 10 minutes” and
“one hour minimum” to “two to three” or “five hours a day”. Apocryphal accounts
emerged of young adults who knew people that had “grinded games for close to 12,
_13 hours” and patterns of play emerged with social groups (i.e., “I’ll always play if I’ve_
_got my mates playing”). Some participants had lifetime estimates of participation, with_
more intense play when they were first introduced to the game.

_If I averaged it out from every single day, I put in half an hour a day every day_
_since 2011 and now. But obviously that’s the average, but it was a lot at the_
_start. It was hours a day. (ID22, male, 23, gambling & gaming, 7/10)_

_I think it’s at the start, at the beginning of when I tried it, because there’s a lot_
_of new stages for me to beat through. I think I spent maybe a lot of times,_
_probably five hours a day. (ID2, male, 23, gaming, 3/10)_

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#### Why do young adults gamble on videogames?

##### 4.3.1. Gambling motivations

Participants elaborated on the reasons why they engaged with gambling features in
videogames and these reasons broadly fell into psychological, social and financial
motivation categories. Multiple motivations for engaging in online gaming and
gambling for young people emerged from the data.

###### Psychological

The main motivation within the current sample to engage with gambling features in
games was psychological and/or emotional. These include the provision of
_entertainment or excitement, followed by a relief of boredom or stress, as well as for_
_interest and_ _inspiration. Participants identified that engaging with the gambling-_
features in videogames provided additional entertainment to their gaming experience.

_It became a lot more entertaining than just watching it, because there were_
_actually stakes involved. (ID15, male, 20, gambling & gaming, 3/10)_

Other participants referenced a sense of excitement, particularly in relation to the
chance to win items through loot boxes, or other mechanisms. For many participants
the excitement stemmed from the rarity or unexpectedness of random outcomes:

_I think that real excitement comes from when you’re still expecting that the_
_chances are ridiculously low and then somehow magically you do get the really_
_cool thing. Like "Wow, I got that. That was a really low chance"._ _It was more of_
_a long-winded excitement in the sense of the whole period of the Battle Pass, I_
_was like, "Yes, I’m getting cool skins. I’m playing the game. I’m really enjoying_
_the game". (ID5, female, 23, gaming, 3/10)_

_When you’re opening them, even though the chances are minuscule, like_
_0.25%, of getting a rare special item that can be upwards of thousands of_
_dollars, it’s like that’s in your back of the mind when you’re opening it. Like, oh,_
_what if I do get it? (ID9, male, 20, gaming, 1/10)_

Online gaming was also seen as a way to relieve stress, or to elevate mood:

_It is a good stress relief. Yeah, definitely. But if you’ve just had a bad fit of work_
_or something, you’d come play a game and win a rare item or something, you’ll_
_feel a lot better normally. (ID7, male, 19, gaming, 1/10)_

_It makes me feel good. I’ve gambled a couple times at the pokies or something,_
_but I always feel more, I don’t know, happy when I win a skin, because I guess_
_it’s more tangible to me. (ID9, male, 20, gaming, 1/10)_

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The need for emotional regulation increased during stressful events, and some
participants referenced the COVID-19 pandemic in particular, like this participant:

_In 2020 when COVID hit, and it hit Australia more where I was, got me playing_
_a whole lot more games … I was in Canberra alone in my uni room, locked in_
_there. I started playing more games, just playing a lot of Dota. A couple months_
_after that, they released a Battle Pass and that was the first time I spent_
_significant money on the game at all. (ID19, male, 20, gaming, 3/10)_

###### Social 

Another key reason for young people to engage with gambling features in videogames
was social, including connection with friends, or team-building. Particularly loot box
opening was seen as a way of connecting with friends who played the same games:

_It’s the idea of getting more rare items in-game, so I could talk to my friends_
_about it because they’ve done something similar as well, so we can just talk_
_about what we got from pulling things or opening loot crates and stuff._ (ID17,
female, 20, gaming, 5/10)

Opening loot boxes was seen as an inherently social activity, whereby some
participants referenced ‘opening parties’ “streaming their screens into open the loot
_boxes”, online. Through these online interactions the peer pressure played a key role_
in driving online gambling behaviour:

_I’ve ever opened a case when I’m not showing my friends. I’m in a chat party_
_and I’ll be streaming me opening the case. I think most people will stream them,_
_because there’s no point to open it by themselves. (ID9, male, 20, gaming, 1/10)_

_Yeah, so if we’re all playing a game together, the drops are up the top at the_
_end of the game. And then if you get a case, your friends are like, "Oh, open it._
_You won’t," that sort of thing, sort of egging you on. (ID13, male, 20, gaming,_
2/10)

Another type of social motivation was related to increased social desirability obtained
through in-game items available through loot boxes and gacha. The social desirability
was directly positively associated with lower probability for obtaining items obtained
through gambling: “the more rare ones look cooler”, adding to the to the perceived
‘social ranking’ of the player. The more expensive and rare a skin was, for example,
the higher the social desirability attached to it:

_It feels like in a sense you are showing off your skins. Obviously this is all in_
_your mind as you’re playing. You’re just trying to play it. But then the reason_
_you would buy that is because you’re aware, "Yeah, when I play those games_

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_and I have those cool skins, people are going to think I look cool and they’re_
_going to be jealous," sort of thing. (ID19, male, 20, gaming, 3/10)_

###### Financial 

Another major motivation for gaming participants was the monetary aspect of skins
obtained from loot boxes and other gambling-like mechanisms. Skins were seen as
an “investment, an “incentive, that held “intrinsic value”, and could be used to “flex”
(i.e., to show-off, boast, or brag).

One participant described the mechanism through which third party websites enabled
betting on some of the more desirable and valuable skins to obtain even better skins:

_It was one of the coin flip sites. You either double your money or you lose it. I_
_was with this guy and we pooled together a relatively expensive skin. We won_
_the coin flip, and were like, "Oh cool. Let’s try again.". And then we won and_
_won another four in a row. Because every single time was doubled, it was 16_
_times what was already a pretty decent amount, and then we got cocky and lost_
_it all in the next one. (ID15, male, 20, gambling & gaming, 3/10)_

Third party marketplaces, while not formally linked to gaming platforms, played a key
role in the fluctuating price of skins and other items, based on rarity and demand. This
also meant that knowledge of the broader skins marketplace, that behaved much like
a stock market, appeared a viable strategy for financial gain for some:

_I think the player account or the overall demand of the items that they have can_
_affect the price of it, and they could theoretically make a lot of money owning_
_them. (ID4, male, 18, gaming, 1/10)_

eSports also provided a lucrative platform through prize pools but also through being
listed on online gambling websites. One participant explained how they were able to
financially benefit from playing eSports through various mechanisms:

_Once you get up to the higher level prize pools, you can win like a thousand_
_dollars if you come first, that sort of thing ... So if the tournament is public_
_enough, then betting companies will have odds and stuff like that, and you can_
_definitely bet on them. (ID13, male, 20, gaming, 2/10)_

##### 4.3.2. Gaming industry strategies

Other reasons why young people engage in gambling features in videogames are due
to deliberate design choices by game developers and publishers. Participants outlined
multiple ways in which gacha games are designed to attract participation, maintain
engagement, and extract money from young people. These design choices make

Th A t li N ti l U i it 53


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continued purchasing either attractive or necessary to engage with the in-game
gambling mechanisms in order to progress in or enjoy the game. As one participant
succinctly puts it:

_Let’s say that if there’s a game that you like, but the only way that you_
_can get items is through loot box or gachas or something, and the only_
_way you can get those is by paying actual money. There’s no other way_
_to get around it. So I have to pay money, but I don’t really want to pay_
_money, if that makes sense. (ID17, female, 20, gaming, 5/10)_

###### Financial and temporal strategies

**_In-game currency_**

Participants described numerous industry strategies that encouraged or ‘enforced’
spending money on gaming and/or gambling online. Many of these strategies also
obscured the value of money or the total expenditure over time. Participants noted
how in-game currency, whether used in online gaming or gambling, feels qualitatively
different to real-world monetary transactions.

_I think the main difference is just how easy it is because online_
_obviously you just click a couple buttons and then, Oh, my money’s_
_gone. (ID19, male, 20, gaming, 3/10)_

Skins and in-game currency did not hold the same monetary value as in real life
currency. It was easy to lose track of spending when all transactions were undertaken
in virtual reality with no specific mechanism monitor expenditure. As one participant
compared the use of virtual money to currency used at casinos:

_The same way that casinos use the chips, to make it not feel like real_
_money, the skins do not feel like real money. It’s pixels on a screen._
(ID15, male, 20, gambling & gaming, 3/10)

_When I spend my cash, I can see how much that I actually spend out._
_But using virtual applications, I don’t have this idea in mind how much_
_I spend. So that’s why I thought after spending it, I think I could give_
_that money to a better use. (ID5, female, 23, gaming, 3/10)_

Many participants outlined that once they had put real money to purchase skins or
virtual currency, they perceived that the money had already ‘been spent’ and it did not
have the same value in their minds as the real currency.

_It definitely does feel once you’ve bought the in-game currency, and_
_maybe if you don’t use it straight away and then use it later, it’s not like_
_you’re using real money. (ID22, male, 23, gambling & gaming, 7/10)_

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Specific type of currency, the use of which has been rapidly increasing in gambling is
cryptocurrency. A few participants described the use of cryptocurrency in eSports as
an emerging, and unregulated, area of interest:

_People are talking about crypto because there’s a lot of crypto betting_
_agencies that are unregulated … the whole emerging area of it is an_
_interesting space, just because eSports are so new. (ID28, male, 24, gambling_
& gaming, 1/10)

_An interesting new thing with eSports (are) a lot of new crypto gambling sites_
_… a lot of new international gambling sites use cryptocurrency. (ID29, male,_
24, gambling & gaming, 1/10)

**_Third-party markets_**

A common mechanism that added to the attractiveness of skin betting and loot box
opening was the presence of third party sites that provide a semi-legal and largely
unregulated platform to buy, sell, trade, and gamble on in-game items, and to withdraw
cash for skins that in many cases behaved like online casinos:

_If I wanted to get cold hard cash for my skin, then I would go to third_
_party site. If my skin’s worth 650, I’d probably sell it for 500, 550, and_
_then I would could cash out, and that’s 500 bucks in my account. It’s_
_essentially an online casino... In some websites, you can just withdraw_
_straight cash … obviously it’s a casino, so the chances of that are iffy._
(ID9, male, 20, gaming, 1/10)

_It depends what the website offers … back when I was doing it in 2017, I was_
_doing roulette, and crash, and those sort, I think casino style ways of playing_
_the game, really. (ID21, male, 21, gaming, 4/10)_

**_Rookie gambling pools_**

Participants elaborated on the concept of ‘rookie gambling’ pools, to draw new players
to a gambling mechanic with a guaranteed rare item:

_When you create an account, there’s a rookie banner, so it’s a gambling_
_pool … that’s limited only to new players, and you are guaranteed to win_
_… it gives new players that dopamine of, oh, I got a top rarity right at the_
_start. But it’s not a secret that it does that. It very much says, "Oh, you_
_will get a top rarity in your first 10 rolls". (ID18, male, 20, gaming, 0/10)_

_I was trying to get this really rare item and then I couldn't get it from the_
_free pools because you can get free pools at first so I spent some money_
_in that. I forgot how much I spent, but then after spending the money and_
_then getting the in-game currency and using it to pull the rare item, I got_

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_it eventually and I guess I was really excited and happy, so I just took a_
_screenshot and sent it to my friends and stuff. (ID17, female, 20, gaming,_
5/10)

**_Pity mechanics_**

Multiple participants mentioned pity mechanics, that provide a player with either
guaranteed or extremely inflated chances to win a rare item, following a successive
streak of ‘losing’ (i.e., failing to obtain a rare item), as many participants described it:
getting a ‘guaranteed win after spending a lot of money:

_(The) new character on it, you really want, and so you spend $100 to get_
_90 pulls, you get to 90 pulls, you get the 5-star, but you lost the 50/50,_
_you didn’t get the character on the banner. You get the standard_
_character and you’re like, "Oh my God, I’m so close." So you spend_
_another $100 to get that guaranteed 180 pull. I’ve never done that, but_
_that’s a very compelling thing to do for some people._ (ID12, male, 18,
gaming, 2/10)

_You have this other percent chance of getting a pity if you get over, let's_
_say 100 tries on that one character. So for example, if the pity is 100 and_
_even after 100 pulls, you still haven't gotten on your character, they'll just_
_give you the character, but by then you have to spend a lot of money_
_already. (ID17, female, 20, gaming, 5/10)_

_There's never really a situation where I'm under the impression that I_
_won't have a win because there's a pity system, so after 300 goes, you_
_can just pick which one you want. (ID18, male, 20, gaming, 0/10)_

**_Time limited events_**

Other participants referenced time limited features of gacha games, that can include
the pressure to obtain characters shown for a limited amount of time:

_We would just pay a huge amount of money to get that gaming gacha_
_currency, and the guarantee is really, really small to actually get that_
_limited character. It's not worth all that money, but I do enjoy that feeling,_
_anticipation, because they’ll never be available again. (ID14, female, 20,_
gaming, 3/10)

Part of this strategy was for the game publishers to intentionally reveal the ‘cast’ as
late as possible, ensuring a constant drip-feed of desirable characters to players:

_They reveal it as late as possible so you don’t know what is coming up_
_next. So for example, you gambled everything on this one banner, you got_
_what you wanted, but the next one they revealed suddenly to have a_

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_character that you also very like, but you didn’t save up at all on the_
_previous one, so now you will be compelled to spend money on the next_
_banner. (ID12, male, 18, gaming, 2/10)_

###### Game-play strategies

**_Character attractiveness_**

The game developers for certain games (mainly gacha) involved immersive worlds,
attractive characters, and compelling storylines, particularly in relation that participants
perceived as intentional strategy to spend more money on gacha that added on the
character development and more complicated

_(Game developers) intentionally design the character to be as attractive as_
_possible. And that’s one of the big draws of gacha games, they make the_
_characters attractive both physically and personality wise. They design the_
_characters to be as appealing as possible and hype them up with promotional_
_materials. The fans do a lot of the work too, because they draw fan arts, and_
_basically help the developer advertise the game. (ID12, male, 18, gaming, 2/10)_

_So for me, it’s going to sound really, really simplistic, but I just like the way it_
_looks, kind of like a magpie, when they see something shiny. And I want it to_
_have to myself, always forever. And that’s what happens. So, if I see something_
_that I deem attractive, I will want it. So, that’s it. (ID23, female, 20, gaming, 3/10)_

One participant reported satisfaction from nurturing their character, and knew of
people who were romantically attracted to their avatars:

_And I guess the personal satisfaction comes from that grinding, that "nurturing"._
_You’ve helped this character grow so much, that you’ve gambled for, which_
_already adds a personal sense of attachment, and personal attachment,_
_basically. I’ve seen people romantically attracted to them. You get obsessed._
_That’s like one of the main goal, for you to get obsessed with them and doing_
_whatever it takes to have them in your inventory or something. (ID12, male, 18,_
gaming, 2/10)

Another participant referenced a gacha game designed to be marketed as a romance
simulator:

_It’s a romance game made for girls. So you have these four guys, and then for_
_these four guys, you will get one of these four guys and there would be_
_banners... So to play a certain storyline with a certain character you would have_
_to gacha. And then to gacha, you would need to finish certain amount of daily_
_commissions, for example. So you have to log in every single day to get that_
_gacha currency and you would pay it to get more storyline from the characters_

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_that you like. But then again, it’s a very difficult process and you can’t stop once_
_you start. (ID14, female, 20, gaming, 3/10)_

**_Storyline progression_**

Specifically gacha games tend to include compelling storylines that often does not
progress without gambling or other in-game purchases. This was perceived as an
intentional strategy to increase expenditure, that involved a complicated currency
system:

_To play a certain storyline with a certain character you would have to_
_gacha. And then to gacha, you would need to finish certain amount of_
_daily commissions … you have to log in every single day to get that gacha_
_currency and you would pay it to get more storyline from the characters_
_that you like … it’s a very difficult process and you can’t stop once you_
_start. (ID14, female, 20, gaming, 3/10)_

And that in order to earn in-game currency, one participant reports:

_In order to get the gacha currency, we have to do a lot of storylines. And I think_
_in one sitting I probably spent the whole day minus eating and sleeping. And_
_that went on for a few days as well, so I don’t know how to generalize it into_
_hours. (ID14, female, 20, gaming, 3/10)_

One participant noted the advertisements by game publishers to promote the
purchasable characters:

_“Oh, look how appealing this character is. Why don’t you spend some_
_money on them?” But they’re also insidious in the sense that they’re like_
_legit art. They’re like, art used to promote a character, to promote_
_gambling, but there’s still art. So even without all the gambling aspect_
_associated to it, there’s still entertainment basically. Basically just media_
_that you can enjoy without all the gambling stuff associated with it. (ID12,_
male, 18, gaming, 2/10)

**_Character performance_**

Multiple participants report how some games encourage spending money to
strengthen your character, or to obtain desired characters to improve player abilities
and skill. Particularly in the gacha games players could spend large sums of money in
a matter of minutes:

_(In) Genshin Impact, if you get the same character twice, they’ll get_
_stronger … there’s people who spend a lot of money on a single banner_
_to get this character multiple times to further strengthen it … the highest_
_you can get costs 180 pulls multiplied by six. That’s like almost $800._

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_… And you can do it quite quickly, get rid of $800 in a couple of minutes_
(ID12, male, 18, gaming, 2/10)

_In Call of Duty, you can buy gun loadouts that are like pre-made, and_
_can be more efficient when you’re fighting other players. And that’s like_
_pay to win because you’re paying to have something to be better in_
_game rather than actually working through it. (ID23, female, 20, gaming,_
3/10)

##### 4.3.3. Advertising for gambling features in videogames

Final aspect of the data addressing the research question: ‘Why do young adults
engage in gambling-features in videogames?’ is gambling advertising that is
specifically designed to draw the players in taking part in gambling activities.
Participants who played videogames were exposed to advertisements to engage in
gacha or loot box elements on multiple platforms, including YouTube, Google Play,
Facebook, Steam, and in-game. One participant discussed advertisements in the
context of game promotion, whereby gacha games were advertised as attractive, while
not drawing explicit attention to the gambling-like features within:

_The game [Genshin Impact] has had very good promotional materials. So on_
_the game’s YouTube channel, they release character trailers that promotes a_
_new release characters or something. That’s like an indirectly gambling_
_advertisement, because they’re just basically telling you, "Oh, look how_
_appealing this character is. Why don’t you spend some money on them?"._
(ID12, male, 18, gaming, 2/10)

There were mixed messages about the impacts of videogame gambling advertising,
some participants citing them as _“insidious” given they hide inherent gambling-_
mechanics behind “appealing characters” and “legit art” thus being "a waste of money”
and “harmful” to individuals. Others saw advertising as annoying, with little influence
on their gambling behaviours, but also as ‘part of the gaming experience’. One
participant expressed that gambling advertisements, particularly as promoted by
YouTube content creators, as:

_It’s very, very harmful. It’s not a good thing at all. It should stop right now … I_
_don’t think there’s ever been any talk about stopping this thing. And it’s really,_
_we’re wasting time, people are wasting money and kids are going to end up in_
_trouble because of this. Something needs to happen now. (ID21, male, 21,_
gaming, 4/10)

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###### Influencers 

A particular type of social media advertising that promoted engaging in gambling
features in video games were social media ‘influencers’. These included professional
YouTubers or gamers on other platforms with a large following, who were likely
sponsored by gambling or gaming companies with content specifically made to attract
young people and children. This type of advertising was seen as “an inevitable part of
_the online ecosystem, especially as it comes to eSports and game streaming, Twitch_
_streaming and other social media influencers” (ID24, male, 24, gambling & gaming,_
0/10).

_These are people who focus their entire career on this sort of thing … they_
_stream themselves actually rolling these boxes. They discuss the ways to_
_engage with the market and the right things to buy and what not to buy … it just_
_shows how big this market is and how financially dependent the game is on_
_people gambling in it. (ID10, male, 19, gambling & gaming, 5/10)._

Participants discussed how individual content creators can be paid by gambling
companies to promote gambling to their userbase. It was broadly known how the
influencers ‘are putting those ads on because the gambling companies are giving them
_massive amounts of money to put it up there’, although the financial relationships were_
not formally disclosed in the videos. The largest streaming services that aired
gambling advertising were YouTube and Twitch.

**_YouTube_**

YouTube was currently seen as the largest platform where influencers were streaming
gambling promotions, including those targeting children. There were multiple ways that
online gaming and/or gambling might be seen as attractive/promoted to children. One
participant mentioned how popular YouTubers could advertise directly to children:

_I’ve seen YouTubers that I watch sometimes promote CS:GO gambling,_
_which half of the time are shady stuff that prey on young children … they’re_
_very scripted, like they’re reading from a sponsor script or something. And_
_promoting gambling. (ID12, male, 18, gaming, 2/10)_

The non-disclosure of financial interests in the YouTube videos were seen as a
particular issue allowing individual people promoting gambling products often through
false advertising. These included effective tactics to draw players in to use gambling
features.

_These YouTubers are endorsed by the third-party, and they’ll have a 15-second_
_clip at the start of the video, advertising it. I don’t know how big the third-party_
_websites are, but it’s clearly made by them. (ID13, male, 20, gaming, 2/10)_

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_These influencers would sign deals with some of these online crypto casinos_
_and people would get sign up bonuses, sign up with ‘X’ affiliate code, and you’ll_
_get a $50 bonus back, you’ll get a $300 bonus back. So, there would be a funnel_
_from people watching the streams, getting the affiliate code. (ID24, male, 24,_
gambling & gaming, 0/10)

The fact that the streamers did not disclose their financial relationship with the
companies, who were able to manipulate odds and betting outcomes on the activities
making it seem an easy way to make money. One participant also recalled a particular
scandal that engulfed a few prominent content creators:

_There was a huge scandal because streamers would gamble. But what they_
_didn’t tell was that they had a partnership with the gambling site where they_
_would’ve increased statistics of winning things. It was like a pyramid scheme._
_And obviously, the viewers that would get into that website, well, they wouldn’t_
_get those stats and they would lose more money than they would actually get_
_from it. (ID23, female, 20, gaming, 3/10)_

**_Twitch_**

Participants also reported being exposed to gambling promotion through Twitch. While
Twitch as a streaming service has now cracked down on their promotion of gambling,
participants could recall a time when gambling streams were some of the most popular
content on Twitch:

_Its banned now on Twitch, but there used to be gambling streams. I would watch_
_a group of people just do online pokies, a lot of people streaming the gambling_
_sites were all partnered with the gambling sites themselves. They’d give them_
_a fair bit of money to promote it, they had sign up codes: sign up, get a hundred_
_dollars the first time you put 50 on or something. So obviously that’s trying to_
_draw in people. (ID11, male, 22, gambling & gaming, 2/10)_

One participant illustrated the extent of both popularity and coverage of the Twitch
platform

_It got to the point where slots and the gambling, peaked at the fifth most popular_
_Twitch category, which is no small feat. I think it peaked at nearly 300 million_
_hours watch per month across the world. The biggest streamers were pulling in_
_a hundred thousand plus viewers at any one time, which is the rating of a mid_
_to big sized TV show in Australia. (ID24, male, 24, gambling & gaming, 0/10)_

Despite this recent change in gambling content by Twitch, another participant
mentioned it is still possible to gamble using ‘fake internet points’ to avoid the
regulatory obligations attached to gambling activity:

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_You can gamble theoretically, it’s these internet points you get given by the_
_Twitch company and you can - at the start of an eSports match - place a_
_theoretical bet. Moving away from real gambling was interesting because it_
_wouldn’t be regulated, and it encourages gambling at an early age. (ID28, male,_
24, gambling & gaming, 1/10).

###### eSports sponsorship

Participants discussed how eSports betting is now a substantial part of the eSports
industry and the gaming community, exemplifying how betting companies sponsor
eSports tournaments and show odds on a big screen, akin to NRL or AFL halftime
sports betting advertising:

_Those ads are very visible, built into eSports broadcast and something that_
_have grown tremendously in the last three years. There has been a noted_
_increase in gambling partnerships in eSports. This raises questions about the_
_integrity in eSports, especially as it comes to match fixing. So, that’s the online_
_sports betting on eSports. (ID24, male, 24, gambling & gaming, 0/10)_

_Sometimes during tournaments and stuff, during the broadcast, the company_
_that broadcasts it plays ads about the likely outcomes and how much people_
_are winning from betting these against or for a team during a competition. I think_
_there’s an aspect where sometimes I want to put in a little bit of money so that_
_it feels more exciting to watch a certain match with my favourite team or_
_something. (ID4, male, 18, gaming, 1/10)_

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## 5. Findings related to online gambling 

#### What do young adults gamble on online?

##### 5.1.1. Betting on sports through apps

A majority of participants endorsing online gambling engaged in sports betting online,
mainly ‘footy’ (both NRL and AFL) and the World Cup or English Premiere League
soccer – that many participants described getting into after the soccer World Cup 2022
that was heavily promoted in Australia. Betting on American professional basketball
(NBA) also featured in the interviews. Sports betting also overlapped with novelty
betting that was accessible through the majority of sports betting apps, including
betting on elections or the Academy Awards. Similarly, eSports betting (betting on live
videogames) was highly popular among participants engaging in sports betting online,
but also with those who engaged in videogames. For some, engaging in videogames
and eSports provided a gateway to sports betting through the same app:

_I used to do a lot of video gaming but don't really anymore, unless it's a big_
_competition [on eSports]. I had a little bit of money on the League Worlds_
_Champions, like the League World, and then other than that other big sporting_
_events, like World Cup. (ID15, male, 20, gambling & gaming, 3/10)_

##### 5.1.2. Casino table games and ‘pokies’ online

Few participants engaged in other types of online gambling, including casino table
games or pokies, that were accessible through illegal offshore sites. Participants
described what it was like to access these illegal gambling sites as similar to “rocking
_up to a casino but it’s just online and simpler” (i.e., ID10, male, 19, gambling & gaming,_
5/10).

Some licenced gambling venues also made online gambling available through
interactive technology, mimicking online casino-type table games, but also some
virtual elements similar to simulated gambling.

_The Club we go to has a digital roulette table. Same with blackjack. And then_
_they have the big screen where it has the virtual dealer. So not an actual person,_
_but just a virtual dealer. It feels less real, but easier to spend money because_
_you can do smaller bets. So I think at the casino it’s like $15 minimum every_
_single round. With the digital ones, you can do it from 50 cents. (ID22, male,_
23, gambling & gaming, 7/10)

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##### 5.1.3. Simulated gambling 

Some participants described their engagement in simulated gambling that are
generally free-to-play, at least initially, with some games it became possible to put in
real money after a period of time, and sometimes payment was required to progress
in a game. Simulated gambling games tended to be fast-paced and highly stimulating,
where a player is suddenly unable to keep playing or progressing in the game without
using real money:

_And they also have the online version of roulette, if you want to, you can put_
_some money in to get virtual credit and use it for the game. It’s just on your_
_phone and each game can be done really quick, maybe one minute._ _This game_
_has gold beans, you will get some free beans when you start. And if you run_
_out, you have to put some money in. It’s just like Candy Crush. (ID26, female,_
23, gambling, 0/10)

#### How do young adults gamble?

###### Devices and apps

As opposed to gaming that was mainly engaged through PCs, online gambling was
predominantly accessed with mobile devices, through phones and tablets using
dedicated gambling apps. The most popular apps were Sportsbet, Ladbrokes, bet 365,
PointsBet and Neds. All participants who used these apps described having at least
two, and up to 10 accounts across different apps.

_I would use Ladbrokes, PointsBet and Neds. The reason for that is because_
_they give out the bonus bets: if you're putting $50, we'll match that with 100%_
_bonus bet. So if it's 100%, then you get a $50 bonus bet if you put in 50. And_
_that's not free cash, but a free bet. And I think all the apps do that. (ID22, male,_
23, gambling & gaming, 7/10)

###### Patterns of play 

Given that most participants engaged in sports betting, the patterns of play were
consistent with the game schedules, seasons and events.

_Most games on Friday, Saturday, Sunday, so maybe three or four bets a day_
_on those, depending on what I'm confident on. And then, on other sports_
_throughout the week, maybe, again, three or four just on other ... mostly your_
_Formula 1 or other sports I'm interested in. (ID28, male, 24, gambling & gaming,_
1/10)

_Coming off of the NRL and AFL season, I won't be betting as much, but we're_
_moving into the races in November. (ID35, male, 19, gambling, 1/10)_

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Another common pattern was that participants prioritised betting on sports they were
able to follow, with a sub-pattern emerging whereby it was also common that ‘following
the game’ did not necessarily mean sitting down and watching the game from start to
finish:

_Sometimes the NBA games can happen in the morning, typically early in the_
_morning. Might not be able to watch it, but I can pay attention to it. I can keep_
_updated with the scores and everything else. I don't necessarily have to sit there_
_and go, “oh, I am watching the game from start to finish”. (ID31, male, 22,_
gambling, 0/10)

###### Gambling frequency and expenditure 

The amount of money gambled and the frequency of gambling varied substantially.
Most participants would play on a weekly or monthly basis, with more or less periods
of intense gambling. A typical amount of money spent per bet ranged from $5-20 AUD,
and bigger events or games, as well as large jackpots on lottery, were shown to attract
larger gambling expenditure. Seasonal variation was also evident:

_I spent about 500 bucks over a year. And yes, I can see the value attached to_
_it. But when you spread it up month by month, honestly, in the month of_
_November it might be $100 on the Melbourne Club plus two or three tickets in_
_the lottery if the numbers were that high in that particular month, and whereas_
_I could go two months without placing a bet on anything, especially once the_
_AFL finishes. (ID34, male, 24, gambling, 2/10)_

There were also bigger spenders who regularly bet over $100 at a time, accumulating
a greater expenditure over time:

_I usually go for a 50. I feel like that's sort of my main sort of thing. I feel like the_
_highest that I've gone is 250. I try to... I don't know, it just seems like in the_
_moment I sort of just figure out. I definitely feel like I haven't really... As far as I_
_know, I wouldn't go anywhere over 250 unless I was 100% sure that I'm going_
_to not lose everything. (ID35, male, 19, gambling, 1/10)_

Spending large was also directly related to higher disposable income, as one
participant described:

_I was working a lot, full-time at the time, 40 to 60 hours a week, so I was just_
_working 12-hour shifts most days. It could have been like 300, 400 on that's a_
_big day. And then also the bets were a lot bigger. Those would've been like_
_$300 bets. If I did it now or the few months late last year, it was like $10, $5._
_But back then it was $100. (ID22, male, 23, gambling & gaming, 7/10)_

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###### Environment of gambling

Participants who engaged in sports betting were often physically at a pub or other
venue where live games were on display. Participants typically watched sports on one
big screen with their mates, and gambling was one of the many activities that they
engaged in during the evening out. Gambling was seen as partly social, but also an
activity that you could do by yourself while doing other things. While participants saw
gambling as a social activity, their bets were placed individually using their own
devices and money:

_Generally I'll go TAB. They've got all the big screens with the horses on and the_
_dogs, or the footy's on mainly. And everyone's putting on Sportsbets. You can_
_do the multis. So everyone's always talking about that for two hours. (ID22,_
male, 23, gambling & gaming, 7/10)

Others also engaged online while they were putting their bets on, like this participant:

_We might be on a voice call or even just on the group chat, just sort of texting_
_about it. It’s not really a serious thing like, "Oh, we need to win," that sort of_
_thing. It’s more just for fun. (ID35, male, 19, gambling, 1/10)_

A specific pattern of betting on sports involved gambling with mates that participants
had met through playing sports:

_Before uni I played semi-professional basketball. And we do watch a lot of_
_games, and analyse that, and we know when they will win because we know a_
_lot about the game. (ID25, male, 24, gambling, 4/10)_

_I met most of my mates through school, through basketball and we all are pretty_
_passionate about it and we support it quite a lot. There's a few betting groups_
_we have between our mates and stuff. But the interest grew out of the sport_
_rather than out of the gambling activity itself. (ID8, male, 21, gambling & gaming,_
0/10)

#### Why do young adults gamble online?

##### 5.3.1. Pathways to gambling 

###### Exposure to gambling as a child

Most participants who engaged in online gambling did not start before the age of 18,
given the highly regulated age identification system, that appears to be an efficient
deterrent to underage gambling online. While they were not able to create an online
gambling account, many participants described being exposed to offline gambling

Th A t li N ti l U i it 66


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through friends or parents as a child. The data shows clearly that any exposure to
underage gambling was facilitated by, parents, schools, but also other significant
adults:

_I have this close friend, and her parents are huge gamblers… they do online_
_gambling as well and sometimes I would just overhear their conversations and_
_the name of the sites that they do it on. So I did go into online gambling with my_
_friend, but we were only doing that based on what we were overhearing from_
_her parents. (ID14, female, 20, gaming, 3/10)_

A substantial group of participants specifically mentioned Melbourne Cup as part of
their gambling journey:

_At (primary) school Melbourne Cup was played. I have no idea if that would be_
_allowed now, When I won the sweep one year I remember feeling like the_
_coolest kid in school. Things like that throughout my childhood definitely_
_would’ve contributed to my gambling. And even just things like World Cup, like_
_potlucks when you’re in Year 4, and whoever chooses the right team gets a_
_special prize. (ID32, male, 18, gambling, 4/10)_

_I was 10, being the Melbourne Cup, it costs you $2 and you draw a number out_
_of a hat and that’s your horse number for the race. And then you go home and_
_Mom and Dad let you pick one horse for $5 and they’ll put a bet on each way_
_for you as per se. The lotto side of things, the hysteria that often gets run_
_through the community once it gets to that 60, 80, $100 million mark, half of_
_Australia is putting a ticket in at that stage, I do remember that as a kid vividly._
(ID34, male, 24, gambling, 2/10)

The age verification system online acted as a powerful barrier and deterrent to
underage online gambling, but a handful of participants who had engaged in online
gambling under the age of 18 described how they obtained the documents needed for
age verification:

_I signed up at 16. … I might’ve used one of my parents’ licenses and cards, but_
_that’s the first memory I have betting on horse races, on a weekend or during_
_school holidays, it wasn’t that much money. (ID33, male, 23, gambling, 4/10)_

Similarly, those who turned 18 before the rest of their friends had felt pressured to
open online gambling accounts by their underage friends:

_When you hit that 18, it’s like people want to participate in that alongside you_
_because they can’t do it themselves. I definitely felt like at that time that was a_
_massive contributing factor for me getting... What I would call getting a kick up_
_the ass at that time and doing it, because it was like everyone else wanted me_
_to do it. (ID31, male, 22, gambling, 0/10)_

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###### Heavy technology usage

Another common pathway to gambling involved heavy technology usage as a child,
including videogames. Being exposed to simulated gambling, or eSports as a child
was also considered to contribute to the transition to more traditional online gambling
using real money:

_Over time, I started getting an interest in eSports through playing video games_
_… and gambling mostly on eSports because I was winning more in it because_
_I knew more about it and at least felt like I was winning more._ _I really only do_
_online gambling through channels like Bet365 and Sportsbet And they have_
_other sports I have interest in, like Formula 1 that I like to gamble on. (ID28,_
male, 24, gambling & gaming, 1/10)

_On Discord there were these little bots that emulate gambling and placing bets_
_on not real things. That’s where I developed the interest and then having all the_
_ads shoved in your face on TV and stuff, I just was interested from there and it_
_just progressed. (ID35, male, 19, gambling, 1/10)_

Similarly, heavy technology use also meant that participants were more likely to be
exposed to gambling advertising at a young age:

_I’ve always known that betting was a thing since childhood, and I guess_
_probably through advertising. I couldn’t pinpoint a day where I saw an ad and_
_then decided to go bet but I’ve been exposed to advertising that has made me_
_aware that SportsBet had a website where you could bet on elections, and I_
_guess by looking at their website I found all the other things that you can bet_
_on, as well. (ID20, male, 20, gambling, 3/10)_

_I started sports betting at 16. There’s lots of ads and stuff. When you’re 16,_
_you’re sitting there and you’re finding out about this, and there’s casino, movies._
_And it’s like, "Ooh," bright flashing lights. Money, money. So that’s when I sort_
_of started doing it. (ID32, male, 18, gambling, 4/10)_

###### Sports engagement 

Many participants who engaged in online betting on sports had a history of
participating in playing sports as a child or young person (i.e., _“growing up around_
_sporting clubs and stuff, we all got sucked into it”) (ID30, male, 20, gambling, 10/10)._
A common pathway to gambling was revealed where playing sports led to watching
sports, exposure to gambling advertising, and subsequent uptake of gambling:

_I play footy. Especially when I was younger, a lot of the bookmakers could get_
_away with inflated odds, special offers, et cetera, I’ll call it an inducement, that’s_
_probably more likely when I’ll be willing to put a bet on. Whereas if it’s just the_
_standard odds, I know that the bookmakers are taking 8% or something out of_

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_the pot, so it doesn’t excite me as much in that situation._ (ID34, male, 24,
gambling, 2/10)

_In high school I played basketball every day from 8 to 4pm with my coach. So_
_we got more time to know each other, we didn't practice during the whole time,_
_but chat. And he would tell me about his betting. He also bet on the NBA games,_
_and I watched NBA during that time, so we got a lot of things to talk about. And_
_when it was raining we would watch NBA together. (ID25, male, 24, gambling,_
4/10)

Sometimes sports betting started purely from an interest in watching sports, either with
mates or alone. Some gambling websites also streamed live games online for free as
part of their membership:

_I’m a very big NBA fan and a very big NRL fan, and you sit there and you can_
_watch the events but also want to participate on your own micro level (betting)._
_I think if I can throw back to when I was 18, what got me into gambling was the_
_NBA finals, it just correlated time-wise with that._ (ID31, male, 22, gambling,
0/10)

_When I came to Canberra, I just go to uni, have the class and after class I go_
_back to home and watch games. It’s quite boring. And I watched a lot of NBA_
_during that time, and realized the Bet365 stream the game for you, all you need_
_to do is bet a little bit. Then you can watch the games for free. (ID25, male, 24,_
gambling, 4/10)

Although being part of a sports club also served as a protective factor for some (i.e.,
“I actually don’t gamble too much because of my sporting background”), it seemed to
vary by how much individual sports clubs had invested in talking about gambling harm,
and how they sought to increase gambling harm literacy amongst athletes engaged in
competitive sports.

##### 5.3.2. Motivations to gamble

###### Psychological motivations

Participants who described psychological motivations to gamble placed a strong value
on gambling as entertainment. Notably, this entertainment factor was only a vehicle to
feel less bored, more excited, and in some cases more ‘alive’:

_I work part-time at night, so I put on some bets and listen on my headphones to_
_the game to make it more exciting. (ID25, male, 24, gambling, 4/10)_

_It’s definitely excitement, engagement. Anticipation is the word. It gives you_
_entertainment for however long the game is, two hours, that otherwise it_

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_might’ve been other awkward conversation in a pub or sitting in your room doing_
_something else. And it definitely makes your heart beat a bit faster watching it._
(ID32, male, 18, gambling, 4/10)

One participant who attached the emotional response to gambling to ‘feeling more
energetic’, described the fine line of feeling excited and then angry if the outcome was
different to what they put money on:

_I’m feeling more energetic watching the game, and put more emotion into when,_
_for example, in the first half they lose one goal, at first half you were feel pretty_
_angry, but if they did, you are pretty happy. That kind of increase your emotion_
_drive for the game. (ID25, male, 24, gambling, 4/10)_

_I’ll often attach my emotions to however the outcome looks like near the end._
_And then often, if it’s [win] looking likely, then I can get quite excited and quite_
_engaged, and almost longing for that to come to fruition. (ID31, male, 22,_
gambling, 0/10)

Specific psychological motivations to gamble included the capacity to ‘elevate’ the
experience of following a team to the next level. Indeed, many participants taking part
in sports and races betting supported a team, and thus gambling was used to enhance
the enjoyment of watching sports: “It can create a sense of involvement... gets you
_more into it”, including betting against own team:_

_Honestly, I’d bet against mine’s team, if anything. It’s more like a win-win_
_situation. So if we lose, I get money, if I lose the bet, then we won the game._
(ID8, male, 21, gambling & gaming, 0/10)

_I feel more interested in the game. There’s more anticipation, more_
_nervousness. I think I wouldn’t have cared as much because the loss amount_
_wasn’t that high again, so that makes it easier. It’s like whenever you gamble_
_on any sport it just makes it more exciting_ _especially if you’re not super_
_interested in the outcome. (ID28, male, 24, gambling & gaming, 1/10)_

_You feel more involved in the result, like you actually care. I was watching the_
_football at Manuka Oval on Sunday. I didn’t place a bet that day, but I know if I_
_had of it would’ve made for a more interesting I didn’t follow either of the two_
_sides who were playing. That sense of apprehension and involvement,_
_especially for the horseracing as well. (ID34, male, 24, gambling, 2/10)_

###### Social motivations

One clear pattern that emerged from the data were social reasons for gambling: “I only
_participate in gambling when I have social need - supporting the team with friends”, or_
“The only reason I play it is because my friend asked me to”, and “You get a more of

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_a high when you do it with your friends”. Some participants talked about how social_
motivations could easily turn into social influence, or pressure, contributing to
increased gambling, particularly in some professional contexts. A person working for
a specific organisation described this dynamic:

_We all live together in a dorms type of situation. And when you’re living with so_
_many blokes, there’s always sports, there’s always rugby on the TV, there’s_
_always these things. It sort of starts off as a joke, like, "Oh, place a bet. This will_
_be good fun. We’ll have a laugh." And then slowly it progresses to... Certain_
_people have a bit more of an addictive personality; start to take that too far, and_
_then it creates almost a negative culture within a team of people. (ID32, male,_
18, gambling, 4/10)

A difference between professional groups were also exemplified by these participants:

_It’s a culture thing, a lot of the boys who gamble are tradies, so they'll all go_
_down to the pub on a Friday night at three o'clock and start figuring out what_
_they're going to do. Whereas in my field it's not very common for people to do_
_that. I feel like we're more likely to talk about stocks or something like that._
(ID34, male, 24, gambling, 2/10)

_I work in hospitality and I feel like there's a lot more people in hospitality that do_
_gamble. And some of my bosses will occasionally be like, "Oh yeah, look at this_
_sports bet I just put on", or whatever. And so yeah, I'm kind of still surrounded,_
_to a certain extent, with people that are gambling. (ID15, male, 20, gambling &_
gaming, 3/10)

A social motivation or influence to engage in footy tipping with or without money was
particularly strong in work environments, where gambling was normalised as a social
activity:

_… World Cup event for when the office sweepstakes for those kinds of sporting_
_events, or footy tipping … Typically those kinds of competitions where you’re_
_thrown in a tunnel and it’s into an office party pool. (ID24, male, 24, gambling &_
gaming, 0/10)

Participants also described the social dynamics involved in the pre-game discussions
about which bets to place on, including ‘showing off’ their knowledge about the game:

_I have a few friends who I talk to about betting, and if they follow other sports_
_and have things they’re super confident about and they’re like, "Put money on_
_this," I’m like, "Okay, sure. I’ll give it a go." And if they lose, I’m not angry about_
_it. It’s just they were confident and tried to help me out. They get enjoyment out_
_of potentially winning and being like, "Nice, I got you some money". (ID28, male,_
24, gambling & gaming, 1/10)

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Social motivations to gamble could also turn problematic in the context of trying to quit
or reduce gambling, as described by one participant who had been trying to quit sports
betting:

_It was just every Friday, going into the TAB and be like, " I might not put anything_
_on." But then everyone’s doing it all together, so I’m like, "Oh, no, I’ll put_
_something on. What if tonight I win?" one time, I was just an hour and a half of_
_just sitting there just before the game starts. And I see another person’s got a_
_multi on. So I’m like, "Oh, I want that multi”. (ID22, male, 23, gambling & gaming,_
7/10)

A handful of participants, mostly students from interstate (Sydney, Melbourne) also
talked about the influence of particular social groups on their gambling behaviours
between their home town and Canberra:

_I believe that there's a personal taboo that I place on going out of my way to_
_overtly gamble in Canberra compared to what I do in Sydney. Which, born and_
_raised Sydney, I know my circles and I'm more comfortable gambling there,_
_they're more willing to judge me here. (ID31, male, 22, gambling, 0/10)_

_I grew in Melbourne, some people I was friends with, I'm going to call them_
_gambling addicts … on pokies and online gambling. A lot of those friends are_
_from the sporting context, back in Melbourne, really prolific around AFL clubs,_
_from 12, 13 years old through high school through, you can see that change as_
_they grow up and played AFL, to where they are now._ (ID34, male, 24,
gambling, 2/10)

###### Financial motivations

About half of the participants who gambled online were motivated to gamble because
of financial gains, with the underlying assumption that the potential wins would provide
financial stability, with common hopes for a ‘big win’. Financial motivations were
strongly associated with sports betting, but also on lottery whereby the potential for
large jackpots were about a promise of something better, potentially lifechanging:

_There’ll be the running joke about, spend $10 and then you can retire and don’t_
_have to come to work on Friday, just that sort of thing. (ID34, male, 24,_
gambling, 2/10)

_I was already really heavily using technology, like playing video games on my_
_phone and doing all this other stuff and this seemed like something I could do_
_on my phone that had a real world impact when it came to money and was a_
_way I could earn money without working. (ID33, male, 23, gambling, 4/10)_

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Participants engaging in sports betting and placing group bets, multibets, or ‘multis’
were comparably more financially motivated than others, because these “provided a
_broader chance of getting something in return”. As another participants shared:_

_Depending on how I was feeling at the time was the feeling of getting the big_
_win. And I think that comes in with the multis a lot ... you just keep making your_
_multi a lot bigger and the multiplier gets bigger and you see the number get_
_bigger and you’re just like, "Oh, this could be big." But the odds get_
_exponentially smaller that you get that. (ID22, male, 23, gambling & gaming,_
7/10)

_I’m mainly slapping on stupid multis. So it’d be a 20 leg multi, like a dollar with_
_a $2,000 payout. So I haven’t really won that. I hope to win the money. Because_
_it’s a dollar into a thousand. So it’s like, it’s obviously insane. (ID8, male, 21,_
gambling & gaming, 0/10)

Arbitrage betting, the ability to make multiple opposing bets, was seen as a
‘guaranteed way to make money’:

_My mate was like "Oh do you want to make some easy money betting?" So he_
_just showed me how to do it. I’m just betting money that I’ve already won and_
_I’m just going down to a comfortable point of which I’ll... I think this is probably_
_the best one because this has very large bets._ (ID8, male, 21, gambling &
gaming, 0/10)

**Arbitrage betting**

-  Arbitrage betting typically involves placing bets on all possible outcomes of

an event, potentially across multiple bookmakers, giving an ‘unfair’
advantage to the player (Podesta & Thomas, 2017). This exploits price
discrepancies in betting markets, to try and guarantee a win regardless of
the actual outcome (Constantinou & Fenton, 2013).

-  Different bookmakers offering different odds for the same event creates an

opportunity for individuals to try and to secure a profit by strategically placing
opposing bets.

-  While arbitrage betting is technically legal, this practice is generally frowned

upon, and bookmakers often restrict or sanction the accounts of individuals
who they suspect engage in arbitrage betting (Podesta & Thomas, 2017).

-  Australians are also warned that arbitrage betting schemes are associated

with investment scams, and thus warn consumers of the need to be vigilant
(Australian Securities & Investments Commission, 2016).

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##### 5.3.3. Advertising

Another factor contributing to gambling behaviours was the direct influence of
gambling advertising on the initial take up, and also continuing gambling behaviours.
There was a clear consensus among participants that TV and sports were plagued by
gambling advertising. Many participants also discussed ‘new’ types of advertising and
promotion of gambling through social media, either in the form of actual ads, or
individuals streaming their gambling activities. Some high profile social media
‘influencers’ also provided winning ‘tips’ through their blogs or videos. While few
participants mentioned gambling ads on TV, not many of them watched regular freeto-air TV, with the exception of live sports.

###### Social media advertising 

Of all activities available online, participants spent most of their time on social media,
including TikTok, Snapchat, YouTube, and Instagram. These platforms were also the
most common platforms participants reported being exposed to gambling advertising
on, including when they were under 18 years of age. Due to how the algorithms for
online advertisements operate, watching one gambling advertisement or promotion
led to being continuously targeted with similar content:

_TikTok has live videos that come up and it's someone actually playing the real_
_pokie, it's just like a video game. I've had stories come up of live people just_
_playing it and they're putting $1,000 bets in. And then if you watch one, because_
_of how the algorithms work, it'll definitely come up again. And then if you pause_
_on it for too long, more and more keep coming up. (ID22, male, 23, gambling &_
gaming, 7/10)

A majority of gambling advertising on social media was for sports betting, that appears
to be the largest gambling advertising market across all platforms. Sports betting
advertisements were particularly geared towards influencers putting on bets using
particular apps on videos that clearly target young adults and children:

_The ads are increasingly targeted towards kids in the mirroring TikTok trends,_
_and getting a Shaquille O’Neal at PointsBet. It absolutely feels like it’s got the_
_wrong intentions there. Kids is the big one. As much as it’s the case as to how_
_I started sports betting, I really dislike the whole culture that when you hit 18_
_you get a betting account. And I think how saturated it is across the board is_
_just building up anticipation. (ID31, male, 22, gambling, 0/10)_

_I mainly get ads on YouTube videos, which sucks because they’re so hard to_
_skip now and you can’t skip them on your phone and it’s always super unrelated_
_to why I’m even on YouTube. I’ll be trying to watch something for uni and it’ll_

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_come up with a betting ad, so that’s super frustrating. But I don’t like them. I_
_think they should be banned. (ID33, male, 23, gambling, 4/10)_

###### Sports betting ads

Gambling advertising through live games on TV or events were attached to most major
sports including AFL and NRL footy, cricket, Australian Open, with “mid-game or half_time updates on odds” and “gambling industry promotions”. Sponsorships for major_
events were also mentioned by the participants: “I’m disgusted that stadiums are
_named after betting companies, or Manly have PointsBet on the front of their jumper”._
Particularly sports betting ads tend to minimise gambling harm, with humorous spin to
‘dilute’ any gambling harm that the advertisements now need to refer to, since March
2023:

_We all see the sports, their ads, and they’re funny. They’re good ads, and they_
_make you laugh, and it really sort of entices, especially young men. There’s a_
_lot of blokey, "Oh yeah, be a man, place a bet," sort of thing. I think that’s where_
_it becomes an issue. And it’s appealing to younger and younger people every_
_day. (ID32, male, 18, gambling, 4/10)_

_It’s shoved in your face every ad break, basically. I think also at the end of the_
_day it is sort of more of a light humour type vibe. It’s not really serious, like, "Oh,_
_be careful." It’s more of just a hanging with mates type thing and sort of putting_
_the humour into it. There’s a turban one (advertisement) where he’s meditating_
_and then there’s the barbecue one as well. I definitely feel like they lean towards_
_the humour and turn a blind eye to the gambling issues that come with it. (ID35,_
male, 19, gambling, 1/10)

Although for some participants, these ads during games had a huge influence;
depending on the level of aggressiveness of the advertisements, but also the
‘slowness’ of the game where they needed some extra excitement to maximise
enjoyment:

_The ads during the Australian Open were huge, and actually really changed my_
_behaviour on either betting on the next game or going on and checking the odds_
_and seeing how to live bet. Cricket as well, I think because it’s pretty slow. It’s_
_like if I see an ad it’s like, oh, that’s something I do in the meantime between_
_overs or something like that. (ID34, male, 24, gambling, 2/10)_

##### 5.3.4. Gambling company strategies 

Given that online gambling the current participants regularly played mainly involved
highly regulated legal online gambling, there were only few gambling industry
strategies that would be available for the operators as to comply with the licencing

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rules. This is opposed to the range of industry strategies used in the gambling features
in videogames, that is not regulated in a similar manner. Most of the strategies industry
used to lure patrons in were financial, including spending money online (rather than
in-person) including in game currency, as well as special offers and inducements that
have a substantial overlap with the gambling advertising and promotions described in
the previous section.

###### Spending money online and in-game currency

Participants consistently reported the ease of spending money online by clicking a
button and not being easily able to track expenditure. Simulated gambling with or
without in-game currency used the tactics of large numbers appearing on the screen.

_You don’t put money into that at all. I felt weird too, just seeing the jackpot come_
_up and going, "I'll press it again." And the games use big numbers, like a million,_
_$2 million, a billion, oh, $100 billion. Instead of $500, $10 bets, they use those_
_big numbers. (ID22, male, 23, gambling & gaming, 7/10)_

###### Special offers and inducements

Online promotions for sports betting with special offers and inducements were
accessible through websites, apps, including social media. They ranged from special
offers online to specific targeting on phones and emails from online betting companies.
Chasing special offers was also a common reason why participants had multiple sports
betting apps, as they all offered special inducements at different times. Some even
went chasing for them to reduce their gambling costs:

_My mate would find promotionals off different websites and then just tell me and_
_I’d just sign up to them and get $300 for free in bonus bets. I feel like yeah,_
_maybe gambling is definitely not something that should be promoted. People_
_are going to do it. I mean, if you stopped for a while and you see a gambling_
_site with a promo and it’s like, "Oh, I’m going to get back into it", it’s not really_
_healthy. (ID8, male, 21, gambling & gaming, 0/10)_

Sports betting apps also functioned to target individuals who newly joined, with direct
text messages or phone calls about special offers:

_I don't know if this is paranoia, but I feel like with PointsBet and Ladbrokes, I'd_
_get on it. I'd put a bet on for the bonus bet, and then two weeks later I would get_
_another bonus bet. But now that I haven't used that app for six months, I don't_
_get any texts. I feel like it's targeted because I've only ever got those texts right_
_after using it. (ID22, male, 23, gambling & gaming, 7/10)_

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Sometimes it was impossible to get rid of gambling promotions that popped up on the
screen:

_After you saw it, it is quite annoying, because sometimes they will set a, how to_
_say, invisible? Invisible link, not link, invisible something, like you cannot directly_
_close it, and when you click that X, it will pop up to another tab, and directly_
_send you to the bad website. (ID25, male, 24, gambling, 4/10)_

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## 6. Gambling harms

This chapter focuses on gambling harms reported by the participants in relation to their
experiences of online gambling. At the end of the chapter we also report data on the
interviews with parents and service providers, who mainly focused on concerns about
potential and existing harms for young people, as well as support needs to address
these harms.

Each young adult participant was asked to complete a 10-item questionnaire asking
about consequences of their online gambling using the Short Gambling Harm Screen
(SGHS; Browne et al., 2018). The average SGHS score for the sample was 2.7 (out
of 10) overall, with a median of 2, that ranged from 0 to 10. For participants who
engaged in gambling on videogames only, their mean SGHS score was 2.4 (with a
median of 2.5), and for participants who engaged in traditional type of gambling online
only, their mean SGHS score was 3.1 (with a median of 2.5). For individuals who
engaged in both videogame and traditional online gambling, their mean SGHS score
was 2.4 (with a median of 1.5). The distribution of individual SGHS item responses are
shown in Table 6.1. The most common consequence was having regrets about online
gambling, with more than half of the sample endorsing this item. Other common
consequences were financial: reduction of available spending money and savings.
Those who only gambled on traditional type gambling online also tended to report less
spending on recreational activities.

Table 6.1 Distribution of SGHS item response.








|SGHS Item|Item Gaming Gambling Gambling & Overall Name Only (%) Only (%) Gaming (%) (%)|
|---|---|
|1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10|Reduction of available spending money 43 44 38 46 Reduction of your savings 29 44 25 37 Less spending on recreational expenses 14 56 13 34 Had regrets…about your gambling 57 50 63 60 Felt ashamed of your gambling 7 31 38 26 Sold personal items 14 6 13 11 Increased credit card debt 0 13 0 6 Spent less time with people you care 21 31 13 26 Felt distressed about your gambling 7 25 25 20 Felt like a failure 0 13 13 9|


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#### Harms related to videogame gambling

This section reports on harms related to engaging with gambling features in
videogames. Sometimes it was difficult to decipher whether the harms were mainly
attributed to the video games, and playing in general, or the gambling specific
elements accessible through the games.

###### Spending money without realising

Engaging with loot boxes and gachas were related to spending more than intended,
that was mostly to do with the small incremental amounts that accumulated to large
sums over time:

_On Overwatch, mine totals to around 700 AUD. It's a lot. I'm just obviously_
_thinking, I really had a huge problem, a gambling addiction as a young teenager._
_I had such a big problem with gambling that two of my accounts got banned for_
_monetary fraud. (ID23, female, 20, gaming, 3/10)_

For some, the realisation of the amount of money they had spent on a game also
meant that they started better monitoring and curbing their expenditure on skins
through loot boxes:

_After spending about $250 plus, I felt really lost and empty. And then I look at the_
_skin and I felt like that I could have used this $250 for something else. That $250_
_is actually a shock, that I could spend so much money on the game. So, after_
_spending so much, I began to calculate and realized I spent about $600 to $800_
_in total in the game itself. (ID5, female, 23, gaming, 3/10)_

Notwithstanding that the amount spent on single transactions on loot boxes or other
microtransactions were generally small, as many participants were not yet earning a
full-time income, spending money on games including gambling features meant that
participants had no money to engage in other age-appropriate activities:

_I basically had no money to hang out with my friends because I'd spent it on_
_loot boxes in CS:GO. I Didn't really ask my parents for money because I knew_
_they probably weren't going to give it to me. But I just said to myself, "Well I can_
_either go downtown and buy some food with my friends and we can eat that, or_
_I can waste it on loot boxes in CS:GO and get nothing". (ID21, male, 21, gaming,_
4/10)

###### Spending too much time

While the financial and social impacts of spending money on gambling features
featured in the interviews regularly, even more common were mentions of spending

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too much time on gaming, and prioritising games over other activities. Some reported
grappling with time-intensive periods of play:

_I’ve definitely had a problem with that, where I’ve actually allowed myself to_
_rather prioritize video games over the more important things, like being on top_
_of work, being on top of social relationships, that sort of thing. (ID10, male, 19,_
gambling & gaming, 5/10)

The way some of the videogames operated were directly related to spending long
periods of time engaged, without taking breaks. In addition, few games required
constant concentration while being engaged, that also allowed multitasking with other
activities:

_It feels good to get higher on the leaderboard, which you can only do through_
_playing the game, getting better stuff - it's a real time sink. It’s not the most fun_
_while you're doing it, but getting the progression and the odds is good._
_Sometimes, it's a bit hard to stop. Usually I'll have something in the background_
_as well, Netflix on the other monitor, I can do both at the same time. (ID11,_
male, 22, gambling & gaming, 2/10)

Sometimes the games participants had invested money on would occupy them
mentally when they were trying to sleep, or focus on school, occupational or social
activities, including at times when they were not physically playing of following the
event:

_I would just put a bet on eSports game before I go to sleep and then think about_
_... Because they'd be at two in the morning and I'd have school the next day._
_And then wake up, first thing, I go and check it … I wouldn't miss school, but at_
_recess or lunch occasionally, this was not an often thing, but occasionally I'd be_
_watching a game. (ID15, male, 20, gambling & gaming, 3/10)_

The time spent on playing games would increase stress in particularly stressful
periods:

_Sometimes during periods where I have exams it would get really stressful and_
_as a stress (reducer) I would just play games. But then that further worsens it,_
_because the time needs to be spent on revising work. (ID4, male, 18, gaming,_
1/10)

###### Losing track of time

Losing track of time often featured in relation to time-intense periods of videogaming,
although this time perception varied across participants and some of them made a
conscious effort to take breaks between games ‘to do other stuff’. Others were not
able to stop during really intense periods of gaming, and some participants sat for a

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long time and “didn’t move for hours”, “feeling horrible”. This included neglecting selfcare and eating:

_I’m sure that there’s been days where it’s been all day pretty much. Obviously,_
_time to eat and shower and everything … I could go the whole day. (ID11, male,_
22, gambling & gaming, 2/10)

_12 hours a day during the holidays. And I also forgot to eat as well. Once you_
_get there, you don't realize how much time you had spent. (ID6, male, 20,_
gaming, 3/10)

Participants spent more consecutive hours playing videogames, as well as prioritized
gaming to a greater degree, when they were younger teenagers. Most participants
also associated high school and university periods with a greater frequency of
participation in online games, as opposed to time periods where individuals had more
regular schedules or other responsibilities:

_It was not uncommon for me through my university days to have 24 hour gaming_
_sessions. Not typically much longer than that. And I definitely don’t have that_
_level (anymore). I value my eight hours of sleep nowadays. (ID24, male, 24,_
gambling & gaming, 0/10)

The importance of eSports as a community ritual also emerged, with the timing of
these events shown to influence participant’s patterns of behaviour:

_In eSport, it’s actually the longest. So since there’s five games in it, between_
_each match, normally there’s like a 20-minute break or so. So during that time_
_you can just do whatever you want or if I’m at a social setting, we just do_
_something else or chat or get some food or whatever and then come back to it._
(ID29, male, 24, gambling & gaming, 1/10)

#### Harms related to online gambling

Harms related to traditional online gambling - mainly sports betting - included financial,
and relational impacts, that also reflect the distribution of SGHS harm items. While few
participants mentioned feeling embarrassed, distressed as a consequence of
spending too much money or time on gambling, psychological harms from gambling
did not appear to stand alone as a type of harm for the current sample.

###### Financial impact

While the participants who gambled commonly reported low levels financial harms on
the SGHS (Table 6.1), financial consequences gambling was not seen as a major
source of harm in the overall sample. However, financial consequences were

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perceived as ‘harms’, when they were accompanied by psychological impacts. This is
exemplified by a handful of participants who spent very large sums on gambling, that
almost always resulted in psychological harms.

_I deposited about a thousand and over the weekend I got to about 5,000 I_
_think, and I lost it all. the winning was obviously a big high. And then yeah, the_
_down low, once it lost a little bit, just couldn't stop. It was a pretty bad feeling_
_once I lost it all, but because it was such a big sum I’d go chasing it. I’m always_
_trying to chase losses. (ID30, male, 20, gambling, 10/10)_

I think my worst time maybe was about $600. Oh, no, maybe $700 to $800. I
think that would've been my worst. And that would've been really ashamed
and then distressed and would've been like, "That was a stupid thing for me
to do. Why would I do that?" (ID22, male, 23, gambling & gaming, 7/10)

The gravity of the financial impacts also reflected the life stage and living
circumstances of most participants: many of them were still living at home, or
otherwise supported by family, with generally very little financial responsibilities:

_I'm quite young, as are a lot of friends who [gamble]. I haven't seen them be_
_evicted or lose their car or their house, sort of thing. But that's 'cause at this_
_age you don't have it, I know at 40 years old someone can gamble away their_
_house without anyone else knowing, because it's a bit of a silent thing. At my_
_age it's more so just the joke about they won't have another two drinks at the_
_pub. (ID34, male, 24, gambling, 2/10)._

These comments were echoed by others describing that losing money did not translate
into significant impacts in circumstances where it is easy to reduce living costs:

_Sometimes I've pulled money out of eating out budget and just for that week_
_I’ve not eaten out and just cooked at home. It hasn't had a negative impact,_
_just has eaten into other aspects of my budget occasionally. (ID28, male, 24,_
gambling & gaming, 1/10)

Others had witnessed large financial losses by their friends who they gambled with,
that served as a deterrent to engage in similar gambling behaviours, or even made
them feel nervous about spending too much money:

_I very much don't want to become a problem gambler, I've felt very nervous_
_making bets about whether or not it's a stupid decision, whether or not I'm_
_going to develop a problem without being able to realize it. And then I'll have_
_a little burst of confidence or think, "You know what? It'll be fine," and then_
_make the bet. And then I feel a little bit guilty, mainly just nervousness whether_
_or not I should be doing it._ (ID20, male, 20, gambling, 3/10)

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###### Relationship impact

Some participants reported issues with friends who were prioritising gambling over
social interactions:

_I see the impact, because he'll come into the pub and the first thing he'll want_
_to do is go put a bet on the phone, as opposed to sit down and have a_
_conversation. Then you'll notice a few of the people will be on their phones,_
_placing bets as well, as opposed to engaging in the conversation. (ID34, male,_
24, gambling, 2/10)

Others were describing relationship dynamics whereby the person who gambled,
particularly after big losses, would become agitated changing the group dynamics and
individual friendships:

_People can get a bit hostile if you've got one friend whose going like, "Oh,_
_place this bet to someone else. This bet will definitely hit." Of course, it doesn't_
_hit, and then they're mad at that person. It does sometimes affect close friend_
_relationships. (ID32, male, 18, gambling, 4/10)_

###### Access to money facilitating harm

Those who engaged in sports or eSports betting also described more aggressive and
harmful play by themselves or their friends, at times when they had more access to
money either through their own or their parent’s income. This rendered having more
disposable income as a risk rather than a protective factor for the current demographic,
who generally did not have many financial responsibilities:

_My mates work full-time and have a hell of a lot of disposable income. They’re_
_not paying rent yet, so as a result they bet much more aggressively than what_
_I ever would consider. And that often comes down to capital more than_
_anything else, how much money you’re actually putting on the bet more than_
_the bet itself. (ID31, male, 22, gambling, 0/10)_

_So when he first started doing that, he was putting a lot in and he was_
_messaging us, telling us how much he's putting in. It was pretty bad. And right_
_now he's just deleted everything (sports betting apps) for the third time. (ID22,_
male, 23, gambling & gaming, 7/10)

_A lot of people that I was friends with, and doing eSports betting were worse_
_than I was, substantially, because I know some of them had way too much_
_money to be burning for someone of that age. I think because their parents_
_just sort of handed them money and were like, "Do with it as you wish", and_
_didn't really care. And then that's just what they spent it on. (ID15, male, 20,_
gambling & gaming, 3/10)

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#### Interviews with significant adults

The final section of this chapter outlines the content of the interviews with
parents/carers and service providers who we included in the study to offer an
additional perspective to young adults gambling online. These data is intended to be
used in conjunction with the main data from the young people and not a stand-alone
piece of research. The parents/carers and service providers mainly focused on the
problematic side of gambling, harms, and support needs, due to their roles in the
young person’s lives a parents and support service professionals.

##### 6.3.1. Parents and carers’ experiences

We interviewed four parents and carers for the study who looked after children and
young people between 13 and 25 years of age. Parents in the study were generally
nervous about their young people spending long periods of time online, and having
access to a range of inappropriate content, of which gambling features was one of
many. There was a clear consensus that online gambling through videogames or
gambling apps was easy for underage children:

_They started gambling before they were 18. So, it makes me wonder, how is_
_that possible? Because you wouldn't think that... They're not supposed to be_
_doing that, but it seems to be very easy to do (Parent 2)_

Parents and carers had the experience of discovering credit card charges by the young
person, although in the statements did not clearly itemise what the expenditure was
for. In addition, the small gradual amounts went easily unnoticed but would accumulate
to significant amounts over time.

_I've looked at my transactions on my bank statement and it was almost_
_thousand dollars, I've seen purchases going, "Oh, how did this happen? I didn't_
_expect this," and when I spoke to the young person, they couldn't deny it_
_because it was on my bank statement (Parent 3)_

_For one of my kids I helped paying for a subscription without realising the_
_account then was then used for the in-game purchases, and I didn't give_
_permission for that. And trying to stop that subscription was very difficult (Parent_
1).

They felt inept guiding children through the online platforms, or limiting the time young
people spent online, or even knowing the names of the features that were available
online.

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_I wouldn't feel too comfortable to discuss it [gambling/gaming]. I've never done_
_it myself. I don't know the language, I wouldn't have any experience and don't_
_really understand it. It's obviously a space that makes a lot of money and moves_
_very fast. I'm concerned about the things that are coming (Parent 2)_

Despite these concerns parents had about their young person, they found it
challenging to set certain boundaries given that interacting online is a pre-requisite for
social interaction for most young people and therefore highly normalised:

_It's a way of connecting with their friends, and it's something to do. When my_
_kids developed an interest in videogames I talked to the school about my_
_concerns, they just said they all did that, and they said if they didn't play video_
_games, then it would be isolating. (Parent 2)_

##### 6.3.2. Service providers’ experiences

Service providers in general had the view that more young people suffered from
gaming addiction, compared to gambling addiction. For the young people they
supported, gambling was only one of the many issues they were experiencing: “they
_are struggling with isolation, people with depression, people with anxiety's very high,_
_and bullying issues”._

Gaming in particular seemed to cause sleep problems, that would exacerbate other
problems the young people were experiencing, including social isolation, and
educational disruption. Given the lack of sleep and feeling tired in the morning, it was
also acknowledged that school refusal is commonly one of the first signs of gambling
or gaming issues. Other reasons young people with gambling or gaming issues would
seek help for were financial difficulties, relationship or friendship issues, or they had
been self medicating with alcohol or other drugs. In these instances gambling would
be disclosed after some time they had been to treatment, but was often recognised as
a key issue contributing to the other co-existing problems. Gambling online was a way
of dealing with the co-occurring issues for many young people:

_So for with anxiety, if they're feeling uncomfortable, it's like, "I'll just engage with_
_my phone because that way I feel better in this space." So they're using it more_
_as a coping strategy because it's there. You've just got to pull your phone out_
_of your pocket and it's right there. You haven't got to go to the club, you haven't_
_got to make an effort to go and do it. It's just like, "Oh, I don't feel comfortable_
_here. What can I do? (Service provider 4)_

Other issues the service providers outlined were associated with the excessive time
the young person would spend on the games, with one extreme example:

_We know kids are playing games, and they're peeing in a bottle, and they're not_
_leaving their game. Or they're not leaving the room. They don't eat, or drink, or_

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_go to the toilet for how many hours. And it's pretty full on, and a bit scary._
(Service provider 1)

Those adults who were more familiar with the games and the way young people
engaged with them talked about the multitude of mechanisms that make the young
person stay on the game and contribute to the excessive time spent ‘grinding’ the
game.

_There's a bit of pressure like, "If I don't access it by this time, I won't get the big_
_reward." So it actually just pulls people in to spend more time on the games, or_
_in those sections as well. Which is obviously very clever. And it's very difficult_
_for some younger people to navigate, especially because if they don't have a_
_lot of other balancing things or commitments, its hard to disengage (Service_
provider 2)

A clear age delineation was identified between younger and older adolescents
whereby younger cohorts were playing games with gambling features and older
cohorts betting on sports after the turned 18, but also that there was a longitudinal
association between the two:

_The younger people are playing more in-game gambling stuff, Gran Turismo or_
_Roblox, finding those other things that you can do, it's preparing you to gamble_
_later on. (Service Provider 1)_

##### 6.3.3. Risk factors for gambling harm

The most common risk factor for gambling and gaming harm the carers/parents and
service providers identified were social isolation, and not having fulfilling activities to
engage during the vulnerable years when risk taking behaviours peak. Modelling of
the parents’ mobile use was also cited as an important contributing factor:

_Other risk factors were parents using devices and modelling it to young people._
_(Service provider 3)_

_we do know that parents with young people, they're using the phones. We're all_
_using the phones. We saw the spike in mental health issues as using the_
_smartphones went up. I think that evidence is just so clear. But the role_
_modelling of time on social media and stuff is an issue for families._ (Service
provider 2)

Age related risk factor for gambling harm – also mentioned in the young person
interviews – was the lack of financial and other responsibilities, coupled with increasing
independence and potentially earning own income that was common for the target
demographic:

Th A t li N ti l U i it 86


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_I see with the biggest issues are young people who might used to be living at_
_home, so they haven't got any expenses, but they may have big incomes._
(Service provider 5)

Some participants also mentioned the expectation of “young people always have to
_have something to do”, and low tolerance for boredom that was a contributing factor_
to access mobile games and gambling, gambling or at least make it difficult to stop
once they had started:

_So if they're sitting and they're bored, even in a family gathering, they're on the_
_phone, "Ah, what am I going to do? Okay, I'll just gamble" because that keeps_
_me entertained. Because this is not enough fun happening in other things_
_because they reached that they're getting all their excitement in gambling,_
(Parent 2)

_With young people we see, its either stress or excitement or boredom and less_
_so the financial gain. It's more likely for those emotional reasons they gamble._
_And there are some who still feel that they can make money from gambling,_
_which they're horrified when they realize that actually they can't (Service_
provider 1)

##### 6.3.4. What is needed to mitigate gambling harm

Both parents and service providers perceived schools as key institutions educating
children about gambling harms and ways in which to navigate the online environment
safely. They agreed this education should take place early on – as early as primary
schools when they first start interacting with devices connected to the internet.
Participants were of the view that education campaigns should take a grass-roots
approach, letting the young people to drive the approach and conversations in the
form of ‘social campaigns’, for example. The also agreed that fear campaigns around
gambling harms did not work for this demographic, and would be counterproductive in
reducing stigma around gambling harm.

Service providers were particularly concerned about the convergence of gaming and
gambling, and were calling for more educational materials and training on “what
_gambling addiction in video games looks like”, how it can be identified as well as_
treated. They acknowledged the lack of specific service for gaming addiction in the
ACT, and that younger people did not tend to access the gambling-specific services
that may have some capacity and expertise to treat gaming addictions than generalist
mental health or community services.

Importantly, participants were in consensus about the urgent need for more resources
for parents and carers to understand the online environment young people were
interacting with, as well as the first signs of problematic behaviours online and how to

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address these behaviours. According to the parents themselves, even basic level
knowledge about gambling and gaming was needed, but also how to talk to young
people about potential harms, as one parent summarised eloquently:

_I guess how to have a conversation with your children about it, how to talk to_
_them about how to... They're going to do this. They're going to be encouraged_
_to gamble online by their friends and by marketing and social media and_
_everything else and the television. What do they need to know about? What do_
_you need to talk about as a parent? If you're going to gamble, how can you do_
_it safely? It's important to have a relationship with your child, so that they can_
_talk to you about things that are going on for them or their friends, or where can_
_they get help (Parent 4)_

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## 7. Discussion 

This project focused on generating new information about online gambling through
interviews with young people aged 18-24 years of age, as well as parents and service
providers in the ACT. In this final chapter we summarise some of the main findings
and discuss reasons why young people gamble online in light of the current literature.
At the end of this chapter we also discuss about harms related to online gambling
experienced by young adults and how to address these harms by implementing the
public health approach.

#### What do young adults gamble on online? 

##### 7.1.1. Videogame gambling

Gambling features the current participants engaged with through videogames included
four overlapping, but distinct categories: (1) loot boxes, (2) gacha, (3) eSports betting,
and (4) different types of skin betting and trading on third party websites. These
gambling features were accessible through popular videogames, the most common in
the current study included Counterstrike, Overwatch, and League of legends. eSports
betting on these games was also very common. Our findings are in support of the
broader literature that highlights the emergence of gambling and gambling-like
features within videogames and digital environments, as well as the growing presence
of gambling in unregulated online environments (King, 2010; Drummond et al., 2020;
Flayelle et al., 2023).

Presently in Australia, loot box and gacha games are available to players with no age
verification, and without any harm minimisation measures in place[5]. While the
Entertainment Software Rating Board[6], or other age rating systems for videogames
(see, PEGI for comparison[7]), have allocated an age rating of 17 for most games
including loot box systems, these limits are not enforced by the games themselves
and without age verification system they are easily downloaded for free allowing
children easy access. While not all loot box systems are considered gambling in a
strict sense (Drummond & Sauer, 2018), the majority of videogames with loot boxes
played by participants in our study met 5 out of the 6 criteria for gambling. Notably,
gacha games such as Genshin Impact and Arknights, as well as videogames with loot
boxes that convey a competitive advantage (such as FIFA and League of Legends),
meet all 6 criteria for gambling (see Chapter 2).

5 https://www.aph.gov.au/Parliamentary_Business/Committees/Senate/Environment_and_Communications/Gamingmicro
transactions/Report/c04

6 https://www.esrb.org

7 https://pegi.info/page/pegi-age-ratings

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None of the participants in the current study reported Fantasy Sports betting, but
eSports betting was highly popular, especially among participants who engaged both
in videogames, and online sports betting. While eSports betting is available through
licensed apps in Australia, similar to sports betting, a relatively large number of illegal
offshore sites are also on offer and specifically target young people, as described by
the current participants.

##### 7.1.2. Online gambling on traditional gambling activities

Of traditional online gambling activities, the most popular in the current study were
sports and races betting online, but also online lottery, which are the most common
legal gambling activities in Australia available online (Greer et al., 2023). As opposed
to videogame gambling, this type of gambling normally occurred on mobile devices,
during live games or events on the weekend, or during sports season, but also late at
night due to time difference for some of the popular sports like English Premier
League, and NBA games. Less common was engagement with casino type table
games and poker machines online for money or in simulated environments free of
charge. Online betting mostly occurred on purpose-built apps, and it was more
common than not to use multiple – up to 10 individual – apps to place bets on,
particularly for sports betting. Having multiple betting accounts also allowed for
chasing special offers from betting operators.

#### Pathways to gambling online

##### 7.2.1. Videogame gambling

To better understand pathways to gambling on videogames, we asked the participants
to recall their first exposure to any gambling activity. For most of them, this had
occurred in their early teens, commonly after having engaged with videogames for a
number of years. First gambling experiences involved opening loot boxes or gacha
and it was common that participants had accidentally ‘stumbled across’ boxes while
playing their favourite games. Others had actively sought out these features after
seeing promotions within the gaming platforms, or were encouraged to engage by their
peers. Loot boxes were the most common types gambling features for participants
who started gambling under the age of 18, and provided a gateway to skin betting and
trading or eSports betting through unregulated third party sites. Our findings reflect the
sheer rise in popularity of video games marketed to underage players (including
eSports), and the general rise in the monetisation of videogaming industry through
gambling-like in-game purchasing, particularly loot boxes and gacha mechanisms
(Brevers et al., 2022).

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##### 7.2.2. Traditional online gambling

Similar to videogaming, gambling on sports and other events was seen as a social
activity, and it often took place physically at the live event, or watching the live
broadcast of the event on TV at pubs and hotels with friends. Multibets were the most
popular type of betting on sports apps within groups of friends. The ‘multis’ were
attractive given their apparent illusion of ‘big wins’ with relatively small bets,
notwithstanding many participants rationally acknowledged that the larger the final
winning amount, the smaller the odds were for winning that amount.

Pathways to traditional online gambling occurred through exposure to gambling as a
child, either through parents, school or friends, in line with previous studies in Australia
and internationally (Hing et al., 2022). The promotion of Melbourne Cup and its impact
on normalisation of gambling played a key role in normalisation of gambling at school
and family homes of the participants. Participants who engaged in more traditional
gambling activities online did not tend to start gambling before they turned 18. Many
of them, however, reported a history of heavy technology use, including playing video
games as a child and teenager.

A distinct trajectory from video gaming to online gambling was through eSports
participation, playing in or watching large tournaments that promote gambling odds
and advertise sports betting during the games. The few who had illegally started online
gambling underage tended to report more gambling harms, building on existing
literature on early exposure to gambling a risk factor for harm.

Another clear pathway to online gambling, mainly sports betting, was through
participating in organised sports as a child. Our findings extend recent international
evidence (e.g., McGee, 2020) showing normalisation of sports gambling through
involvement in sports clubs and events. Being immersed in and developing ‘expertise’
in particular sports through participation, coupled with the normalisation of gambling
through sports culture was a key mechanism explaining this pathway. It should be
noted, however, that a healthy public health messaging around gambling in the sports
club environment was also acknowledged as a protective factor against gambling
harm.

#### Why do young adults gamble online?

##### 7.3.1. Individual motivations to gamble 

The main motivations to currently engage in gambling features were psychological
social, and financial, building on existing, but fragmented evidence of gambling
motives for young people in other jurisdictions (Calado et al., 2014; Carran & Griffiths,

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2015; Kim et al., 2017; Sirola et al., 2018; Svensson et al., 2011; Tabri et al., 2022;
Wilson & Ross, 2011; Wood & Griffiths, 2002; Zaman et al., 2014).

###### Psychological motivations

Gambling on videogames, sports, or other events simply added on the enjoyment or
excitement about the game the participants were following or playing, across various
sports and racing, videogames or other events. Sports and eSports betting participants
referred to this mechanism as an ‘enhancer’ (of positive experience) or ‘nullifier’ (of
negative experience), whereby excitement was guaranteed regardless of the
outcome,

The data also shows that opening boxes – or gacha – made participants feel more
involved in the game as a result of making a monetary investment in the character, or
progressing the storyline. This pattern was also enhanced during COVID19 lockdowns
whereby videogames played a key role in relieving boredom or loneliness. For others
gambling was a way or regulating stress, or managing negative emotions,
notwithstanding this behavioural pattern tended to lead to more stress over time. Our
findings are in line with a recent study showing that while some young people use
gambling to self-regulate, gambling and its negative consequences are likely to
exacerbate deterioration in mood and emotional wellbeing in the long term (Spångberg
et al., 2022).

###### Social motivations

Gambling online was seen as an inherently social activity – ‘a social outlet’, similar to
other group activities young people engaged in, such as playing sports, or ‘hanging
out’. Similar to found in other studies, the participants were part of ‘social networks’ of
other young people who also engaged in online gambling and gaming (Nyemsock et
al., 2023). Most videogames with gambling features have a group chat attached to it,
or the gamers were concurrently interacting on another social platform (e.g. Discord)
while they were playing. Participants described a strong in-group identification based
on the types of video games they engaged with, particularly in games with cooperative
elements (e.g., counterstrike, overwatch, and league of legends), or immersive
storylines (e.g.,Tears of Themis, Genshin Impact). This in-group mentality enhanced
the social motivations to open loot boxes or gacha, that facilitated bonding, over loot
box ‘opening parties’ on group chats attached to the game. Organised events for
eSports also attracted those interested in multiplayer games with a competitive edge.

Social motivations for sports betting appeared similarly strong, whereby the punters
were often physically together while gambling online, either at the live game or at a
venue. This also meant that it was impossible to escape gambling without socially
isolating from a group of friends, that became problematic for those wanting to stop or
moderate their gambling participation. Our findings of social motivations to gamble
build on previous research that suggests that gambling for young people is strongly

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associated within its broader social context, rather than simply the risk and reward of
money (Kristiansen et al., 2015, 2017; Lamont & Hing, 2020; Nekich & Ohtsuka, 2016;
Deans et al., 2017).

###### Financial motivations

Financial gain is a commonly cited motivation to gamble both online and offline within
the qualitative literature (Calado et al., 2014; Carran & Griffiths, 2015; Wilson & Ross,
2011; Wood & Griffiths, 2002; Zaman et al., 2014). These findings were replicated in
the current data, and participants were motivated to gamble through skin investment
and ‘winning large’ on sports and race events, or lottery. The financial motivations
were rarely the initial reason why young people begun video game gambling, but they
were strongly related to initiating sports betting and other traditional gambling activities
online. While the sample was too small to draw strong conclusions on financial
motivations among young adults, those who were financially motivated to gamble also
tended to experience more gambling harms. This finding is aligned with other recent
evidence showing that financial gambling motives are positively associated with both
gambling frequency and problem gambling severity (Tabri et al., 2022).

##### 7.3.2. Industry strategies

Other reasons for young adults gambling online in our data included certain features
within the games and apps that encourage gambling behaviours or higher expenditure.
These industry strategies associate directly with the gambling motivations described
above.

###### Online payment and in-game currency

Using online payments with or without in-game currency was present in both video
game gambling and traditional online gambling. A majority of participants outlined that
using money online made it easier to spend but also difficult or impossible to monitor
expenditure, especially when in-game currency was also involved. Particularly some
videogames that included loot boxes and gacha, involved complicated currency
mechanisms that obscured expenditure. Participants who spent large sums on gacha,
for example, had been in for a shock when they discovered how much they had spent
in a short period of time. The current findings align with a small number of qualitative
studies have found that gambling through online platforms made the experience of
winning or losing less real: the on-screen dollar figures seemed less like real money,
alongside the ease and speed in which bets could be placed similar to findings in other
studies (Deans, Thomas, Daube, & Derevensky, 2016; Kristiansen & Trabjerg, 2017;
Zaman et al., 2014). These findings also reflect the fact that mobile devices are now
an integral part of daily routines, and can be accessed in most locations (Wardle,
2019).

Th A t li N ti l U i it 93


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###### Special offers for new players

Common mechanism in both video game gambling and traditional online gambling
were attracting new players with special offers and inducements. This mechanism was
less common within the licenced online betting apps mainly used for sports betting,
but our data shows that the ban on betting in Australia (Commonwealth of Australia,
2012), has not been effective within the licenced gambling products. Given that the
gambling features in video games are not regulated in a similar way, the inducements
and special offers were implemented in a multitude or creative ways to encourage or
enforce players to gamble. These mechanisms were particularly pronounced in gacha
games such as Genshin Impact (See example in Chapter 2). Some third-party
websites for skins trading and/or gambling also offer free items as an incentive for
signing-up, such as skins (i.e., skinmonkey) or free loot boxes (CS:GO Empire).
Furthermore, some videogames have been known to provide new players, including
those who have not yet made a purchase, with a time-limited discount offer (King et
al., 2019). The current data demonstrated the increased urge to gamble to obtain
certain characters that would only be available for a limited duration. The
implementation of these mechanisms is not in line with the recent recommendation to
ban inducements for licenced online gambling (Commonwealth of Australia, 2023),
outlining the need to better regulate gambling features in videogames.

###### In-game experience

Other built-in strategies in the games to encourage gambling were loot boxes or that
offer a competitive advantage, unlock new storylines, or improve the character
appearance. These findings are in line with the general trend whereby games are
monetised to incentivise and facilitate game progression (King et al., 2019; Flayelle et
al., 2023). Certain online videogames, particularly gacha games, tend to design their
characters through an anime artwork style and it is well established that players can
form strong attachments to these fictional characters within online environments
(Karhulahti & Välisalo, 2021; Takagai, 2021; Woods, 2022). This phenomenon has
been referred to as “the waifu effect” (Ismail, Fitriana, & Chuin, 2021; O’Meara &
Dechamps, 2019), evidence of which was also available in the current data and aptly
described by Britt and Britt (2020) “Players seek… particular characters, sometimes
called “waifus” (a slang term for virtual “wives” intended to mimic Japanese speech
patterns), and may spend in-game currency and attempt the gacha mechanic
numerous times. A player who is unlucky and does not receive the desired character
may subsequently exchange real-world money for in-game currency to continue
pulling from the gacha mechanic, with the process continuing until the player is
satisfied” (page 6) However, if the player does not succeed in pulling the desired
character, they tend to continue spending money: “because worse than being proven
unlucky in gambling, they have been proven unlucky in love” (page 3) (Lax &

Th A t li N ti l U i it 94


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Mackenzie, 2019). This deliberate design of attractive characters within videogames
were mentioned by participants in our study. They reported feeling romantically
attached to their characters, wanting to nurture them, whereby attractiveness
encompassed both physical and personality attributes that can be enhanced through
gambling.

##### 7.3.3. Advertising 

Finally, advertising was consistently referred to as a key reason why participants had
initially started, or continued to, gamble. Given that participants in the current study
mainly engaged with online media, rather than TV or radio, almost all gambling
advertising they were exposed to was through websites and apps. The most common
platform for gambling advertising for both traditional gambling and video game
gambling was on social media, including influencers live streaming their gambling,
winning large sums of money, or providing specific tips to maximise winnings on
eSports or sports betting, using skins or real money. These gambling activities, using
real or in-game currency, were readily promoted through platforms such as YouTube
or Twitch, that are accessible with no age restrictions. Some streamers are known to
receive sponsorships by gambling or eSports betting companies to promote gambling
products to their consumer base (King, 2018), and the current data confirmed that the
financial relationship with the industry was likely – but not transparent – from watching
these videos.

The promotion of odds and gambling apps was strongly present in sport events as well
as eSports tournaments in the current study. Previous research has outlined that
eSports promotional materials are akin to those used by social casino gaming
advertisements, that tend to use bright colours, feature young adults in promotional
material, reference popular culture, and provide visual cues that others are playing
and winning (King, 2018). This is similar to the advertisements for sports betting, that
tend to focus on male-oriented mateship, positive themes and social status through
light-hearted humour, tapping into the fun aspects of gambling, similar to findings from
earlier studies (Deans, Thomas, Daube, Derevensky, et al., 2016). Our findings are in
line with those from other jurisdictions, whereby advertising intentionally portrays
gambling ‘harmless’ or ‘fun’ (Korn et al., 2005) or ‘more okay’ (Deans, Thomas,
Derevensky, et al., 2017). Our findings showed similar depiction of gambling in very
recent advertising, notwithstanding stricter regulation of gambling messaging was
implemented in early 2023[8]. Gambling as joyful, fun and harmless activity was also

8 https://www.dss.gov.au/sites/default/files/documents/11_2022/guidance-fact-sheetconsistent-gambling-messaging
implementation-factsheet_0.pdf

Th A t li N ti l U i it 95


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one of the main motivations for the current participants to gamble on sports, and races
and eSports.

The external incentives and industry strategies to encourage gambling described by
the participants in our study are known to be particularly effective in driving
adolescents to undertake unplanned purchases online, including gambling (Griffiths et
al. 2014). Given that game publishers and the gambling industry constantly develop
and patent new mechanisms that are designed to attract and retain participation (i.e.,
King et al., 2019), from a consumer protection approach it is crucial to better regulate
industry mechanisms implemented online that encourage gambling and other
addictive behaviours.

#### Gambling Harms

Overall, gambling harms from online gambling were consistent with the general
understanding of gambling harms including financial; social; psychological; physical;
and occupational types of harm (Langham et al., 2016). The SGHS profiles showed
that many of the participants regretted spending money on gambling across the
sample. In addition to experiencing regrets, substantial proportion reported reduction
in savings and spending money, as well as less spending in recreational activities like
eating out or going to movies. These profiles suggest that the young people in the
sample overprioritised spending money over other activities or financial goals, similar
to results in a recent Tasmanian gambling prevalence study (O’Neil et al., 2021).
Financial and social harms were consistently present in the qualitative data, regardless
of the type of online gambling activity the participants engaged with, although some
distinct patterns emerged within the gambling mode as described next.

##### 7.4.1. Financial harm

Financial harms were related to both videogame and traditional online gambling,
although the amounts of money that participants lost in one day, or in one event, were
much larger in sports and races betting compared to other types of gambling. It was
also possible to lose large amounts of money through videogame gambling but given
the smaller increments the participants spent at any one time, the amount would be
spread across longer periods of time. The financial harms from videogame gambling
were more likely be in the form of ‘a shock’ when the participants realised how much
they had spent over time. Given that participants in the study did not have many
financial responsibilities, and many were still living at home with their parents, the
financial consequences were only perceived as ‘harm’, when the amounts were large,
and accompanied by psychological distress, shame and regret over losing that money.

Th A t li N ti l U i it 96


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##### 7.4.2. Social harm 

Gambling in the current data was largely social, and engaging with gambling features
strengthened the social bond within the peer group through both videogame and
traditional online gambling. Online gambling tended to translate into relationship harms
through different mechanisms, depending on the type of gambling participants
engaged in.

###### Relationship impact

For sports betting, impact on relationships was facilitated by preoccupation by the
game, or the gambling app, that resulted in difficulty engaging with peers. Given sports
betting often took place within ‘social networks’ of young men (similar to Nyemsock et
al., 2023), disagreements about betting outcomes, or being upset after losing money
also featured in the data as a distinct pattern. The relational impacts on this age
demographic reflect the developmental stage they were in, whereby the impacts would
be experienced within their peer group, instead of intimate partnership, or parent-child
relationship.

###### Prioritising time on gaming

For videogame gambling the social impact was associated with time-intense periods
of playing, including playing overnight or continuously having the game on while
engaging in other activities. This common play pattern related to video game gambling
is likely to have a negative impact on spending time on other age-appropriate activities,
including peer-interactions, school work or study, and other hobbies. Participants
describing time-intense play also outlined that the most time intense periods had
occurred in high school, and play time gradually decreased when other responsibilities
increased, including working or studying. Importantly, these time-intense periods of
gaming were directly related to gambling features in the game; in order to get currency
to gamble with, the players had to ‘grind’, or play through long ‘storylines’.

##### 7.4.3. Responding to gambling harm 

Taken together, the current data point to patterns in individual and community level
risk factors for online gambling harm. They include access to money, younger age
(high school), early exposure to gambling through friends, family and school, heavy
early technology use, and participation in organised sports. It should be noted,
however, that involvement in sports that promotes a public health approach to
gambling harm acts as a protective factor against gambling harm. While these
individual and community risk factors each warrant a targeted harm reduction strategy,
our study highlights a number of environmental risk factors that can be addressed with
regulation and public policy.

Th A t li N ti l U i it 97


-----

Notwithstanding gambling advertising for licenced online gambling, such as sports
betting, is tightly regulated, it is clear from the current study that TV, radio and social
media are still plagued by gambling advertising, and that children are constantly
exposed to this advertising. Australian government has recently taken steps towards
banning all gambling advertising on mainstream media, in line with its duty of care for
young people and children. A far more complicated is the issue of online gambling
advertising, and the emergence of social media ‘influencers’ who encourage gambling
behaviours through deceitful strategies, as there is currently no one overarching
regulatory framework that could be adequately implemented to ban this type of
advertising.

Where regulatory change is unfeasible, or while waiting for this action to take place,
children, parents and youth serving organisations need more evidence-based
resources and guidance to protect them against the risks related to online gambling.
These include the specific industry strategies that encourage children and young
people to gamble on sports and videogames. The current data points to the need to
equip at least three different groups with information about online gambling and related
harms: parents, children, and major youth serving organisations such as primary and
high schools. Implementing a health literacy framework that is now recognised a
critical aspect of the public health approach (WHO, 2017)[9] is a crucial part of this
strategy. In the context of gambling health literacy, this approach aims to increase
public knowledge about the health and mental health impacts of gambling, but also
the ability to critically evaluate gambling advertising and industry marketing strategies.

#### Conclusion 

The current project was specifically aimed to generate new evidence about online
gambling among young adults in the ACT, and it directly contributes to a critical
evidence base to inform public health initiatives to prevent gambling harm among
youth. The project generated novel information that confirms the view that navigating
the online environment in the delicate age when risk behaviours peak, while being
targeted by the gambling industry is one the biggest challenges of the 21[st] century. It
is our duty of care for our children to urgently improve regulation, policy and public
health strategies to prevent gambling harm in the complex and fast-moving
environment. We make specific recommendations how the current evidence can be
used below.

9 https://www.who.int/activities/improving-health-literacy

Th A t li N ti l U i it 98


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## Recommendations

Based on the current research and that of others, we call for a comprehensive public
health approach to address online gambling harm for young people that includes (but
is not limited to) the following strategies:

-  Campaigns and/or education programs about gambling features in videogames

for primary schools onwards

-  Campaigns and/or education programs about gambling advertising online,

particularly around social media, game streaming and ‘influencers’ for primary
schools onwards

-  Student-led initiatives to address gambling harm in high schools

-  Co-designed and accessible online resources for children and young people

including but not limited to online help platforms, self-help tools, identification
of early signs of gambling harm in self and others

-  Co-designed harm minimisation measures relating to gambling motives,

attitudes and expectations of young people, particularly relating to financial
expectations from gambling

-  Evidence-based guidelines around time and expenditure limits relating to online

gambling including gambling features on videogames

-  Evidence-based guidance, training and resources for parents including all of

the above

-  Evidence-based guidance, training and resources for service providers

including all of the above

-  Resources for sports clubs (and other relevant youth serving organisations) to

develop a comprehensive public health approach to gambling harm

The data presented in this report can also be used to guide regulatory action to
address gaps in the current regulatory frameworks including, but not limited to:

-  A review of the current video game classification framework

-  Age limits for videogames with loot boxes and gacha, including those

available without real money

-  Tightened age verification protocols for videogames

-  Monitoring of third party sites attached to video games enabling skin betting

and

-  Review of the regulatory framework for online gambling advertising,

specifically targeting social media

Th A t li N ti l U i it 99


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