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Passenger and freight trains collided in Luxembourg, according to the radio station Essential.
According to media reports, the clash occurred in the town of Dudelange at about 9 a.m. local time (11:00 GMT), injured at least six people. Causes of accident are established.
LUXEMBOURG : Au moins 1 mort et plusieurs blessés dans la collision entre 2 trains à Dudelange, le plan "nombreuses victimes" déclenché. pic.twitter.com/rUwlRn2CV6
— Infos Françaises (@InfosFrancaises) 14 Feb 2017
Police say six people were slightly injured. The train stopped, on the scene, sent buses to transport passengers. Local media reported that the trains will be stopped until Tuesday evening.
One of the passengers reported that shortly before the incident, the car tried to move out of the way and created a disturbance in the path of the train.


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- The new age of great power politics John Bew, New Statesman
- Before We Cure Others of Their False Beliefs, We Must First Cure Our Own Christopher Preble, Cato Unbound
- Libertarians (FDP) ruin coalition talks in Germany Christian Hacke, Deutsche Welle
- The Rich You Will Always Have With You Brandon Turner, Law & Liberty
On the "tea saucer" of income inequality since 1917
I disagree often with the many details that underlie the arguments of Thomas Piketty and Emmanuel Saez. That being said, I am also a great fan of their work and of them in general. In fact, I think that both have made contributions to economics that I am envious to equal. To be fair, their U-curve of inequality is pretty much a well-confirmed fact by now: everyone agrees that the period from 1890-1929 was a high-point of inequality which leveled off until the 1970s and then picked up again.
Nevertheless, while I am convinced of the curvilinear aspect of the evolution of income inequality in the United State as depicted by Piketty and Saez, I am not convinced by the amplitudes. In their 2003 article, the U-curve of inequality really looks like a "U" (see image below). Since that article, many scholars have investigated the extent of the increase in inequality post-1980 (circa). Many have attenuated the increase, but they still find an increase (see here here here here here here here here here). The problem is that everyone has been considering the increase – i.e. the right side of the U-curve. Little attention has been devoted to the left side of the U-curve even though that is where data problems should be considered more carefully for the generation of a stylized fact. This is the contribution I have been coordinating and working on for the last few months alongside John Moore, Phil Magness and Phil Schlosser.
To arrive at their proposed series of inequality, Piketty and Saez used the IRS Statistics of Income (SOI) to derive top income fractiles. However, the IRS SOI have many problems. The first is that between 1917 and 1943, there are many years where there are less than 10% of the potential tax population that files a tax return. This prohibits the use of a top 10% income share in many years unless an adjustment is made. The second is that prior to 1943, the IRS reports net income and reports adjusted gross income after 1943. As such, to link post-1943 with pre-1943, there needs to be an additional adjustment. Piketty and Saez made some seemingly reasonable assumptions, but they have never been put to the test regarding sensitivity and robustness. This is leaving aside issues of data quality (I am not convinced IRS data is very good as most of it was self-reported pre-1943 which is a period with wildly varying tax rates). The question here is "how good" are the assumptions?
What we did is verify each assumption to see their validity. The first one we tackle is the adjustment for the low number of returns. To make their adjustments, Piketty and Saez used the fact that single households and married households filed in different quantities relative to their total population. Their idea is that a year in which there was a large number of return was used, the ratio of single to married could be used to adjust the series. The year they used is 1942. This is problematic as 1942 is a war year with self-reporting when large quantities of young American males are abroad fighting. Using 1941, the last US peace year, instead shows dramatically different ratios. Using these ratios knocks off a few points from the top 10% income share. Why did they use 1942? Their argument was there was simply not enough data to make the correction in 1941. They point to a special tabulation in the 1941 IRS-SOI of 112,472 1040A forms from six states which was not deemed sufficient to make to make the corrections. However, later in the same document, there is a larger and sufficient sample of 516,000 returns from all 64 IRS collection districts (roughly 5% of all forms). By comparison, the 1942 sample Piketty and Saez used to correct only had 455,000 returns. Given the war year and the sample size, we believe that 1941 is a better year to make the adjustment.
Second, we also questioned the smoothing method to link net income-based series with adjusted-gross income based series (i.e. pre-1943 and post-1943 series). The reason for this is that the implied adjustment for deductions made by Piketty and Saez is actually larger than all the deductions claimed that were eligible under the definition of Adjusted Gross Income – which is a sign of overshot on their parts. Using the limited data available for deductions by income groups and making some assumptions (very conservative ones) to move further back in time, we found that adjusting for "actual deductions" yields a lower level of inequality. This is contrasted with the fixed multipliers which Piketty and Saez used pre-1943.
Third, we question their justification for not using the Kuznets income denominator. They argued that Kuznets' series yielded an implausible figure because, in 1948, its use yielded a greater income for non-fillers than for fillers. However, this is not true of all years. In fact, it is only true after 1943. Before 1943, the income of non-fillers is equal in proportion to the one they use post-1944 to impute the income of non-fillers. This is largely the result of an accounting error definition. Incomes before 1943 were reported as net income and as gross incomes after that point. This is important because the stylized fact of a pronounced U-curve is heavily sensitive to the assumption made regarding the denominator.
These three adjustments are pretty important in terms of overall results (see image below). The pale blue line is that of Piketty of Saez as depicted in their 2003 paper in the Quarterly Journal of Economics. The other blue line just below it is the effect of deductions only (the adjustment for missing returns affects only the top 10% income share). All the other lines that mirror these two just below (with the exception of the darkest blue line which is the original Kuznets inequality estimates) compound our corrections with three potential corrections for the denominators. The U-curve still exists, but it is not as pronounced. When you look with the adjustments made by Mechling et al. (2017) and Auten and Splinter (2017) for the post-1960 period (green and red lines) and link them with ours, you can still see the curvilinear shape but it looks more like a "tea saucer" than a pronounced U-curve.
In a way, I see this as a simultaneous complement to the work of Richard Sutch and to the work of Piketty and Saez: the U-curve still exists, but the timing and pattern is slightly more representative of history. This was a long paper to write (and it is a dry read given the amount of methodological discussions), but it was worth it in order to improve upon the state of our knowledge.
On Monopsony and Legal Surroundings
A few days ago, in reply to this December NBER study, David Henderson at EconLog questioned the idea that labor market monopsonies matter to explain sluggish wage growth and rising wage inequality. Like David, I am skeptical of this argument. However, I am skeptical for different reasons.
First, let's point out that the reasoning behind this story is well established (see notably the work of Alan Manning). Firms with market power over a more or less homogeneous labor force which must assume a disproportionate amount of search costs have every incentive to depress wages. This can lead to reductions in growth as, notably, it discourages human capital formation (see these two papers here and here as examples). As such, I am not as skeptical of "monopsony" as an argument.
However, I am skeptical of "monopsony" as an argument. Well, what I mean is that I am skeptical of considering monopsony without any qualifications regarding institutions. The key condition to an effective monopsony is the existence of barriers (natural and/or legal to mobility). As soon as it is relatively easy to leave a small city for another city, then even a city with a single-employer will have little ability to exert his "market power" (Note: I really hate that word). If you think about it simply through these lenses, then all that matters is the ability to move. All you need to care about are the barriers (legal and/or natural) to mobility (i.e. the chance to defect).
And here's the thing. I don't think that natural barriers are a big deal. For example, Price Fishback found that the "company towns" im the 19th century were hardly monopsonies (see here, here, here and here). If natural barriers were not a big deal, they are certainly not a big deal today. As such, I think the action is largely legal. My favorite example is the set of laws adopted following the Emancipation of slaves in the United States which limited the mobility (by limiting the chances of Northerners hiring agents to come who would act as headhunters in the South). That is a legal barrier (see here and here). I am also making that argument regarding the institution of seigneurial tenure in Canada in a working paper that I am reorganizing (see here).
What about today? The best example are housing restrictions? Well, housing construction and zoning regulations basically make the supply of housing quite inelastic. The areas where these regulations are the most severe are also, incidentally, high productivity areas. This has two effects on mobility. The first is that low-productivity workers in low-productivity areas cannot easily afford to move to the high-productivity area. As such, you are reducing their options of defection and increasing the likelihood that they will not look. You are also reducing the pool of places to apply which means that, in order to find a more remunerative job, they must search longer and harder (i.e. you are increasing their search costs). The second effect is that you are also tying workers to the areas they are in. True, they gain because the productivity becomes capitalized in the potential rent from selling any property they own. However, they are in essence tied to the place. As such, they can be more easily mistreated by employers.
These are only examples. I am sure I could extend the list to reach the size of the fiscal code (well, maybe not that much). The point is that "monopsony" (to the extent that it exists) is merely a symptom of other policies that either increase search costs for workers or reduce the number of options for defections. And I do not care much for analyzing symptoms.
In the Search for an Optimal Level of Inequality
Recently, the blog ThinkMarkets published a post by Gunther Schnabl about how Friedrich Hayek's works helped to understand the link between Quantitative Easing and political unrest. The piece of writing summarized with praiseworthy precision three different stages of Friedrich Hayek's economic and political ideas and, among the many topics it addressed, it was mentioned the increasing level of income and wealth inequality that a policy of low rates of interest might bring about.
It is well-known that Friedrich Hayek owes the Swedish School as much as he does the Austrian School on his ideas about money and capital. In fact, he borrows the distinction between natural and market interest rates from Knut Wicksell. The early writings of F.A. Hayek state that disequilibrium and crisis are caused by a market interest rate that is below the natural interest rate. There is no necessity of a Central Bank to arrive at such a situation: the credit creation of the banking system or a sudden change of the expectancies of the public could set the market interest rate well below the natural interest rate and, thus, lead to what Hayek and Nicholas Kaldor called "the Concertina Effect."
At this point we must formulate a disclaimer: Friedrich Hayek's theory of money and capital was so controversial and subject to so many regrets by his early supporters – like said Kaldor, Ronald Coase, or Lionel Robbins – that we can hardly carry on without reaching a previous theoretical settlement over the apportations of his works. Until then, the readings on Hayek's economics will have mostly a heuristic and inspirational value. They will be an starting point from where to spring new insights, but hardly a single conclusive statement. Hayekian economics is a whole realm to be conquered, but precisely, the most of this quest still remains undone.
For example, if we assume – as it does the said post – that ultra-loose monetary policy enlarges inequality and engenders political instability, then we are bound to find a monetary policy that delivers, or at least does not avoid, an optimal level of inequality. As it is explained in the linked lecture, the definition of such a concept might differ whether it depends on an economic or a political or a moral perspective.
Here is where I think the works of F.A. Hayek have still so much to give to our inquiries: the matter is not where to place an optimal level of inequality, but to discover the conditions under which a certain level of inequality appears to us as legitimate, or at least tolerable. This is not a subject about quantities, but about qualities. Our mission is to discover the mechanism by which the notions of fairness, justice, or even order are formed in our beliefs.
Perhaps that is the deep meaning of the order or equilibrium that it is reach when, to use the terminology of Wicksell and Hayek's early writings, both natural and market interest rates are the same: a state of affairs in which the most of the expectancies of the agents could prove correct. The solution does not depend upon a particular public policy, but on providing an abstract institutional structure in which each individual decision could profit the most from the spontaneous order of human interaction.
Is the U-curve of US income inequality that pronounced?
For some time now, I have been skeptical of the narrative that has emerged regarding income inequality in the West in general and in the US in particular. That narrative, which I label UCN for U-Curve Narrative, simply asserts that inequality fell from a high level in the 1910s down to a trough in the 1970s and then back up to levels comparable to those in the 1910s.
To be sure, I do believe that inequality fell and rose over the 20th century. Very few people will disagree with this contention. Like many others I question how "big" is the increase since the 1970s (the low point of the U-Curve). However, unlike many others, I also question how big the fall actually was. Basically, I do think that there is a sound case for saying that inequality rose modestly since the 1970s for reasons that are a mixed bag of good and bad (see here and here), but I also think that the case that inequality did not fall as much as believed up to the 1970s is a strong one.
The reasons for this position of mine relates to my passion for cliometrics. The quantitative illustration of the past is a crucial task. However, data is only as good as the questions it seek to answer. If I wonder whether or not feudal institutions (like seigneurial tenure in Canada) hindered economic development and I only look at farm incomes, then I might be capturing a good part of the story but since farm income is not total income, I am missing a part of it. Had I asked whether or not feudal institutions hindered farm productivity, then the data would have been more relevant.
Same thing for income inequality I argue in this new working paper (with Phil Magness, John Moore and Phil Schlosser) which is a basically a list of criticisms of the the Piketty-Saez income inequality series.
For the United States, income inequality measures pre-1960s generally rely on tax-reporting data. From the get-go, one has to recognize that this sort of system (since it is taxes) does not promote "honest" reporting. What is less well known is that tax compliance enforcement was very lax pre-1943 and highly sensitive to the wide variations in tax rates and personal exemption during the period. Basically, the chances that you will report honestly your income at a top marginal rate of 79% is lower than had that rate been at 25%. Since the rates did vary from the high-70s at the end of the Great War to the mid-20s in the 1920s and back up during the Depression, that implies a lot of volatility in the quality of reporting. As such, the evolution measured by tax data will capture tax-rate-induced variations in reported income (especially in the pre-withholding era when there existed numerous large loopholes and tax-sheltered income vehicles). The shift from high to low taxes in the 1910s and 1920s would have implied a larger than actual change in inequality while the the shift from low to high taxes in the 1930s would have implied the reverse. Correcting for the artificial changes caused by tax rate changes would, by definition, flatten the evolution of inequality – which is what we find in our paper.
However, we go farther than that. Using the state of Wisconsin which had a tax system with more stringent compliance rules for the state income tax while also having lower and much more stable tax rates, we find different levels and trends of income inequality than with the IRS data (a point which me and Phil Magness expanded on here). This alone should fuel skepticism.
Nonetheless, this is not the sum of our criticisms. We also find that the denominator frequently used to arrive at the share of income going to top earners is too low and that the justification used for that denominator is the result of a mathematical error (see pages 10-12 in our paper).
Finally, we point out that there is a large accounting problem. Before 1943, the IRS provided the Statistics of Income based on net income. After 1943, there shift between definitions of adjusted gross income. As such, the two series are not comparable and need to be adjusted to be linked. Piketty and Saez, when they calculated their own adjustment methods, made seemingly reasonable assumptions (mostly that the rich took the lion's share of deductions). However, when we searched and found evidence of how deductions were distributed, they did not match the assumptions of Piketty and Saez. The actual evidence regarding deductions suggest that lower income brackets had large deductions and this diminishes the adjustment needed to harmonize the two series.
Taken together, our corrections yield systematically lower and flatter estimates of inequality which do not contradict the idea that inequality fell during the first half of the 20th century (see image below). However, our corrections suggest that the UCN is incorrect and that there might be more of small bowl (I call it the Paella-bowl curve of inequality, but my co-authors prefer the J-curve idea).
Can we trust US interwar inequality figures?
This question is the one that me and Phil Magness have been asking for some time and we have now assembled our thoughts and measures in the first of a series of papers. In this paper, we take issue with the quality of the measurements that will be extracted from tax records during the interwar years (1918 to 1941).
More precisely, we point out that tax rates at the federal level fluctuated wildly and were at relatively high levels. Since most of our inequality measures are drawn from the federal tax data contained in the Statistics of Income, this is problematic. Indeed, high tax rates might deter honest reporting while rapidly changing rates will affect reporting behavior (causing artificial variations in the measure of market income). As such, both the level and the trend of inequality might be off. That is our concern in very simple words.
To assess whether or not we are worrying for nothing, we went around to find different sources to assess the robustness of the inequality estimates based on the federal tax data. We found what we were looking for in Wisconsin whose tax rates were much lower (never above 7%) and less variable than those at the federal levels. As such, we found the perfect dataset to see if there are measurement problems in the data itself (through a varying selection bias).
From the Wisconsin data, we find that there are good reasons to be skeptical of the existing inequality measured based on federal tax data. The comparison of the IRS data for Wisconsin with the data from the state income tax shows a different pattern of evolution and a different level (especially when deductions are accounted for). First of all, the level is always inferior with the WTC data (Wisconsin Tax Commission). Secondly, the trend differs for the 1930s.
I am not sure what it means in terms of the true level of inequality for the period. However, it suggests that we ought to be careful towards the estimations advanced if two data sources of a similar nature (tax data) with arguably minor conceptual differences (low and stable tax rates) tell dramatically different stories. Maybe its time to try to further improve the pre-1945 series on inequality.
From the Comments: Weber, Geloso on inequality
How did I not see these before? Rick chimed in on Zak's post about inequality and libertarianism awhile back. As usual, he tries to give the opposition the benefit of the doubt:
Taking public choice logic seriously means considering the political distortions/impediments to proposed policy. Taking inequality seriously is the flip side of that. Perceptions of (and attitudes towards) inequality matter and libertarians (and conservatives) would do well to acknowledge it.
I suspect that the problem is that 1) (like any ideology) we've got a blind spot, and inequality is in that spot. 2) Our liberal friends can see into that blind spot. 3) They've got a blind spot that leads them to make silly policy prescriptions (e.g. ignoring public choice roots of inequality and instead calling for policies that would reduce growth). And as a result, 4) we're turned off by discussion of inequality before considering it.
Vincent, in the usual French manner, has a different take:
Okay massive disagreement here:
A: Inequality is not something "measurable" in the sense of utility. I chose to be an economist. My income is X% below that of my wife who went to school fewer years than I did and her income grows faster than mine and she will live longer than me (in probabilistic terms given life expectancy differences M/F). According to that definition, my couple is an unequal one and growing more unequal. Yet, I would not trade her job for mine even if her job was twice as remunerative (she is an attorney). I chose a path of lesser income because it made me happy. Income maximization was, in that case, not synonymous with utility maximization. By definition, rich societies will have more cases like that since gains in marginal utility may not be associated with marginal gains in monetary income. See the issue of the backward-bending labor supply curve.
B: The literature on linking growth to inequality is VERY weak. Look at the empirical papers, the results often depend on the choice of variables and the time window. It NEVER accounts for what I mentioned in point A. More importantly, there is NO THEORETICAL LINK with neoclassical theory on this (with the notable exception of Herb Gintis and Sam Bowles and I am working on a paper tackling their logic) that is axiomatically consistent. An empirical observation without a theory that is logically sound (the most repeated is the general Keynesian argument about consumption, but that is very weak and that rebuttal is powerful in the theoretical papers) is basically rubbish.
C: The Great Gatsby Curve is also rubbish since most of the past observations are based on the weird assumptions that mobility based on father-sons is a proper estimate to compare with modern estimates. You can consult the very convincing rebuttals made by Scott Winship. Moreover, the Great Gatsby curve is again a case of empirical observations without theory. I don't need any of this story to see that mobility is down (modestly) at the same time that labor market restrictions are up.
There is more discussion, too.

subset: commoncrawl


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Tuesday, October 14, 2008
The Ferry to and from Bintan!
A ferry ride was new for us but we welcomed the idea of not getting on a plane with 2 small children. The ferry ride from Singapore to Bintan, Indonesia took 50 minutes on the way there and 65 minutes on the way home (the waters were rough). We had some great seats on the way there and it allowed the kids to roam freely an arms length away from an adult (just in case they decided to go flying in case we hit a wave).
The kids looking out the window waiting for us to push away from the dock.
Lots of room to play, drink and eat.
Then the boys had to get to work and fill out our papers to get into Indonesia (for those of you who do not know it is a different country than Singapore).
Here we are waiting to get back on Ferry after our 4 day trip in Bintan.... set up just like the airport.
Food and drink for everyone... this at least kept them sitting in the stroller while we were waiting.
This is just a cute picture of Brooklyn after we got all the bags packed and were ready to head to the ferry terminal.
A cool shot I got from the ferry that shows some fishing huts from Indonesia. They usually are built a little more temporary looking than this but these were built to last.
There is much more to come from the Carr Clan visit... they did leave this morning and we were very sad to see the go. Next time we might meet in Australia or something (or at least that is what we are hoping for).
Posted by Camille, Blake, Pierce and baby Asher at 8:53 AM
2 comments:
- EDENS said...
wow what a trip of a life time!!! Pierce is getting so big. Wish we could see him in person. Are you coming back to the states for an of the holidays????
- SheridanLeftwich said...
Ya'll always have so much fun! I can't believe how much ya'll are getting to do. Such good memories. and you're doing a fantastic job journaling it.
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How does Macbeth change between Act one scene three and act three scene one and who is responsible for his changes? Shakespeare is definitely the most influential writer of all English literature and the author of many comedies, history plays, poems and tragedies. Shakespeare's shortest and bloodiest tragedy was Macbeth. It is a dark tragedy that tells of ambition and guilt in a background of violence and supernatural. It has been described as "not Shakespeare's most complex play, but ...certainly one of his most powerful and emotionally intense"1. It tells the story of a man that changes from a noble warrior to a murderer and a cruel 'abhorred tyrant'. In this essay I will analyse how Macbeth changes through the play and who is to blame for his changes. It is very important to state that Drama plays are usually created to be performed on stage and seldom created to be read. There is a great difference between reading a play and watching it performed; the performed play is performed the way the director and the actors themselves imagine the characters and the scenes. Hence we get a good idea of what characters are like. On the other hand, when reading a play, we have no description of the characters or places available and therefore we have to recreate the characters ...read more.
On the other hand, Macbeth remains an honest and loyal subject to his beloved wife. He sends her a letter explaining everything that happened. This is an important proof of loyalty and devotion to his subjects, weakened ever since he met the evil witches. Shakespeare presents Lady Macbeth as ruthless and evil, a woman who is ready to give away her soul in order to reach her goal. She prepared her mind for killing the king right after reading her husband's letter and to help her do so, she calls evil spirits to dehumanize and defeminise her. She sees Macbeth's kindness as a crucial weakness which might be the doom of their rise to the throne of Scotland. In act 1 scene 7 Macbeth is wrestling with his conscience because he admires and respects Duncan a lot and can not bring himself to kill him. He speaks in a soliloquy explaining the audience all the duties he owes Duncan: ' he's here in double trust:/first, as I am his kinsman and his subject' and ' as his host /who should against his murderer shut the door/ not bear the knife myself.' But even if Macbeth was not a host and a kinsman, killing the king would still be an unforgivable sin and he admits that the only reason for committing this horrible murder, his ambition was now not enough . ...read more.
The quotations ' the battle is lost and won' and ' Fair is foul and foul is fair' chanted by the witches during Act 1 scene 1 are considered to be paradoxes since their words contradict themselves; a concept that can be easily applied about the perception of Macbeth's character and his actual personality during the play. During Act 1 scene 2 , he is described by the Captain and King Duncan to be a ' worthy gentleman' and 'valiant'- adjectives which lead the audience to believe that Macbeth is a loyal warrior and a very correct person; while in Act 1 scene 3 ( when he officially steps into the play) he proves to be easily manipulated and swayed by the prospect of power after the witches exclaim their prophecies and disappear. His erroneous judgment, which eventually leads to his downfall and the mutation in his personality, is further displayed since Banquo is clearly aware of the witches' nature while Macbeth, only focused on their promises, looses focus over the other , more important details; banquo realizes that the witches are ' foul' while Macbeth still mistakenly believes the witches are 'fair' due to all the good they have brought upon him. 1 SparkNotes 101 By Emma Chastain, SparkNotes, ?? ?? ?? ?? ...read more.
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- Arnold Schwarzenegger's 1984 hit film Terminator, humankind was on the brink of extinction as robots took over the world. Now Arnie is ushering in an equally apocalyptic prospect - schools completely free of textbooks.
California's "Governator" is charged with correcting a $24.5 billion (Pounds 15bn) budget deficit. Last week, he announced that he intends to scrap school textbooks which, he claimed, cost $350 million last year.
Writing in a local newspaper, Mr Schwarzenegger said: "It's nonsensical and expensive to look to traditional hardbound books when information today is so readily available in electronic form.
"Especially now, when our school districts are strapped for cash and our state budget deficit is forcing further cuts to classrooms, we must do everything we can to untie educators' hands and free up dollars so that schools can do more with fewer resources."
The news was quickly followed by reports in the UK that schools over here will soon be following suit. After all, the dire financial situation facing schools is not exclusive to California.
In April, Alistair Darling, the Chancellor revealed that public expenditure will grow by just 0.7 per cent between 2011 and 2014, meaning a real-term funding drop of around 10 per cent. Schools are likely to experience a 2 to 3 per cent cut.
This means they will have to be ever more frugal in the years to come. But whether the lean times ahead mean schools will take that giant leap and abandon textbooks altogether seems - at first, at least - as far-fetched as one of Arnie's movies. However, one district in Arizona (see panel, right) has already done just that, and many experts in the UK believe it is feasible.
Roger Broadie, a former teacher, is now the business development director at Frogtrade, one of the country's largest online learning platform providers. He believes the days of textbooks are over.
"Certainly, I think it is possible to do it now, although (only) at secondary school level - primary is slightly different," he said.
"Ten per cent of secondaries that are using online learning platforms want to use them for everything and do everything digitally. We believe that 10 per cent is the critical mass that means the rest will be forced to follow. We are seeing that schools are already recognising that others are improving and that they need to keep up."
Mr Broadie said schools would be able to save up to Pounds 6,000 per year on paper with the right ICT systems, and that it is now down to parental pressure to push schools into improving their technology.
He said that Frogtrade is already working with schools where 98 per cent of pupils have access to a computer, but he admitted it would be difficult to carry out the same work at a school where only 25 per cent were connected.
In an attempt to tackle this issue, the Government launched its Home Access programme earlier this year. The Pounds 300m scheme, which is being piloted in two authorities, Oldham and Suffolk, is intended to provide the most deprived families with a home computer.
The initiative is part of the Government's broader plans to turn digital all of its administration and bureaucracy eventually. It has split the population into three groups - those with computers, those without but able to afford one, and those without and unable to afford one. By giving computers to poorer families, it hopes those that can afford a computer but haven't yet got round to it, will put their hands in their pockets.
But Home Access is still only in its nascent stages and a future where all children have access to a computer is still some way off.
Adrian Hall, a former ICT policy decision-maker for the then Department for Education and Skills who now works as a strategic adviser for Magic Studio, a web-based learning network, is enthusiastic about the prospect.
"It is certainly possible to scrap textbooks now, and the benefits are that you would be able to gain access to an enormous bank of resources. And, unlike with textbooks, you can just bring them up to date online," he said.
"It is feasible, but until you have that one-to-one access of pupil to computer it won't be. If we were to go ahead with it today, all we would end up with are the haves and the have nots. Realistically, if you want to ensure that children can learn any time and anywhere, then it will only be possible when the access is there."
But even some schools that have the necessary access to computers will still not entertain the idea of teaching without textbooks. Sacred Heart School in west London has specialist ICT status, but its head Christine Carpenter believes books offer more than a computer screen.
"The experience of reading, holding, studying and just dealing with books is something that is vitally important for everybody," she said. "The fact that you can flit back and forward, flick through the pages is essential to human growth.
"Although textbooks are a different breed of book, they are a resource - and a good teacher should make use of all resources."
Dr Carpenter added: "You need to be critical when it comes to IT resources - Wikipedia cannot always be trusted - but we should just rejoice that we have both."
Becta, the Government's education technology agency, is in very little doubt that the need for both books and computers is essential. The organisation is overseeing the Home Access programme, but it says schools would be failing their pupils if they were to ditch the textbook.
Tony Richardson, Becta's executive director for strategy and communications, believes schools should be equipping pupils to use both from a young age.
"Young people have to be digitally literate. That's why IT was so prominent in the Rose review," he said. "It is vitally important that kids can do research online but have the sophistication and be discerning enough to check a source's validity, be it in a book or on another site.
"We also need to be careful about what we say about books and reading. Reading a book is a very different experience to reading online. It is, in general, a much more pleasurable experience."
He added: "But it is possible to employ both well. Just look at how newspapers do it: The Guardian and The Times are among the biggest websites, but they also have a successful print copy."
But Mr Richardson sounded a note of caution to schools looking to follow Mr Schwarzenegger in saying "Hasta la vista, textbooks" purely to balance the books.
"Arnold Schwarzenegger is facing huge budget deficits, and that is the sole reason for him introducing these changes - not necessarily because California is ready to," he said. "If we were to follow suit, we would be doing our children a great disservice."
In Vail school district, which covers part of Tucson, Arizona, the high school seniors who graduated last month were the first to begin and end their school careers without the use of any textbooks.
Four years ago, the district, equivalent to a local authority in the UK, made a radical decision to abolish textbooks and give all its students MacBook laptops instead.
Rather than spending hundreds of dollars for individual students on textbooks that constantly need updating because of the "ever-changing world of state standards", Vail opted to put the money towards laptops.
It was hoped that by using only digital resources, it would better prepare students for life outside school, providing them with "more marketable" skills.
One senior described his high school career as a "one-of-a-kind" experience, enabling him to learn from "so many different sources", which has now put him "ahead of the curve" compared with his peers.
Cindy Lee is principal of Empire High School in Tucson, which was one of the first to switch to computers. She said the technology helped to provide a "more relevant curriculum while preparing students for the central role technology likely will play in their lives after graduation".


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Interestingly, now factor in this new element that the story is actually about five kings and it becomes broader and richer in message and meaning. For instance, because the original sin is pride: the evil one boasts to Adam and Eve "You will become like God" in the Garden of Eden. The original sin of pride immerges as our first parents buy into egotism that originally got the devil kicked out of heaven in the first place. Now in the Epiphany story, we see King Herod succumb to pride – his feelings are hurt; there may be another king around! And we also witness the resulting power and control that eventually leads him to kill hundreds of children.
The Epiphany story is also about the "pill", the elixir, the cure for the original sin of pride – humility. Instead of pride, power and wealth – the King of Kings is found lying in a lowly manger, in utter poverty because there was no room for him in the inn. In the Epiphany story Jesus not only teaches through the Gospel writers, he also demonstrates in his own body what it takes to be a King, or for that matter to have power of any sort. He comes to us poor, homeless, living among animals, empty, persecuted by the powerful, a migrant, an immigrant, despised and rejected. Counter to human wisdom, he actually exhibits all the heavenly marks of a true king.
Ultimately, only the humble wise men could truly see the significance of who he is and what he is destined to accomplish in his lifetime. Herod did not see or know it; that is because "God opposes the proud" the Bible tells us. In the same respect God "Gives grace to the humble." Only the humble wise men could see God; and for that matter, the poor, dirty and homeless shepherds who were working in the fields some days earlier.
And so this is Christmas. A time when we celebrate that God's world is upside down, inside out, opposite and inconceivable to the mind of man. We are reminded that being clothed in wealthy threads, riches and fortune, power and control, all prevent us from seeing the real Lord. Christmas also reminds us that the poorest, broken, despised and persecuted among us may actually be the living saints among us too. In the stories of Christmas and the Epiphany we encounter the true God of the Bible living up to his word when he spoke, "My thoughts are not your thoughts, and my ways are not your ways." Isaiah 55:8_______________
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Any of several New Zealand shrubs and small trees, chiefl Meaning, pronunciation, example sentences, and more from Oxford Dictionaries. Define mapau: a New Zealand tree (Rapanea urvillei) of the family Myrsinaceae that has reddish brown leaves and small white flowers and a light wood. Mapau | a small New Zealand tree, Myrsine australis, with reddish bark, aromatic leaves, and | Definition, Aussprache, Beispiele & Übersetzungen. Archaic words Archaic words have a charm that never fades away, from French sounding to wondrously mysterious ones. What area does aerodynamics relate to? By continuing to use our website, you are agreeing to our use of cookies. Definition von mapau aus Collins Englischen Sprache. Ihre Kartenakualisierung wurde angehalten. A brief history of infernal frustration. Can you spell these 10 commonly misspelled words? Browse more topics on our blog What Is the Difference Between Discreet and Discrete? Im Wörterbuch der englischen Sprache blättern. What area does aerodynamics relate to? Noun plural mapaus New Zealand Any of several trees of New Zealand, especially in the genus Myrsine. He took me by the hand He brought me by the hand. As a result, the web page is not displaying.
Mapau VideoMapau
Mapau - ÖffneWürden Sie diesen Ort oder diese Aktivität einem Freund empfehlen, der auf der Suche nach Ruhe und Entspannung ist? Most popular in the world. Im Wörterbuch der englischen Sprache blättern. Definition from Wiktionary, the free dictionary. We take a look at the etymology behind the word 'election' in the run-up to the UK General Election in June. This entry needs a photograph or drawing for illustration. Words at Play A 'Tantalizing' Language Tidbit A brief history of infernal frustration.
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|Sign up for our newsletter Stay up to date with our latest news and receive new words updates, blog posts, gold striker. JOIN NOW GAMES BROWSE THESAURUS WORD OF THE DAY VIDEO MORE WORD OF THE DAY Spilene WORDS AT PLAY FAVORITES. What is the origin of 'sleep tight'? Phone Collect or Direct: Get Word of the Day daily email! Click here for full size. What area does oceanography relate to? Learn a new word every day. Navigation menu Personal tools Not logged in Talk Contributions Create account Log in.
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|Favorite Button CITE Translate Facebook Share. What area does agriscience relate to? The web server is sizzling hot knacken returning a connection. This page was last edited on 25 Mayat Building 35 Port ZanteBasseterre, St. What area does physics relate to? Noun plural mapaus New Zealand Any of several trees of New Zealand, especially in the genus Myrsine.


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Children's legendary characters
Anggaran $250-750 USD
illustrate 26 Children's legendary characters. Eg. Dragon, elf etc. Description and references will be given.
45 freelancer menawar dengan rata-rata $467 untuk pekerjaan ini
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Economic integration and fiscal policy transmission: implications for Europe in 1992 and beyond
Download full text from publisher
References listed on IDEAS
- Frankel, Jeffrey A. & MacArthur, Alan T., 1988.
"Political vs. currency premia in international real interest differentials : A study of forward rates for 24 countries,"
European Economic Review,
Elsevier, vol. 32(5), pages 1083-1114, June.
- Jeffrey A. Frankel and Alan T. MacArthur., 1987. "Political vs. Currency Premia in International Real Interest Differentials: A Study of Forward Rates for 24 Countries," Economics Working Papers 8762, University of California at Berkeley.
- Jeffrey A. Frankel & Alan T. MacArthur, 1987. "Political vs. Currency Premia in International Real Interest Differentials: A Study of Forward Rates for 24 Countries," NBER Working Papers 2309, National Bureau of Economic Research, Inc.
- Sydney J. Key, 1989. "Financial integration in the European Community," International Finance Discussion Papers 349, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System (U.S.).
- Djajic, Slobodan, 1987. "Effects of budgetary policies in open economies: The role of intertemporal consumption substitution," Journal of International Money and Finance, Elsevier, vol. 6(3), pages 373-383, September.
- Jeremy Greenwood & Kent P. Kimbrough, 1985. "Capital Controls and Fiscal Policy in the World Economy," Canadian Journal of Economics, Canadian Economics Association, vol. 18(4), pages 743-765, November.
- Lane, Timothy & Rojas-Suarez, Liliana, 1992. "Credibility, capital controls, and the EMS," Journal of International Economics, Elsevier, vol. 32(3-4), pages 321-337, May.
- Blanchard, Olivier J, 1985.
"Debt, Deficits, and Finite Horizons,"
Journal of Political Economy,
University of Chicago Press, vol. 93(2), pages 223-247, April.
- Olivier J. Blanchard, 1984. "Debt, Deficits and Finite Horizons," NBER Working Papers 1389, National Bureau of Economic Research, Inc.
- Jacob A. Frenkel & Assaf Razin, 1984. "Fiscal Policies, Debt, and International Economic Interdependence," NBER Working Papers 1266, National Bureau of Economic Research, Inc.
- Obstfeld, Maurice, 1989.
"Fiscal deficits and relative prices in a growing world economy,"
Journal of Monetary Economics,
Elsevier, vol. 23(3), pages 461-484, May.
- Maurice Obstfeld, 1988. "Fiscal Deficits and Relative Prices in a Growing World Economy," NBER Working Papers 2725, National Bureau of Economic Research, Inc.
More about this item
KeywordsEuropean Economic Community ; Fiscal policy ; Capital movements;
StatisticsAccess and download statistics
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So apparently the Retron guys released an adapter for the Retron 5 that plugs into the Genesis slot and allows the playing of SMS and GG carts, and also SMS cards. I realize that we already have an SMS adapter, but might it be a relatively easy task to update the Retrode firmware to recognize this adapter and allow the reading of GG carts and SMS cards as well? Just a thought...The master system plugin already has the holes on it for a game gear connector you simply need to solder it on for anyone who wanted to know.
Thanks all.
If we solder the game gear slot onto the Master System adapter would we need to modify the shell you provided? Or would you recommend just taking shell off?
Got everything soldered in and it works great! Did you use a dremel to modify the casing?


text: master sergeant results 2015 air force United States Air Force Rank (AF-108) Senior Master Sergeant.US Air Force Metal Collar Rank Insignia Senior Master 1000 x 988 jpeg 115kB. www. af.mil. Enlisted Ranks. January 2015 June 2016, Command Chief Master Sergeant, 3rd Air Force and 17th Expeditionary Air Force, Ramstein AB, Germany 13.EFFECTIVE DATE OF PROMOTION Chief Master Sergeant of the Air Force February 2017. As a result, more of the super grade. slots were given to the Aircraft Maintenance career field. The first Air Force promotions to Senior Master Sergeant were effected 1 September 1958 and another group was selected and advanced on 1 March. SGT Fuller 519. Thread Starter. Master Gunnery Sergeant.Posted April 23, 2015. INTRODUCTION Welcome everyone to the new and improved United States Air Force mod. ENLISTED PERSONNEL. Chief Master Sergeant. Senior Master Sergeant. 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Chief Master Sergeant of the Air Force (CMSAF) is the highest enlisted rank in the UNSC Air Force, and is equal in pay-grade to Chief Master Sergeant and Command Chief Master Sergeant, and is above Senior Master Sergeant. Chief Master Sergeant. (E-9). AIR FORCE Magazine / July 2015.Production of the Tu-142 maritime patrol aircraft was based on a highly upgraded Tu-95 design.With the advent of long-range ALCMs in the 1970s,Tu-95 production was relaunched after a 13-year hiatus.The resulting Tu-95 MS was Barraza rose to command chief master sergeant, a position responsible for all of the enlisted personnel in the 12th Air Force, in June 2015. He was removed from duty in November due to loss of confidence in his ability to carry out his duties, the Air Force said at the time. The Air Force has selected 1,257 of its Master Sergeants for promotion to Senior Master Sergeant, Air Force Personnel Center officials have announced. The selection rate was 8.75 percent, with an average selectee overall score of 680.90. February 22, 2018 - The Air Force offers a wide and expanding range of telehealth services giving patients the opportunity to receive more efficient, convenient, and patient-centered care.Congratulations to our newest Senior Master Sergeant selects! On February 17, 2017, Chief Kaleth O. Wright succeeded Chief James A. Cody, to become the 18th Chief Master Sergeant of the Air Force. [2].русский: Главный Мастер-сержант ВВС. Air Force senior master sergeant promotions dip slightly for 2017.But the selection rate is less than the recent high of 12.32 percent in 2016, which itself marked a significant increase over the drawdown-depressed promotion rates of 2014 and 2015. AF Staff Sgt. Promotion Results property. The Air Force selected 13,269 for promotion to staff sergeant out of 39,260 considered during the 2015 E5 cycleChief Master Sergeant of the Air Force Incumbent CMSAF Kaleth O. 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Here are a couple of boy cards I made using Paper Creator kits, it's quite difficult to know what embellishments to add to male cards, but you can't go wrong with buttons and ribbons, particularly grosgrain ribbon, which for some reason is always my go to item for male cards, maybe because it's not as shiny as satin ribbon and looks more robust. Luckily Meiflower has a great selection of grosgrain ribbons and buttons that are perfect for the job.
Thanks for dropping by,
enjoy your weekend,