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In the fateful spring and early summer of 1940 the people of Britain clustered around their wireless sets to hear defiant and uplifting oratory from their new Prime Minister, Winston Churchill. On May 13, having just assumed the burden of office from a weak and cowardly Neville Chamberlain, Churchill promised a regime of "blood, toil, tears and sweat." On June 4, after the evacuation of the defeated British army from Dunkirk, he pledged, "We shall fight on the beaches." On June 18 he proclaimed that even if the British Empire were to last for a thousand years, this would be remembered as its "finest hour." Over the course of the ensuing months Britain alone defied the vast conquering appetites of Hitlerism and, though greatly outclassed in the air, repelled the Luftwaffe's assault with a handful of gallant fighter pilots. This chivalric engagement-"The Battle of Britain"-thwarted Nazi schemes for an invasion of the island fortress and was thus a hinge event in the great global conflict we now call World War II.
The foregoing paragraph could appear without much challenge in almost any English or American newspaper or magazine, and versions of it have recently seen print in the reviews of Churchill: A Biography, by the British Liberal statesman Lord Jenkins of Hillhead. One might, however, call attention to some later adjustments to this familiar picture.
Britain stood alone only if the military and economic support of Canada, Australia, South Africa, India, and the rest of a gigantic empire is omitted. As late as October of 1940, furthermore, the Greeks were continuing to resist on mainland Europe and had inflicted a serious military defeat on Mussolini. Moreover, the attitude of the United States, however ostensibly neutral, was at no time neutralist as between a British versus a German victory.
The Royal Air Force was never seriously inferior, in either men or machines, to Hermann Göring's Luftwaffe, and at times outgunned it. British pilots were mainly fighting over home territory and, unlike their German opponents, could return straight to duty if they parachuted down. The RAF had the advantage of radar and the further advantage of a key to the Nazi codes. The Royal Navy was by any measure the superior of the Kriegsmarine, and Nazi surface vessels never left port without exposing themselves to extreme hazard.
The German High Command never got beyond the drawing-board stage of any plan for the invasion of Britain, and the FÃ1⁄4hrer himself was the source of the many postponements and the eventual abandonment of the idea.Continue reading the main story
A close reading of the increasingly voluminous revisionist literature discloses many further examples of events that one thinks cannot really be true, or cannot be true if the quasi-official or consecrated narrative is to remain regnant. Against which nation was the first British naval attack directed? (Against a non-mobilized French fleet, moored in the ports of North Africa, with the loss of hundreds of French lives.) Which post-1940 air force was the first to bomb civilians, and in whose capital city? (The RAF, striking the suburbs of Berlin.) Which belligerent nation was the first to violate the neutrality of Europe's noncombatant nations? (The British, by a military occupation of Norway.) But these details, not unlike the navels and genitalia in devotional painting, are figleafed in denial. They cannot exactly be omitted from the broader picture, nor can they be permitted any profane influence on its sanctity. Meanwhile, who made the following broadcast speech to the British people in 1940?
That was Neville Chamberlain, who (albeit in his rather reedy tones) delivered the speech himself. And how many casualties did the RAF suffer during the entire Battle of Britain? A total of 443 pilots, according to official sources cited in Richard Overy's cool and meticulous revisiting of the story.
I was brought up on the cult of Winston Churchill. In the declining post-imperial 1950s and 1960s the Homeric story of 1940, and of its bulldog-visaged protagonist, was at once a consolation for many disappointments and an assurance of Britain's continued value to the world. Even then it was sometimes difficult to swallow Churchill whole, as it were. A sort of alternate bookkeeping was undertaken, whereby the huge deficits of his grand story (Gallipoli, the calamitous return to the gold standard, his ruling-class thuggery against the labor movement, his diehard imperialism over India, and his pre-war sympathy for fascism) were kept in a separate column that was sharply ruled off from "The Valiant Years." But even the many defeats and fiascoes and dishonors added in some numinous way to his stature. Here was a man who had taken part in a Victorian cavalry charge at Omdurman, in the Sudan, to avenge the slaying of General Gordon by a messianic mullah, and who had lived to help evolve the design and first use of thermonuclear weaponry. He was not a figure in history so much as a figure of history. (Invited by Adlai Stevenson to contribute something to the English-Speaking Union, he gruffly replied, "I am an English-speaking union." In anyone else this would have been solipsism, rather than charm commingled with truth.) And because in 1946 he had effectively founded the Anglo-American "special relationship" in its cold war form, at Fulton, Missouri, his enormous specter seemed to guarantee Britain a continued role as a junior superpower, or at least as a superpower's preferred junior.
In the early 1970s I was working at The New Statesman, in London, very near the Public Record Office, when a fresh tranche of Churchill's wartime papers was released. These covered the discussions between Churchill ("Premier," as the official papers called him) and Stalin about the future of postwar Eastern Europe. It was already known that Churchill had proposed, on the back of an envelope, a deal with Stalin for 90 percent British control of Greece in exchange for an equivalent communization of the Balkans. But it was not quite clear whether he had also deliberately traded Poland into Stalin's "sphere of influence." The matter had moral as well as historical importance, since it was in defense of Poland that Britain had finally declared war on Hitler, in September of 1939. A. J. P. Taylor prompted me to examine the documents, but the authorities informed me that the entries for Anglo-Soviet discussion of wartime Polish policy had been unaccountably mislaid. That sort of thing happens a lot in a state with an Official Secrets Act, but this was flagrant; and Poland had recently begun to stir and shift again as an actor for itself in European politics. "They always say that when it's important," Taylor told me about the "loss" of the critical records. I briefly considered titling my New Statesman article "The Churchill-Stalin Pact" but swiftly appreciated that this would make me look like a crank. There was no Churchill-Stalin Pact. There could not have been a Churchill-Stalin Pact. The necessary three words could not be brought into apposition. Heroic and improvised pragmatism-yes. Degraded and cynical statecraft? Not yet thinkable.
The Churchill cult in England, however, is mild and reflective in comparison with the Churchill cult in the United States. (I don't think any British school would be so artless as to emulate the Winston Churchill High School in the upscale D.C. suburb of Potomac, Maryland, which has a yearbook titled Finest Hours.) The aftermath of September 11 only reinforced a series of tropes that were already familiar to students of ready-made political rhetoric. "We will not waver, we will not tire, we will not falter, and we will not fail," President Bush proclaimed as the bombing of Afghanistan began. "We shall not fail or falter; we shall not weaken or tire," Churchill said-somewhat more euphoniously-sixty years before. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld has outdone even his Churchill-obsessed predecessor Caspar Weinberger, announcing to the staff of the Pentagon on September 12, "At the height of peril to his own nation, Winston Churchill spoke of their finest hour. Yesterday, America and the cause of human freedom came under attack." Only a week earlier, this time speaking in favor of a missile-defense system, Rumsfeld had informed a Senate committee, "Winston Churchill once said, 'I hope I shall never see the day when the forces of right are deprived of the right of force.'" On September 25, asked whether the Defense Department would be authorized to deceive the press in prosecuting the war, he unhesitatingly responded, "This conjures up Winston Churchill's famous phrase when he said ... sometimes the truth is so precious it must be accompanied by a bodyguard of lies." Mayor Rudolph Giuliani, later to be described as an American Churchill, laid the groundwork for his own plaudits by announcing, just after the aggression of September 11 against his city, that he was reading a book about Churchill's wartime premiership "and nothing is more inspirational than the speeches and reflections of Winston Churchill about how to deal with that." Ronald Reagan hung a portrait of Churchill in the Situation Room of the White House soon after taking power; the first President Bush allowed Jack Kemp to compare him to Churchill during the Gulf War; the second President Bush asked the British embassy in Washington to help furnish him with a bronze bust of Churchill, which now holds pride of place in the Oval Office. The legacy-obsessed Bill Clinton can only whimper at the lack of Churchillian analogy to his own tenure, but the rest of us might wish that if the United States is going to stand for something, it (or its overpaid speechwriting class) would try to come up with some mobilizing rhetoric of its own.
This prevailing line, which teeters between grandeur and kitsch, is followed with reasonable fidelity by American historians and commentators. A few weeks before September 11 a fairly banal development earned a front-page story and an editorial in the New York Times. It became known that William Manchester, debilitated by two strokes, would not be completing his trilogy on the life of Churchill. This trilogy, generically titled The Last Lion, had run to two volumes, Visions of Glory and Alone. If these titles are insufficient to convey the flavor, one might cite, as did the New York Times in its editorial, the closing staves of the second and now-to-be final book: "And now, in the desperate spring of 1940, with the reins of power at last firm in his grasp, he resolved to lead Britain and her fading empire in one last great struggle worthy of all they had been and meant, to arm the nation, not only with weapons but also with the mace of honor, creating in every English breast a soul beneath the ribs of death."
Never in the field of human biography can metaphor have been more epically mixed. Yet the New York Times regarded the lack of a sequel as a cultural event worthy of reverent coverage and a deferential editorial. The latter, unsigned, described the incomplete work as leaving "Churchill somehow suspended, poised in the midst of a great arc whose outcome we know but whose details we would like to savor over again in Mr. Manchester's words." Or, to put it another way, there can never be too much reinforcement of a familiar and useful morality tale. In the quite recent past at least two books have been published to general acclaim-Churchill: A Study in Greatness, by Geoffrey Best, and Five Days in London, May 1940, by John Lukacs, which assist in this ramming home of an already near unassailable myth. And these, together with Lord Jenkins's tome, only continue a process begun by Churchill himself when he annexed the papers of his time in office to write his own version of events. He could emerge as a historic figure-as he put it in one of his many and likeable moments of self-deprecation-by making sure of writing the history himself. The names of his early research assistants and drafters-Alan Bullock, F. W. Deakin-are testimony in themselves to what might fairly be called a conscription of the historians' professional mainstream. Yet upon reflection one might perhaps decide that the term "conscription" is unfair. "Churchill the historian," said the late Sir J. H. Plumb, "lies at the very heart of all historiography of the Second World War and will always remain there." Donald Cameron Watt commented dryly seven years later, in 1976, "For the bulk of the historical profession in America, Sir Winston Churchill's view of British policy before 1939 has hardly required a moment's critical examination." It would be no insult, then, to describe certain authors not as conscripts hut as volunteers.
Manchester's series proposed itself modestly as only the condensed (or large-print) version of the ur-text of approved Churchilliana: the eight-volume official biography, by Sir Martin Gilbert, the doyen of Churchill historians. Unlike the grave and measured work of which it is the flickering Platonic shadow, Manchester's unfinished labor is overwrought in the sentimental, para-historical Camelot style that its author helped to originate. Once again, action is judged by reputation rather than reputation by action. In an extraordinary gesture Manchester rendered Churchill's wartime speeches as blank verse, with carefully incised line breaks and verse settings. This was to make explicit what had been latent heretofore, and it was also to pay Churchill the compliment he would probably have most valued and desired. (Remember that he received his 1953 Nobel Prize for literature.) In the English-speaking world, at any rate, his lapidary phrases and rolling flourishes have achieved the familiarity and renown enjoyed by some passages of the King James Bible, the Book of Common Prayer, and the "kingship" plays of William Shakespeare.


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subset: commoncrawl


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About TomB
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I think the pics are great, Purk. Thanks for documenting a great meet! John - thank you for continuing to give us the opportunity and support for headphone meets in the Atlanta area.
Dang, that's bad news for us, Brent! Hopefully, it's a great move for you, though! I was selfishly hoping for some more yo-yo lessons.
Atlanta Headphone Meet - Sunday, May 7, 2017
TomB replied to TomB's topic in MeetsMore pics:
Atlanta Headphone Meet - Sunday, May 7, 2017
TomB posted a topic in MeetsThe Audio-Video Club of Atlanta is proposing a headphone meet on Sunday, May 7, 2017 from 12 to 5 PM. The proposed location is at the Dunwoody North Driving Club, north of Atlanta. Detailed directions will be provided later in this post. Local retailers and popular manufacturers will be invited and all headphone enthusiasts are encouraged to attend. This is a no-charge event.
I was shocked - shocked, I tell you, to find out you throw yo-yo's. Actually, I'm the one that just throws. What you do with them is fantastic. I need lessons from you. I'm so happy that Doug got to come. It was pretty hectic getting him in Friday night from the airport and adding the last touches to the equipment. We were soldering in my Beezar Audio den until about midnight, I think.
TomB changed their profile photo
Yes, from what many people told me there, his Copenhagen tube and sand amps were the absolute hit of the event.
The biggest is the discovery that we can shoehorn in the Mundorf EVO caps for the parafeed caps: http://diyforums.org/Torpedo-III/TorpedoIII-tweaks3.php Then there's also a new tube CCS, which several have installed with good results. I should be offering it as an option/side kit soon when the boards come in. There is an output CCS in the works, but Doug's 2nd attempt apparently blew up on him this evening, so the jury's out on that one, yet. Maybe it was the flux capacitor.
Sounds like a lot of great people will be there!
The T3 has been improved since then, too.
I just wanted to add that Doug let me build one of these (populating the PCB, only) and I've been listening to it for the last few weeks. Basically, I begged him because showing off the T3 at headphone meets was not working well with the DACs I had. I needed something Summit-Fi as a source, but didn't have it. The Walnut v5 solved the situation in spades. Before anyone asks - I would not recommend it as anything but a custom build from Doug. I built it myself, but it took weeks of preparation. I got two new pairs of $45 tweezers, a hot-air re-work station and other tools, too. I took several days to practice on some of my scrap Beezar DACs. I still made mistakes when I attacked the Walnut. I finally got it working, but I'd have to say it was the most challenging build I've ever done, bar none. Again, I'm just talking about the PCB. Anyway, the sound is absolutely exquisite using a T3 and HD800. I've never experienced sound at this level before and actually owned it. Thank you, Doug!
Several people had asked about "built" Torpedo III's being available. I'm almost finished constructing four new Torpedo III's. I'll put these and a couple of others on sale in the next few days.
Yep - I guess you guys aren't too far apart, now. As always, Doug is pushing the boundaries of design thought with regard to headphone amplifiers. Very impressive.
ECP Audio
TomB replied to jimmyb233's topic in Headphone AmplificationI can testify to the Black Diamond's excellent sound. I blew it in the last Atlanta meet, probably because I was trying to feed the DAC that Doug built off of the same crappy Acer Netbooks that I use for meets. Bad move. Anyway, I had the privilege to listen to it at home for a week or two - simply outstanding.
The Abyss
TomB replied to blessingx's topic in HeadphonesYes - the Dr, but the Cybermen wear the Abyss.
Difference between etymotic er4p and er4s?
TomB replied to recstar24's topic in Portable AudioWell, I bought what was supposed to be a genuine "Ety" adapter off of eBay and yes - seems to do the trick. AFAIK, it appears to be genuine. That said, I really don't notice any difference in frequency response. It's more of a gain convenience. Tricking the ER-4 into an "S" means that you can use an amp with reasonable power and still be able to adjust the volume with some bit of flexibility. Put an ER-4P directly into that situation and you're down on the first quarter of the volume dial or less, nothing more.


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|Taco by David Schwen
There is a new bar in Carytown (RVA) called Don't Look Back. It is a bar with tacos. Tacos made by Nate, of Nate's Taco Truck fame in my fair city. Also, these tacos do not cost too much, and neither do the drinks. It is within walking distance from my house.
I may or may not be funneling all of my freelance money into a taco fund from here on out. My life is complete.
*Don't Look Back image from their site


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BEIJING, Dec. 1 (UPI) —
China's space program scored another success Monday with the successful launch of its first Chang'e-3 lunar rover mission, its space scientists announced.
The Long March-3B rocket, carrying Chang'e-3, its landing module and a robot rover named Yutu, or Jade Rabbit, blasted off from Xichang Satellite Launch Center in southern China's Sichuan province at 1:30 a.m. Monday local time, the official Xinhua News Agency reported.
Center Director Zhang Zhenzhong made the announcement after the lunar probe entered the Earth-moon transfer orbit and unfolded its solar panels, Xinhua said. The lunar probe is expected to soft-land on the moon in the middle of this month.
It would be the first time a Chinese spacecraft has made such a soft-landing on the lunar surface and if successful, China will become the third to do so after the United States and the former Soviet Union.
Chang'e-3's mission will include orbiting, landing and returning to Earth.
Chinese scientists said the Chang'e-3 mission, the most complicated and difficult one ever attempted by China, represents technological breakthroughs.
The rover will explore areas surrounding the lunar landing spot, he said, adding the mission will also see breakthroughs in remote control between the moon and the Earth.
Xinhua said the Chang'e-3 name derives from an ancient Chinese myth about a woman named Chang'e, who after swallowing magic pills, took her pet "Yutu" to fly toward the moon, where she became a goddess, and has been living there with the white rabbit.
China sent its first astronaut into space in 2003, becoming the third country after Russia and the United States to achieve independent manned space travel, Xinhua said.
Li Benzheng, deputy commander in chief of China's lunar program, said his country's space exploration does not aim at competition.
CNN said Chang'e-3 will be able to survey the landscape first and determine the safest spot. It quoted researchers that the crater Sinus Iridum, or Bay of Rainbows, is its likely destination.
The BBC, citing Chinese experts, said the 260-pound Jade Rabbit rover can climb up to 30-degree slopes and move at 660 feet an hour.
The British network said a successful mission, which would include looking for natural resources on the moon's surface, would be a major achievement for China as its seeks to set up a permanent space station in Earth orbit.


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( inc. VAT)
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Car Travel costs are included for local weddings. For weddings further afield mileage will be charged. Ferries or flights will be charged at cost.
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I am going to steal a line from another photographer here and say "I am a photographer not a salesman".
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And because we have charged fairly up front for "time and talent" (as the Americans would say ...) we only mark up our albums just enough to cover our design and admin time. We make the same whatever album you choose
So you can rest assured that while we will offer all the advice you need to create the best possible record of your wedding day - we will never pressurize you.
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Click here for Album&Extras info
Contact Us to see if your date is available, for a full price list and to discuss your booking


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A New Justice
A transcript of the weekend's program on FOX News Channel.
David Asman: Welcome to "The Journal Editorial Report." I'm David Asman, in for Paul Gigot.
And this week, we're looking ahead to the first days of the Trump presidency, the challenges facing his administration at home and abroad, and the policies that are likely to top his agenda.
We begin with the Supreme Court, where the president-elect is set to make his mark almost immediately when he chooses the successor to the late Justice Antonin Scalia. Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer already threatening a fight, telling FOX's Chris Wallace last weekend that Democrats will oppose any nominee that isn't, quote, "mainstream."
Schumer: I would hope, first and foremost, that President Trump nominates a mainstream nominee capable of getting bipartisan support. If he does, then we'll give it just a very, very thorough vetting, but we won't ipso facto say no. If it's out of the mainstream, yeah, we're going to fight that nominee tooth and nail.
Asman: Joining the panel this week, Wall Street Journal columnist and deputy editor Dan Henninger, columnist Bill McGurn, editorial board member Mary Kissel and Best of the Web columnist James Taranto.
So, Dan, Trump's got a list of 21 potential nominees. I don't think anybody—any presidential candidate has ever put together a list like this. Do any of these names, any of the 21 names, fit Schumer's definition of "mainstream"?
Henninger: Well, David, I think we can make this simple. Would Chuck Schumer regard Justice Antonin Scalia as mainstream?
Asman: No, absolutely not.
Henninger: Well, let me tell you something. One of the things Donald Trump mentioned towards the end of his campaign—it simply thrilled him—was the fact that Antonin Scalia's widow, Maureen, plopped a "Trump for President" sign in her front yard in Northern Virginia.
Asman: I don't think Schumer would like that.
Henninger: Well, you know what it tells me is that I think Trump's nominee is going to be a clone of Antonin Scalia. And Chuck Schumer is going to have to come to grips with that. But he also has to come to grips with the fact that he has to defend a lot of Senate seats two years from now. And in Chuck Schumer's world, defending his place in the Senate, the number of Democrats he has in the Senate, I think takes precedence over the Supreme Court nominee.
Asman: Bill, defending his place in the spotlight, nobody loves the spotlight as much as Sen. Charles Schumer does. How far, if this actually does become a political liability, his resistance to any nominee—how far is he going to take the fight?
McGurn: Well, he has to make a lot of noise. Look, the Supreme Court is the Democrats' preferred legislative branch for getting things done and shooting down things that Republicans do. So it's a big thing for their base as well as for the Republican base. And they're going to make a lot of noise.
Whether they actually vote the way they sound, for the sound and fury, is another question. We have these seats coming up they have to defend. They don't have a majority. They're in—the Democrats are in the weakest position they've ever been. If they try to filibuster, because Reid changed rules, Republicans can change rules. Republicans have the Senate majority and they also have a—Trump can claim a mandate. He released these names. As long as he uses one of the names on the list, he released those names beforehand. I mean, he's in a better position on Supreme Court nominees than any Republican president.
Asman: Can he—Mary, all the exit polls show the Supreme Court, the decisions made by the next president, played a big part in their decision to vote. So it could be argued that had he not come out with the names, the public would not have given him the presidency.
Kissel: That's true. There are a number of the base that I think voted for Trump because of the court. Take, for example, the religious wing of the party. They want the court to defend their religious freedom. Take constitutional conservatives, the tea-party base, they also voted for Trump in large part I think so the court could defend their freedoms.
I think Bill is right. Trump does have a mandate here because he released these names. And I think he should do it quickly. I think voters want action. They see Trump as an agent of change, and I think he has a great opportunity here.
Asman: James, you focus in on what cases the Supreme Court is going to be looking at. Mary just named some. What are some of the key Scotus decisions that the next court—a full court of nine justices—will decide on?
Taranto: There is one religious case involving a Missouri church that was applying for a state grant to renovate a playground. This is a grant available to nonprofits. The governor of Missouri said, no, we can't give any grants to churches under state law. So, the court is going to determine whether this is discriminatory or not.
Asman: Now, a lot of people would listen to that and say, "What does that have to do with anything?" But it does have a lot to do with—
Taranto: Well, the liberals on the court tend to be more hostile to religious claims, at least when made by traditionalist Christians and Jews. We had a case that was not decided in this past term involving the Little Sisters of the Poor. The Obama administration wanted to force them to pay for contraception and abortion drugs or to sign a letter acknowledging that they were making other arrangements for these drugs. They said this is against our conscience. The court sort of punted on this, ordered the parties to enter settlement talks. I think with a fifth justice perhaps that will be settled in favor of the Little Sisters.
Asman: And, Dan, you wonder how many of these cases will be null and void because there won't be any ObamaCare any more. I mean, some of the decisions that Trump makes in some areas of—tearing up some of the executive orders and everything, as the president, might make null and void a lot of these Supreme Court decisions.
Henninger: Yeah, but some of the cases involving, say, the Environmental Protection Agency, what Trump does there would be challenged in court. So those kinds of cases—the core of regulatory authority—would go back into the court system.
I want to make one more political point here, David. Donald Trump has promised to do a victory tour after Thanksgiving to all those states that voted for him. Can you imagine what it'd be like if, after he nominates one of these justices and gets push-back from some of these moderate senators, he goes out to Montana, Missouri, North Dakota and West Virginia and holds rallies on behalf of his nominee? Do you think any of those Democratic senators are going to want Donald Trump coming back to their states—
Asman: No way.
Henninger: —to rile up the population?
Asman: No, not going to happen.
What about, Bill, the big issue that everybody is thinking about with the Supreme Court, which is abortion? So far with eight justices, they have been kind of avoiding the big cases that would involve abortion. When they get nine justices in there—and undoubtedly they will pretty soon—what happens to that issue?
McGurn: We don't know. Abortion has been one of the most dishonestly decided cases in the nation starting with Roe. They had a chance—
Asman: Roe v Wade, that was a big decision.
McGurn: They had a chance to change that in Planned Parenthood v. Casey and they didn't. My own preferred solution is I would like it to go back to the states, as Donald Trump actually intimated when he—he talked about—
Asman: He pretty much said it a couple of times.
McGurn: He talked about appointing pro-life justices. I'm pro-life, but what I want are justices who are constitutional, who don't discover rights that aren't in the Constitution. And I think that would be—it'd be messy. Some states would ban abortion entirely; some would not; a lot would be in the middle. But I think that's the way we resolve our issues and avoid these national culture wars.
Asman: Very quickly, James.
Taranto: The court decided a big abortion case in this past term. It was a very liberal decision, with Justice Kennedy in the majority. So that's not going to change until Trump gets another nomination.
Asman: Last word on this.
Coming up next, from the growing ISIS threat to the potential for a Russian reset—yes, another one—Gen. Jack Keane taking us through the global challenges facing the Trump administration in the months ahead.
Asman: Turning now to the world stage, where some big challenges face the Trump administration in its early days, including the deteriorating situation in Syria, Russia's growing influence in the Middle East, and the continuing threat from Islamic terrorism.
Retired four-star Army general Jack Keane is the chair of the Institute for the Study of War and a FOX News military analyst.
General, first of all, let's look at the big picture. What are the main challenges the new president faces?
Keane: Listen, the global security challenges that President-elect Trump is facing, we haven't seen these challenges, I don't believe, since the end of World War II with the rise of the Soviet Union. We've got radical Islam—ISIS is certainly a part of that, al Qaeda a part of that—morphing into a global jihad; no strategy, no global alliance to deal with that. We have three revisionist powers—Russia, Iran, China—seeking some form of regional domination and all having some success. Cyber-espionage and cyber-attack is exploding from our adversaries inside our country. We don't seem capable of stopping it.
What makes these challenges so serious, in my judgment, David—because we've had challenges before—is that we are failing so miserably at it. And as a result of it, you know, our friends have lost faith in us. They don't trust us. They don't think we're reliable. And our adversaries are downright emboldened. What we need is strong leadership here.
Asman: You mentioned Islamic terrorism. That's a phrase President Obama wasn't willing to say. At least now we have a president that who isn't afraid to say it. That's an improvement, isn't it?
Keane: Is it ever. We not only say it. We have to define it so the American people understand it. We have to explain it. We have to inform and educate so the American people are conversant with what this belief system is. They don't have to read any of the theology and philosophy behind it, but they should know what the speech is, how people dress that are a part of this, how people are acting, what their behavior is, so when they rise up in our communities that there are friends and family members and coworkers that can identify it as such and do something about it.
Asman: Now, the main focus of Islamic terrorism in a world is ISIS. And fighting ISIS, Donald Trump said, is going to be his No. 1 priority. How's the fight going? Are we winning or losing?
Keane: Well, we're winning, because we're taking territory back, and that's a good thing, in Iraq, principally. We do not have an effective plan to take the territory back in Syria. The President-elect will have to deal with that.
But here's the other part of it. ISIS has expanded it to 35 countries. We have no strategy and no alliances formed to deal with the reality of that. It doesn't mean the United States has to be involved in all of that, but we certainly could help organize and shape it and provide resources with shared intelligence. We're not doing anything of that.
Asman: Mosul is in Iraq. We're going after them. It seems like a tough slog. We're still fighting there. But you mentioned Syria. The Russians are working with the Assad government, which the United States said they want to get rid of—or at least President Obama did. Trump says he can work with Russia to destroy ISIS. What do you think of that?
Keane: I think in dealing with Russia we have to come at it two ways. First of all, I think Putin took advantage of two presidents, President Bush and President Obama, and had different levels of success with them. Certainly, this president will be tested by Putin, to be sure. This is a guy that uses aggression and force—in Georgia, in Crimea, in eastern Ukraine, and now in Syria—to achieve his geopolitical goals, put Russia back on a world stage. He is also very interested in Eastern Europe and particularly the Baltics. So, he is on the move.
He has to understand, clearly, that the United States is not going to tolerate this kind of aggressive and assertive behavior at the expense of our interests and the expense of our allies. We have got to lay that marker down clearly for him. Rebuilding the military is something Putin will pay attention to. Because capabilities make a difference. If we have the intent to use the military only when needed, then that also becomes, then, therefore, a credible deterrent.
I don't believe that has been the case with President Obama. I think Putin believes that, no matter what escalation Putin would do, that this country would not respond. I think he has been inside President Obama's head for some time. So Trump has a huge opportunity here to reset this thing to our favor, to our national interests.
Asman: But I'm just wondering, can we work with Russia in going after ISIS and against Russia with their expanding interests in Eastern Europe?
Keane: I have lots of concerns at working with Russia going against ISIS until we have agreements in terms of what Russia's behavior is going to be. I think what Putin wants certainly is us to work with him against ISIS. He's not in Syria because of ISIS. He is in Syria for one reason only: to prop up the Assad regime, which he has been able to do successfully. Now every single day, his bombers are bombing innocent people on the battlefield, along with the Syrian bombers, to include his penetrating bombs, which have gone in and destroyed hospitals that are buried underneath the ground. He has committed war crimes. It's part of the overall genocide campaign. We can't sidle up next to a guy like that and go after ISIS with him as a partner until his behavior changes.
Asman: Interesting.
Gen. Keane, great to talk to you as always. Happy Thanksgiving, sir. Good to see you.
Keane: Happy Thanksgiving to you, too. Take care.
Asman: When we come back, he's vowed to dismantle President Obama's nuclear agreement with Iran. But is the outgoing administration making it more difficult for President Trump to deliver on that promise?
Obama: To unravel a deal that's working and preventing Iran from pursuing a nuclear weapon would be hard to explain, particularly if the alternative were to have them freed from any obligations and go ahead and pursue a weapon.
Asman: That was President Obama, warning the incoming Trump administration against its plan to dismantle his nuclear agreement with Iran. The president reportedly trying to make a move more difficult for his successor, with the Obama White House considering new measures in its final months to strengthen the deal, including lifting additional U.S. sanctions and providing licenses for more American businesses to enter the Iranian market.
We are back with Dan Henninger, Mary Kissel, Bill McGurn and Wall Street Journal columnist Mary Anastasia O'Grady.
Bill, first of all, there's new news that the folks in Iran—Khamenei is saying, the spiritual leader of Iran—the current U.S. government has breached the nuclear deal in many occasions. Now it takes gall for the Iranians to say it is us that's breaching the deal.
McGurn: Yeah, my view is, in two months, that will be John Kerry's line,. Look, the Iran deal is a great litmus test for people's views on the Middle East. If you think this is going to tame Iran and bring peace to the Middle East, you are on one side, and if you are on the other side, you see it as a catastrophe, both in the substance of just delaying the time for Iran to get the deal, and the process, which butchered our Constitution and so forth. It is a corrupt bargain, you know, the essence of that thing.
But Mary O'Grady, what President Obama is doing is kind of—depending on which side are you on—smart or devious. He's trying to lure American businesses, actually international businesses as a whole into Iran to make it more difficult for Trump to unpack. Will it work?
O'Grady: Well, he's certainly trying to do that. And last week they said the most important thing that should be done with the nuclear deal in the next few months is showing that it's working. And No. 1, it's not working. But No. 2, the most important thing for the Obama administration is to tie U.S. business to Iran in such a way that Donald Trump will be very unpopular if he tries to undo that. And that's what they're doing. That's why they've issued these licenses to Airbus and they're trying—and then that's what the Iranians are complaining about, there is not enough investment coming in. So, that's where they will put their focus in the next two months.
Asman: But, Mary Kissel, I can't see it deterring Trump. Trump seems to have—that's another one of his perceived mandates is tearing up this deal.
Kissel: Yeah, I don't think it's a good idea to tear up the deal immediately. I think you can vigorously enforce the deal. And you can start to educate the American public about how Iran violated the deal under the Obama administration.
We should list this out. The American people should know they busted through caps on uranium. They have violated heavy-water caps twice. Even though they were warned by the United Nations they were about to violate it the second time, they did it anyway. They violated, we think—this is new news—advanced centrifuge R&D restrictions. They're taking Americans hostage. They're still funding terrorism across the Middle East. You have to start to lay the groundwork here so that if they do go too far, then President Trump would have a mandate to take action. But, you know, that is the first step, start vigorously enforcing the deal.
Asman: Dan, I don't think you have to go further than showing that video of the way they treated the Navy guys that they took hostage and they have been taking other people. Plus, they have been bragging about how they are going to do much more than they have been doing in terms of trying to disrupt our democratic systems.
Henninger: That's right. I don't think Iran has too many friends inside the United States.
But we have to understand something about the nature of the deal, David. Donald Trump says he would like to rip it up and start over. That's not really going to be possible. Because what we had before the deal was an international coalition that had imposed sanctions on the Iranian government. That is gone. That is the damage that Barack Obama did. You no longer have the participation of the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Russia and China. They are not going to rip up the deal. So, it would be unilateral on our part. I think Donald Trump is aware of that.
I would second Mary Kissel's point, that what we need—Barack Obama has sugarcoated these violations. Donald Trump should throw scouring powder on that deal and report on it every single week, because there have been violations. They have been testing ballistic missiles. That's the great danger, that you can fasten a nuclear warhead onto one of those ballistic missiles—
Asman: Sure.
Henninger: —then there is no turning back. We should expose them every single week.
Asman: Then we have a nuclear threat. Mary, quickly.
Kissel: Here's something else the Trump administration can do on day one: make secret documents public, provide it to the public, provide them to Congress, provide them the ransom documents, provide them the documents that were given to the joint commission. Let's see exactly what this deal was.
Asman: I'm just wondering, Bill, if Obama—if this thing is ripped up, if we take Donald Trump at his word that that's what he is going to do, will President Obama have any legacy in the international sphere at all?
McGurn: No, and I think he shouldn't. Look, there's different ways of going about eviscerating this deal. One is to say you are ripping it up. Another is to put new sanctions in and kind of work all around it to undermine it. Let's be clear, all the violations Mary mentions that people know about—
Asman: Right.
McGurn: —the fixes the Obama administration put in, they're not fixing the enforcement. What they're doing is to try to create a lobbying group that has a vested interest in Iran.
Asman: Right.
McGurn: They're trying to move the swamp to Tehran, all these lobbyists.
Asman: Drain the swamp, whether here or in Iran.
McGurn: Put it in Iran, and then we'll support the deal.
Asman: Thanks, folks.
Still ahead, Republican leaders look ahead to a Trump presidency and a historic opportunity. Is the time finally right for a real genuine tax overhaul? We will ask Economist Art Laffer, from the Laffer Curve, coming next.
Asman: It's been called a golden opportunity. House Republican leaders, looking ahead to a Trump presidency, have already have begun to map out a very ambitious agenda, kind of a blueprint for early next year. At the top of their to-do list is a complete overhaul of the U.S. tax system, all 75,000 pages. This is something the GOP has been advocating and planning for decades.
Art Laffer has been doing that. He is a former Reagan economic adviser and Trump supporter.
You know, Art, for the first time in decades, really, the stars are in alignment for real meaningful change. I'd just like to know, is there anything that can stop it now? We have the Republicans controlling the House, the Senate, of course the White House. They've said this will be tops in their agenda. Is there anything Democrats can do to stop it?
Laffer: I don't think so—the governorships, the state legislatures, shortly the Supreme Court and shortly the Fed. You know, this is the grand conjunction, this is the moment in time and space when we can really do something. and the House has already, with Brady and Ryan, has already gone huge distances in preparing the groundwork and working out the details. You got Ted Cruz in the Senate who has worked out a lot as well. This is our moment, and I think we will really shine.
Asman: I mentioned the 75,000 pages. We could show the piles of page after page. Most Americans, of course, don't have to deal with that much. But they do have to deal with more than they think is necessary. Are average Americans going to see a simplification out of this process? Are they going to finally be able to get rid of their accountants and do taxes themselves?
Laffer: Yeah. I think they have to be patient. First, it takes time for tax bills to get through all the committees, get through all the stuff and then be signed. Then they implement it over time. So, it takes time in the first bill. But the real killer comes, the real bit—in '86 we did the final bill, which is the great one. We reduced the number of brackets from 14 to two—28% and 15%—with the two tax rates. We got rid of the deductions, exemptions, exclusions, loopholes. It led to the greatest prosperity ever. That's the one. It's a long process. It's a marathon. Please don't make it a sprint. It's not a sprint. But the House has done a great job in preparing the groundwork for all of this.
Asman: It sounds like a lot of people want to make it a sprint, Art, including Paul Ryan and Donald Trump. This is one thing those guys agree on. Is it conceivable that by the time most Americans do their taxes in April 2017, they will have a much simpler, much lower tax rate to deal with?
Laffer: I think it will be very difficult to do that for the year 2016.
Asman: Twenty seventeen.
Laffer: Yeah, but that's when they file your returns—tax year 2016.
Asman: Twenty sixteen, gotcha.
Laffer: We have all of our tax laws already in place. It's almost the end of the year. I don't know how they can do it retroactively. We did a little bit retroactive with Reagan. We had a 1.25% cut retroactively in 1981. That's very tough. It'll be even tough to do much in 2017 because this stuff takes time. Slow and steady wins the race. I'd much rather have it done carefully, deliberatively and purposefully, and have it work a thousand years than put it in, in a rush, and have it fall apart in two years.
Asman: You know the process. That's one reason you are a great asset in this.
The supply side effect of this—that's what the Laffer Curve is about.
Laffer: Yes.
Asman: The economists, most of the mainstream economists have looked at this tax plan and say it will cost a lot of money because we're going to get—the government is going much fewer revenues; therefore, the deficit and debt will go up, as they cared about that over the past 10 years.
Laffer: They never have.
Asman: But what happened in the 1980s, with Ronald Reagan, tax rates, as you mentioned, came down tremendously. Didn't revenues actually double? They got so much more revenue because there was so much more growth, right?
Laffer: Yes, they did. And especially in the highest income brackets where we had the biggest tax cuts, those groups way increased their payments. I mean, if I remember correctly, the amount paid as a share of GDP in 1980 was about 1.5% of GDP by the top 1%. By 2006, it was 3.2% of GDP. And GDP had gone through the ceiling. So, it was really working on the highest-income earners, which is—what you call mainstream, I call them kooks. But where they say it doesn't work, of course, it works there, and it works there the most.
But don't forget, when you take over a company that's been run into the ground, David, it's lost its productive capacity, it's lost its good employees, it's lost its market share, you've got to cut prices, which means tax rates, you've got to do infrastructure rates, and then you've got to get it going. So, it will take some deficit, some investment in the period, but don't believe for a moment this won't lead to 25 years of huge prosperity, just like Reagan's did.
Asman: A final question.
Laffer: Yes, sir.
Asman: The irony of this, you have a president-elect who is a guy who is taking advantage of every single tax loophole there is—
Laffer: Of course.
Asman: —in his business. He brags about it. "It proves I'm smart. I take advantage of it. It's legal."
Laffer: That's exactly right.
Asman: He says he will get rid of the loopholes that helped him become a billionaire. There are a lot of businesses that depend on those loopholes, that look forward to the loopholes. They will put up a lot of resistance. Is there anything they would win on that worries you?
Laffer: The one thing I know about Donald Trump on this is he knows what the loopholes are, he knows where they are, what they do, and he, therefore, knows how to get rid of them. He knows what types of distortions they cause, how many lawyers, accountants, deferred-income specialists and favor grabbers you have to hire to take advantage of those. He knows how to make the system fair and competitive, with is just what we need, David. And he would have been a billionaire even under fair conditions. He just takes advantage of the loopholes, just like everyone else does, and should. I mean, the Supreme Court made it very clear, there's nothing wrong with using all of the advantages you can in the tax code to make money.
Asman: Gotcha.
Laffer: We got to make it even.
Asman: We've got to leave it there.
Laffer: Thank you, sir.
Asman: Art Laffer—
Laffer: You're wonderful.
Asman: —you are one optimistic man in the universe, I think, it's fair to say.
Good to see you, my friend.
Still ahead—
Laffer: Thank you very much, David. Talk to you later.
Asman: —President-elect Donald Trump promising this week to scrap the Trans Pacific Partnership, the trade deal, on day one. But is China already taking advantage of the American trade retreat?
Trump: On trade, I am going to issue a notification of intent to withdraw from the Trans Pacific Partnership, a potential disaster for our country. Instead, we will negotiate fair bilateral trade deals that bring jobs and industry back onto American shores.
Asman: That's the president-elect in a video released by his transition team this week, promising to withdraw from the Trans Pacific Partnership trade deal on his first day in office.
We continue now with our look ahead to the early days in the Trump administration with Dan Henninger, Mary Kissel, Bill McGurn and Mary Anastasia O'Grady.
Dan, dropping the regional trade deals like TPP, like Nafta, and work on country-to-country deals, that sounds like what he wants to do. Does that make any sense?
Henninger: Well, country deals can be beneficial, but not as beneficial as an overarching trade agreement. I think Donald Trump has to be a little careful in this area. The Chinese—within hours, really, of him announcing he was abandoning TPP—said they were reviving their own trans-Asia trade pact with the countries over there. Now, bear in mind, the Asian countries—China, Japan, South Korea, Vietnam, Malaysia—have become very much free-trade oriented while Western Europe and the United States now looks to be becoming more protectionist. Trump is running the risk of allowing the sort of shifting of the economic gains from trade and the power that accrues to that trade shifting to Asia and away from the United States and Western Europe. So, he's got to be very careful about that.
Asman: Mary Kissel, I believe the editorial page has argued in the past against trade deals that focus too much on politically correct side deals, like dealing with climate change and labor laws that might stop businesses rather than encourage them. If he is just interested in stripping out these things as an impediment to growth, might that not be a good thing?
Kissel: Yeah, that would be great. By the way, that's what President Obama did. He renegotiates three trade deals of ours—
Asman: To make them more—
Kissel: —to add all this junk on there. Unfortunately, that didn't add to the benefits of those deals.
Look, there is a strategic imperative here, too, for Donald Trump. It's not just about the economic benefits. Countries like South Korea and Japan, Malaysia, the Philippines, the smaller nations like Singapore in Asia, they are naturally going to be dependent on China as a big economic power in the region. They don't want that. They've come to the Obama administration and begged them, please do this big deal, because we want to trade with you. Strategically, we want to grow and prosper with you, not the one-party state of the Communist Party of China. So, I think it's very important to remember here, it's not just about the growth. It's also about the strategic imperative in Asia.
Asman: Mary O'Grady, Nafta—of course, you cover Latin America. Nafta is Mexico and Canada. But then there are these deals that go further south, to the rest of Latin America. China, as Mary Kissel says, is trying to make inroads in Latin America right now, desperately. But they've left some really bad experiences, bad tastes in the mouth of a lot of Latin American countries, in places like Nicaragua and everything, where they're trying to get in there. And these are deals that have gone bad, that the Chinese have either reneged on or changed the deals, as they are want to do. Don't Latin Americans—even though Nafta may be gone because of Donald Trump—don't they want to make a deal just individually with the United States rather than having a deal with China?
O'Grady: I think Mary is right that most of the democratic countries would rather deal with the U.S. and they're begging for access to the U.S. markets. I think what Donald Trump is missing here when he talks about bilateral agreements is the importance of global supply chains. And you have—the North American continent right now is one of the most competitive economies in the world, precisely because components are made in all three of the countries, and many things cross the border more than once on their way to being a final product.
So, if he starts doing bilaterals, you have a big complication in what they called rules of origin. So, you have a bilateral between the U.S. and Country X, but that country can't source components from another country, or only up to a certain percentage. So, you take away the competitiveness of U.S. economy and the broader global economy when you start chopping it up in bilateral agreements.
Asman: Bill, one thing that's crossed the border are Ford cars and trucks. Of course, Trump and Ford have gone head-to-head on this issue. At one point, it looked like Ford was going to back down and say, "OK, we'll move this plant back to the U.S. from Mexico." Another point, they said we will not do it. How effective is his—he talks about one country to one country, he is talking about one company at a time.
McGurn: It all comes down to what does Donald Trump mean by fair? When I was in the White House, you were never allowed to say "fair trade." You always had to say "free and fair trade." It's a terrible word. I think if we just reduce the impediments between you and me making a deal, that seems fair to me. The freer the trade it is, the fairer. So if people are going overseas because we have onerous regulations and too-high taxes, that's one thing. If you want to improve that, that's a great thing to keep Ford here. But if we are going to discriminate against foreigners and so forth, that's a bad thing. It will make us more efficient. We don't know whether he means—we still don't know if he means for fair trade that I'm going to negotiate a few things so that I can pound my chest. I will totally rewrite the bill or make it more free?
Asman: We'll find out soon enough.
McGurn: Right.
Asman: Thank you very much.
When we come back, they're already reeling from their Election Day defeat, and now Democrats are facing another grim political reality, the 2018 Senate map. So could Republicans rack up a filibuster-proof majority just two years from now?
Asman: Well, Democrats already reeling from their election losses, and now they're bracing themselves for 2018 and the possibility that Republicans could rack up a filibuster-proof majority in the U.S. Senate. While the GOP has just eight seats up in the next election, Democrats are defending a whopping 23. Adding to their worries, the fact that many of those seats are in states won by Donald Trump.
We're back with Dan Henninger, Mary Kissel, Bill McGurn, James Taranto.
Mary, how realistic is the chance of having a filibuster-proof Senate for the GOP?
Kissel: I think we have to say two things up front. First, we have absolutely no idea what's going to happen in the next two years that could change voters' minds about the Republican Party. And secondly, Americans voters don't like unitary power. They don't like having typically one party controlling the White House and Congress.
That being said, that map you just put up—there are five states there that Trump—that Democrats are defending, that Trump won by double digits. There are also five swing states there that Democrats have to defend that were won by Donald Trump, states like Florida, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin and Michigan. You know, it is going to force these Democratic Senators into some uncomfortable positions when they're asked to take votes on things like ObamaCare reform or energy-market liberalization.
Asman: Bill, the question is, where do Democrats go? They're looking at these maps, they're wondering how to prevent this from happening. Do they go left or right, or to the middle?
McGurn: Yeah, I think, look, in a lot of cases, some of the guys are kind of moderate, Manchin and even Joe Donnelly in Indiana. They would like to go right. They've been pushed left by their own party. So, I don't think it is so hard for them to save themselves.
But I think the big point is Mary's. It depends what the Trump administration does. You know, a lot of the anger at the Republicans this year, and the reason for Trump's nomination, is that people said the Republicans got the House and Senate and they didn't do anything. I think—I'm not a guy that believes in economy over everything, but I think unless there's some economic growth and people feel "I see improvement in my life, I think my children have more opportunities," it could go the other way. It could make Republicans very unpopular.
Asman: But Dan, I don't see much change. There's change around the edges, but in the Democratic Party, I mean, Pelosi looks like she's going to be the leader in the House, and you've got Schumer in the Senate. It looks like the old dinosaurs are holding on.
Henninger: They are holding on. But again, we're talking about those seats that are up in 2018, and they're in places like Montana, Sen. Joe Tester; Missouri, Claire McCaskill, Manchin and Joe Donnelly in Indiana, Bill just mentioned. And look, they're going to have to run in those moderate states Trump carried as either bipartisan politicians and—people who can get things done. That means they have to point to legislation.
Remember, Barack Obama sucked all of the oxygen out of Congress. He didn't do business with them. And so these people would end up having to run on left-wing slogans, like "income inequality" or "working men and women." That's not going to get them re-elected. I think they will align with Mitch McConnell. But keep in mind that McConnell needs at least eight votes on legislation to break a Democratic filibuster. So some of these people could vote with the Republicans without having to bear the responsibility of these things getting passed.
Asman: James, let's take it out of the political equation for a second, look at what is happening on the streets of America right now. You have a lot of street fighters out there, a lot of protests, the same kind of people that President Obama brought into the White House, like Black Lives Matter and Al Sharpton, are now out in the streets. If they don't get what they want from elections, if they don't get what Mary has aligned, if all of the stars are not in their alignment, will they go to the streets? Will we see more protests and street fighting in America?
Taranto: I think we'll see some of that. The left has a long history of street protests, going back to the '60s.
The—what's fascinating about this election map is it is very different from the 2014 and 2016 election map, in that—one of the underappreciated facts about this election we just had is, if you look at the Senate map, every single Senate race, all 34 of them, match the result of the presidential race in that state, assuming that the Republican wins the Louisiana runoff. That's never happened before. So, the Senate results are lining up in a partisan way with the presidential results. In 2014, there were only three deviations from the 2016 presidential results. That's why it is so significant that 10 Trump states have Democratic senators.
Asman: Twenty seconds.
McGurn: Yeah. Look, Bernie Sanders is even saying we need to rise above identity politics and put working families first.
Asman: The socialist is saying this.
McGurn: But the point is there's going to be a lot of splits in the Democratic Party about whether to go right, left, middle. It is not going to be uniform.
Asman: Not going to be easy for them.
All right. We have to take one more break. When we come back, "Hits and Misses" of the week.
Asman: Time now for our "Hits and Misses" of the week. Dan, first to you.
Henninger: Well, I'm going to give a hit to Bruce Springsteen's guitarist, Steven van Zandt, who called out the cast of the Broadway musical "Hamilton" last week for dumping on Mike Pence while he was sitting there at the end of the play watching it. Little Steven, as he's called—he's no Trump supporter—said that theater should be used as a place to let art speak, not for actors to be blind-siding their audiences. So kudos to Steven van Zandt for pushing back the politicization of every waking hour.
Asman: I like that. Mary O'Grady?
O'Grady: David, this is a hit for U.S. District Judge Amos Mazzant III, of Sherman, Texas, who this week blocked President Obama's executive order that would have forced companies to pay overtime to employees making up to almost $48,000 a year. The judge ruled that the president had overstepped and exceeded his authority—
Asman: Imagine that.
O'Grady: —and that this was the purview of Congress.
Asman: Wow. So, bureaucrats don't know as much about doing business as businesspeople, huh? That's the new way.
James, what do you have?
Freeman: David, I had a hit for New York Mayor Bill de Blasio, who gave a speech this week in which he threatened not to cooperate with the new administration in Washington on immigration enforcement and other matters. Now you're probably wondering why is this a hit instead of a miss. Because as the Wall Street Journal reports, the city depends on Washington for about 10% of its $83 billion budget. That's $8.3 billion in federal spending Mayor de Blasio has promised to cut.
Asman: Wow. Bill?
McGurn: In the same way, I'm going to call this a hit, and it goes out to the Yes California movement that wants to make California an independent nation. This week, they filed papers calling for a special election to get this on the ballot. If they're successful, it would require federal approval down the road. California would become its own nation. Now, David, some would call this a miss. I call it a hit because it is probably the one single action the state of my birth could take to guarantee the election of Republicans through the 21st century.
Asman: You were born in California, Bill McGurn?
McGurn: Now, I would say Camp Pendleton, so—
Asman: OK, that's separate. That's Marine country.
Good to see you, everybody.
If you have your own "Hit or Miss," be sure to tweet it to us, @JERonFNC. Have a great weekend. That's it for this week's show. Thanks to my panel and to all of you for watching. I'm David Asman. You can catch me weekdays on "After the Bell" on the FOX Business Network. Paul is back next week. We hope to see you then. Have a great weekend.


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Daniel P. Horan, OFM is a Franciscan friar of Holy Name Province (NY), assistant professor of systematic theology and spirituality at Catholic Theological Union in Chicago, and the author of several books including the award-winning The Franciscan Heart of Thomas Merton: A New Look at the Spiritual Influence on his Life, Thought, and Writing (2014). His latest book is titled, God Is Not Fair and other Reasons for Gratitude (2016). His next book, due out in Spring 2018, is titled: All God's Creatures: A Theology of Creation (Fortress Press). He is the author of more than 120 popular and scholarly articles; is a frequent lecturer and retreat director around the United States, Canada, and Europe; and has previously taught at Siena College, St. Bonaventure University, and in the School of Theology and Ministry of Boston College. Fr. Dan currently serves on the Board of Trustees of St. Bonaventure University and the Board of Regents of the Franciscan School of Theology (CA). He is co-editor of that academic journal New Theology Review and co-host of The Francis Effect Podcast. He previously served on the Board of Directors of the International Thomas Merton Society, as the Catholic Chaplain at Babson College in Wellesley, Mass., and as a columnist for America magazine. He received his PhD in theology from Boston College, MDiv and MA from the Washington Theological Union (DC), and a BA (Honors) from St. Bonaventure University. In addition to several other recognitions, he was awarded an honorary doctorate by Felician University (New Jersey) in 2015.
Longer Biography [Under Construction]
You can check out Fr. Dan's Amazon.com Author Page here.
You can check out Fr. Dan's Faculty Web Page at CTU
You can check out Fr. Dan's Public Facebook Page here.
You can check out Fr. Dan's Curriculum Vitae here.


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French Country Couch
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As adjective
of, relating to, or characteristic of France, its inhabitants, or their language, culture, etc
:French cooking
As noun
the people of France and their direct descendants
a Romance language spoken in France, parts of Belgium and Switzerland, and in areas colonized after by France
As verb (used with object)
(often lowercase) to prepare (food) according to a French method
(often lowercase) to cut (snap beans) into slivers or thin strips before cooking
(often lowercase) to trim the meat from the end of (a rib chop)
(often lowercase) to prepare (meat) for cooking by slicing it into strips and pounding
to short-sheet (a bed)
(often lowercase) Slang: Vulgar
to give oral stimulation of the penis or vulva
As noun, plural countries
a state or nation:What European countries have you visited?
the territory of a nation
the people of a district, state, or nation:The whole country backed the president in his decision
the land of one's birth or citizenship
rural districts, including farmland, parkland, and other sparsely populated areas, as opposed to cities or towns:Many city dwellers like to spend their vacations in the country
any considerable territory demarcated by topographical conditions, by a distinctive population, etc
:mountainous country; the Amish country of Pennsylvania
a tract of land considered apart from any geographical or political limits; region; district
the public
the public at large, as represented by a jury
country music
As adjective
of, from, or characteristic of the country; rural:a winding country road
of, relating to, or associated with country music:That Nashville station plays country records all day long
rude; unpolished; rustic:country manners
of, from, or pertaining to a particular country
of one's own country
As Idioms
go to the country, British
to dissolve a Parliament that has cast a majority vote disagreeing with the prime minister and cabinet and to call for the election of a new House of Commons
Also, appeal to the country
put oneself upon the / one's country, Law
to present one's cause formally before a jury
As noun
a piece of furniture for seating from two to four people, typically in the form of a bench with a back, sometimes having an armrest at one or each end, and partly or wholly upholstered and often fitted with springs, tailored cushions, skirts, etc
; sofa
a similar article of furniture, with a headrest at one end, on which some patients of psychiatrists or psychoanalysts lie while undergoing treatment
a bed or other place of rest; a lounge; any place used for repose
the lair of a wild beast
the frame on which barley is spread to be malted
the board or felt blanket on which wet pulp is laid for drying into paper sheets
Fine Arts
a primer coat or layer, as of paint
As verb (used with object)
to arrange or frame (words, a sentence, etc
); put into words; express:a simple request couched in respectful language
to express indirectly or obscurely:the threat couched under his polite speech
to lower or bend down, as the head
to lower (a spear, lance, etc
) to a horizontal position, as for attack
to put or lay down, as for rest or sleep; cause to lie down
to lay or spread flat
to transfer (a sheet of pulp) from the wire to the couch
to embroider by couching
to hide; conceal
As verb (used without object)
to lie at rest or asleep; repose; recline
to crouch; bend; stoop
to lie in ambush or in hiding; lurk
to lie in a heap for decomposition or fermentation, as leaves
As Idioms
on the couch, Informal
undergoing psychiatric or psychoanalytic treatment
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Chun Ju Hairpin
Chun Ju translates to 'Born in the Spring' and 'Daisy Flower.' This series of pins was inspired by the beauty of antique Chinese and Japanese botanical brush paintings. Designed and handmade with love in Toronto by The Loved One, and proudly a part of our Queen Bee program*.
- Colour: Silver, pale blue
- Size: approx. 4" long (including pin) and 2.5" wide
- Materials: Swarovski crystal, crystal beads, silver plated wire, silver plated hair pin
Please allow 1 - 2 weeks for fabrication and delivery.
*Our Queen Bee program has been created for the preservation of bees in Canada and around the world. 20% of each purchase of any of our Queen Bee creations is donated to The Canadian Honey Council's Save Our Bees fund.


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Good news to all of us who were calling for a hack tool for Empire Four kingdoms: we were finally able to develop a ruby generator! This tool, as usual, is free and unlimited to use! We hope you will make good use of it?
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Competitions Dec 7, 2016 0
With the world's biggest outdoor screen, the Manchester Christmas Drive in is coming to Old Trafford football ground The Manchester Christmas Drive in will be showing Elf, Home Alone, The Muppet Christmas Carol and Die Hard to thousands of...Read more
Competitions Aug 16, 2016 0
Will August be your lucky month? LEGOLAND® Discovery Centre set to welcome two millionth visitor! This month LEGOLAND Discovery Centre in Manchester is expecting to welcome its two-millionth visitor, and the lucky guest who marks the occasion will win...Read more
Win a pair of tickets to see Levi Roots' demonstration show at Lowry Outlet's 2016 Food Festival Celebrity chefs Levi Roots and Nadiya Hussain will be joined by Manchester's own finest chefs as Lowry Outlet's three-day Food Festival returns,...Read more


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Dentist in Gainesville, Georgia
Ryan Wood, DMD, is a native of Douglasville, Georgia. He attended the University of Georgia (UGA), where he received a Bachelor of Science in Biology. At UGA, he was initiated into the Fraternity of Phi Gamma Delta and was also an active member in the University's Student Government Association. Dr. Wood attended the Medical College of Georgia for Dental School. After graduation he went on to complete a General Practice Residency at the Medical College of Georgia, which consisted of further training in dental implants, intravenous conscious sedation, and general dentistry. Dr. Wood is currently a member of the Georgia Dental Association, American Dental Association, and the American Dental Society of Anesthesiology. He is an active volunteer at the Good News Clinic. Dr. Wood lives in Gainesville with his wife, Liz, and their twins, Catherine and James. Dr. Wood attends Gainesville First United Methodist Church, and in his free time he enjoys golf, hunting, UGA football and time spent on Lake Lanier with his family.
Request an AppointmentContact Us
Copyright © 2018 BGW Dental Group • 1215 Vine Street NE Gainesville, GA 30501 • 1205 Friendship Road Braselton, GA 30517


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RGU staff deliver successful training programme in Qatar
Staff from Robert Gordon University (RGU) travelled to the Middle East recently to deliver training to Pharmacy staff in the region.
Joanna Briggs Institute (JBI) trainers Dr Kay Cooper and Pamela Kirkpatrick from RGU's Institute for Health and Wellbeing Research (IHWR) spent five days at Qatar University in March.
There they delivered the JBI Comprehensive Systematic Review Training Programme to 14 delegates of faculty staff in the University's College of Pharmacy.
It is the first international delivery of the course offered by the Scottish Centre for Evidence-based, Multi-professional Practice: an affiliate centre of the Joanna Briggs Institute, based in Adelaide University.
Course participants included Associate Professors, Assistant Professors, the Chair of Clinical Pharmacy and Practice section and the Dean and Head of Research for Pharmacy.
Most of the participants are active in varied aspects of pharmacy research including inter professional education, coronary heart disease and drug effectiveness studies.
Pamela Kirkpatrick said: "It's great Dr Cooper and I have been able to deliver the course to our colleagues at Qatar University. Their feedback has been extremely positive and it's good to know we've helped increase their knowledge of the JBI approach to conducting systematic reviews.
"Conducting JBI systematic reviews will allow the Pharmacy staff to synthesise research evidence on a range of topics, thereby facilitating evidence-based practice and teaching, and identifying areas that require further research to be conducted."
The pharmacists will now work on registering their titles, developing their protocols and systematic reviews with support from the RGU trainers through regular communication.
This will consolidate knowledge gained and help to optimise publication opportunities in The Joanna Briggs Institute Library of Systematic Reviews and Implementation Reports.
In addition to further developing research capacity in Pharmacy globally, delivering the training strengthens RGU's research relationships with healthcare professionals in the Middle East and activities will also contribute to the outputs of the Scottish Centre.
Release by
Ross AndersonCommunications Officer | Health and Sport


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SATS marking fiasco - a marker's experience
16 Jul 2008
I enjoyed your article on the SATS fiasco and many of the points were familiar to me. I am a KS2 Science marker. One point I wanted to make was that the system worked pretty well in previous years.Perhaps a little refining would have helped , but the changes this year meant that "shambles" was built in from the start.
Firstly most markers did not see the papers before the training day.We usually spend some hours working out which questions will need attention and which are straightforward. This- and the fact that training groups were three or four times as big as previously- meant that much time was wasted on the day.
Secondly the failure to send scripts straight to markers was a critical error. Markers need to begin marking straight away to make best use of the training.To deliver after the half term break meant real pressure for serving teachers. I have several colleagues who- after the training- never received scripts to mark
As to the much vaunted "benchmarking" exercises. When marking time has been compressed, I am sure that tiredness is a major source of errors. To add an hour's work each time you have marked 80 scripts seems designed to create stress. By the way the feedback took days to come back, and relied on you remembering what you had written days before.I know markers who marked the papers and then completed the last two or three benchmarking exercises.
I am sure you will have many e mails from markers. I would like to make one final point.Because we did no "threshold " checking this year, I would anticipate that many more schools than usual would appeal.This could mean that we are still a long way from completing the exercise and could well be discussing this in the Autumn.
RD (full name withheld)


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26 - 10 Final
Hokies keep rolling in win over Tar HeelsNov 14, 2010 - 5:13 AM Virginia Tech topped North Carolina, 26-10, at Kenan Stadium.
Taylor ended just 13-of-28 passing but Davis totaled 81 yards on four catches and Chris Hazley booted four field goals for the Hokies (8-2, 6-0 ACC), who have won eight in a row overall and strengthened their hold atop the Coastal Division over second-place Miami-Florida.
Darren Evans had 90 yards on 14 carries and Jarrett Boykin added 85 yards on three receptions.
"A great win for Virginia Tech. We beat a really good football team, I think, a really good football team," said Hokies head coach Frank Beamer. "I'm just proud of our football team, I'm proud of how hard we play and how consistent we play and we keep battling. I think the team's getting closer and closer and believing in each other and trusting each other. It's been a good ride. I really appreciate these guys."
T.J. Yates finished 18-of-33 for 197 yards but threw four interceptions and was sacked four times for the Tar Heels (6-4, 3-3), who saw their two-game win streak ended.
Anthony Elzy notched North Carolina's only touchdown of the contest as part of an 82-yard, 17-carry performance. He also led the club in receiving with seven catches for 102 yards in defeat.
"Not a great deal to say," offered Tar Heels head coach Butch Davis. "When you have opportunities against a good football team you need to capitalize on them. You can't drive the length of the field, have really good drives, and settle for three. But having said all of that, you still have to play well and you can't turn the ball over. I think our kids will bounce back. We'll work as hard as we can to put this behind us and get ready for the next game."
Taylor hit Davis for an 11-yard touchdown to cap the first drive of the third quarter and the visitors led 16-10. Hazley connected on a 23-yarder to finish the Hokies' next series for a nine-point edge.
Later in the third, a Hokies punt was muffed by a North Carolina returner, and the fumble recovery gave Tech possession at the home team's 29-yard line. Five plays later Taylor again hit Davis, this time from 13 yards out, and the Hokies led 26-10 with 2:37 left in the period.
Midway through the fourth quarter, North Carolina was poised to cut into its deficit, but Elzy fumbled the ball on his leap to the goal line through and out of the end zone for a touchback.
The following UNC drive was cut short when Yates was picked off near the goal line by Jayron Hosley. Virginia Tech picked up a pair of first downs en route to melting away the remaining 3:47 of the contest.
North Carolina tallied on the first drive of the game, as Elzy's one-yard touchdown run capped an 80-yard drive. Virginia Tech responded on its first drive with a 52-yard field goal from Hazley.
Tech got within one on their next series after Hazley booted a 38-yarder, but UNC took a successful drive into the second quarter and went up 10-6 on a 20- yard make from Casey Barth.
Hazley added a 20-yarder with 3:39 left in the half and the Hokies were within 10-9 at the break.
Game Notes
Virginia Tech has won six in a row over UNC and leads the overall series 17-10-6...The Hokies have won all four games at Chapel Hill since joining the conference in 2004...Virginia Tech won without the services of sophomore special teamer David Wilson (mono) and junior defensive end Chris Drager (concussion-like symptoms)...North Carolina gained 21 first downs to 19 for Virginia Tech, but the Hokies enjoyed a 418-314 advantage in total yards.
Nov 13 6:59 PM
End of 3rd
Nov 13 6:15 PM
- Chris Hazley extra point is good.
Virginia Tech(20) 26, North Carolina 10 3rd - 2:37Nov 13 6:07 PM
- Virginia Tech Touchdown - Tyrod Taylor pass to Marcus Davis for 13 yards.
Virginia Tech(20) 25, North Carolina 10 3rd - 2:37Nov 13 6:06 PM
- Virginia Tech Field Goal - 23-yarder by Chris Hazley.
Virginia Tech(20) 19, North Carolina 10 3rd - 7:11Nov 13 5:59 PM
- Chris Hazley extra point is good.
Virginia Tech(20) 16, North Carolina 10 3rd - 10:38Nov 13 5:37 PM
- Virginia Tech Touchdown - Tyrod Taylor pass to Marcus Davis for 11 yards.
Virginia Tech(20) 15, North Carolina 10 3rd - 10:38Nov 13 5:37 PM
Nov 13 5:09 PM
- Virginia Tech Field Goal - 26-yarder by Chris Hazley.
Virginia Tech(20) 9, North Carolina 10 2nd - 3:39Nov 13 4:47 PM
- North Carolina Field Goal - 20-yarder by Casey Barth.
Virginia Tech(20) 6, North Carolina 10 2nd - 12:33Nov 13 4:24 PM
End of 1st
Nov 13 4:20 PM
- Virginia Tech Field Goal - 38-yarder by Chris Hazley.
Virginia Tech(20) 6, North Carolina 7 1st - 2:19Nov 13 4:19 PM
- Virginia Tech Field Goal - 52-yarder by Chris Hazley.
Virginia Tech(20) 3, North Carolina 7 1st - 5:53Nov 13 3:59 PM
- Casey Barth extra point is good.
Virginia Tech(20) 0, North Carolina 7 1st - 11:30Nov 13 3:44 PM
- North Carolina Touchdown - Anthony Elzy rushed for 1 yard.
Virginia Tech(20) 0, North Carolina 6 1st - 11:30Nov 13 3:44 PM
1st Quarter - 11:36
Nov 13 3:43 PM
- 75
rootsGGG3 Added 10 roots
Virginia Tech(20) vs. North CarolinaNov 13 2:34 PM
- 55
rootsBenjamin Added 5 roots
Virginia Tech(20) vs. North CarolinaNov 12 8:01 AM
- 50
rootsSteven Powers Added 5 roots
Virginia Tech(20) vs. North CarolinaNov 4 6:41 PM
- 45
rootsRUWTbot Added 45 roots
Virginia Tech(20) vs. North CarolinaMay 25 2:01 AM
Related News
- Kenny Hill, TCU rally to beat Stanford in Alamo Bowl Dec 29
- Cowboy up: Oklahoma State gets past Virginia Tech, 30-21 Dec 28
- Clash of styles: Oklahoma State, Virginia Tech to square off Dec 27
- NCAA grants extra year for formerly charged Tar Heels player Dec 21
- Ex-UNC player's estate sues ACC, NCAA over concussions Nov 15
- Marshall's 2 long TDs lead GTech past No. 17 VTech 28-22 Nov 11
- Loss to UNC leaves Pitt with no wiggle room for bowl bid Nov 10
- Ratliff-Williams stars as North Carolina trips up Pitt 34-31 Nov 10
- No. 17 VTech, GTech look to bounce back from losses Nov 9
- Mark Richt among ACC coaches having success in 2nd year Nov 8
- Pitt looks to keep momentum going against reeling Tar Heels Nov 8
- Coastal time: No. 9 Miami beats No. 13 Virginia Tech 28-10 Nov 5


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€ 1,2 billion
Portfolio value
Assets under Management
0,6 million
Total lease area (m²)
# of leases
We are 100 per cent focused on retail real estate. A team of nearly 30 professionals takes care of Redevco's assets under management in Germany. The high-calibre portfolio comprises about 75 prime properties in dominant German retail locations. Within the scope of our significant current investment programme we concentrate on retail real estate in the 50 most important German cities: existing properties as well as new developments and redevelopments in high streets, inner city shopping centres, and large retail parks.
Lars Heese
Managing Director
Rowan Verwoerd
Portfolio Director
Bastian Mlecko
Investment Manager