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Help Monkey Kick Furball to the hills and beyond! How far can you get?
Pocket as many pool balls as you can before the time runs out!
It's a Short Life! With so many dumb ways to die!
Get the block to fall into the square hole to progress to the next level…
Shoot your own body parts like basketballs!
Play 8 Ball Pool against other players online!
Get to the flares, rescue survivors and avoid the marauding zombies!
Collect all the pizza you can, but beware the watchful eye of the patrol officer!
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Cartapult your vehicles into the city for maximum mayhem and destruction!
Summer is here, Santa is nowhere to be seen, but new contenders are now taking part in the Sleigh Shot challenge! Now with added Multiplayer!
The hit mobile game, Battle Golf multiplayer!
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Master the trampoline with Frontflips, Backflips, Gainers, Layouts, Jumps and Bounces on your backyard, gym or circus trampolines and train to be the Master of Trampoline!
Cross the lines to swap colors and collect all hollow squares to solve the puzzle.
Pull off Frontflips, Backflips & Gainers from high cliffs, rickety platforms, trees, castles, and trampolines!
In Splix.io you must conquer as much land as possible and try to become biggest Splix.io of all!
A retromoderrn low-poly minigolf adventure hosted by the infamous AI bot SUSAN. ...Fling up and go FULL BOOP...
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Join International Rescue on an amazing adventure full of action, hi-tech gadgets and the mighty Thunderbirds!
Show your skills, moves and fakes to juke out your opponent and shoot for the basket!
Stop Trump from entering the UK. Or, play as Donald Trump and make sure only your supporters get in.
Take the wheel and make your getaway! The cops are on your tail - get to the next checkpoint before time runs out!
The viral sensation! Eat cells smaller than you and don't get eaten by the bigger ones!
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Feed Om Nom with the candy that is out of his reach!
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Take aim from the shadows
Feed Om Nom with the candy that is out of his reach!
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Bandits have taken over and it is your job to sort it out.
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High speeds, dangerous yet beautiful environments, crazy jumps and water hazards make Jet Ski Racer something you have never played before.
Golf Champions offers beautiful environments and a high grade golfing fun!
Defy gravity and risk virtual life and limb!
Survive this crazy house full of evil, dangerous and clever zombies. Escape the damned house of Zombality!
Use your bow to protect the castle for 25 days from the horde of enemies.
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The Monster Stunts show is crashing into a town near you!
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Commando is back! Rank up to unlock awesome weapons and all new quick fire missions.
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Leave the other racers in a trail of dust!
Turbo Racing 2 hits the streets at high speed with a license to burn rubber
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Time to take the copter to war!
Protect the town from the zombies with your meat cleaver!
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Get slam dunkin' with Basketball Jam!
Don't let the zombies breach your defenses!
Lead your team through the Beach Soccer tournament.
Grab gold nuggets!
On Miniclip, iPhone & Android
President Obama defends the world from an alien invasion!
Disable the threat to the world in this action packed FPS game.
Use your jetski to escape the henchmen!
Only the masters of balance can tame the wild bull!
Use magic to defeat the evil darkness.
Use your sword and defeat all the stickmen attacking you.
Battle all the knights in the kingdom.
Make your nation proud in this Summer's London 2012 Olympics game!
Lure the rats out from their homes with cheese!
Pirates ahoy! Hunt them down!
Get rid of the cybertrash!
Defend the city from the invading zombies!
Will your team become the soccer champions? Lead your soccer team to victory!
The most exciting skateboarding game now Free App of the Week! Limited time only!
Annihilate the alien infestation before it's too late!
Bring home the Bacon, Hambo!
Race your Quad Bike through extreme terrain!
Join in the saloon brawl and knock out the other cowboys!
Can Commando free the world from the looming threat of world war 3?
You must defend your village with advanced war equipment!
Fight enemies in the much awaited sequel to Canyon Shooter.
You are on the run in Vegas, you must lose the cops and deliver the documents!
Become the champion of World Rugby! Dodge, jump, tackle and pass your way to victory!
Serve Pizza for the superheros.
Show off your freestyle moves while you take your bike airborne!
The missions of your H.A.D.E is to destroy all threatening life forms!
Master the race tracks of the future as you tackle huge jumps.
Escape the criminal headquarters using hi-tech gadgets.
It's not easy being the new recruit.
Do amazing snowboard and ski tricks in the air!
Destroy all opponents within the time limit!
Defend the streets and free the bionic dinosaurs!
Ride your snowboard and do tricks for the highest score!
Choose your opponent and tee up for 9 holes of challenging golf.
Do crazy stunts and jumps, and use the Nitro for an extra boost!
Guide Panik through the factory collecting all the bombs.
Patrol the town and pursue the criminals before the time's up.
Power your way past the opposition over 3 challenging courses.
Convert all the tries.
Navigate the obstacles in the quickest time possible!
Show us your moves!
Hit all targets before the time runs out!
Perform stunts to earn points!
Help the Egyptian princess take the throne and get her revenge.
Finish the Miniclip Circuits as quick as possible!
Extreme Snowboard tricks!
Collect all the bananas and land safely before your fuel runs out.
Defend against the Zombies migrating into your town!
Master the futuristic race tracks in Space as you tackle crazy loop the loops!
Take to the skies and race to win in five different cities!
Three, two, one...Jump! Get to the bottom in the quickest possible time.
Put your green fingers to the test.
Our Hero continues the battle with more missions, more enemies and bigger artillery.
Commando joins forces with his Allies to hold off the waves of enemies!
Be the best to reach the top!
Fragger is back with 10 exciting new levels!
Learn how to fight like a true Gladiator!
Mimelet can steal powers to overcome obstacles.
Do not let the classified documents get in the wrong hands!
Barack Obama and Mitt Romney fight it out for the Presidency!
Qualify in the races to reach the final! Choose your pit stop wisely, to replace tyres and fuel.
Help the robot hero to win the war against the evil robots!
Win all the major tournaments and become the grand slam champion!
Race the streets in the Zoo.
Are you naughty or nice? The choice is yours.
Help Harry escape the horrors of his acid-flooded factory.
Can you save the planet from the alpha bombs?
Take control of your Apache and take down the enemy forces!
Use the drift to build up boost and speed ahead of your opponent in this arctic race.
Grab your racquet and head to the courts. How long can you last?
Hear the crowd roar as you slam dunk your way to victory.
Master the bow in this medieval archery game
Throw the grenades and blow up your targets!
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Can you guide your bug safely home and avoid getting eaten?
Build an ideal defense system and save the inhabitants.
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Help Dr Carter beat the Lava and swing his way to safety.
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Drive your kart to victory.
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Navigate your gyroball to the glowing goal of each level.
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Deliver the Pizzas to the customers as quickly as possible!
Your mission is to attack the enemy bases. Use the rivers to your advantage!
Get the Silver Sphere in to the Blue Vortex.
Will you be able stand tall or fall amongst the cricket legends?
Find enough gold to build a fine shiny space suit.
Mix and match the colors of Bloo!
You're the Quarterback! Pass to an open receiver to score a TOUCHDOWN!
Can you get your brain around matching all of the blox?
Beach volleyball with an added BOOM!
Make sure that Bush and Condoleezza get out of the White House!
Balance the clowns on your unicycle and stack them up to the Big Top.
Clear the squares and become the quickest cube buster there is!
Rescue all the mice by showing them the way to the cheese.
Tap the Space Bar at the right time to play the song notes.
Make Bush dance the night away!
Use the pool cue to shoot and pocket the billiard balls.
Kick the ball through the goal posts to complete the levels.
Destroy as many targets as possible with your souped up chopper!
Defeat the Aliens to get to the Galactic Big Boss.
Complete this underwater course in the lowest number of shots.
Attack enemy convoys and destroy them before it's too late!
Pitch and bat your way through 5 action packed innings.
Collect the required gems before your opponents to win!
Push all the ice blocks into the yellow holes.
Use special attacks & combos on your opponent to put the quarreling to rest!
Finish the races to become the ultimate Snow Rider
Prove that you're the sharpest shooter.
Help Turkey escape his destiny and avoid being dinner.
Keep yourself alive as you gain speed and points in an everlasting race.
Set your height and your speed to make your wave jumper fly as far as he can!
Help little ninja defeat enemies and collect all the scrolls to move to the next level.
The Princess has been kidnapped, defeat the evil minions to save her!
Race to the finish line before your opponent to win.
Blast all of the enemy boats into Davy Jones' Locker.
Check out Hillary's moves!
Help Walter defuse all the bombs.
Guide your spaceship safely through all of the missions.
Group two or more balls of the same color to remove them.
Abduct people and objects and drop them into the mothership.
The classic game of Blackjack.
Can you help Tony motivate the party into shape?
Help President Bush get fit and ready for his day.
Can you help Arnold the Cable Fitter escape the underground maze?
Make Cherie dance.
Make Tony Blair dance like you have never seen him before.
Check out Palin's moves!
Our hero is on the defensive, take control of Commando's towers!
Use balloons to bounce, Time Machines to change characters and collect the coins and bonuses.
Compete in running, swimming and cycling in Triathlon!
Become the tennis champion!
Eradicate this infested planet of all that walks its polluted surface.
Help Prince William and Kate prepare for the Royal Wedding.
The world has been consumed by darkness.
A true ninja never hides, they aim for the sky!
Experience the thrills and adrenaline of driving a monster truck!
Pocket as many pool balls as you can before the time runs out!
Pocket as many pool balls as you can before the time runs out!
Play Domestos Flush to defeat the nasty germs in this porcelain puzzler!
Park the cars in the shopping mall car park.
Real-time online multiplayer game
The Ultimate end-of-the-world incremental clicker!
Tanx is multiplayer tank battling like no other!
The latest multi-player .io sensation, can you become King of the brutal.io Arena?
Eat to grow, get close to others to boost your line but don't let your head touch the other powerlines. Play Powerline.io, it's electric!
Show off your free kick skills in World Soccer 2018!
Unleash the beasts! Soccer Snakes are battling it out in their own World Cup Tournament.
Hole.io, eat the world!


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'Saudi America' fracking boom a dilemma for environmentalists
Here, in the heart of coal country, at the center of the natural gas boom and the former foundation of U.S. manufacturing might, a long-shuttered auto plant now houses the Aquion Energy factory where workers are building innovative batteries to store solar- and wind-generated electricity.
Yet Aquion's best customers are across the globe, not down the street. The battery manufacturing plant sits southeast of Pittsburgh, atop the Marcellus Shale, the rich geographic formation that is one of the epicenters of the natural gas boom. So the battery storage systems the company makes aren't likely to be used here, a region brimming with abundant natural gas reserves and reliant on coal-fired plants for energy.
"The interesting paradox here is that we are a clean energy sitting on top of the largest natural gas deposit known in North America, maybe the world," said Jay Whitacre, a scientist who spun Aquion off from research conducted at Carnegie Mellon University. "And we are producing technology to ship elsewhere, where there is no natural gas."
America's recent energy boom has left little breathing room for solar and wind, as low prices for natural gas make it economically challenging for innovators to move U.S. utilities toward the wider use of renewable sources of energy. Here in Pittsburgh, where the National Energy Technology Lab and the state's universities helped develop the hydraulic fracturing _ fracking _ technology to access previously inaccessible natural gas, it's especially challenging.
Worldwide, renewable power is expected to increase by 40 percent in the next five years, according to an International Energy Agency forecast released in June. It's now the fastest-growing power generation sector, and it will make up almost a quarter of the global power mix by 2018, up from an estimated 20 percent in 2011.
But whether that expansion will continue has become a concern for environmentalists as the extent of the fracking boom becomes clear. With the expansion of sources of traditional energy, they worry the pressure for sustainable alternatives will ease. Gasoline prices have held steady, despite sanctions against Iran and a drop-off in production in major oil centers like Venezuela, and the abundance of new natural gas supplies has made it a practical replacement for coal in industries such as power generation.
Even that transition – abundant, cheap and relatively clean natural gas as a replacement for coal, a major contributor of greenhouse gases blamed for global warming – is disconcerting for some environmentalists.
The problem, said Ken Caldeira, a climate scientist at the Carnegie Institution's Department of Global Ecology at Stanford University, is that the United States is replacing one fossil fuel with another. Natural gas is part of the old economy, not part of the future, he said, and lingering too long with it as a bridge fuel could slow down the transition to renewable sources of electricity.
He jokes that where he lives in the San Francisco Bay Area, "people are driving around in their Priuses, very self-satisfied as if they're somehow helping the environment by driving a Prius."
"Well, no, you're still damaging the environment, you're just not damaging the environment as much as someone who's driving an SUV," he said. "I don't think that you can look at natural gas as 'good.' I think we can maybe look at it as less bad."
Chris Field, the director of the Carnegie Institution's Department of Global Ecology, said the boost in fracking has slowed the search for climate-smart ways of dealing with energy. He compares it to a heroin addict weaning himself off the drug with methadone.
"To me natural gas is kind of the methadone of the energy system," he said. "Yes, it's a little bit better than being a heroin addict, but what you really want to do is kick the addiction altogether."
Many in the environmental movement want to skip the natural gas revolution altogether. The Sierra Club has in recent years waged a successful campaign to shut down the oldest, dirtiest coal-fired power plants and objects to the opening of new ones. Now, the club plans to object to new natural gas-fired power plants as well. The environmental movement has turned to people like actor Mark Ruffalo to get their message out.
"President Obama can't claim to seriously address climate change and expand fracking for oil and gas – that's a stark contradiction," said Ruffalo, who serves as a spokesman for Americans Against Fracking.
Yet it's clear that President Barack Obama sees natural gas as part of the near-term energy mix. He said as much in June when he outlined his plans to put an end to what he called "limitless dumping of carbon pollution from power plants," and for the Environmental Protection Agency to create new pollution standards for new and existing power plants.
"The bottom line is natural gas is creating jobs," Obama said. "It's lowering many families' heat and power bills. And it's the transition fuel that can power our economy with less carbon pollution even as our businesses work to develop and then deploy more of the technology required for the even cleaner energy economy of the future."
A few environmentalists agree – a development that has split the green movement over fracking.
Last spring, the Environmental Defense Fund, one of the United States' most prominent green groups, joined forces with several energy companies to form the Center for Sustainable Shale Development, an organization aimed at creating best-practice standards for the fracking industry.
Those behind the center said they created it in a search for a "rational middle," in the words of Andrew Place, the center's president, who also works for the energy company EQT. The center's statement of purpose describes its mission as supporting "continuous improvement and innovative practices . . . with the common objective of developing solutions and serving as a center of excellence for shale gas development."
"It's not all or nothing," Place said. "You really can do this prudently and well. It's not without risk. There's nuance, it's complicated and it's hard. But it's fully possible to do it right, to do it well."
The Environmental Defense Fund's involvement in the center was immediately attacked by 68 groups and individuals, led by the Civil Society Institute, a Massachusetts-based organization that focuses on environmental issues.
"The very use of the word sustainable in the name is misleading, because there is nothing sustainable about shale oil or shale gas," the group said in a letter directed the Environmental Defense Fund. "Hydraulic fracturing, the method used to extract them, will permanently remove huge quantities of water from the hydrological cycle, pollute the air, contaminate drinking water, and release high levels of methane into the atmosphere. It should be eminently clear to everyone that an economy based on fossil fuels is unsustainable."
Environmental cost has been the primary focus for much of the debate surrounding fracking. Studies linking fracking, or the waste it creates, to earthquakes and water pollution are frequently cited by opponents of the technique. A much-disputed 2010 documentary on the environmental effects of fracking, "Gasland," was nominated for an Academy Award and aired on HBO. For many Americans, the film, whose best-known scene shows a man seemingly setting his methane-tainted tap water on fire, was their introduction to the term "fracking." The fracking industry dismissed its assertions as overblown and deceptive.
Here in southwestern Pennsylvania, however, such concerns resonate. It wasn't long ago that Pittsburgh was, in the words of writer James Parton, a teeming stew of smog, rail traffic and human endeavor at the confluence of three rivers that he labeled "hell with the lid off," a place with a long history of boom and bust cycles driven by industries that spewed toxins into the air, polluted the rivers and tore up the landscape in search of coal.
That past should make people cautious about the fracking boom, says historian Joel Tarr, a professor at Carnegie Mellon University who studies the environmental history of cities. The issue is whether energy companies with a track record of busted pipelines, polluted streams and flawed drilling practices deserve any trust.
"My concern, as a historian who worries about what we can learn from the past, is that we're not handling this well at all," he said. "We're not looking at everything that needs to be looked at it. We're kind of rushing ahead pell-mell, and that's going to leave a heritage for the future. A very bad legacy."
Patrick Grenter, executive director of the Center for Coalfield Justice, a nonprofit based south of Pittsburgh in Washington, Pa., that has focused on coal mining, said his work at attempting to rein in rampant coal development has made him suspicious of the fracking industry.
"We know their record," Grenter said.
In Pittsburgh, the energy boom has forced leaders to think about what kind of economy they want. Pittsburgh weathered the recession better and recovered faster than most American cities because it already had been forced to diversify its economy after steel collapsed.
The natural gas boom in the Marcellus Shale helped, but the city's economy benefited as well because of its status as a regional health care center; an estimated one in five private sector jobs relates to health care. No one sector of the economy is greater than 20 percent, including energy, said Philip Cynar of the pro-business Allegheny Conference on Community Development.
Among the worries in the business community: that academics and health care and finance professionals drawn to Pittsburgh because of its ranking as one of the nation's most livable cities will abandon it if the air and water quality worsen.
"The issue of Marcellus gas drilling and particularly fracking has gone well beyond just the dyed-in-the-wool, self-identified environmentalists," said Court Gould of Sustainable Pittsburgh, a public-policy advocacy group that looks for environmentally friendly ways to grow the economy. "The overarching concern is: Can we do things differently than in the past, as opposed to blindly maximizing opportunity without regard to short-term and long-term consequences?"
"This is our grand opportunity to learn from the past and to take a smarter approach forward," Gould said. "So that the shale gas boom isn't just another extension on our credit card, but rather use it to transition to a more sustainable, lower carbon, cleaner energy future."
For many, that means finding a way to come to terms with a fracking boom that has become too big and too well developed to stop.
That's why the Group Against Smog and Pollution, one of Pittsburgh's oldest clean air watchdogs, decided to join the Environmental Defense Fund in the Center for Sustainable Shale Development. Joe Osborne, the group's legal director, said he's aware that some fellow environmentalists consider the group a sellout for having joined the partnership.
But he said GASP saw that the chance Pennsylvania would impose a ban on fracking was "pretty low" and that the state had concluded that emissions from drilling individual wells were too small and too scattered to regulate.
So GASP decided the better way to go was to make sure that the dozens of new compressor stations being built to move the gas through pipelines – the number went from 157 in July 2008 to 374 in January 2013 – met air quality standards required to win permits to operate. Such facilities emit nitrogen oxides, volatile organic compounds, carbon monoxide and formaldehyde. They also burn natural gas, which releases the greenhouse gas carbon dioxide.
In at least two instances, the activists were able to catch errors in permits that underestimated the amount of toxic gases new compressor stations would emit. The result, said Osborne, is less likelihood that the compressor stations will affect the health of people living nearby.
"I don't want to see kids waking up in the middle of the night with nosebleeds when this industry rolls into town," Osborne said. "Really, it isn't until you take a step back and look at all of these sources that you see how bad it is."
There have been missteps elsewhere. In July, the Justice Department announced a settlement with XTO Energy Inc., a subsidiary of Exxon Mobil Corp. XTO was ordered to pay a $100,000 fine for spilling wastewater that had been used in fracking; the spill occurred after a valve was left open at a storage tank in Lycoming County, Pa.
XTO also was ordered to pay $20 million to improve wastewater management practices in preventing spills as well as recycling and properly disposing of wastewater generated from natural gas exploration and production activities in Pennsylvania and West Virginia. The violation was discovered by Pennsylvania regulators, but the fine was a federal one and emerged out of a federal criminal investigation.
Nearly everyone is keeping an eye on the Obama administration's proposed new fracking rules for federal lands. The administration hopes the rules will also be a model for state regulations on private lands, the site of most fracking.
The rules would set standards for well integrity as well as how to manage polluted water that flows back to the surface. It's the first sweeping effort at federal oversight of the fracking boom. The proposed legislation has drawn more than 1.3 million comments. Oil and gas companies say the rules go too far; environmentalists and some members of Congress say they don't go far enough.
In Pittsburgh, business leaders are hopeful whatever regulations emerge will prevent the kind of environmental pillaging that for decades gave this city the reputation of an industrial hell. In 1981, a new convention center in downtown Pittsburgh was built with its back to the Allegheny River and its windows small. It was still too soon to showcase Pittsburgh's three rivers, which had served as the city's sewers just a generation earlier.
Now, though, when the weather is warm, paddlers ply the Allegheny River on their lunch breaks, in bright yellow kayaks that have come to symbolize the environmental rebirth of a city. Baseball fans at the city's riverfront stadium are occasionally startled by swarms of mayflies, an insect that only flourishes in clean water and represents diversity in aquatic life. Some river-goers have even spotted nesting bald eagles on a secluded stretch of the Monongahela River in Pittsburgh, before it joins with the Allegheny to form the Ohio.
Most telling, though, was the 2003 reopening of Pittsburgh's convention center. Designers had made it face the river, with sweeping views.


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Coast to Coast Resorts is launching a new "Free Camping for One Year Sweepstakes" promotion in conjunction with Camping World Inc.
The grand prize winner will receive up to a $15,000 valued prize featuring a year's membership in Coast to Coast RV Club and enough Coast to Coast points for a free year of camping at the membership network's CampResorts across the country. The promotion kicks off July 7 and ends July 27, according to a news release.
Entries are available at all Camping World SuperCenters nationwide. Participants may also mail their entries postmarked by July 27 via a 3.5-by 5-inch card with their name, address (no post office boxes), date of birth, e-mail address and telephone number to Camping World, P.O. Box 50965, Bowling Green, KY 42102. ATTN: "FREE CAMPING FOR ONE YEAR SWEEPSTAKES" Marketing Dept.
"We wanted to find a way to give back to the RVers and outdoor enthusiasts this year and are excited to give one lucky winner the chance to experience our network of more than 450 beautiful resorts across the country," said Bruce Hoster, president of Coast to Coast Resorts. "We are equally as excited about working with Camping World to help promote the membership camping industry."
A Coast to Coast membership makes it easy to travel safely and comfortably throughout North America, with hundreds of affiliated RV resorts in the United States, Canada and Mexico. Member benefits include a subscription to Coast to Coast magazine and access to a number of travel services, with additional benefits that include cabin and condo rentals, trip routing and dining and leisure discounts. Coast to Coast offers RV Tripsetter, a web and phone reservation system, which provides a simple way to reserve a space. Many membership RV resorts offer additional features and amenities like boating, fishing and golf.
Coast to Coast was established in 1972 and is owned by and affiliated with Affinity Group Inc. (AGI), the nation's largest provider of outdoor clubs, services, media and events that service the safety, security, comfort and convenience needs of the North American RV and outdoor enthusiast market.
RVBusiness magazine and www.RVBUSINESS.COM are owned by AGI.


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Bolle has been designing and creating top-quality eyewear and safety goggles since 1956, and it has continued to lead the pack in sunglasses that are designed for an active lifestyle. Stylish and sporty designs, wrap frames, and modified aviators make up the foundation of Bolle's collection, and it is enriched with a selection of bold colors, brave styles, and lens technologies. All Bolle lenses meet ANSI standards, and most are finished with an anti-reflective coating that protects from glare in all directions. Style and functionality come together in Bolle's collection of performance sunglasses.
Bolle Bolt features:


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Coaches Round Table: Double-digit seed could win it all this year
The 12 active national title-winning coaches in men's college basketball have seen seismic changes in the game over the past few decades.
Against the background of the 75th NCAA tournament, USA TODAY Sports offers lengthy interviews with these dozen active title-winning coaches, all of whom still are head coaches at the Division I or II level. They provided a window into their ever-changing world, offering perspective on several big-picture issues that affect modern-day college basketball.
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BRACKET BRIEFING:Everything you need to know for tourney
Thursday, March 21 Question:A No. 16 seed over a No. 1 seed or a double-digit seed winning the national title?
John Calipari: "Wow. Probably a double-digit winning the whole thing. The reason I say that is because you can have a veteran team as a double digit playing a freshmen team, like I had last year, and that could happen. The 1-16, if the ones are down, usually the 16s will be down, you know what I am saying."
Mike Krzyzewski: "Either one could happen. 16 beating 1 is not out of the question. It is so balanced. It is so balanced. The double-digit thing could happen because of upsets. Double-digit seed might never play a top-five seed. That could happen in a tournament. Crazy things like that. Crazy because they have not happened before, not so crazy with the chances of it happening because there is so much balanced now. There's not as big of separation. It is easier to lose now than ever before. Maybe that is why that is happening a little bit."
Roy Williams: "A 16 beating a 1. We're very close. I really do believe that. A double-digit seed making a run through the tournament is hard because you have to win six games. We have some 15 beating 2s, but not many of them. There is just one more step that is all you got to go to get to the other one."
Bill Self: "A 16 beating a 1. I do think we're getting closer. The whole thing is that is one game. A double-digit seeded team, it can happen, Kansas won it when they were a six, and VCU got to the Final Four. But there is a big difference between winning four games and six games."
Billy Donovan: "I think they both could happen. You look at the games and the parity, and what happens night in and night out. I think any of those things could happen. I don't think we're too far from any of those things happening at all. ... Because the national spotlight and America's eyes are on the NCAA tournament, losses like that (upsets) become more magnified. My question is which is a bigger upset: When a mid-major or non-BCS school and goes on the road in a building like Florida or Kansas and wins the game -- but it's never talked about because there's nothing on the line? That happens all the time. You can go down and even look at teams in our league that have had home games against teams that aren't even going to be remotely close to the NCAA tournament, and they're from some small mid-major conference, maybe they're picked to finish fifth, sixth in the league and they win the game. Why would anybody be surprised when that happens in March and it's a neutral site? It's not really even a neutral site because it's really a home game because everybody there is rooting for everybody is rooting for that team to win; they want to see those upsets. When that happens all the time, I think it's just what happens in November/December with non-conference schedules."
Boeheim: "I still don't think a 16 is going to beat a 1. I think there will always be 3-4 teams there that are going to struggle. Double-digit seed? I think that is possible. It will be hard for a double-digit seed to do it, but it is possible."
Smith: "I think you'll see a double-digit seed winning the national title. We almost did it twice. At Tulsa, we were a 12 seed and we lost to Arkansas and they went on to win the national title. If we could have gotten past that game, and we were in the game. There are a lot of teams knocking on that door. I think you'll see that before you see a 16 over a 1."
Pitino: "A double-digit winning the whole thing. If a 16 is ever going to beat a 1, it will be this year. But I do believe a double-digit could win the whole thing. I do think we're getting closer on the 16 seeds."
Fisher: "Either could happen, even though it only takes one, I think it would be harder for a 16 over 1, even know. Those 11 seeds are a whole lot closer to 1 seeds than they ever used to be."
Brown: "We were close to a double digit seed at Kansas and UCLA. AT UCLA got to the final game. I think a 16 beating a 1. But that would be like a 60-40 thing for me right now because one thing that I found that is really prevalent in my mind, VCU and Butler before. Butler and Gonzaga are different situations now. But George Mason, when you have kids who stay four or five years, by the times they are juniors or seniors they are so far ahead of these great freshmen. The Shane Battiers and the guys who stay four years get pushed back in the draft and the young kids based on their potential. The older guys who have four years respect coaching, respect the minutes they get and fundamentally they are so sound. And maturity wise they are dealing with guys that are close to their age. That is what we see happen in the NCAA. You can see an Ohio with kids four or five years or a Mason or VCU. Look at Kansas this year, if you look at their talent and what they had in the past, it's a lot different, but then you look at [Jeff] Withey four, [Elijah] Johnson, Young, [Travis] Releford five year guy. I think that's why we will see more mid-majors and programs that will shock our ass have long runs in the tournament."
Massimino: I don't think you will see a double-digit seed winning the national title. I think it will be a 16 over a 1. I think you are closer there. I think it would be very difficult for a double-digit seeded team to win the national title. Even though there is great parity, I don't see that. I'd like to see a team like Villanova 1985 win it. It would be a great story. But I don't care how much parity is there, it is going to be very difficult, the inner most emotions that take place for a 1,2 or 3 seed."


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Mothers hope emotional reunion leads to hikers' release from Iran
Three Americans jailed in Iran for 10 months embraced their mothers and spoke of their life in Tehran's most dreaded prison Thursday in an emotional reunion that Iranian authorities broadcast on a main international channel.
The women hope their weeklong visit will secure the release of Sarah Shourd, 31; her boyfriend, Shane Bauer, 27; and their friend Josh Fattal, 27.
The mothers threw their arms in the air and rushed to embrace their children as they entered a room at a high-rise hotel that overlooks the Evin Prison where the three have been held.
They cried, laughed and kissed. The conservative Islamic head scarves worn by the mothers slipped back and bouquets of flowers were set aside as they sat together and began to reconstruct their lives since last summer.
The families later ate an abundant lunch together at a feast of rice, kebabs and other traditional Middle Eastern dishes. The prisoners ate heartily and appeared to relish the food.
The visit was scheduled to last until evening, said the families' Iranian lawyer, Masoud Shafii, but it was not clear whether the three detainees would have to return to the prison for the night.
Iran's main task appeared aimed at leveraging high propaganda value for allowing the visit.
The meeting at the Esteghlal Hotel in north Tehran received extensive coverage on Iran's state-run Press TV, the government's main English-language broadcast arm. Reporters for the foreign media also were allowed their first glimpse of the three Americans since their arrest on the border with Iraq last July.
The trio has been accused of spying and entering Iran illegally after being detained on the porous border with Iraq last July. Relatives say the three were simply hiking in Iraq's scenic and largely peaceful mountainous northern Kurdish region.
The decision to give a highly scripted public face to the private family moments suggests the trip by Nora Shourd, Cindy Hickey and Laura Fattal could be drawn deeper into Iran's brinksmanship with the West over Tehran's disputed nuclear program and a U.S.-led push for harsher sanctions.
Lawyer Shafii predicted it was "very unlikely" that the jailed Americans would be allowed to return home with their mothers because the case has not yet reached the courts.
But he added in an interview with AP Television News that decisions could be made outside the normal legal framework. "Anything can happen," he said.
The three prisoners did not specifically address any of the accusations. It's unclear whether this was their decision or a requirement by Iranian officials.
Iran granted the women visas to visit their children in what it called an "Islamic humanitarian gesture" and the Americans appealed to them to release the three on the same grounds.
"We hope we're going home soon, maybe with our mothers," Josh Fattal said as the group was interviewed while seated together on a low-slung couch.
Added Shane Bauer: "We don't really know much what's going on outside prison. We hope that Iran can continue with humanitarian gestures, like letting our mothers come, by releasing us on humanitarian grounds."
The three prisoners appeared healthy, wearing jeans and polo-style shirts. Sarah Shourd wore a maroon-colored head scarf.
They described their routines behind bars and the small things that take on major significance: being allowed books, letters from home, the ability for some exercise and the one hour each day they are all together.
The last direct contact with their families was a five-minute phone call in March.
Sarah Shourd said the their treatment by the Iranian authorities has been "decent" and loneliness has been the hardest part of her detention because she was isolated as a woman.
"Shane and Josh are in a room together but I'm alone and that's the most difficult thing for me ... I am alone for 23 hours," she said.
In the other hour, "we sing together and tell each other stories about our life," she said.
Swiss diplomats, who represent U.S. interests in Iran, have reported that Sarah was suffering a serious gynecological condition, while Bauer had a stomach ailment. But such health issues were not raised publicly during the meeting.
Shafii said the mothers were seeking to bring their appeal to the highest levels, even hoping for meetings with President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who has the final say in all state matters.
Hickey, Shane Bauer's mother, expressed gratitude "to the Islamic Republic of Iran and the authorities for granting us a visa."
"We know that this is a great humanitarian act that they have given to us. Our reception was wonderful when we came into Iran," she said in comments aired on Press TV.
On Wednesday, Iran's minister of intelligence, Heydar Moslehi, repeated the claims that the trio were involved in espionage.
But Shafii noted that the three have not formally been charged and said allegations have come only from "nonjudicial officials."
The case could face complications from Iran's diplomatic showdown with the U.S. and its allies. Just before the mothers' arrival in Tehran, the United States said it had won support from other major powers for a new set of U.N. Security Council sanctions against Iran over its refusal to stop uranium enrichment.
The U.S., which has not had formal diplomatic relations with Iran since the 1979 Islamic Revolution, and its allies accuse Tehran of seeking atomic weapons. Iran insists its nuclear program is for peaceful purposes.
In recent years, a number of foreigners held by Iranian authorities on espionage and other security-related charges have been released after months of detention - most recently French academic Clotilde Reiss, 24. She was freed last week after more than 10 months in jail. She had been accused of provoking unrest and spying during unrest that broke out after June's disputed presidential election.
Hickey lives in Minnesota, Shourd is from Oakland, California, and Fattal is from suburban Philadelphia.
(Copyright 2010 by The Associated Press. All Rights Reserved.)


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Subscribe To Marvel's Kevin Feige Answers Questions About Ant-Man, Black Panther, Iron Fist And More Updates
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The big news of the night has been the launch of the first trailer for Kenneth Branagh's Thor (if you haven't seen the trailer yet, head over here and for 100 stills captured from the video, hit this link). Following the trailer's release, The Los Angeles Times hosted a chat with Marvel Studios Chief Kevin Feige, who not only answered a lot of fans' questions, but gave multiple hints as to what we will be seeing from the studio in the future, both in terms of projects in development and beyond
Below you will find 20 quotes extracted from the chat about all of Marvel's future plans. Before reading, I should point out that he was very forthright about some questions, while a bit coy and secretive about others. My personal favorites? Edgar Wright working on the next draft of Ant-Man, the reasoning behind choosing Joss Whedon as the director for The Avengers, and that we will indeed see the wings on the side of Captain America's helmet. Read on below for more and head on over to The Los Angeles Times to read the entire chat


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At the State Department, swearing-in ceremonies for top officials take place in the Benjamin Franklin Room, an ornate hall on the eighth floor. There, in March, Otto Juan Reich was sworn in as Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs. Before an audience that included Secretary of State Colin Powell, Senator Jesse Helms, and Ambassador Jeanne J. Kirkpatrick, Reich gave a strange and pugnacious speech. He declared Powell "another Titán de Bronce"—Bronze Titan, the nickname of Antonio Maceo, a black leader in the Cuban war for independence from Spain. His grandfather, Reich said, had served in Maceo's army. Reich compared his own perseverance in the face of political opponents to that of the Founding Fathers when they rebelled against the British. Quoting Thomas Jefferson, he swore "eternal hostility" to despots, whether "in Baghdad or Havana." He also used the occasion to announce his engagement to Lourdes Ramos, a "very special lady," who was in the crowd. This came just after he thanked his ex-wife, Connie, who was also present, for the "many sacrifices" she had made for him. Strangest of all were the jokes: Reich complained that some of his critics had asked whether he had the "right temperament" for the post he was assuming. "They said that I can't make rational decisions because of my ideology! Well, they are not saying that anymore, because I had them all arrested this morning!"
The official transcript of the event does not record how big a laugh that quip got. But Reich's pique was understandable. His appointment had been scorned by Democrats on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, who refused even to hold hearings on his nomination and twice returned his name to the White House. Liberal foreign-policy groups had mobilized against him, generating reams of material and harsh press accounts that painted Reich, who was born in Cuba, as an anti-Castro fanatic with a shadowy past. (The Cuban state media denounced him as a "terrorist" and a "mafioso.") The most controversial chapters of Reich's life involved his activities on behalf of the Nicaraguan Contras; his disputed connection to a Cuban-American terrorist; and his work as a lobbyist. For nearly a year, Reich had simply taken it, under orders to remain silent, while the post remained empty. Finally, in January, President Bush resorted to what is known as a recess appointment— putting Reich in the job for one year, unconfirmed. Senator Christopher Dodd, of Connecticut, promptly dubbed Reich a "lame duck" and vowed to prevent his reappointment.
Why is the Bush Administration so determined to have Reich in this job, despite the animus he provokes? What, if anything, does this bureaucratic fight mean beyond the Beltway—in Latin America, and for United States interests in the region? What does an Assistant Secretary of State do, anyway?
Some do more than others. Whole periods of a region's history can become known by the American assistant secretary of the time. In southern Africa, for instance, the nineteen-eighties were (among other things) the Age of Crocker, marked by the ceaseless efforts of Chester Crocker to broker peace agreements in Namibia, Angola, and Mozambique. Central Americans, to take another example, will not soon forget the Age of Elliot Abrams. Abrams was unusual because he received a measure of American public attention as he aggressively defended the Reagan Administration's policies (and later pleaded guilty to lying to Congress). Ordinarily, the job is like a one-way mirror. Millions of Latin Americans are well aware of who the United States assistant secretary for their region is, while almost no one in the United States has ever heard the name.
I caught a glimpse of this phenomenon when I went to see Reich in his State Department office this summer. On a table was a recent copy of Newsweek, with Reich' s face on the cover in life-size closeup. I was surprised to see it. Then Reich pointed out that this was the magazine's Latin-American edition. The cover read "BUSH'S POINT MAN: Can This Right-Wing Ideologue Douse the Flames in Colombia and Venezuela?" Reich snorted. "My answer is 'Yes—but can you trust this left-wing magazine to tell you whether he' s doing a good job?' "
Reich is fair-skinned, fair-haired and blue-eyed, and, at fifty-six, still has some of the grappler's physique that must have served him when he wrestled for the University of North Carolina. He was a fourteen-year-old in Havana when the Revolution came, and his family fled north. His English has no trace of Spanish, but, rather, a deracinated American flatness, like an Army kid's. "Diplomatic" is not the first word that comes to mind when one talks to Reich, the top United States diplomat in Latin America. But he is certainly more personable and worldly, more self-aware, than his critics (or his remarks at his swearing-in) would suggest. When I asked if, on a trip to Brazil and Argentina in July, he had heard any complaints about the tariffs on steel imports recently imposed by President Bush, he demanded, squinting in mock suspicion, to know how I knew about that.
Reich said that he had tried to turn the steel tariffs into an argument for South American countries to join the Free Trade Area of the Americas, which is a proposed hemisphere-wide free-trade zone. Washington lectures Latin America constantly about the moral and economic virtues of free trade, so these new tariffs—along with the vast subsidies in this year's farm bill—had been widely condemned as hypocritical. If and when the F.T.A.A. goes into effect, it will be a sort of super-NAFTA, providing, at least in theory, a counterbalance to the European Union, and including thirty-four of the Americas' thirty-five countries—all but Cuba. The Bush Administration has made the F.T.A.A., which was conceived during the Clinton Administration, the main goal of its Latin-American policy. Reich said he had pointed out to the South Americans that our NAFTA partners had been excluded from the steel tariffs. Selling free trade on the ground that it would put countries on the right side of a restrictive tariff didn't quite wash as a matter of economic theory, but, in fairness, Reich did not have much to work with.
We talked about Colombia, where the Bush Administration has authorized a shift of American aid from counter-narcotics programs to military operations against the country's rebels. "We're going to help Colombia in everything that may be necessary to win this war," Reich had told Newsweek earlier. The war, which has been going on for nearly forty years, is regarded as no more winnable than the war in Vietnam was, but this is the United States' policy, and Reich reiterated it to me.
A print on the wall caught my eye: Winston Churchill, in a bow tie, pointing his finger and glaring above the slogan "Deserve Victory." Most of the décor in Reich's office had the same martial, triumphalist tone: a big bronze American eagle swooping; a model of a Harpoon cruise missile. But then I noticed a lovely, framed botanical drawing of a Cuban royal palm. This, I thought, was the emotional undertow that one felt around Reich—the exile's sadness and sense of loss, as well as the kind of rage that is particular to the Cuban exile.
Reich's father was an Austrian Jew. He fled the Nazis in 1938, and was trying to reach the United States when his ship docked in Havana. "He absolutely fell in love with Cuba," Reich said. "He just couldn't believe that a country could be so beautiful." Reich's father married a local woman and went into the furniture business, and Otto was born in 1945. By then, much of his father's family, including his parents, had died in the Holocaust. Otto's mother was Catholic, and he was brought up as a Catholic. Prerevolutionary life in Havana at the Reichs' social level—Otto attended an élite, American-run prep school called the Ruston Academy—sounds, in the accounts of the era which exiles pass around (Ruston graduates have a Web site where they reconnect and reminisce), lushly sweet, like one long, balmy, innocent round of dominoes, studying, swimming, baseball, and strictly supervised romance. Of course, the Fulgencio Batista dictatorship was in its final days then, and political repression was intense. Most of Reich's own family, he told me, was "pro-revolution, anti-Batista." The exception was his father.
"He realized that there were elements in Castro's political speech and actions that reminded him of Hitler," Reich said. "Everybody was telling my father, 'You don't understand. This is not Austria. This is not 1938. This is Cuba. It's 1958. You're wrong.' And he turned out to be the one who was right."
Does Reich really believe that his father was right about Castro and Hitler? "Castro is not Hitler," he said. "But, if Castro had had the power that Hitler had, he would, I think, have carried out similar actions."
Reich suggested that I compare the speech Castro gave at his trial after his first, unsuccessful attack on Batista's forces, in 1953, with the courtroom speech Hitler gave after the Munich beer-hall putsch. They are very similar, he said, and Castro had definitely read "Mein Kampf." (When the Baltimore Orioles played a Cuban baseball team in Havana, in 1999, Reich compared the game to "playing soccer in Auschwitz.")
It was Jeb Bush who proposed to his brother that Otto Reich be made Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs. Karl Rove, the President's senior political adviser, strongly endorsed the idea, as did the Cuban-American House members from Florida. After the frantically close election that George W. Bush had just won in Florida, Reich's nomination was widely seen as payback to the Miami Cubans. Jeb Bush, meanwhile, is running for reelection as governor of Florida this year, and the support of Cuban-Americans is crucial to his success at the polls.
Otto Reich is not a true Miami Cuban. His family settled in North Carolina, and he has spent most of his career in Washington. He studied at Georgetown after a stint in the Army, and actually lived in Florida only in the nineteen-seventies, when he worked for the city of Miami and for the Florida Department of Commerce. But he has been a dedicated anti-Castro activist all his adult life, and he is deeply connected to the South Florida exile community. His face is also well known—he was co-host, for a time, of CNN International's "Choque de Opiniones," a Spanish-language "Crossfire." (Reich opined "from the right.") During crises, Reich reliably gets out and represents. In April of 2000, for instance, he told Geraldo Rivera's CNBC audience that the Clinton Administration's handling of the Elián Gonzales case was sending "a very dangerous signal to Saddam Hussein and to Milosevic and Kim Jong Il." Last year, when Reich's nomination as assistant secretary got into trouble, Miami's right-wing Spanish-language talk-radio programs took up his cause.
Reich first went to work for the Reagan Administration at the Agency for International Development, in 1981. As the civil war in Nicaragua heated up, he moved to the State Department, where, from 1983 to 1986, he headed a Contra-support program that operated out of an outfit called the Office of Public Diplomacy. The office arranged speeches and recommended books to school libraries, but it also leaked false stories to the press—that, for instance, the Sandinista government was receiving Soviet MIG fighters, or was involved in drug trafficking. A declassified memo from one of Reich's aides to Patrick Buchanan, the White House communications director, boasted about the office's "White Propaganda" operations, including op-ed pieces prepared by its staff, signed by Contra leaders or academics, and placed in major newspapers. (Reich's spokesman denied this.) The office employed Army psychological-warfare specialists, and worked closely with Lieutenant Colonel Oliver North, at the National Security Council.
When legitimate stories from Central America displeased Reich, he would confront journalists. He visited CBS News in April, 1984, after the network broadcast a documentary about El Salvador which Reich's boss, Secretary of State George Shultz, considered—as he put it in a memo to his boss, President Reagan—"favorable to the guerrillas and distorting of U.S. and El Salvadoran government goals and tactics." Reich met with the CBS diplomatic correspondent and the Washington bureau chief. "This is one example of what the Office of Public Diplomacy has been doing," Shultz reported to Reagan. "It has been repeated dozens of times over the past few months."
In 1985, Reich demanded a meeting with the senior staff of National Public Radio—which he had taken to calling National People's Radio, or, sometimes, Moscow on the Potomac—after a report about a Contra slaughter of civilians. As Bill Buzenberg, the NPR foreign-affairs correspondent, recalled the meeting, Reich bragged that he had "gotten others to change some of their reporters in the field because of a perceived bias." He warned the journalists that his office would be monitoring NPR's broadcasts. Buzenberg later suggested that Reich's attempt to intimidate people at NPR had been effective. He recounted in a speech how an editor had asked him, with regard to one of his stories, "What would Otto Reich think?"
After a tense luncheon at the home of a diplomat in Managua, attended by Reich and John Lantigua, a Washington Post stringer, and Morris Thompson, of Newsday, an item appeared in the newsletter of the conservative press-watchdog group Accuracy in Media (AIM), calling Lantigua "Johnny Sandinista" and claiming that the Nicaraguan government was supplying him and other reporters with "trusted Sandinista females." New York magazine later reported that Reich had been interviewed for the AIM story. Reich told New York that he had heard from "defectors from the Sandinista government" that "it isn't only women" who were supplied. (Thompson is gay.) "This thing is sordid," Reich told New York. It also seems to have been untrue. Reich's office, asked for comment last week, denied that he had been the source of the AIM story.
A 1987 report by the United States Comptroller General, produced in the course of the Iran-Contra investigation, concluded that Reich's office had "engaged in prohibited, covert propaganda activities." When Reich's spokesman was asked about this finding, he replied that it was "based solely on the inaccurate and exaggerated claims of a member of Ambassador Reich's staff." The spokesman added that Reich had worked closely with the State Department's legal adviser "to ensure that all office activities were legal and appropriate."
The Office of Public Diplomacy was shut down in 1987. By then, however, Reich had been appointed Ambassador to Venezuela, and he was away from Washington during most of the exposure and shakeout of the Iran-Contra scandal, after which fourteen Administration officials were indicted on various charges.
In Venezuela, however, there was the case of Orlando Bosch. Bosch was a Cuban exile, a former pediatrician who had served time in prison in the United States for conspiring to plant mines on foreign vessels and for firing a bazooka at a Polish freighter docked in the port of Miami. In 1976, Bosch was arrested in Venezuela and convicted of masterminding the bombing of a Cuban airliner. All seventy-three people aboard were killed. Bosch was still in jail in Venezuela when Reich arrived.
As it happened, Bosch was retried and acquitted six weeks after Reich got to Venezuela. Once Bosch was released, he tried to get a visa to the United States. Reich has always denied taking any special interest in the case. In the diplomatic cables he sent to Washington, according to his spokesman, Reich wrote that he had informed the Venezuelan government that Bosch was not welcome in the United States. But he also appended, in cables that have been declassified, some unusual notes to Bosch's applications, passing on, for instance, a report that a Cuban assassination team had entered Venezuela with Bosch as its target, and that Bosch's friends would be able to extract him from the country at a few hours' notice. Bosch, however, did not wait for a visa. In February, 1988, he boarded a plane to Miami, tried to enter the country illegally, and was arrested at the airport.
The Justice Department, which had connected Bosch with more than thirty acts of sabotage and violence, wanted to deport him. To many Cuban exiles, however, Bosch was a hero—the Miami City Commission had even declared a Dr. Orlando Bosch Day, in 1983—and there was an intense public campaign to have him freed. Jeb Bush was a prominent figure in the campaign, and in 1990 the first President Bush, ignoring a Justice Department recommendation, ordered Bosch released. Today, Bosch lives freely in Miami.
Reich played no role in the campaign to free Bosch. But, fairly or not, he continued to be associated with the case, both by his critics and by some of Bosch's supporters. In 1987, Bosch reportedly expressed his thanks to his "compatriot" Reich. (Reich called the report "Cuban-Soviet disinformation.") Last year, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee submitted a written question to Reich, asking, "Do you consider Orlando Bosch a terrorist?" He replied, "I do not have sufficient knowledge of Mr. Bosch's criminal activities to pass judgment on his legal status."
Reich became a corporate lobbyist in the nineteen-nineties. One of his clients, Lockheed Martin, sought his help in selling F-16 fighter jets to Chile. This deal, now nearing completion, represents the end of a twenty-year ban on the sale of advanced weaponry to Latin America. Another Reich client was Bacardi, the rum company, which is controlled by a Cuban-American family that lost substantial property after the Revolution. Bacardi wanted to strip Cuba of international trademark protection so that it could use a well-known Cuban brand name. (My wife was involved, as an attorney, in some of the extensive litigation against Bacardi.) The company achieved its aims, in 1996, when the Helms-Burton Act became law.
During Reich's confirmation travails, his opponents argued that his one true animating passion, Cuba, would interfere with his ability to deal with the rest of the hemisphere. Yet Reich's views on Cuban policy are publicly no different from those of the Bush White House, a circumstance that should have made the issue moot. Some of Reich's non-Miami friends, notably those on the editorial page of the Wall Street Journal, came to his defense. They accused the Democrats who were blocking the nomination of wanting to fight Cold War policy battles again, probably because Ronald Reagan (and, by extension, Reich) had been proved right by history. Three former Secretaries of State, all Republicans, wrote a letter urging the Foreign Relations Committee to hold hearings and approve Reich. The Democrats refused to budge. "Otto Reich is not qualified for the post," Senator Dodd insisted in a letter to the Journal.
In Latin America, however, it was the coup in Venezuela last April that seemed to harden misgivings about Reich. Hugo Chávez, Venezuela's leftist President, had been a growing irritant to Washington—visiting Libya and Iraq, slowing negotiations for the F.T.A.A., criticizing the American campaign in Afghanistan, and, of greatest concern to anti-Castro activists, selling discounted oil to Cuba. Chávez had made many powerful enemies inside Venezuela as well, and on April 11th he was removed in a coup. A businessman named Pedro Carmona was installed as President. More alarming than the coup itself, to many of Venezuela's neighbors, was the suggestion that Washington was behind the coup. For it soon emerged that there had been a great deal of contact between the coup plotters and the United States Embassy in Caracas beforehand, and urgent calls between the plotters and Reich's office afterward. Within hours of the coup, Reich summoned a number of Latin-American ambassadors to his office and, according to the Times, told them that Chávez had in fact resigned; he urged them to support the new government. The State Department hailed the "change of government." (So did the editors of the Times.)
The problem was that Chávez had not resigned. Carmona, the new President, tried to dissolve the country's parliament and its highest court, and support for his administration, such as it was, vanished. Within days, Chávez was back in power. The United States hastily endorsed a resolution, issued earlier by the Organization of American States, deploring the coup. When I asked Reich about the United States' role in the coup, he told me firmly, "There was no U.S. role."
The political damage was done, though. For many Latin Americans, the thinness of Washington's commitment to democracy in the region had been revealed. In a region that has suffered greatly under military regimes, many of them United States-backed, this was a profound disappointment. In countries that were already under stress, like Argentina, the implications were more serious. "Many people here watched it with a fair amount of fear," Alan Cibils, an economist in Buenos Aires, said. "People feared that this might be the writing on the wall."
Certainly, the Chávez incident only confirmed apprehensions in Latin America about Reich's appointment. Oscar Arias, a former President of Costa Rica, who won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1987 for his efforts to end the wars in Central America, had written a widely circulated plea to President Bush to reconsider his choice of Reich. Arias's essay, which was first published in the Los Angeles Times, revisited the controversial incidents from Reich's career; he wrote, for example, that the F-16 sale would produce "the last thing this hemisphere needs—an arms race." Arias's broader concern was that Reich represented a return to militarism, to bullying behavior by the United States, after more than a decade of kinder, gentler policy.
This fear is probably unfounded. George W. Bush came into office pledging to make Latin America a top foreign-policy priority (he called this "the century of the Americas"), seeming not to know or care much personally about most other parts of the world. September 11th has reordered his priorities, of course, and, if anything, Latin Americans have felt more forgotten than coerced by his Administration. Although Reich is just one of a number of players from the old Reagan Central America team to have been reëmployed by this Administration—Elliot Abrams is back in the White House, serving on the National Security Council; John Negroponte, who was Ambassador to Honduras, is now Ambassador to the United Nations; John Poindexter, who was Reagan's national-security adviser, is now heading a Pentagon counterterrorism office—Bush's policy toward Latin America is, in essence, a continuation of the Clinton policy. Market access is its great objective, the F.T.A.A. its concrete goal.
Progress toward the F.T.A.A. has been slowed, however, by growing disenchantment in Latin America with the philosophy of free trade, or neoliberalismo. In the past generation, hardly any progress has been made against poverty in most of the region, despite painful economic reforms. The middle class has suffered even in politically transformed nations such as Mexico. Left-wing political parties are on the rise. In Brazil, which has South America's largest economy, the leading candidate for President—the first round of elections will be held on October 6th—is a Socialist ex-steelworker named Luiz Inacio da Silva, popularly known as Lula, who opposes the F.T.A.A. If Lula, who is an admirer of Fidel Castro, does become President, the entire South American jigsaw puzzle may abruptly rearrange itself.
Reich prefers to describe the current resurgence of protest movements in the region as populism, not leftism, but that doesn't mean he's oblivious to its causes. He was an election observer in Venezuela in 1998, when Hugo Chávez won the Presidency, and afterward he told the Wall Street Journal, "Chávez won because he was able to articulate and channel the frustrations of Venezuelans resulting from a series of mistakes by the nation's political elite. This should be a wake-up call to the elite of Latin America to pay more attention to economic and social progress."
Still, Reich makes a poor salesman for free trade. As Argentina's economy collapses, he rebukes Argentineans for not implementing the free-market policies that the United States has recommended. He tends to view Latin-American governments as irresponsible and immature. He also has a disconcerting habit of pointing to El Salvador as an example of a country that has properly implemented the reforms the United States wants to see. El Salvador may be growing, according to some macroeconomic indicators, but it is heavily dependent on remittances sent by émigrés working in the United States. Moreover, the country is a social and physical ruin, a place where the United States helped finance a Cold War battle that killed a hundred thousand Salvadorans.
Then, there is Cuba—Reich's idée fixe, but also the great hole in our foreign-policy dogma, which says that free trade and open markets foster democracy and prosperity. If that is true, our neighbors (and many other countries) ask, why do we maintain a near-total ban on trade with Cuba? The answer, of course, is to be found among the roughly one and a quarter million Cuban-Americans, particularly those in South Florida.
"Our problem is that Communism doesn't exist anymore," Joe Garcia, the executive director of the Cuban American National Foundation, told me. The C.A.N.F. has been the most powerful political lobby among Cuban exiles for twenty years, and Garcia was trying to account for the deficit of American public sympathy which the community feels today. "The Florida Straits is the Berlin Wall," he said. "Eastern Europeans get it. They got it in the ass for forty years, so they get it."
"Depressed" is the word you hear when you ask Miami Cubans about the state of anti-Castro politics. After the Soviet Union collapsed, hopes ran high that the Castro regime could not last much longer. People started making plans—if not to move back, then at least to visit, see long-lost relatives, maybe buy a vacation condo. Some of the more prominent exiles were positioning themselves to control new markets, perhaps even to return to power on the island. But Castro, of course, has hung on. In the long view, it now seems, more than ever, that there was a civil war in Cuba in the nineteen-fifties, with winners and losers, and that the losers came to America.
They're doing well here, most of them, economically and educationally, and they're proud of this and eager to assimilate. Community support for Otto Reich stems as much from that pride as it does from his politics. Ninoska Pérez Castellón, a conservative Miami radio host, told me, "For Cubans, it was a great thing when Otto was named ambassador. He may have been the first Cuban to reach that height."
For decades, the C.A.N.F. had been dominated by its founder, Jorge Mas Canosa, who also seemed to dominate every politician he set his sights on. When Bill Clinton ran for President in 1992, he opposed the embargo until he went to Miami and met Mas Canosa. Clinton emerged from that meeting with a large check and a new position. There was a bill before Congress at the time that would tighten the embargo. The first President Bush was planning to veto the bill because it contained infringements on executive power. Clinton started attacking the President for being soft on Castro, and Bush quickly signed the legislation.
Mas Canosa died in 1997. His son, Jorge Mas Santos, now heads the C.A.N.F., and things have not been the same. The turning point was the Elián Gonzales affair, when the federal government decided that the boy, whose mother had drowned during their attempt to reach Florida, should return to Cuba with his father. "We're still a victim of the massive evil on the other side," Joe Garcia said. "But America has moved on. We were unanimous: no parent would want his child back in hell. But the issue was framed against us very effectively—by Clinton. It's about a father and a son. That was a bear. We couldn't communicate our side effectively."
The political activism of wealthy Cubans, who donate heavily to both major parties, is usually ascribed to their fervent interest in Cuban policy, but the truth is that many of them work in areas, such as banking or construction, that are closely regulated by or otherwise dependent on government; it has simply been good business practice for them to make politically powerful friends. Indeed, the outsized influence that Cuban-Americans have had on American politics is probably more a function of their financial clout than of the votes they deliver. (Certainly Jeb Bush—Jebcito, to his Cuban constituents—knows both ends of the equation well. Armando Codina, a Cuban-American construction magnate, brought Jeb into his business back when the future Governor was getting his start in Miami—and George H. W. Bush was Vice-President. Jeb was reportedly a good salesman, but people in Miami say, "Codina made Jeb a rich man.")
Another long-standing assumption about Cuban-American political attitudes is that they will change with the generations. That is proving to be both true and not true. Polls find that younger Cuban-Americans favor cultural exchange with the island, and they are certainly less obsessed with Castro than their parents are. But there is still a large majority—up to eighty per cent—who are against lifting the embargo as long as Castro is in power. Also, rather stunningly, sixty-three per cent tell pollsters that they would support a United States invasion of Cuba.
It is still possible to sit in the Versailles, a big gleaming bakery and restaurant on Calle Ocho, the main drag of Miami's Little Havana, and imagine that some of the elderly men huddled at tables over boliche and huevos habaneros—or maybe some of those out at the streetside tables nursing coffees, smoking hand-rolled cigars, and fiercely talking politics in thick Cuban Spanish—are doing more than dreaming about the old days. In a town where radio is far more politically influential than print or television, the largest outlet is Radio Mambí—a twenty-four-hour Spanish-language hard-line talk-radio station. Radio Mambí is run by an exile named Armando Pérez-Roura, who also hosts its most popular show. Pérez-Roura was Batista's official radio spokesman in the fifties and is much feared in South Florida for his ability to deliver not only votes but also angry street protesters from among his faithful listeners. Pérez-Roura is in many ways a dinosaur—he has never learned English, and is not an American citizen—but he still manages to add a threatening tone to public discourse in Miami. Although he has been known to make anti-Semitic remarks on the air, his was the most powerful voice demanding, last year, that the Bushes stand behind Otto Reich.
The Bush dynasty clearly respects Pérez-Roura's power. Jeb is a regular guest on his show, and, just days before the 2000 Presidential election, Pérez-Roura introduced George W. at a rally in Miami, invoking the name Elián Gonzales. He also went on to play a role in the Presidential ballot recount.
Among those Americans not from Cuba who can be bothered to think about the embargo, it has become, according to polls, increasingly unpopular. People reason that it is not working, and that our hostility just allows Castro to hang on to power. For true believers in free trade, the embargo is, moreover, a heresy. Charlene Barshefsky, the United States Trade Representative under Clinton, told the Boston Globe, as she was leaving office, that "our Cuba policy is lunacy." American farmers, looking for new export markets, have turned against it, as have their representatives in Congress, most of whom are Republicans. And the agricultural and pharmaceutical interests that want to see the embargo lifted have deeper pockets, ultimately, than even the South Florida Cubans. (In late September, a delegation of Midwestern politicians and businessmen went to Havana for an agricultural trade fair, and Otto Reich managed to offend everyone involved by warning the Americans, including Jesse Ventura, the governor of Minnesota, not to indulge in "sexual tourism" in Cuba. Ventura demanded an apology from the White House.) Legislation to relax the embargo has been passing in Congress by increasingly large margins. Still, President Bush, making good on his vows to Cuban-Americans, vetoes each bill, which is front-page news in the Miami Herald and, at best, wire-service fare elsewhere in the country.
With Cuba, as with so many things, it seems that the President is most intent on learning from his father's political mistakes. When the South Florida Cubans thought the first President Bush was going soft on Castro, he lost support. That won't happen again, particularly with Otto Reich on the case. Reich was great friends with Jorge Mas Canosa, and the current leadership at the C.A.N.F. believes he is doing a fine job. Joe Garcia, of the C.A.N.F., told me, "Otto was the guy who was supposed to hold the plug there"—in Washington—"on Cuba." Whether Reich continues to be that guy will probably depend on the Republicans' ability to regain control of the Senate in the November elections.
After Reich's nomination, the Cuban media produced a series of stories about his connections to the "terrorist mafia" of Miami exiles. Then, late last year, Ricardo Alarcón, the president of the Cuban National Assembly, told an interviewer that he considered Reich a "magnificent" choice for the job. "Otto Reich is the ideal undersecretary for a failed U.S. foreign policy in Latin America," Alarcón said. "I'm not worried in the least. The United States is who should be worried." Alarcón went on, "Otto Reich is more amusing to us than anything else. He is going to be concerned not only with Cuba but with the whole continent. Perfect. Letting him help destroy U.S. relations with Latin America strikes us as a brilliant idea."
The truth is, Reich told me, Latin-American governments deplore our Cuban policy only in public. Privately, "They say, 'We agree with you on Cuba. We just differ on the means.' They all want Castro to leave. They want us to do it. They don't want to have to do it. They're afraid of Castro. Believe me, they've told me." When a resolution condemning Cuba's human-rights abuses came up at a United Nations commission, he said, "The Vice-President of a major country told me, 'You know we cannot support this resolution, because you know what Fidel Castro has done in my country, and you know what he's capable of doing. He's killed, he's kidnapped. He supports terrorists.' "
Once, in the nineteen-seventies, Reich said, "Colombia and Cuba were vying for the same seat on the U.N. Security Council, and Colombia wouldn't back off," so Castro "had the brother of the President kidnapped" by leftist Colombian guerrillas. Reich added that Castro also had the brother of another President of Colombia kidnapped, for a different reason, and both incidents unfolded in exactly the same way. "First, Castro offers to negotiate. 'I'll try to intercede with those bad people. We had relations with them, and we still know them.' " Eventually, Reich told me, both victims surfaced in Havana, and were handed back to their families. The Presidents got the message. In the case of the Security Council spat, Reich said, "Colombia withdrew its candidacy, and Cuba got the seat." (In fact, Colombia and Cuba both withdrew, and Mexico got the seat. The first of these kidnappings didn't take place, in any event, until four years afterward. In both cases, the victims turned up in Colombia, not in Havana.) Reich studied me, as if to see whether I really understood. "This guy's a thug," he said. "It's like 'The Godfather.' They act the same way, except he runs a country, instead of just a family."
Reich conceded that Latin-American leaders might have other reasons for opposing our Cuban policy. "Latin Americans have always had what they consider to be this policy of nonintervention," he said. "Since we have been the big kid on the block, they have felt that there has been safety in numbers. By uniting behind this policy of nonintervention, they would protect themselves. On the other hand, we are also the one country that everybody calls whenever there's trouble, and we have in fact used our power in the region many times to defend a lot of those countries."
Reich went on to say that our policy toward Cuba today is identical to our policy toward El Salvador in the nineteen-eighties. Now, in most people's memory, we were bankrolling and "advising" the Salvadoran Army, one of the most murderous militaries on earth, in the nineteen-eighties. So I had trouble seeing the connection. But I began to sense why governments in Latin America have complained that Reich is not properly focussed on their bilateral relations with the United States: Reich was already off on another riff about why Castro is afraid of radios being distributed in Cuba. ♦


text: Castrol has worked with Jaguar as their preferred global strategic lubricants partner since 2002. In that time we have worked together, pushing technical boundaries to boost performance and make the driving experience as exhilarating as possible. A close collaboration on joint engineering and product development of engine and transmission oils, for the factory fill products and aftermarket business, has been integral to the Jaguar engine's delivery of high performance. Working jointly with Jaguar R&D to create future generations of lubricants for Jaguar vehicles is what helps us do that. These oils are custom-made to fit the precise requirements of Jaguar engines and to unlock potential fuel savings and CO2 reductions from fuels, engine oils and transmission fluids. That's why when it comes to the question of which motor oil is recommended for Jaguar, the answer has to be Castrol. Going to the edge and beyond, Castrol and Jaguar make a powerful combination.


text:
MBA/Accounting Specialization
The Thomas University MBA with a concentration in accounting is a professional and applied graduate degree program to prepare accounting graduate students for licensure as a Certified Public Account through a rigorous class schedule, reading, research, and case study analysis.
The program is open to all students with undergraduate majors in accounting.
Entrance Prerequisites:
A bachelor's degree in accounting from an accredited educational institution.
MBA Core Courses:
MBA 600 Applied Economics
MBA 601 Organizational Behavior
MBA 645 Financial Marketing
MBA 675 Marketing Management
MBA 690 Business Strategy & Policy
Other Required Courses
MBA 611 Tax II
MBA 612 Audit II
MBA 615 Management Information Systems
MBA 646 Financial Accounting for Government and Non-Profit Institutions
MBA 650 Research and Statistics
MBA 663 Operations Management
IMPORTANT MESSAGE FOR OUT-OF-STATE APPLICANTS: Every state government regulates whether universities located in other states can enroll students in online programs. This process is called "state authorization." Some states do not allow their students to enroll students in online programs at outside universities at all; other states charge the outside universities high fees to enroll even one student from that state. For this reason, Thomas University may not be able to enroll students from outside Georgia in every online program we offer. We accept students from as many states as possible. Please contact Admissions at firstname.lastname@example.com or 800.538.9784 ext 1114 to find out if your state is authorized for Thomas University.


text:
chumad needed a new banner ad design and created a contest on 99designs.
A winner was selected from 31 designs submitted by 17 freelance designers.
I need a banner that I can use for advertising to get attention and the long desired "click" to my site.
Accepted File Formats:
Layered PSD
The game I have is Forgotten Planets, found at http://www.forgottenplanets.com. I'd like a banner created that I can use to attract potential players to the game.
I'm far from being a marketer, so what is said in the banner is up to the designer. For an idea of game features, you can go to the home page.
The winner should be able to provide the banner in these formats: 728x90, 468x60, 468x60, 120x600, 160x600, 300x250, 125x125 - but for the sake of the contest, you should simply pick one and use it. Size limit is 60,000 bytes, except for 125x125 limited to 40,000 bytes.
Animations and flash are not required but will probably get bonus points. Judging will be based on how effective the banner is determined to be at getting someone excited to play the game. Keep in mind that the audience is generally younger people from 10-25 years of age and already interested in browser-based games.
The winner will likely be given the chance to create additional banners for us (I've got about 5 games that need banners), so this is a great opportunity to get yourself some more work.
Winning banner will receive $100. It's also possible that we'll pick a 2nd and 3rd place as well to encourage participation.
Please let me know if you have any question, I look forward to working with everyone! Have fun!


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Last fall I posted information regarding the first wife of Charles Y Trice (1853-1915). Well, I've discovered some more information, but it's still leading to questions. This is a lengthy explanation since I'm trying to work out all of the details for myself as well as asking for help from all of you.
According to a familysearch index (I need to look at the actual film) Parral Lee Steen married C Y Trice in Henry County, Missouri in 1878.
Then, according to online death records for Missouri for the two children of Trice and Steen, Harriet Trice Sheley's death certificate says her mother's name was Perilee Steene born near Joplin, Missouri. Odon Trice's death certificate says his mother's name was Paralee Steen born in Joplin, Missouri. So I have some consistency. Unfortunately I can't find any Steen(e) with a first name with Per* or Par* in 1870 or 1860 census records. And in the 1880 census with Trice, her age is given as 23, which would indicate she was born about 1857. Any suggestions?
Then to make matters worse, on FindAGrave the headstone for Paralee Trice, wife of C Y Trice, shows 1847-1893. So how old is she?
Then, the other mystery. In 1900 census, Charles Trice is married to Lena and, in error it says they have been married for 15 years. So what's wrong? I know that Odon and Hattie are not Lena's children, but children by Charles's first marriage. Since Ruth was listed as being born in November 1892, but Paralee didn't die until 1893, is there a divorce record? Where can I find that?
Lastly, family lore states that Charles Trice married Luna/Lena Drake in 1890 or 1891 in Franklin, Indiana, or around there. I have been unable to find a record of this marriage.
So, I need a marriage record for Charles Trice and Luna/Lena Drake.
I need a birth record for Ruth Trice stating her parents' names, just to make sure she is the daughter of Lena.
I need a divorce record for Charles Trice and Paralee, if the Trice/Drake marriage took place before Paralee died.
I would like to find out the names of the parents of Paralee Steen(e).
I would like to have a death record for Paralee Steen(e) Trice, not just a photo of the headstone.
All suggestions are appreciated. Thank you.


text:
Looking Out for No. 1
Living alone provides bachelors—and bachelorettes—their real-estate fantasy fulfillment: wide-open spaces, luxury amenities, a colossal bedroom and speakers in every room, including the broom closet.
Melissa Herrington, a 35-year-old artist who lives in Venice, Calif., recently moved into a 2,000-square-foot, three-story loft-style home after a divorce. Her designer's directive: "to reflect 100% Melissa."
The loft is an open, sunny space that includes a large second-floor studio where she paints and a third-floor master suite. Designer Trina Boyd created a space where Ms. Herrington's artwork could take center stage. "This loft is what I would consider all mine, my style and everything I wanted to put...


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I'm working with a customer to try to help them create a new site with a template they have created. I am able to reproduce the error locally, which is: The site template requires that the Feature {863DA2AC-3873-4930-8498-752886210911} be activated in the site collection.
This is in "My Site", and from googling this seems to refer to a Site Collection Feature called 'My Site Blogs'. However this feature doesn't seem to exist at the site collection or site level. I created a blog site from the template for my site, but the error persists.
So I'm definitely confused here... if a Blog is a Site, then what is the feature that is missing called 'My Site Blogs' and how do I activate it? It seems to me that a template is just of a site- so wouldn't include the blog site anyways, right?
I have full admin access to the farm, site collection and site features- I just don't see any feature with the guid matching above (I looked with view source on the features page).


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A headache is not unusual immediately following a blow to the head.
The headaches may come and go but usually resolve within 4 weeks after the
injury. As long as the headaches are getting better, they are not likely to
represent a serious problem.
Headaches are classified as mild, moderate, or severe.
An ongoing headache that is getting worse after
a head injury may be caused by swelling or bleeding within
or around the brain or between the brain and the covering of the brain (subdural hematoma). The bleeding may be rapid or slow.
Symptoms may develop within minutes, hours, or occasionally weeks after the
Falls occur more frequently in babies, older adults, and people with
dementia or alcohol or drug abuse problems.
Determining if the person has had a head injury may be difficult or delayed
since he or she may not be able to tell you about the fall or injury. A
subdural hematoma may develop immediately and cause obvious problems, but if
the bleeding is slow, symptoms may not develop for days or even weeks.
A head injury may cause a small amount of bleeding within
the skull that does not cause symptoms for days or even weeks after the injury.
After a head injury, a small blood clot may form and draw fluid from the
tissues around it, which makes the clot slowly get bigger. The increasing size
of the clot causes a slow increase in the pressure within the skull and the
surrounding brain tissue. Usually the first symptom of the increased pressure
is a new, persistent, and increasingly severe headache. Confusion and
sleepiness may also be present.
A persistent headache that is accompanied by other symptoms of a
concussion, such as drowsiness and personality
changes, is more serious. As the pressure increases around the brain, other
symptoms may develop quickly, including dilation of a pupil or paralysis on one
side of the body.
Last Revised:
April 5, 2012
Healthwise Staff
Medical Review:
William H. Blahd, Jr., MD, FACEP - Emergency Medicine & H. Michael O'Connor, MD - Emergency Medicine
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