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With his West Texas twang, loping swagger, and ever-present cowboy boots, Charlie Stenholm doesn't much look like or sound like anybody's idea of a victim. Since 1979, he has been the congressman for a sprawling district west of Dallas, and his votes have reflected the conservative values of the cattle, cotton, and oil country back home. He opposes abortion, fights for balanced budgets, and voted for the impeachment of President Clinton. His Web site features photographs of him carrying or firing guns. Through it all, though, Stenholm has remained a member of the Democratic Party, and for that offense he appears likely to lose his job after the next election.
Stenholm was a principal target in one of the more bizarre political dramas of recent years—the Texas redistricting struggle of 2003. Following the 2000 census, all states were obligated to redraw the boundaries of their congressional districts in line with the new population figures. In 2001, that process produced a standoff in Texas, with the Republican state senate and the Democratic state house of representatives unable to reach an agreement. As a result, a panel of federal judges formulated a compromise plan, which more or less replicated the current partisan balance in the state's congressional delegation: seventeen Democrats and thirteen Republicans. Then, in the 2002 elections, Republicans took control of the state house, and Tom DeLay, the Houston-area congressman who serves as House Majority Leader in Washington, decided to reopen the redistricting question. DeLay said that the current makeup of the congressional delegation did not reflect the state's true political orientation, so he set out to insure that it did.
"This was a fundamental change in the rules of the game," Heather Gerken, a professor at Harvard Law School, said. "The rules were, Fight it out once a decade but then let it lie for ten years. The norm was very useful, because they couldn't afford to fight this much about redistricting. Given the opportunity, that is all they will do, because it's their survival at stake. DeLay's tactic was so shocking because it got rid of this old, informal agreement." But Texas law contained no explicit prohibition on mid-decade redistricting, so the leadership of the state government, now unified in Republican hands, tried during the summer of 2003 to push through a new plan. Democrats attempted novel forms of resistance. In May, fifty-one House members fled to Oklahoma, to deprive the new leadership of a quorum; in July, a dozen senators decamped to New Mexico, for the same purpose. But defections and the passage of time weakened Democratic resolve, and, on October 13th, the plan sponsored by DeLay was passed.
"They did everything they could to bust up my political base," Stenholm told me. "They drew my farm and where I grew up into the Amarillo district, and they drew Abilene, where I live now, into the Lubbock district." As a result, Stenholm will be forced to run in one of these districts if he wants to remain in the House. The new map creates similar problems for half a dozen other incumbent Texas Democrats, so the reapportionment may add as many as seven new Republicans to the G.O.P. majority in the House of Representatives and shift the state's delegation to 22-10 in favor of the Republicans. "Politics is a contact sport," Stenholm said. "I've been in this business twenty-five years. I will play the hand I was dealt."
In Texas and elsewhere, redistricting has transformed American politics. The framers of the Constitution created the House of Representatives to be the branch of government most responsive to changes in the public mood, but gerrymandered districts mean that most of the four hundred and thirty-five members of Congress never face seriously contested general elections. In 2002, eighty-one incumbents ran unopposed by a major party candidate. "There are now about four hundred safe seats in Congress," Richard Pildes, a professor of law at New York University, said. "The level of competitiveness has plummeted to the point where it is hard to describe the House as involving competitive elections at all these days." The House isn't just ossified; it's polarized, too. Members of the House now effectively answer only to primary voters, who represent the extreme partisan edge of both parties. As a result, collaboration and compromise between the parties have almost disappeared. The Republican advantage in the House is modest—just two hundred and twenty-nine seats to two hundred and six—but gerrymandering has made the lead close to insurmountable for the foreseeable future.
There is, it appears, just one chance to change the cycle. On December 10th, the United States Supreme Court will hear arguments in a case that could alter the nature of redistricting—and, with it, modern American electoral politics. The court has long held that legislators may not discriminate on the basis of race in redistricting, but the question now before the court is whether, or to what extent, they may consider politics in defining congressional boundaries. "There is a sense of embarrassment about what has happened in American politics," Samuel Issacharoff, a professor at Columbia Law School, said. "The rules of decorum have fallen apart. Voters no longer choose members of the House; the people who draw the lines do. The court seems to think that something has to be done." The case could well become the court's most important foray into the political process since Bush v. Gore. As Ronald Klain, a Democratic lawyer in election-law cases, puts it, "At stake in this case is control of Congress—nothing more, nothing less."
The off-cycle timing of the Texas redistricting fight, as well as the farcical drama of the fleeing Democratic legislators, made the saga look like a colorful aberration. But the results of that altercation merely replicated what happened, after the 2000 census, in several other states where Republicans controlled the governorship and the legislature. Even in states where voters were evenly divided, the Republicans used their advantage in the state capitals to transform their congressional delegations. In Florida, the paradigmatically deadlocked state, the new district lines sent eighteen Republicans and seven Democrats to the House. In the Gore state of Michigan, which lost a seat in redistricting, the delegation went from 9-7 in favor of the Democrats to 9-6 in favor of the Republicans—even though Democratic congressional candidates received thirty-five thousand more votes than their Republican opponents in 2002. (The Michigan plan was approved on September 11, 2001, so it received little publicity.) Pennsylvania, which also went to Gore, had one of the most ruthless Republican gerrymanders, and it is the one being challenged before the Supreme Court.
After 2000, Pennsylvania lost two seats in Congress, and its legislature had to establish new district lines. Republican legislative leaders there engaged in no subterfuge; they candidly admitted that they intended to draw the lines to favor their party as much as possible. In the midst of the battle over the Pennsylvania plan, DeLay and Dennis Hastert, the Speaker of the House, sent a letter to the Pennsylvania legislators, saying, "We wish to encourage you in these efforts, as they play a crucial role in maintaining a Republican majority in the United States House of Representatives." The Republicans in Harrisburg used venerable techniques in redistricting, like "packing," "cracking," and "kidnapping." Packing concentrates one group's voters in the fewest possible districts, so they cannot influence the outcome of races in others; cracking divides a group's voters into other districts, where they will be ineffective minorities; and kidnapping places two incumbents from the same party in the same district.
Frank Mascara was kidnapped. A Democrat first elected to Congress in 1994, Mascara represented a district in the rugged industrial country south of Pittsburgh. "My district had been more or less the same for about a hundred years," Mascara told me on the porch of his house in Charleroi, which overlooks a glass-making plant on the banks of the Monongahela River. The son of a steelworker and the first member of his family to go to college, Mascara worked his way through county politics until he won his seat in the House. "A lot of people couldn't believe that a congressman lived in a house like mine," he said, noting its aluminum siding and probable resale value of about thirty-five thousand dollars. "But that's the kind of guy I am," he said. "I go to church down the street. I represent the average person."
With the Republicans in charge in Harrisburg, Mascara knew he would be little more than a spectator to the redistricting process. "I still thought my district would for the most part remain intact," he said. "That didn't occur." Mascara had met me at a McDonald's in Charleroi's ragged downtown, and then led me to his home on a quiet street called Lincoln Avenue, where we parked because he has no garage. From his porch, he pointed to our cars. "The cars are in the twelfth congressional district, and my house is in the eighteenth," he explained. "When they drew the new lines, they started in Allegheny County, which is north of here, and made, like, a finger out of that district, and the finger went down the middle of the street where I live. The line came down to my house and stopped." The Republicans' meticulous line-drawing through Charleroi was designed to force Mascara into a primary battle with his fellow-Democrat John Murtha, which it did. Murtha defeated Mascara, ending his congressional career and reducing the Democratic presence in the House by one.
The Republicans carved up Pennsylvania into many strangely shaped districts, which won monikers like the "supine seahorse" and the "upside-down Chinese dragon." Such nicknames for gerrymandered districts go back to the origin of the term, which was coined as an epithet to mock Massachusetts Governor Elbridge Gerry, who in 1811 approved an election district that was said to resemble a salamander. Like most gerrymanders throughout history, the Republicans' creation in Pennsylvania produced the desired results. Even though a Democrat, Ed Rendell, won the governorship in 2002, Republicans in that election took control of twelve of the nineteen House seats.
Democrats accomplished less in the 2000 redistricting cycle only because they controlled fewer states and thus could do less to protect their interests. DeLay's mid-cycle reapportionment may be without precedent, but Democrats have their own inglorious history of gerrymandering. Before the Texas coup this year, the most notorious redistricting operation in recent years was the one run by Representative Philip Burton, following the 1980 census in California, which transformed the Democrats' advantage in House seats there from 22-21 to 27-18. In 2002, a Democratic plan in Maryland turned that delegation from being evenly divided to a 6-2 Democratic advantage, and Georgia Democrats gained two seats in the House even though in the same election voters rejected a Democratic governor and a Democratic United States senator. In California, where Democrats also controlled the process, they settled for protecting incumbents of both parties. There, in 2002, not one of fifty general-election House challengers won even forty per cent of the total vote.
There is no doubt, though, that on balance the 2000 redistricting cycle amounted to a major victory for Republicans. Even though Al Gore and George W. Bush split the combined vote in Florida, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Michigan, Republican control of the process meant that, after redistricting, the G.O.P. now holds fifty-one of those states' seventy-seven House seats. "The important thing to realize was in 1991 the Republicans had control of line-drawing in a total of five congressional districts," one G.O.P. redistricting expert told me. "In 2001, it was almost a hundred seats. Both parties made the most of it."
The transformation of congressional redistricting began long before the 2000 census, and the crucial issue was race. In the early nineteen-sixties, the Supreme Court, under Chief Justice Earl Warren, transformed American politics by enforcing the principle of one man, one vote, and requiring that all legislative districts contain the same number of people. Before these decisions, which started with the famous case of Baker v. Carr, in 1962, Southern (and some Northern) states had designed districts so that black voters had no meaningful say in Congress. Later in the decade, the Voting Rights Act established the principle that not only did blacks have the right to vote but they had to be placed in districts where black candidates stood a good chance of winning. The act, which was one of Lyndon B. Johnson's most important civil-rights initiatives, led to the election of many more black members of Congress—and was a classic demonstration of the law of unintended consequences.
"When the civil-rights movement started, you had a lot of white Democrats in power in the South," Bobby Scott, a congressman from Virginia who was first elected in 1992, said. "And, when these white Democrats started redistricting, they wanted to keep African-American percentages at around thirty-five or forty per cent. That was enough for the white Democrats to keep winning in these districts, but not enough to elect any black Democrats. The white Democrats called these 'influence' districts, where we could have a say in who won." But Republicans sensed an opportunity. "They came to us and said, We want these districts to be sixty per cent black," Scott, who is African-American, said. "And blacks liked that idea, because it meant we elected some of our own for the first time. That's where the 'unholy alliance' came in."
The unholy alliance—between black Democrats and white Republicans—shaped redistricting during the eighties and nineties. Republicans recognized the value of concentrating black voters, who are reliable Democrats, in single districts, which are known in voting-rights parlance as "majority-minority." As Gerald Hebert, a Democratic redistricting operative and former Justice Department lawyer, puts it, "What you had was the Republicans who were in charge for every redistricting cycle at the Justice Department—'81, '91, '01. And there was a kind of thinking in the eighties and in the early nineties that if you could create a majority-minority district anywhere in the state, regardless of how it looked and what its impact was on surrounding districts, then you simply had to do it. What ended up happening was that they went out of their way to divide and conquer the Democrats." The real story of the Republican congressional landslide of 1994, many redistricting experts believe, is the disappearance of white Democratic congressmen, whose black constituents were largely absorbed into majority-minority districts.
It was a version of the unholy alliance which may doom Charlie Stenholm and his fellow Texas Democrats. All the congressmen who are likely to lose their jobs in the new DeLay plan are white. Many of their black constituents have been transferred to safe Democratic seats, where they can't harm Republicans. The unholy alliance has had the additional side effect, especially in the South, of making the Democrats the party of blacks and the Republicans the party of whites—which presents daunting long-term political problems for the Democratic Party. Many Democrats can't help but express a perverse admiration for the cleverness of the strategy. Benjamin Ginsberg, a Republican redistricting operative who helped to construct the unholy alliance during the 1990 cycle, referred to the initiative as "Project Ratfuck."
Since the 2000 cycle, these Republican gains have locked in and even expanded. To see how this was done, I asked Nathaniel Persily, a genial assistant professor of law and political science at the University of Pennsylvania, to visit my office and bring his laptop. Persily, who is thirty-three, has built a reputation as a nonpartisan expert and occasional practitioner in the field of redistricting.
Before 1990, most state legislators did their redistricting by taking off their shoes and tiptoeing with Magic Markers around large maps on the floor, marking the boundaries on overlaid acetate sheets. Use of computers in redistricting began in the nineties, and, as Persily demonstrated, it has now become a science. When Persily opened his computer, he showed me a map of Houston, detailed to the last census block. (The population of each block usually ranges from fewer than a dozen to about a thousand.) "This is the same map that DeLay's people used to redistrict," Persily said. Indeed, DeLay's political operation purchased ten copies of the software, which is called Caliper's Maptitude for Redistricting and costs about four thousand dollars per copy. The software permits mapmakers to analyze an enormous amount of data—party registration, voting patterns, ethnic makeup from census data, property-tax records, roads, railways, old district lines. "There's only one limit to the kind of information you can use in redistricting—its availability," Persily said. (In Pennsylvania, Republicans used Carnegie-Mellon University's mainframe computer, which would have allowed them to add even more data, such as real-estate transactions.)
With a few clicks, Persily changed the map from one that showed party registration in each census block to one that revealed voting results in each block. The colors ranged from dark red, for heavily Democratic votes, to dark blue, for strongly Republican. He showed voting results in about two dozen races, from President to governor and from congressman to local offices. "The whole process has got much more sophisticated," Persily went on. "Party-registration data are not the only kind of data you want to use. You want to use real election results. That's a big change from ten years ago. We have become very good at predicting how people are going to vote. People's partisanship is at a thirty-year high. If I know you voted for Gore, I am better able to predict that you are going to vote for any given Democrat in a future election."
I asked Persily to give me a demonstration of how to draw district lines. He moved his mouse to the border between two congressional districts. A ledger on the top half of the screen showed that one of the districts, as currently configured, had about forty thousand more people than the other one. "The Supreme Court has said that the requirement of one man, one vote means that each district must have exactly—exactly—the same number of people," Persily explained. An early version of the Pennsylvania plan was rejected by the courts because the districts were just nineteen voters apart, in districts of about a half million people. Requirements for that sort of precision virtually mandate the use of computers for redistricting.
Persily zeroed in even more closely, and a little donkey popped up inside one of the census blocks. "That's where the local congressman lives, a Democrat," he explained. "We have little elephants for the Republican incumbents." The program seemed easy to use, justifying the boast, on the software company's Web site, that you could "start building plans thirty minutes after opening the box." Persily chuckled. "At a certain point, you admire the video-game appeal of all this.
"There used to be a theory that gerrymandering was self-regulating," Persily explained. "The idea was that the more greedy you are in maximizing the number of districts your party can control, the more likely it is that a small shift of votes will lead you to lose a lot of districts. But it's not self-regulating anymore. The software is too good, and the partisanship is too strong."
The effects of partisan gerrymandering go well beyond the protection of incumbents and the guarantee of continued Republican control. It has also changed the kind of people who win seats in Congress and the way they behave once they arrive. Jim Leach, a moderate Republican and fourteen-term congressman from Iowa, has watched the transformation. Leach agrees with Richard Pildes on the numbers: "A little less than four hundred seats are totally safe, which means that there is competition between Democrats and Republicans only in about ten or fifteen per cent of the seats.
"So the important question is who controls the safe seats," Leach said. "Currently, about a third of the over-all population is Democrat, a third is Republican, and a third is no party. If you ask yourself some mathematical questions, what is half of a third?—one-sixth. That's who decides the nominee in each district. But only a fourth participates in primaries. What is a fourth of a sixth? A twenty-fourth. So it's one twenty-fourth of the population that controls the seat in each party.
"Then you have to ask who are those people who vote in primaries," Leach went on. "They are the real partisans, the activists, on both sides. A district that is solidly Republican is a district that is more likely to go to the more conservative side of the Republican part of the Party for candidates and platforms. Presidential candidates go to the left or the right in the primaries and then try to get back in the center. In House politics, if your district is solidly one party, your only challenge is from within that party, so you have every incentive for staying to the more extreme side of your party. If you are Republican in an all-Republican district, there is no reason to move to the center. You want to protect your base. You hear that in Congress all the time, in both parties—'We've got to appeal to our base.' It's much more likely that an incumbent will lose a primary than he will a general election. So redistricting has made Congress a more partisan, more polarized place. The American political system today is structurally geared against the center, which means that the great majority of Americans feel left out of the decision-making process."
Scholarly research gives some support to Leach's impressions. "Partisan gerrymandering skews not only the positions congressmen take but also who the candidates are in the first place," Issacharoff, of Columbia, said. "You get more ideological candidates, the people who can arouse the base of the party, because they don't have to worry about electability. It's becoming harder to get things done, whether in Congress or in state legislatures, because partisan redistricting goes on at the state level, too." Among members of the House, partisan redistricting has also bred an almost comic sense of entitlement to landslides. In a hearing on the post-2000 reapportionment in New York, Representative Benjamin Gilman, an upstate Republican, said that during the 1982 redistricting he was promised by the majority leader of the state senate that "if I accepted that challenge of a fair-fight district, I would never again be asked or forced by the state to face that prospect of a fair fight once again. . . . I think it would be unfair not only to myself and my district to face that divisive prospect once again."
With partisan gerrymandering, House members in effect pay a penalty if they reach out too much to members of the other party. "What is laughable is the basic premise of what is going on," Charlie Stenholm, the endangered Texan, said. "The great sin I committed is that I won the last election 51-47 in a district that went 71-28 for President Bush. But I am a conservative Democrat, and that's why these people vote for me. There shouldn't be a penalty for reaching out across party lines." If Stenholm and his ilk disappear, they will be replaced by reliable Republicans—who won't have to worry about their own chances for reëlection.
The question before the Supreme Court later this month is not whether partisan gerrymandering is wise but whether it is constitutional. The issues are strikingly similar to those faced by the Warren Court in the early sixties—and the stakes may be as large as well. The framers of the Constitution designed the House of Representatives to reflect the popular will. James Madison, in the Federalist Papers, said the House was meant to be a "numerous and changeable body," where the members would have "an habitual recollection of their dependence on the people." While the House was supposed to be impetuous, the Senate was intended to be stable. Madison said that senators would serve six-year terms as a defense against "the impulse of sudden and violent passions" of the House, and the members of the Senate were to be elected by state legislators, providing a further level of insulation from the popular will. (The Constitution was amended to require direct election of senators in 1913.) The Senate had to remain stable, Madison wrote, because "every new election in the states is found to change one half of the representatives."
Today, the House and the Senate have precisely flipped roles. Senate races, which are not subject to redistricting, are decided by actual voters, who do indeed change their minds with some regularity. Control of the Senate has shifted five times since the nineteen-eighties. The House, by contrast, has changed hands just once in the same period, in the Republican takeover of 1994. In 2002, only one out of twelve House elections was decided by ten or fewer percentage points, while half of the governors' and Senate races were that close. In 2002, only four House challengers defeated incumbents in the general election—a record low in the modern era. In a real sense, the voters no longer select the members of the House of Representatives; the state legislators who design the districts do.
The question, then, is what, if anything, is unlawful about that? The legal debate on that question is especially stark. In the case now before the Supreme Court, Pennsylvania Democrats argued that the Republican gerrymander denied them equal protection of the laws, asserting in their brief that it is "unconstitutional to give a State's million Republicans control over ten seats while leaving a million Democrats with control over five." The Republican response is to say, in effect, "Welcome to the big leagues. State legislatures have always played this kind of hardball, the courts ought to stay out of the game altogether, and there's no such thing as a nonpartisan solution." Justice Sandra Day O'Connor, a former Arizona state senator herself, may have put the argument best when, in the mid-eighties, the Supreme Court last considered a political-gerrymandering case. According to Justice William Brennan's notes of the court's internal debate, O'Connor said that any legislative leader who failed to protect his party's interest in redistricting "ought to be impeached."
In that case, a challenge to the congressional-reapportionment plan in Indiana following the 1980 census, a plurality of the justices said for the first time that a partisan gerrymander might, in theory, violate the equal-protection clause. But in the 1986 decision the court ruled that the Indiana plan did not violate the Constitution. Indeed, the court said that the Constitution was not violated unless one political party was "essentially shut out of the political process." According to Heather Gerken, of Harvard, "The court set the bar so high for constitutional violations that no one has ever successfully fought a partisan gerrymander anywhere since 1986. Political parties are never totally 'shut out' of the process—they raise funds, put up candidates, make speeches. So these challenges have always lost. By taking the Pennsylvania case, the court seems to be saying that it's time to get back in the process."
The best argument for Republicans in the Pennsylvania case, it seems, is that it's simply not the court's business to scrutinize legislative maps for partisan gerrymandering. "Redistricting deals with inherently political questions," J. Bart DeLone, the senior deputy state attorney general who will argue for the case for Pennsylvania, said, "and those questions should be left to the political branches of government, where they belong, not to the courts. Then you are trying to measure things that have no standards unless you are making political judgments." Still, this is a Supreme Court that has not hesitated to tell politicians what to do. "It's an extremely confident court," Gerken said. "They second-guess Congress, states, state judges all the time. They are deeply engaged in the democratic process. I can't imagine that this is anything but an effort to pull in the reins of partisan gerrymandering."
But how? The Democrats propose a rule based, in part, on the Court's race jurisprudence. In a series of cases in the nineties which challenged some of the majority-minority districts, the Court held that it violated the Constitution for states to gerrymander congressional districts exclusively for racial reasons. "The rule now is, You can't draw ugly districts if it's purely for race," Sam Hirsch, one of the lawyers for the Pennsylvania Democrats, said. "The rule should be, You can't draw ugly districts if it's purely for politics, either." But Hirsch's adversary, DeLone, pointed out, "There is a fundamental difference between race and politics. Racial classifications are inherently suspect. If you are doing something specifically because of race, we are always going to take a hard look at it. Not only are political judgments O.K. but we expect them." Since it's been so long since the Supreme Court addressed the issue, most election-law experts see the Pennsylvania case as difficult to handicap, and the key factor may simply be how bad the justices believe the problem of partisan gerrymandering to be.
In any case, the situation appears to be getting worse, even as the Pennsylvania case has been pending. While Texas was shifting its districts, the governing Republicans in Colorado did their own mid-cycle reapportionment, to solidify their hold on the one House seat in the state that produced a close election in 2002. (Legal challenges to the new Texas and Colorado districts are now pending.) At one point, the Democrats who control Oklahoma and New Mexico threatened retaliation, but the Party lacks a DeLay-like figure to press the issue. One state that has gone its own way is Iowa, which turned redistricting over to a nonpartisan civil-service commission after the 2000 census. Consequently, four of Iowa's five House races in 2002 were competitive, so a state with one per cent of the seats in the House produced ten per cent of the nation's close elections. The rest of the country will follow only, it seems, if the Supreme Court requires it.
When it comes to drawing political boundaries, there never was a golden age of statesmanship. "When we Democrats controlled the legislature, sure we protected Democrats," Charlie Stenholm said. "But we didn't do harm to the Republicans who were in office. This thing today is a whole different order of magnitude." On his porch in Charleroi, Frank Mascara said the issue is a lot bigger than he is. "I'm through, I'm done, out of politics," he said. "It won't affect me one way or the other. But the system is now totally out of whack, and that matters to a lot of people. It's not about me, it's about power on a national scale." ♦


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Balloonist flies from Mandela's old jail
JOHANNESBURG (AP) — A man has strapped himself to large balloons filled with helium and floated from the island where Nelson Mandela was kept prisoner to the shores of the South African mainland.
The goal of Saturday's trip from Robben Island was to help raise money for the building of a children's hospital that will carry the name of the 94-year-old former president and anti-apartheid leader. Mandela was discharged Saturday from a hospital after treatment for pneumonia.
Balloonist Matt Silver-Vallance, a South African-born manager at a medical device company, dropped a rope near the coastline and a sea rescue craft pulled him to safety.
He had hoped to raise $1 million for the hospital, but organizers of the charity event have not yet announced the final tally.

subset: commoncrawl


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Doss Bags First Super Pro Win
August 11 - The 2013 Summit Racing E.T. Series resumed on Sunday under great racing conditions. Steve Doss broke into the Super Pro win column in his newly-acquired dragster when James Smith broke out in his '70 Nova. Peter DeSalvo finally shook the Street Money bridesmaid curse and ran right on his dial-in to score the win over last week's winner Tyler Bedell.
Super Pro
Steve Doss who has been going rounds at every race scored his first Super Pro win by driving his '98 Cressman dragster to the final round win by stopping James Smith Sr. who was in his familiar "Boss Man" '70 Nova. James held the staring line advantage .530 to .552, but took too much stripe and broke out with a 9.129 at 145.14 mph run on his 9.14 dial while Steve ran 7.615 at 173.59 mph on his 7.60 dial for the win. Tom Belvick and Mark Leo were the semifinalists.


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1. Make your cuts
2. Screw together the leaves
3. Build your "spine"
4. Attach leaves to "blocks" with hinges
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I'm linking this post up with
That is such a great way to organize your tools! I wish I had seen that before we went out and bought one of those expensive tool drawers. Now if only you could come up with a way to get my hubby to actually put the tools back... Anyway, thanks for sharing, I've posted a link. Please come join my link party some time!
I'm glad you like them Sheri! They are a lifesaver at my house, and yes my husband isn't the only one having a hard time putting tools back (umm I can get carried away with a project too and wonder days later why my hammer is in the bathroom, my screwdriver on the bedside table and my tape measure in the fridge...)
I'm stopping by your party now...
Thanks for visiting Sanity and Serenity!
Wow, wish I was so innovative. I have a garage just as small and will definitely suggest this to my husband for "Mount Tools" as I call it. Have a great day!
This is the most fabulous idea for storage ever! Thanks for sharing.
We are about to buy our first house and I definitely want to use this idea!! Will it stay here on the internet forever or should I save it to a computer doc for reference later? :)
That is just perfect! I LOVE this idea!! Visiting from Metamorphosis Monday.
I love this project! I am going to post a link to it on my facebook page, I think my clients would love it! Please link up to Sister Sister Sunday if you can!
Hi Christin, is a fantastic project, all well organized!
Great idea and terrific instructions. I came over from Tools Are For Women Too and I'll stick around and check out the rest of your blog. I like what I see so far!
Lov'n this! Thanks for linking up to Mad Skills Monday!
What a great idea, Christin! Love the new look of your blog, too! :)
That is awesome, I love it!
Fantastic job! I love the simplicity of your directions. Thanks!
Thanks everybody!!
I do try to make my directions as easy to "get" as possible... (which is a challenge on my most complicated projects, and I tend to do a lot of complicated projects).
I know I don't always have time to read every line when I'm blog hopping, so simple is good! :)
what a helpful post! I need to do something about my workshop. We have a small garage as well which has to double as trike parking, bulk food and Costco storage, workshop and car. I really appreciate your post. Thanks for sharing. Just curious if you had a cost estimate?
What a great idea! I need this in my garage! Thanks for sharing with us at Hoo's got talent!
Amazing job! You're awesome! Thanks for sharing in the DIY Project Parade! I'm highlighting it! :)
What a great use of space...something we are always looking for in our old house.
what a great idea...you are one smart cookie..thanks for sharing it with us..
This would be perfect for storing sewing/crafting supplies too! I never have enough space to keep everything at hand in my Brooklyn shoebox--thanks for the great idea!
I have got to say that is the most awesome thing I have seen in a while. Great job, thanks for the idea!!!
OH my i'm in absolute LOVE with this idea!!!! One i will DEFINITELY be doing...eventually...once I finished my list of a million unfinished projects! I see myself painting the peg board a nice purple though :) to go with the pink hand tools, power drill, and tool belt I WILL one day have!!!!
That sounds soo pretty Tammi! I would want a purple pegboard with pink tools too!
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واجهات كلادينج
ديكورات كلادينج
شركة كلادينج
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افضل كلادينج تكنوبوند
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مصنع الواح الخليج بالرياض
مصانع كلادينج بالرياض
اسعار كلادينج بالرياض
افضل كلادينج بالرياض
مصنع كلادينج بالرياض
أفضل شركة تسويق الكتروني بالكويت
أفضل شركة تسويق الكتروني
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خبراء التسويق الكتروني 00201020746099
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أفضل شركة تسويق الكتروني
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خبراء التسويق الكتروني
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كلادينج مصر
بموقع مؤسسة الحرمــين فخدماتنا ليس لها بديل واسعارنا ليس لها مثيل ،ولدينا فريق عمل يتصل مع العملاء على جسور الثقه
شركه تنظيف منازل بالجبيل
والصدق والامانه فى العمل ، وهدفنا هو ارضاؤك وراحتك ، لا تقلق ونحن معك
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لا تجهد نفسك ونحن تحت امرك ورهن اشارتك .
أبرز خدمات مؤسسة الحرمــين للمقاولات العامة بالدمام والرياض
شركه عزل فوم بالدمام
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شركه كشف تسربات المياه بالاحساء


text:
Assemble to Any Desired Configuration
3/16" (5 mm) Brite Pencil Edged Panels Available in Convenient 10-Pack Cartons
Packed in Easy to Handle Carton
CRL's Tempered Glass for Displays make designing and building glass cube
displays very simple by providing the most popular sizes and shapes of 3/16 inch
(5 millimeter) Tempered Glass. Squares, rectangles, and quarter-rounds are
available to complete just about any glass cube configuration. Choose and design
your own to display. CRL Tempered Glass is available only in easy-to-handle
packs of 10 each.
Color: Clear Tempered
Length: 16 in (406 mm)
Width: 10 in (254 mm)


text:
Filter Builder App
The Filter Builder app is included in DSP System Toolbox. You can find it, along with the rest of the apps for your installed products, by clicking the Apps tab in the MATLAB Toolstrip.
The Filter Builder app builds filters. It relies on the fdesign object-oriented filter design paradigm, and is intended to reduce development time during the filter design process.
Specifications help you find the best algorithm for the desired response. The workflow includes choosing the constraints and specifications of the filterto use as a starting point in the design. Postponing the choice of algorithm for the filter allows the best design method to be determined automatically, based upon the desired performance criteria.
Apps are interactive MATLAB programs you can use without writing any code. Most toolboxes come with apps, and you can download more for free from the MATLAB File Exchange. You can also package and share your own apps.


text:
Citron Confit Recipe (Candied Lemons)
"Chose promise, chose due!" is a French expression that approximately translates to "promises are made to be kept". And as promised, this is the recipe for the citron confit I served to my family last night as part of the lemon tofu dish. I made it with approximately two pounds of freshly picked Meyer lemons from our garden.
You'll see that a lot of sugar is required to obtain the beautiful candied coating. But fear not, only a few thin slices per serving are necessary to flavor your dishes and the citron confit stores well for months. The one thing to keep in mind is to use organic, pesticide-free lemons, so even the rind is safely edible.
Yields: 24 pieces12 Meyer lemons (about 3 pounds)
13½ cups granulated sugar
8½ cups filtered water
2 cloves (optional)
1 star anise (optional)
Two days before...
Wash the lemons and prick them using a sharp (metal) skewer. Place them in a stockpot. Cover with cold water and let soak overnight.
The next day...
Drain the water and replace it with fresh water. Bring to a boil. Cook for 10 minutes. Drain the water and let the lemons cool to room temperature. Cut them in half and delicately remove the seeds, which can be discarded.
Combine 9 cups granulated sugar and the filtered water in the stockpot. Stir until the sugar is dissolved. Add the cloves and star anise (if using). Bring to a boil, then lower the heat to a simmer and cook uncovered for 30 minutes. Remove from the heat. Let cool to room temperature, cover with a lid and store in the refrigerator overnight.
The following day...
Remove and reserve the lemons from the syrup. Add 2¼ cups granulated sugar. Stir until the sugar is dissolved. Heat the syrup until it's bubbling, then return the lemons to the pot. Lower the heat to simmer and cook uncovered for 30 minutes. Remove from the heat, let cool to room temperature, then chill for at least 2 hours.
Repeat the same procedure (remove the lemons, add 2¼ cups sugar to syrup, then return the lemons and cook them for 30 minutes). Discard the star anise, cloves and lemon seeds (if any). Let cool to room temperature.
You have 3 options to store them:
- Transfer the lemons to a jar and cover with the thick syrup (see tips). Place a heavy weight so the lemons remain in the syrup and seal the jar. Store in the refrigerator. It can be kept for up to 6 months.
- Remove the lemons from the syrup. Place the lemon halves, rind side down, onto a baking sheet lined with parchment paper. Place in a pre-heated oven for 1 hour at 170°F. Store in an airtight container, stacking the lemons with parchment squares between them to prevent them from sticking to each other.
- Same procedure as #2, but let the lemons air-dry for 24 hours instead.
The applications for the citron confit are varied; you can use it in savory dishes, especially for poultry or in desserts. It's delicious if you steep it with tea too. I'll post more recipes soon.
Pricking the lemons and soaking them helps them engorge with water.
Boiling the lemons diminishes the bitterness of the rind and softens it as well.
The preserves will taste better if you let the sealed jar sit for at least a week before opening.
To prevent any mishap, make sure the citron confit is submerged in the syrup and is not in contact with the air.Published By: on March 13, 2013.


text:
Mountain Top Arboretum is a public garden in the Catskill Mountains dedicated to displaying and managing native plant communities of the northeastern US, in addition to curating its collection of cold-hardy native and exotic trees. Its mountain top elevation of 2,400 feet at the top of the New York City Watershed creates a unique environment for education, research and pure enjoyment of the spectacular and historic Catskills landscape. The Arboretum trails and boardwalks connect 178 acres of plant collections, meadows, wetlands, forest and Devonian bedrock—a natural sanctuary for visitors interested in horticulture, birding, geology, local craftsmanship, hiking and snowshoeing!
"I go to nature to be soothed and healed, and to have my senses put in order."
- John Burroughs
Watch the timber frame construction of the Education Center.
OR come experience it live!
SEasonal hIGHLIGHTS
Come see what our gardens and forests offer for the current season.
We have our very own weather station on the mountain. Check out our weather in real time.
Mountain Top Arboretum is the perfect place to bring
the entire family. Explore Catskills nature with your kids!


text:
Proposing a leisurly stroll? DO you have a marathon? Any training tips or questions? Any new routes? Discuss the sport and activity of running or walking here!
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text:
Google has officially announced a 32GB Nexus 7 tablet, pricing the device at £199. It is reportedly already on sale in some UK shops.
Google was due to launch the tablet at a New York event, but the arrival of Hurricane Sandy today put paid to that. Instead journalists were informed via a simple email press release that also gave details of the new Google Nexus 10 tablet and LG-made Google Nexus 4 smartphone.
The 32GB Google Nexus 7 price is particularly interesting because it undercuts that of the 32GB iPad mini by a long way. The iPad mini is £269 – a pricing gulf that could easily persuade undecided shoppers to go with Google's tablet.
Google also revealed that it is bringing mobile data to its tablets for the first time. There will be a 32GB Nexus 7 with HSPA available in November in the UK, with prices yet to be confirmed.
As the 32GB Nexus 7 arrives, the 8GB model is being discontinued. Expect to see the price of the 16GB Nexus 7, now the basic model, dropping to fill the entry-level gap.
Do you think Google can give Apple a bloody nose by undercutting the iPad mini so severely. Is a 32GB Nexus 7 something you'd be interested in buying? Drop us a line in the comments box below.
Watch our Google Nexus 7 video review


text:
|The title of this article is conjecture based on information revealed in the A Song of Ice and Fire novels or related material and may be subject to change.
- "You'll die for this!"
- ―Emmon to Brienne of Tarth
Ser Emmon Cuy was a knight of House Cuy and a member of the Kingsguard to King Renly I Baratheon, a claimant to the Iron Throne.
Ser Emmon is a knight of House Cuy, an ancient noble family of the Reach.
Season 2
King Renly Baratheon's camp is a hive of activity as his troops prepare for the coming battle with the forces of King Stannis Baratheon in darkness. The camp is beset by strong winds. Catelyn Stark meets with King Renly in his command tent. Ser Emmon and his sworn brother Ser Robar Royce are outside while Brienne of Tarth stands watch inside the tent. Hearing Brienne scream the guards rush into the tent with swords in hand. They see Brienne kneeling over Renly's corpse and assume that she is responsible. The two knights threaten her life. Catelyn tries to intervene but they push her aside. Brienne fights both of them off, killing them.[1]
|Season Two appearances
|The North Remembers
|The Night Lands
|What Is Dead May Never Die
|Garden of Bones
|The Ghost of Harrenhal
|The Old Gods and the New
|A Man Without Honor
|The Prince of Winterfell
|Valar Morghulis
In the books
In the A Song of Ice and Fire novels, Ser Emmon Cuy is a member of the Rainbow Guard as "Emmon the Yellow" and hails from House Cuy of Sunflower Hall, a noble house from the Reach. Unlike in the episode, he, Robar Royce, and two guards enter Renly's tent just after his King's assassination. Cuy blames Brienne for the death and attacks her. One of the guards tries to burn her using a flaming torch, but her cloak is too soaked with blood to burn. Brienne cuts the guard's hand, fights Cuy and the remaining guard, and apparently kills the latter. Catelyn Stark convinces Robar that Brienne is innocent and he fights off the men-at-arms that follow Cuy, while Catelyn uses an iron brazier to knock Emmon Cuy unconscious, then she and Brienne escape. Ser Emmon and Ser Robar are later killed by Lord Commander Ser Loras Tyrell in a fit of rage, because of their failure to protect King Renly and allowing Brienne to escape. As he lay dying, Ser Emmon swears it was Brienne that killed Renly, and thus the rumors of this follow her.
When Loras was convinced of Brienne's innocence, he was filled with deep remorse for killing Cuy and Royce.
See also
- Emmon Cuy on A Wiki of Ice and Fire (major spoilers from the books)
|Lord Commander:
Ser Brienne of Tarth · Ser Emmon Cuy · Ser Robar Royce


text:
Lenovo FRU Function board For Lenovo 3000 N100 -SUB: 41W1314, Lenovo 41W1157-06.
* We have limited quantity of 41W1157-06 in stock. Our inventory changes constantly and quantities listed are based on available stock. This item comes with our 100% Money-Back Guarantee.
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text:
With 20th
May approaching, I have seen an increase in the messages (on Facebook, You Tube
and blogs) from Muslims who are rallying to call off the event "Everybody Draw
Muhammad Day". Most of them give the reason that "it hurts and offends them",
however some of them argue that if Holocaust denial does not get treated as
freedom of expression than why should drawing caricature of their prophet be
treated as free speech.
Personally I wouldn't draw
a parallel between poking fun at Holocaust and drawing a cartoon of a medieval war
lord. Making fun of victims of Nazi cruelty would be equal to making fun of
Bosnian victims of genocide or innocent civilians who die in a suicide attack.
But does this contradict freedom of speech claims? There are indeed many European countries that
have a law against Holocaust denial and such statements are punishable there. Is
it justifiable that Holocaust should be protected by a law that denies free
I am kind of lost in
this primarily I cannot come up with a decent argument and would appreciate
comments/feedbacks/insights from you folks.
Views: 174


text:
(Sirens top+pants/Vintage bag+heels/Front & Company necklace)
I apologize for such long absence my lovess; I've been enjoying this town and the great people within it, as I'll be leaving them in just a couple of months.
I've grown to hate skinny pants because after the second wear, they are not skinny anymore! So, when I found these flowy bottoms while at work, I thought it would be a good change. They are fully made out of rayon which means they insulate your body heat so you can wear throughout the warmer months, keeping you cool and comfy. They are pretty much fancy pijama pants...with zippers on the sides (which you can't see).
Enough bout the pants. Lets talk about these 80's heels:
I've walked six hours with them...that pretty much says it all.
La chanson aujourd'hui♪:


text:
Wabash Mentors for Kids Named Top Chapter• April 22, 2011 Share:
Wabash College's Chapter of Mentors for Kids has been named national Chapter of the Year. Mentors is a relatively new organization with 23 groups primarily in the Midwest.
The Wabash Mentors for Kids was founded five years ago by Chris Serak '08 and has grown from serving 10 young boys to 40 this year. The organization has 40 Wabash students who meet with the same young person each week for activities and mentoring.
"We are by far one of the most active clubs on the campus and definitely the most motivated as one can imagine the difficulty in getting 40 men to show up to educate underprivileged children every week while being put through vigorous academic trials," said club leader Jake Ezell '11. "Each mentor in our program has their own story each of which you could write about for hours upon hours."
The 2010-2011 program year wrapped up Thursday night with a banquet. The mentors presented kids with fun award certificates for things like Tic Tac Toe Master and Most Likely to Become a Pro Skateboarder.
The highlight of the evening was receiving the honor as the Midwest's top chapter.
In photo: Michael Sexton '11 with his little buddy.


text:
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Home » Musicians » Discography » Gilfema
Label: ObliqSound
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Marshal Herridge
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text: There is something about Russian chicks that promises you are going to get dirty sex and get it soon, and Marina is no exception. Every time we get a glimpse of her thick ass we get hard and horny. Raw and dirty is her specialty, and she doesn't care where or how. Nothing feels quite as satisfying as the promise of a sure thing, and this Slavic slut is guaranteed. Marina is fun to give directions to, as she likes to hop when we say jump, and tends to land with her legs spread. Fucking in an alley or a garage is always a kick, and Marina is up for it ass first every time.


text:
Game 5 lineups: Jays at Orioles
at 7:05 p.m. ET
Camden Yards
1. Mike McCoy, 2B
2. Jose Bautista, RF
3. Adam Lind, DH
4. Vernon Wells, CF
5. Lyle Overbay, 1B
6. Edwin Encarnacion, 3B
7. Alex Gonzalez, SS
8. Travis Snider, LF
9. Jose Molina, C
Pitching: Dana Eveland (0-0, -.–)
1. Julio Lugo, 2B
2. Adam Jones, CF
3. Nick Markakis, RF
4. Miguel Tejada, 3B
5. Garret Atkins, DH
6. Matt Wieters, C
7. Nolan Reimold, LF
8. Ty Wigginton, 1B
9. Cesar Izturis, SS
Pitching: David Hernandez (0-0, -.–)
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6 Comments
Yea I agree with you, this start is mirroring the start of the 2009 season too much. First place isn't gonna last long, but I doubt the Orioles are gonna be finishing ahead of us now.
First Place! Enjoy it whie it lasts.
Although, its way to early for any predictions, I'd expect the Orioles had penciled in 2 wins for this series before it started. Their schedule for the rest of April doesn't get any better, with TB coming in on Monday and following that series Baltimore goes for a 10 game road trip including west for series against Oakland, Seattle and Boston. They come home to Boston at the end of the month. So if the Jays sweep them tomorrow, they could end up having a really nasty April.
What an excellent start for Eveland. Nice defense flashed by EE on a couple of plays so maybe he's turning the corner.
Whats up with Frasor's velocity? Most of the fastballs he threw tonight were at 91 mph except one an outside purpose pitch at 94. In the other games he's pitched I noticed his velocity was at 91-92 not the 94-96 we saw in previous years.
Is he now throwing a 2 seamer to get more movement as well as a 4 seamer? If not and indeed what we're seeing is what hes now got, what's happened to drop his velocity, is there something wrong?
There has been other outstanding pitching performances tonight in the organization. Of special note in AA New Hampshire, Zach Stewart went 5 innings, gave up 4 hits, 1bb, 3k's 1 run ( hr) for a era of 1.80. Tim Collins, our 5'5″ 155 pound lefty 8th inning guy went 1.2 innings and struck out 5…Daniel Farquhar closed it out with no hits for his 2nd save..
The other outstanding pitching happening in the Blue Jays organization is in Vegas. Vegas are in their 3rd game of the season and have had starts from Brad Mills, Reider Gonzalez and tonight Lance Broadway who just exited the game.
Reider went 6 innings gave up 2 runs, Mills went 6 innings and gave up no runs and tonight Broadway went 5 innings and gave up no runs, so a total of 16 innings from the 3 and only 2 earned runs.
In addition, Roenicke, Carleson,Sean Henn, Rommie Lewis and David Purcey have all made appearances totaling 6 innings without giving up any runs.
Congratulations to Brett Wallace who just hit his first home run as a Jay prospect-just a little one about 430 feet.
Impressive day by Tim Collins, Eveland was great, I can't recall the Orioles hitting a ball hard all day. As far as Frasor's velocity, keep in mind its early in the season and it takes some pitchers longer than others to reach their max velocity. Personally, I don't care if Frasor throws 90 or 96 as long as hes getting guys out. I'm sure with time the velocity will come.


text:
Choosing any "Best of" list can be a tricky procedure. It assumes a certain level of chutzpah on the part of the bestower, opens up said bestower to conflict-of-interest or cronyism challenges, and runs the risk of alienating the many fine people or companies who don't make the list.
That's why, as in past years, the editors of AdvisorOne opened the nomination process for the 50 Top Women in Wealth to the wealth management community and then enlisted the aid of an advisory board of industry leaders with impeccable credentials and unparalleled integrity to guide the process and make the final determination, under the leadership of those editors.
Our advisory board of industry leaders, included:
- Gail Graham, executive vice president, Fidelity Institutional.
- Joseph Keefe, CEO and president, Pax World Management LLC.
- Kim Wright-Violich, president of Schwab Charitable.
- Sheryl Garrett, founder, The Garrett Planning Network, Inc.
- Deena Katz, associate professor, Personal Financial Planning Division at Texas Tech University, and partner in Evensky & Katz, a registered investment advisor.
- Jennifer Connelly, CEO of JCPR, Inc., a financial services public relations firm.
And AdvisorOne editors:
- Janet Levaux, managing editor for Research and Portfolio editor at AdvisorOne.com
- Melanie Waddell, Washington bureau chief at Investment Advisor and practice management editor at AdvisorOne.com.
- Kate McBride, former Wealth editor at AdvisorOne.com.
We solicited nominations online in the spring of 2011—and received many–from the wealth
management community through notifications on AdvisorOne.com and through e-mail blasts. In a series of conference calls, the advisory board whittled down the long list of nominations until the list was finalized in May.
Honorees were notified by the AdvisorOne editor, Jamie Green, in the last week of June. The formal announcement of this year's 50 Top Women was made on July 6. Coverage of the 50 Top Women was to take place on AdvisorOne throughout the month of July, and in the August issues of our sister print publications, Investment Advisor and Research magazines.
See the complete list here of the 2011 50 Top Women in Wealth.
See the list of the 2010 50 Top Women in Wealth.
See here the lead news article on the 2011 50 Top Women in Wealth.


text:
Style #: NM-LB-D8F2.5OC
Damascus Steel 8mm Polish Flat Band with Two .5mm Off-Center Grooves
Please allow 3-4 weeks for custom fabrication.
Damascus Steel rings by Lashbrook are exclusively produced in the United States by master craftsmen. These artisan make the Damascus by hand, mimicking ancient metalsmithing techniques originally used to make samurai swords. They heat, bond, twist, and fold two alternating types of Stainless Steel by hand to produce vivid patterns. Life a fingerprint, no two Damascus rings are alike.
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text:
Khloe Kardashian Reveals She Was Bullied Her Entire Life: I Was Called Fat & Ugly Growing Up!
Turns out Khloe had a very tortured childhood with her peers saying horrible things to her … and spent so much time jealous of Kim & Kourtney.
She might be one of the most glamorous stars of reality TV now, but Khloe Kardashian is opening up about being bullied about her weight throughout her school years.
The star of Keeping Up With The Kardashians tells Life & Style that the kids growing up would say things like "you're fat" or "you're ugly" straight to her face!
"Having someone in your class call you fat, ugly, too tall, and so on, you start to think all those things about yourself," she says. "And if you're like me, those words are played on repeat inside your head."
Khloe does admit that one of the biggest bullies in her adult life is infamous celebrity blogger, Perez Hilton, but she doesn't want "revenge."
"Perez Hilton asked me himself to do this video and he's doing such an amazing thing by getting all these celebrities to speak up to people," she said on an anti-bullying video. "But, for me, Perez has been my personal bully. 'I don't believe in revenge' she says. 'When people are bullies it's because of a deeper-rooted issue – either their family life is tough or they're being bullied by someone bigger than they are. Revenge is not what I ever wanted.'"
Were YOU bullied like Khloe growing up?


text:
Testosterone can be given as a shot in the muscle, usually every 2 to 3 weeks.
Testosterone can also be given as a patch that is placed on the skin and changed every day. Or it can be used as a gel that is applied daily to the skin.
Men who have low naturally occurring
testosterone take testosterone medicine to bring their levels back to normal.
This slows bone thinning and reduces calcium loss.
Testosterone is used to prevent
osteoporosis in men who have low testosterone levels.
Testosterone is not used to prevent or treat osteoporosis in women.
Testosterone may improve bone
thickness, especially in the bones of the spine (vertebrae), but the evidence
is not clear.1
Many men with low
testosterone levels report that they feel better and have increased energy
while taking testosterone.
All medicines have side effects. But many people don't feel the side effects, or they are able to deal with them. Ask your pharmacist about the side effects of each medicine you take. Side effects are also listed in the information that comes with your medicine.
Here are some important things to think about:
Call 911 or other emergency services right away if you have:
Call your doctor right away if you have:
See Drug Reference for a full list of side effects. (Drug
Reference is not available in all systems.)
When using testosterone products on your skin, make sure you follow all of the instructions that come with the medicine.
Many other supplements may
interact with testosterone. For example, testosterone should not be used
if you are taking the supplement dehydroepiandrosterone (DHEA). DHEA is a human
steroid hormone that decreases as a person ages. It frequently is advertised as a
"rejuvenation" supplement. DHEA may increase testosterone levels, and combining it with other testosterone therapy may cause
problems with blood clot formation or
other serious health problems. Be sure to tell your doctor about any
nonprescription medicines, supplements, or herbs you are taking.
Some experts are concerned that testosterone could increase the risk of prostate cancer. Your doctor may recommend regular exams and blood tests to check for problems.
should not be taken by men who have prostate cancer.
Testosterone can affect your fertility. If you are trying to have a child, you may want to ask your doctor about how
this medicine can affect your chances of conceiving.
Medicine is one of the many tools your doctor has to treat a health problem. Taking medicine as your doctor suggests will improve your health and may prevent future problems. If you don't take your medicines properly, you may be putting your health (and perhaps your life) at risk.
There are many reasons why people have trouble taking their medicine. But in most cases, there is something you can do. For suggestions on how to work around common problems, see the topic Taking Medicines as Prescribed.
Follow-up care is a key part of your treatment and safety. Be sure to make and go to all appointments, and call your doctor if you are having problems. It's also a good idea to know your test results and keep a list of the medicines you take.
Complete the new medication information form (PDF)(What is a PDF document?) to help you understand this medication.
CitationsEbeling P (2008). Osteoporosis in men. New England Journal of Medicine, 358(14):
Last Revised:
November 6, 2012
Healthwise Staff
Medical Review:
Kathleen Romito, MD - Family Medicine & Carla J. Herman, MD, MPH - Geriatric Medicine
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NCircle Entertainment has recently announced the upcoming U.S. distribution of The Gruffalo, a 2011 Academy-Award nominated short film that follows the story of a clever mouse who ventures out into the forest for dinner and has to fend off a series of hungry predators along the way. The film is narrated by Helena Bonham Carter and includes the voices of Tom Wilkinson, John Hurt, and Robbie Coltrane. The Gruffalo is an adaptation of the internationally bestselling children's book written by Julia Donaldson and illustrated by Alex Scheffler.
The DVD will be released on August 16 for a suggested retail price of $9.99.


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Treating Back Pain & Spinal Conditions With Spinal Decompression Therapy in Raleigh, NC
Suffering from back pain or neck pain that won't go away? Visit the spine, back and neck pain specialist in Raleigh, NC at Triangle Disc Care.
At our Raleigh spine care and treatment center, we offer spinal decompression therapy to treat a variety of chronic back pain symptoms and conditions, including:
- Back Pain
- Neck Pain
- Shoulder, Arm & Hand Pain
- Sciatic Leg Pain
- Herniated & Bulging Discs
- Degenerative Disc Disease
- Spinal/Foraminal Stenosis
A complete orthopedic and neurologic examination following your no-cost consultation with the doctor can help determine the most effective method of treatment for your pain. In most patients, we'll begin spinal decompression therapy right away. This non-invasive, non-surgical pain relief therapy in Raleigh gently separates discs, creating negative pressure, which draws in water, oxygen and nutrients — all things that are necessary to begin the healing process.
Schedule an Appointment With Our Raleigh Back Pain Treatment Specialist
To set up an appointment with our Raleigh spine specialist, simply give us a call or fill out the form to the left. We'll schedule a time for you to meet with our staff and begin the journey back to an active lifestyle free of back pain and/or neck pain.
We proudly offer spinal decompression therapy to patients in Raleigh, Durham, Cary, Fayetteville, Sanford, Wake Forest, Clayton, Garner, Apex, Morrisville, Holly Springs, Fuquay-Varina and surrounding areas of the NC Triangle.