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The Honourable Hidehiko Yuzaki, Governor of Hiroshima Prefecture and long-time supporter of UNITAR recently vsiisted the United States of America, joining representatives of the Institute in both Washington and New York. The trip took place between 7 and 9 November 2011. The purpose of the visit was to engage in high-level meetings outlining Hiroshima Prefecture's new Hiroshima for Global Peace Plan.
Tuesday November 8, 2011 | Washington D.C.
A meeting also took place between the Honourable Governor and the Ambassador of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan to the United States of America, H.E. Eklil Hakimi. This reflects the deep relationship between Hiroshima and the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, forged through the UNITAR Fellowship for Afghanistan programme.
Shown here with Ambassador Alfonso Quiñonez of the Organization of American States and Mr. Alex Mejia, Head of the UNITAR Hiroshima Office.
Pictured with U.S. Senators Tom A. Coburn (Oklahoma), Saxby Chambliss (Georgia) and Richard Burr (North Carolina), accompanied by other members of the delegation. The Governor briefed the Senators on the new phase of the partnership between UNITAR and Hiroshima Prefecture aimed at building capacity in post-conflict nations.
Wednesday November 9, 2011 | New York City
A meeting between the Secretary-General of the United Nations and the Governor took place on November 9 in New York to discuss the recently launched Hiroshima Global Peace Initiative. Pictured above is H.E. Ban Ki-moon with the Honourable Hidehiko Yuzaki. Accompanying them are the Japanese Ambassador to the United Nations, the Head of the UNITAR Hiroshima Office and the Head of the UN Office for Disarmament Affairs.
Following this, a lunch meeting was held with H.E. Dr. Zahir Tanin, Permamanent Representative of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan to the United Nations and H.E Dr. Hamid Al Bayat, Permamanent Representative of Iraq to the United Nations.
Governor Yuzaki being interviewed by H.E. Ambassador Ahmad Kamal, former Permanent Representative of Pakistan to the United nations and Full-Time UNITAR Senior Fellow.


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Kriterion: Revista de Filosofia
versión impresa ISSN 0100-512X
Kriterion v.3 n.se Belo Horizonte 2007
The disguise of the force
O disfarce da força
Ivonil Parraz
Professor of Philosophy in Faculty João Paulo II FAJOPA MaríliaSP
Translated by Marcos Fernandes Gonçalves
Translation from Kriterion, Belo Horizonte, v.47, n.114, p. 259-271, Dec. 2006.
In this article we intend to analyze the definition of justice that Paschal offers such as it presents itself in the "kingdom of the concupiscence". For him, justice is "prevention of sedition". Preventing any revolt is the guarantee of peace in the State. For in such a way, the good art in governing is not enough, stood out Trois discours sur la condition des grandes, it is necessary to use the force. However, as the force if does not leave to manipulate for dealing with a concrete quality, whereas justice lends itself to this, being a spiritual quality, justice is manipulated to justify the force empted the old concept of justice: "giving to each one what it must to", it becomes the disguise of the force.
Keywords: justice; force; custom; concupiscence.
Neste artigo pretendemos analisar a definição de justiça que Pascal oferece, tal como ela se apresenta no "reino da concupiscência". Para ele, a justiça é "prevenção da sedição" (La 66; B.326). Prevenir qualquer revolta é a garantia da paz no Estado. Para tanto, não basta a arte do bem governar, ressaltada nos "Trois discours sur la condition des grands", é preciso usar a força. Ora, como a força não se deixa manipular por se tratar de uma qualidade palpável, ao passo que a justiça se presta a isso, por ser uma qualidade espiritual, manipula-se a justiça para justificar a força. Esvaziado o velho conceito de justiça: "dar a cada um o que lhe é devido", esta passa a ser o disfarce da força.
Palavras-chave: Justiça; Força; Costume; Concupiscência
Pascal introduces the man in the Nature as "[...] one anything in relation to the infinite, an everything with relationship to the anything, a middle between anything and everything, infinitely moved away of understanding the extremes; the end of the things and your beginnings are for him hidden of invincible way in an impenetrable secret [...]" (L.199; B.72). The science of the nature is in such way unprovided foundations that nothing reveals concerning the essence or of the purpose of the world. In the same way, the Pascal's analysis of the politics presents this as lacking of argumentation. "[...] Prisoner in a small cell [...]" (L. 199; B.72) in the infinite universe, the pascalian man is, in society, thrown, at random, in a "ignored island."
In this ignored island, in that each individual judges to be "king and emperor", due to concupiscence, this that is cause and consequence of the fall:
all the men hate each other naturally each other. It was used as it was able to her of the concupiscence to do her to serve to the very public. But that doesn't pass of feigning and of a false image of the charity, because in the bottom it is not more than hate (L. 210; B. 451).
They were based and removed of the concupiscence admirable rules of politics, of morals and of justice. But, in the bottom, that ugly bottom of the man, that fingimentum malum is just covers. It is not missing (L. 211; B. 453).
If in society the human concupiscence is just covers, in it the men are guided by the greed. The human society is then a true kingdom of the concupiscence, in which all the men want to dominate and nor all can, but just some. She comes how divided among dominant and dominated. The dominant party takes the power and there it stays for the force. The force is then that that is in the base of the men's society. Only the force is capable to moderate the human ambition.
If those that dominate only dominate for the force, there are neither a Natural Right nor a divine attribute that they make to place them, natural or of supernatural way, above the others, granting to them a true right of governing. In this kingdom of the concupiscence the justice is, just as Pascal it defines it, "the forecast of the sedition" (L. 66; B. 326), because it impedes that the lack of justice that is in the base of the society is known by all. Now, if the justice is that that prevents the revolt, the laws of the State, seeking to the justice, they are established for the force. How did the people start then to obey to the laws and to respect the dominant ones? Which done the means use for that? And which does the human artifice for the laws root justified, in other words, how the justice, heterogeneous to the force, did it become his disguise?
"Imagination. It is that dominant part of the man, that schoolmistress of the mistake and of the falsehood [...]" (L. 44; B. 82). The imagination is a potency and a dominant potency. Elevated is the force of that potency to the point of to value the small things and to depreciate the big ones; of taking the people to have faith. To the that force of the imagination the men don't resist.
[...] Our magistrates met that mystery well. Your red gowns, the ermines with that they are rocked, the palaces where judge, the flower-of-lis, that whole august apparatus was very necessary, and if the doctors didn't have gowns and mules, and if the doctors didn't have square caps and very wide clothes of four parts, they could never have deceived the people that cannot resist it such authentic exhibition. If they had the true justice, and if the doctors had the true art of curing, they would not have it to do with your square caps [...], but possessing imaginary sciences is only necessary that throw hand of those empty spaces instruments that play the imagination what they make appeal and by that, in fact, they provoke respect [...] (L. 44: B.82).
Red gowns, ermines, flower-of-lis, gowns, squared caps, all those empty spaces instruments are necessary to mask the absence of the true justice and of the true art of curing. As well as, surprising the imagination of those that attend such authentic shop window, to pull up them respect and the faith that they possess the true science. Once obtained the faith and the respect by the force of the imagination, the magistrates, that don't also resist the such force, start to have faith that they, in fact, possess a true knowledge.
Our kings not "[...] they seek those fantasies. They don't disguise with extraordinary clothes for us to seem extraordinary [...]" (L. 44; B. 82). The kings spare those disguises in your public appearances, because "[...] they make to accompany for guards, for men with scars. Those armed troops that only have hands and it forces for them, the bugles and the drums that march ahead and those legions that surround make them to shake the firmest. They don't have the clothes, but they have the force [...]" (L. 44; B. 82). Accustomed to see the king always accompanied for "armed troops", the people believe that him, having all force, it possesses the true power. "The bugles and the drums that march to your front", they announce such to can. The faith in the king's power does with that the people worship him to the point of to say that: "[...] the character of the divinity is printed in your face" (L. 25; B. 308). The king "doesn't need extraordinary clothes to seem extraordinary", because the armed army that accompanies covers his body in majesty body. It is with this body multiplied that the people see the king. And this, in turn, that doesn't also resist by force of the imagination, sees himself with the eyes of the people: he sees himself as it is seen. The king sees himself as another one the youth's Luis XIV such point to affirm: "the State is me" (Louis Marin, 1997, p.139). Not only the people believe that the king is the detainer of all power, but the own king also believes that he is detainer of an absolute power.
It is own of the imagination, due to the credibility that she raises, to give reality consistence to the appearances. "[...] The imagination has everything; it makes the beauty, the justice and the happiness that it is everything in the world [...]" (L. 44; B. 82). It is for the force of that dominant potency that the people, obeying the laws, he believes to obey the justice that imagines. The imagination is an indispensable file so that the party dominant, same assuming the power and there staying for the force, it gets to start of the people the recognition and the obedience.
Force and Justice
Getting the public respect, the dominant party can exercise his force instituting the laws, and these, in turn, they become habit and, with that, they avoid the reciprocal destruction, once, in that kingdom of the concupiscence, all judge to be "kings and emperors." Covered in law and habit, the force avoids the civil war and it gets the peace of the State.
The largest of the evils for Pascal is the civil wars (L. 94; B. 313); and the peace is well the sovereign of the State (L. 81; B. 299). The civil war is the largest of the evils, because in it the concupiscence surfaces. All the men, guided by the greed, they seek exclusively to your interests. All want to dominate. The civil war is the war of all against all. And the sovereign well of the State it is the peace, in other words, when the interests of most are satisfied of minimal way, when the greed, satisfied, shelter stays. This apparent peace is only reached if the revolts be inhibited. With effect, if the justice is defined as the prevention of the revolt and if this is only obtained when the men's concupiscence is, somehow, satisfied, we can affirm that for Pascal the justice is empty of its substantially essence: to give to each one that is him due. It is not treated more than a natural right than each individual could dispose and that, once not respected, he would be entitled of claiming it; and the ruler's duty wouldn't be of giving him that is him due, but simply of giving up of minimal way to the interests of most.
This art of governing: to satisfy to the interests of most, Pascal introduces it to the youth duke in Trois Discours sur la Condition des Grands:
You are enclosed of a small number of people, on which you reign to your way. Those people are full of concupiscence. They ask for you the goods of the concupiscence; it is the concupiscence that links them to you. Therefore, you are properly a concupiscence king. Your kingdom is of small extension; but in that you are same to the largest kings of the earth; so much as you, they are concupiscence kings. It is the concupiscence that makes your force, that is, the ownership of the things that the men's greed wants.
But knowing your natural condition [that maintains it in a perfect equality with all the men], you use the means that she offers and you don't intend to reign for other road to not to be for that that makes you king, [that is that established by the men]. It is not your force and your natural potency that submits to you all the people. You don't intend, therefore, to dominate them for the force, nor to treat them with hardness. Satisfy your fairs desires; you alleviate your needs, tends pleasure in being kind; you make the possible for them to progress and you will be acting as true concupiscence king (Pascal, 1963, p.368).
If that united rulers and governed it is the concupiscence, the only way of governing it consists of pleasing the men's greed. Doing with that they obey the laws judging to obey to the justice that you/they imagine. In this kingdom of the concupiscence, the only way of getting the peace is to prevent all and any sedition.
Though, if the concession to the interests of most is necessary to prevent the revolt, it isn't enough. It's necessary to use of other artifices to inhibit any mutiny. To reach such end, the men united the justice to the force.
In the fragment L. 85; B. 878, Pascal sustains not to be possible to put the force in the hands of the justice, for that they put the justice in the hands of the force. This because the force doesn't let to manipulate, once it is a "tangible quality", while the justice is a "spiritual quality" and, as such, it can be disposed her as it is wanted. Couldn't manipulate the force, it was manipulated the justice. Like this, the force it became fair: "[...] like this calls like fair exactly that is mandatory to observe [...]" (L. 85; B. 878).
To put the justice in the hands of the force implicates in forging the justice to legalize the force. Justifying the force is only possible to adapt the justice to the kingdom of the concupiscence. Only in that way it can feel the appearance of justice to the men's society, whose bow is the greed.
On that will base the man the economy of the world that wants to govern? Will it be on each individual's care? That confusion! Will it be about the justice? He ignores it. Certainly if he knew it would not have established that maxim, the most general of all the ones that exist among the men, that each one follows the habits of your country. The splendor of the true justness would have subdued all the people [...]. (L. 60; B. 294).
The government of the world cannot be based nor on the men's care, nor in the justice. The first because, moved by the greed, each individual would seek to their own interests and not to the very common, what would cart an absurd confusion and the own way government it would be destroyed by your own foundation. The second because, the men ignore the justice. The proof of this ignorance, Pascal finds it in the most general maxim of all: "that each one follows the habits of your country." Now, if the true justice was known by the men, it should govern all the people. The geographical limits of the countries would not limit the justice: "[...] funny justice that that a river limits [...]" (L. 60; B. 294). Like this, the people would not have anything to do with the habits of their country, because they would be subdued by the justice.
The habits are transmitted the generation of generation and, like this, they are established without she can mark your origin. And, in the same way that it cannot mark their origin, it cannot also mark their end, once they can change: "[...] in few years of ownership, the fundamental laws change; the right has your times [...]" (L. 60; B. 294). Now, if the habits can change of times in times; and if they become the maxim more followed by each country; and puts the laws, that govern the people, to sustain in the habits, the State is based in quite fragile bases. Their laws are flotation.
"[...] The habit (it is) all the justness, for the simple and only reason that is received [...]" (L. 60; B. 294). The habit, received by all, it takes them to judge that it is exactly, once all receive it. Its authority resides in all the men's fact to follow it. Being the habit all the justness, and puts the fundamental laws of the State to sustain in him, that implicates that there are not natural laws common to all the countries, that subdued all the people. "[...] They exist without a doubt naturals laws, but that beautiful rotten reason everything corrupted [...]" (L. 60; B. 294).
They corrupt the reason the men's interests, the desire of power and the force of the imagination. Corrupted the reason, the natural laws stop being followed for the men and, in his place, the habit become that that equals all of them, once all receive it: "[...] can it have something funnier than a man's fact has the right of killing me because it lives on the other side of the water and because his prince has some disagreement with mine, although I don't have any disagreement with him own? [...]" (L. 60; B. 294).
For to be subdued by the habit, for the fact of the fundamental laws of the State be sustained by him, the justice can only be defined as the "prevention of the sedition", because "[...] the art of bestirring, to subvert the states is in affecting the established habits, probing until their source to point them the authority lack and of justice [...]" (L. 60; B. 294). The established habits are affected when it is leaving until your source showing your authority lack and of justice. However, as the laws of the State if they sustain in the established habits, affecting these, that is destroyed. Like this, the revolt, that "art of bestirring", "it is a right game to lose everything" (L. 60; B. 294). The justice as "prevention of the sedition", it impedes that the lack of justice and of authority, that they are in the base of the State, come to the surface. The justice becomes then that that impedes that the absence of justice, for the which the men let to govern, be known. In other terms: the established justice is that that impedes that the non justice of the State is known. So that there is peace and it is that that seeks the established justice - it is necessary to hide to the men in what it is based the laws of the State.
In the fragment L.86; B. 297, Pascal points out the absence of the true justice in the men's society: "Veri Júris. We don't have it more. If we had, we would not take as rule of justice to follow the habits of the country. It was there that, not could find the fair, it was found the fort etc." The true right and the pure justice is us absent: "we don't have it more." The man is not guided then by the idea of justice. For that reason it is that the habits of the country are taken as rule of justice. The verb régler in the Thoughts floodgate a resignation idea, just as it points us Laurent Thirouin: "a phenomenon is ruled in the lack of dominating it, of understanding it, when one renounce to take possession of its true organization" (Thirouin, 1991, p. 68). With effect, the habits are taken as rule of justice, because the true justice is not understood.
Not being possible to follow the idea of justice to establish the laws, this that it would be the concrete expression of that, the men's society begins with the force: "[...] let us imagine that see it being formed. It happens without a doubt that they will beat until that the strongest part oppresses the weakest, and that finally there is a dominant party [...]" (L. 828; B. 304). The force becomes the foundation of the habit, because this is established for that: "the force is the queen of the world [...] it is her that makes the opinion" (L. 554; B. 303); if it is angry or second murderer "the side of the water" (L.51; B. 293). The habit, established for the force, it is generalized in justice: "[...] not could do with that roots mandatory to obey to the justice, it was done with that will obey the force exactly" (L. 81; B. 299).
The force is in the base of the men's society and not the justice. If this roots be its origin and your source, it would be its end. It is for the force and not for the justice that the dominant party takes the power and there it stays. It is also for her that the people let to govern, once the habit is established by her and later widespread in justice.
"The justice is what is established; and all our established laws will be had like this necessarily as fair without being examined, because they are established" (L. 645; B. 312). The established justice doesn't obey the idea of justice, once the men ignore the true justice. For which through her does settle down? Not only the justice is established, but also the laws. These are established for the force. Why are they had then necessarily as fair without same they be examined? Why that need? Because they are established for the force. If the force establishes the laws and, therefore, it establishes herself as fair, that justice is not discussed. It is not discussed with the force. The quality of the force is tangible. There is not the one to be examined. It is imposed by your quality. The laws, instituted by the force, they possess the power to inhibit any riots. With effect, if the justice is the "prevention of the sedition", the laws are necessarily had as fair. It is then the force that becomes fair. The justice is a human construction just based on the force. I score useful to avoid the civil war: the war of all against all.
If, in the men's society, the force is that it is fair, the justice is not fortified by the institution of the laws. Established by the force, the laws are not the concrete expression of the true justice. But, if the laws, once established, they are had as fair, it is the force that is justified. Justifying the force, the justice becomes its disguise.
In the fragment L. 103; B. 298 entitled justice, it forces, Pascal exposes the way by which the force went justified.
It is fair that what is exactly it is proceeded; it is necessary that what is it more fort is proceeded. The justice without the force is impotent; the force without the justice is tyrannical. The justice without force is contradicted, because bad people always exist. The force without the justice is accused. It is necessary, because, to place committees the justice and the force and, for that, to do with that that that is exactly is strong or that what is strong it is exactly. The justice is subject to the discussion. The force is very recognizable and without discussion. Like this, one could not give force to the justice, because the force contradicted the justice and it said that she was unjust, and it said that was it, the force, that was fair. It is like this, not could do with that what is exactly it goes strong, it was done with that what is strong it goes exactly.
Pascal begins the text sustaining that: "it is fair that what is exactly it is proceeded; it is necessary that what are more forts is proceeded." Two statements that are opposed. The justice imposes itself without appealing when Being and to the Good. It doesn't need any argument it is it of usefulness or of persuasion. This because the justice is fair for herself, for that it is exactly to follow it. There are not degrees in the justice as there is in the force. There is not a more fair and a less exactly. If it is exactly or not. There is justice or there is not. What is not exactly it is unjust. "[...]The justice and the truth are two such subtle tips that our instruments are too many blind for in them to play with accuracy. If they get, they will flatten them the tip and to support to the all more turn on the false than on the true [...]" (L. 44; B. 82). The tip of the justice doesn't admit steps that are going from the unjust to the fair.
While the justice imposes itself, the force is imposed as a physical need, mechanics, once its quality is tangible: "those armed troops that only have hands and it forces for the kings, the bugle and the drums that march to their front and those legions that surround they make them to shake the firmest [...]. They have the force" (L. 44, B. 82). The king's public appearance is the moment in that he manifests his force. The whole court that accompanies him is sign of force. The people, dominated by the imagination and trained by the habit, it shakes due to the exhibition of the force.
While there are not degrees in the justice, there are degrees in the force: "it is necessary that the more fort is proceeded." So that it is necessarily proceeded, the more fort needs to manifest his force. When manifesting his force, the more fort oppresses the weakest force. "The strings that tie the respect of some to the other ones in general are need strings; because it is necessary that there are different degrees, for they want all the men it to dominate and nor all can him, but just some can [...]" (L. 828; B. 304). The king's simple public appearance, manifesting your force, it annihilates the other forces. Annihilation without war, nor words. It is the authentic vision of the tangible quality of the force. His vision imposes the silence: "it makes to shake the firmest."
"The justice without the force is impotent; the force without the justice is tyrannical." The justice doesn't have force, because, unknown in the kingdom of the concupiscence, nobody is thank you and nobody assumes an obligation to follow it. To follow it is exactly simply because the justice is fair. In the kingdom of the concupiscence, in that each one seeks to its own interests, there is not any attraction in being exactly. The justice doesn't reward anybody for the fact of being exactly. Doesn't tend the force, the justice is, in itself, impotent: it is an anything of force. The tyranny, that is the force without the justice, is, in turn, the all of the force. Pure violence. The force without the justice brings with herself the desire to be the largest force, the desire of annihilating the other forces. The more high it is the largest force, more the other forces are annihilated. The tyrant is that that wants the destruction of all other force.
The Tyranny consists of the desire of universal domain and out of its order. Several compartments of forts, of beautiful, of good spirits, of merciful, of the which each one reigns in its part, not in another part. It is they sometimes meet, and the fort is beaten with the beautiful as fools arguing who will have the domain of the other, because your domain is of several gender. They don't understand each other. And their mistake is in wanting to reign for every part. Anything he can, not even the force: her nothing does in the kingdom of the wise persons, she only has the domain of the external actions [...]. The tyranny is in wanting to have for a road that can only have for other" (L. 58; B. 332).
Two tyranny definitions, that is, of the force without the justice. The first defines her as that that wants dominate all the other forces besides those of other orders: order of the spirit and order of the charity. Second defines her as that that wants be recognized as the largest force for the forces of the other orders. The tyranny is own of the order of the body, once it only has the domain of the external actions", it "nothing does in the kingdom of the wise persons." Two tyranny definitions that are the same thing in the bottom: I want of annihilating all the other forces and desire of being admired and loved by that universal domain.
"The justice without force is contradicted, because bad people always exist". The justice without force that is imposed by it self as fair it is contradicted by the bad people. These, that they always existed, it contradicts the justice for your own actions. Now, if the bad people are opposed to the justice, they are imposed, for its actions, as fair. For them, the justice is that is unjust. In a word: the bad people's existence contradicts the justice.
"The force without the justice is accused". The force without the justice, manifesting your force reduces the other forces to the silence. Who then does accuse the force? While the bad people contradict the justice without force, it is the justice without the force that accuses the force without the justice. But that the justice accuses the force? The force is the first quality manifested by the dominant party and it continues to be for the imposition of the laws. The force is then the quality of the laws and, once these are had as fair, it (the force) becomes the content of the justice (Lazzeri, 1993, p. 249). Like this, the justice without the force accuses the lack of justice of the force.
"It is necessary, because, for committees the justice and the force and, for that, to do with that is exactly is strong or that what is strong it is exactly." But, how does to place them join if up to now the one saw what it was they to operate in opposed fields? The justice without force cannot accomplish any fair act, because it is impotent. And the force without the justice only accomplishes besides out act of pure force of your domain. The initial statement of the fragment: "it is fair that what is exactly it is proceeded" it is contradicted by the bad people: for those that have the force without the justice. Now, these, for their actions, they says that the justice is unjust. Like this, the force without the justice opposes it that statement another one: "it is unjust that what is exactly it is proceeded" (Louis Marin, 1997, p. 121). "It is necessary that what is it more fort is proceeded." To the this statement, also initial of the fragment, the justice is opposed that accuses the force. Now, if the force is accused by the justice, it is the force that is unjust. The justice without force opposes it that statement another one: "it is unjust that what is it more fort is proceeded" (Louis Marin, 1997, p. 121).
The force contradicting the justice and the justice accusing the force shows clearly that they are excluded. Having exclusion, how "is to do with what that what exactly it is strong or what the one what is strong it is exactly?" For that is I need to identify justice and it forces, doing with that the force become a quality of the justice or that the justice becomes a quality of the force. It is necessary to decide on these two alternatives. The first of them is impossible to be accomplished: "[...] if it had been possible, it would have put it the force in the hand of the justice, but as the force doesn't let to manipulate as it is wanted by treating of a tangible quality, while the justice is a spiritual quality that is disposed as it is wanted [...]" (L. 85; B.878). The justice, unlike the force, is an idea: your quality is spiritual while the one of the force is tangible. Like this, first, one cannot force somebody to follow the justice, once its quality is spiritual; second, a tangible quality is not attributed to the that only possesses a spiritual quality.
"The justice is subject the discussion. The force is very recognizable and without discussion." For being an essential idea, the justice it is object of controversial discussions. It is object of speech of the philosophers that they develop countless arguments researching on what it is the fair. The force, to the opposite, is not subject the discussion. It is "very recognizable", its "quality is tangible." There is not a speech of the force, its quality it spares any speech. Nor also a speech against the force, because there are not arguments before the more fort. Face to him, the least forts remain silent. "That is admirable: it is not wanted me to render honors to a dressed man of brocades and followed by 7 or 8 slaves. The something! He will order to lash me if I don't greet him. Those clothes are a force [...]" (L. 89; B. 315). The clothes, as well as the court that accompanies the king and the doctors' empty spaces instruments become signs and signs of the force.
"Like this, one could not give force to the justice, because the force contradicted the justice and it said that it was unjust, and it said that was it, the force, that was fair." In first place, the force contradicted the justice when being instituted as law becoming the content of the justice. It then can say that the justice is unjust and it is it that is fair. In second place, the force, that it is not subject the discussion, it is entitled of speaking: "it said that...." The force appropriates of the signs of the language and it passes representing in signs. "It turns into sense." Of that it results that the force is less and less visible in the exercise of the power. And, for that, the people believe to not be obeying for the imposition of the force, but to something perfectly legitimate. The appropriation of the language signs for the force is moved by the desire of universal dominance and out of its order. Represented in signs, the force exercises its power out of its domain (that are the external actions). With the right of speaking, the force is instituted. It makes the law that is its law and for her it is legitimated. For the law that is your law, the force it is authorized. It is entitled then of speaking because it has the power of the speech. The speech of the force is, therefore, the speech of the power (Louis Marin, 1997, p. 125).
The force doesn't discuss what the justice is and what the fair is: "it said that the justice was unjust, and it said that was it that was fair." Justifying itself, the force takes possession of the justice. The more fort is the fair. It is then unjust to confront the force. Here is here the moment of a radical transformation in the text. Pascal begins the fragment supporting that: "it is fair that what is exactly it is proceeded; it is necessary that what it is more fort is proceeded." If the more fort is the fair and if it is unjust to confront the force, it is fair that the more fort is proceeded.
"It is like this, not could do with that what is exactly it goes strong, it was done with that what is strong it has been fair." It subjects to endless discussions, it could not fortify the justice. Saying that is it that is fair, the force attributes to itself a spiritual quality. That that only had a tangible quality, started to have a spiritual quality. This is not subject the discussion, because its subject is the force and not an idea. For that spiritual quality, the force could extend its domain to the other orders. Like this, what is, in the order of the thought, heterogeneous: it forces and justice became, in the order of the lived, united.
Justifying itself, the force was instituted; and the justice became its disguise. The force, disguised in justice, it established the order in the kingdom of the concupiscence: "it not could fortify the justice, it was justified the force, so that the fair and the fort were together and that there was peace, that is well the sovereign" (L. 81; B. 299). The peace, in the kingdom of the concupiscence, is then fruit of the justification of the force. Therefore that, the established justice should be that that "it prevents the sedition", because, otherwise, there would be the subversion of the order, in other words, the civil war: "the worst of the evils." That peace obtained through the justification of the force, however, it doesn't get to eliminate the concupiscence, it just hides it.
The men started to live together in peace in spite of the concupiscence. But, for that coexistence has been peaceful, it was necessary to adapt the justice to the kingdom of the concupiscence.
CHEVALLEY, C.: Pascal contingence et probabilités, Paris, PUF. 1995.
LAZZARI, C.: force et justice dans la politique de Pascal, Paris, PUF. 1993.
MARIN, L.: Pascal et Port-Royal, Paris, PUF. 1997.
PASCAL: Pensamentos, T. Mario Laranjeiras, São Paulo, Martins Fontes, 2001.
_______: Pensamentos. T. Sérgio Milliet. Os Pensadores. São Paulo, Nova Cultural, 1988.
________: Trois Discours sur la Condition des grands. Oeuvres Complètes. Louis Lafuma. Paris. Seuil, 1963, pp. 366-368.
THIROUIN, L.: Le hasard et lês règles. Le modèle du jeu dans la Pensée de Pascal. Paris, J. Vrin, 1991.
This article was of original way uttered as conference in the Franc-Brazilian International Colloquy Anthropology and Politics in the Thoughts of Pascal, accomplished in Belo Horizonte, from 24 to October 26, 2005.

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Politics & Government
Field Poll: More Californians better off financially, but still see state in bad times
Tracey La Monica lost her job at a nonprofit organization four years ago as the state's economy sputtered amid the global economic crisis. Although she soon landed employment, La Monica said she believes the slow recovery continues to weigh heavily on California.
"I personally am doing well. I am better off than I was last year," said La Monica, 40, of Pacific Palisades. "But the state has some work to do."
For the first time in seven years, more voters in California report being better off financially compared with the previous year, according to a new Field Poll released Wednesday. Still, more than twice as many say the state is in bad economic times than say it is in good shape, the survey found.
"We're not out of the woods yet," said Mark DiCamillo, director of the poll.
Statewide unemployment tumbled to 7.6 percent in May, the lowest level since the stock market crashed in 2008. Sacramento's unemployment clocked in at 6.7 percent, the first time in six years that the jobs figure dipped to less than 7 percent. The stock market and home values in many areas also have seen healthy growth.
Despite the steadily decreasing unemployment rate, a majority of voters describe the employment situation in the state as very serious. Sixty-four percent say jobs are difficult to find in their communities, while just 21 percent have the impression they're widely abundant.
La Monica, a participant in the poll and a registered Democrat, previously lived in the Central Valley while serving as an aide to former state Sen. Roy Ashburn, R-Bakersfield. La Monica said she perceives a glut of employment opportunities in coastal Los Angeles.
"I didn't have any problems once I came here," she said.
The survey found that more people, 44 percent, see themselves as financially better off this year compared with last. The assessment was more upbeat than each of the past six polls – up from 14 percent in 2008.
Opinions on the state's economy also show marked improvement, with 53 percent saying economic times are bad. In each of the past six years, 72 percent to 96 percent said the state was in bad times.
Folsom resident Kristin Gray, 45, credits the stabilization and in some cases growth on the measures put in place by government. An information technology project manager, she said the fear of her assets further depreciating has been replaced by optimism that they will continue to increase, albeit not particularly rapidly.
"The losses have stopped, and that by itself creates an impression in my mind that the economy is improving," said Gray, a Democrat.
The poll showed that improvements varied by household income. Those earning less than $40,000 per year are more likely to report being financially worse off this year (37 percent) than better off (30 percent). There also were distinct differences in voters' evaluations of the state's condition.
Republicans were much more likely than Democrats to believe the state is in the economic doldrums. DiCamillo noted that those in the comparatively more affluent San Francisco Bay Area provide a more positive take on the state's economy, with a larger number (35 percent) saying things are going well. In Los Angeles County, that sentiment is shared by 31 percent, and in the Central Valley only 24 percent feel similarly.
Jeff Henson, 52, of Carmichael was not among the four in 10 voters who expect to be better off financially next year, a 10 percent increase from 2012 and 2013. Henson, who works in construction, said the past four to five years have demonstrated that "things have gone downhill and things have gotten more expensive."
"If you look around the streets, people are just standing on the curb," said Henson, an independent. "There is nothing going on around here – at least on my level."
Henson said he recently spent $50 for a bag of groceries, including about $5 just for the milk.
"It's hard to make 50 bucks. I mean you really have to work hard to make 50 bucks," he said.
Nonetheless, Henson said he remains hopeful about a rebound that lifts up all sectors. "I think we are better as a society when we are all moving."


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Latest News
Kentucky's coal ash regulations criticized by environmental groups
Kentucky and other states do a poor job of regulating coal ash in order to protect water supplies, two environmental groups said in a study released Wednesday.
The report said Kentucky falls short on a number of fronts, such as not requiring liners under coal-ash ponds, groundwater monitoring or emergency plans covering failures of dams at ash-storage facilities.
Coal ash is the substance left over from coal combustion. Kentucky is a top producer of ash because it has numerous coal-fired power plants.
Coal ash contains pollutants such as arsenic, lead, mercury, and selenium, which leach out of storage facilities and into streams and water supplies, threatening human health and wildlife, said the report from Earthjustice and Appalachian Mountain Advocates.
"The level of threat to communities from coal ash in Kentucky, cited in this report, is both shocking and shameful, and the health of people all over Kentucky may be suffering unnecessarily as a result of these toxic chemical exposures," Deborah Payne, energy and health coordinator for the Kentucky Environmental Foundation, said in a news release.
R. Bruce Scott, commissioner of the Kentucky Department for Environmental Protection, said monitoring has shown some elevated levels of contaminants near ash ponds, on the same property as the ponds.
However, the department has not seen cases of chemicals from ash ponds contaminating public water supplies or private wells, Scott said.
There is no evidence that pollutants from ash ponds are hurting the health of Kentuckians, Scott said.
The report comes against the backdrop of a debate in Congress over how to regulate coal ash.
To read the complete article, visit www.kentucky.com.


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Fake blood gushing from a professor's mouth doesn't generally inspire thoughts of higher education.
But Lakeland College Associate Professor of History Rick Dodgson believes there's a time and place for innovative learning through good old-fashioned – even goofy – fun.
Dodgson and five other Lakeland professors, charged with the annual evaluation of Lakeland's general studies program and the liberal arts competence of graduating students, put an irreverent twist on one phase of this exercise with their recent "Zombie Assessment."
Approximately 30 seniors who volunteered to be part of the assessment, not knowing what to expect, were brought into a classroom, where they were shown a video depicting zombies invading Lakeland's campus.
Following the short video, the students, who were asked to represent various countries, broke off into groups to determine which nations were in most need of a limited supply of "anti-zombie vaccine." Armed with demographics about their countries, the seniors studied natural disaster pamphlets produced by the Center for Disease Control. Then they debated each other.
The exercise, which was observed by the faculty who designed it, measured the students' ability to process information, think critically, build a case and verbally communicate it.
"We took the topic seriously," said senior writing major Michelle Fromm, whose country was China. "We got into a few little tiffs about the nature of zombies, whether they could swim and things like that, but it was really fun. I thought it was definitely unique. Zombies are popular in pop culture, so I think a lot of people latched on to that theme. It was cool, hip."
Produced by Lakeland's History Club, the video features Dodgson as a TV anchorman reporting live. When his character, "Rick Diculous," is overwhelmed by the fast-growing zombie population, fake blood spills cartoonishly from his mouth. The students reacted with smiles of amusement.
"At Lakeland, we take education seriously, but we also recognize the need to appeal to our students' outside interests to engage them in their learning," said Dodgson. "We had great fun with this event and all of the students seemed to get a real kick out of it. We had some very creative solutions to the zombie problem we presented to them."
Along with Dodgson, faculty members who oversaw the evaluation were Associate Professor of Writing Nate Lowe, Fessler Professor of Creative Writing & Poet in Residence Karl Elder, Assistant Professor of General Studies & Director of Academic Advising Pam Engebretson, Assistant Professor of Criminal Justice Richard Lemke and Instructor of Communication John McKenzie.


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We're LIVE! Here >>
Grab the HQ version Here >>
Join Operation Keep Hope Alive! >>
Victor asks Top 10 questions: Watch Now >>
Behind-the-scenes at mo-cap: Watch Now >>
Garnett, Two Jeffs & Ryan chat: Listen Now >>
About the game:
You receive a desperate phone call from Hope, a young woman trapped within a shadowy totalitarian state. Using a stolen phone, she calls and begs you to hack into the nation's surveillance system, assume control, and help her escape from the clutches of the omnipresent Overseer.
Developed by industry veterans behind AAA games like Metal Gear Solid, Halo, F.E.A.R., Kinect,and cutting edge videos like the Skyrim television spot and the iconic iPod "silhouette" ads, République represents a strategic alliance between Camouflaj and Logan to make an epic action game designed specifically for touch-based devices.
On October 31, Logan founder, Alexei Tylevich, and I wrestled with feedback we received from industry colleagues who told us that our ambitions were too big. They suggested we do something simple and small like so many other games on iOS... Alexei and I spent hours reviewing the production and financial risks. We discussed our belief that gamers will embrace iOS when more games are made for them. By sunset, we were even more committed to doing something different, big, and risky.
Here are the goals we outlined with the teams:
- Design a game and write a story for touch-based devices
- Create an intense action game without a focus on killing
- Feature a believable, non-sexualized female lead
- Explore heavy topics, say something meaningful
- Push cutting-edge graphics on mobile
On Halloween night 2011, République was born.
We immediately went to work on developing a gameplay system that drives the symbiotic relationship between Hope and the player. Our internal design pillar is "Hope is Alive," meaning Hope is not a marionette for the player to manipulate, but rather a smart, believable, and empathic hero.
Books like 1984 have served as key sources of inspiration not only for the narrative, but also the core gameplay. In République, players become Big Brother: Hope's protector and growing threat to the Overseer's grip over his secret nation as players gain control of any network-enabled devices, introducing really cool puzzle scenarios. With the tap of a finger, players can power down lights, wiretap calls, summon elevators and – like a good big brother or big sister – protect Hope by slamming doors on her pursuers.
Here are the specs Camouflaj and Logan are building to:
- 4-6 hour campaign
- "Stealth Survival" hybrid genre
- Metroidvania exploration & 3D map mode
- Branching, gripping, pull-no-punches story
- Full voiceovers
- Real-time cinematics
In the event that we surpass our initial funding goal, every penny will go into building an even bigger game with features that you will help us define.
Thanks to the global proliferation of iPhone, iPod Touch and iPad, hundreds of millions of people are now carrying a powerful gaming device with them every day. Finally, game makers can truly speak to a global audience, an audience that – thanks to touch controls – can easily jump into the interactive experience.
iOS is becoming a great gaming platform, but where are the games for people who love intense action and story-driven experiences? Where are the AAA games designed specifically for touch-based devices? As someone who loathes virtual joysticks, I have great respect for what Chair Entertainment did with Infinity Blade: they built an action game specifically for touch devices. We aim to do the same.
Without fail, every company we've shown our game to has expressed sincere excitement about its creative ambitions. In unison they proclaim: "Yes! This is exactly the kind of game I want on my iPhone and iPad!" But when it comes down to dollars and cents, the most consistent feedback we get is: "You have to prove that there's a market out there for this. And don't use Infinity Blade as an example unless you can guarantee your game will also be featured in an Apple national TV spot."
If you believe like I do that that there are millions out there who want more serious games on mobile, please support République and send a message.
One of the best things about Kickstarter is that it allows us to have a a direct connection with the community and have a dialogue with them. Upon announcing République for iOS, we received an incredible amount of buzz for the game. It also generated a lot of commentary on the chosen platform. We as a team are still committed to iOS, but now, thanks to the community's feedback, we are committed to delivering a unique version of République specifically designed for PC and Mac with new features, gameplay and story elements that speak to the strengths of the platform. Look for a video update next week where the team at Camouflaj discusses the direction we will take the desktop version of République!
Digital platforms like Steam and the App Store are great, but there's something lacking with digital products. I miss the physical connection (and smell!) of game boxes, strategy guides, and maps. This is why I'm excited to announce the RÉPUBLIQUE JOURNAL, the physical half to the game experience. This high-quality book is a "replica" of the one Hope finds in the game: a musty-worn book passed between secret revolutionaries that features hand-drawn maps, writings from undercover dissenters, newspaper clippings from "The Outside," sketches of the Overseer's inner circle, and even a translation guide to the graffiti found in the world that may lead to hidden supply caches and audio tapes.
This pocket-sized book is the ultimate companion to the République experience. While it's not required to finish the game and understand the story, we know players are going to love it.
Just like the République Journal, the Collector's Edition is being designed as a believable artifact from the game world. More specifically, the Collector's Edition features a hollowed-out copy of the Overseer's Manifesto that Hope uses to hide contraband items. Everything from the journal to the CD and DVD are designed to look exactly like they do in the world of République.
And continuing our theme of products hidden from a watchful eye, here is the concept we'll be using as we create our special iPhone case. Since phones and communications with The Outside are not only prohibited in the world of République but can get you down right killed, some have chosen to take the risk and retrofitted the Overseer's Manifesto pocket edition into a case that snugly fits a contraband phone:
The design fits in with the fiction but also needs to be functional. I think we struck the perfect balance.
We estimate that République will cost north of $1 million to complete. After months of meetings and due diligence, we believe that we can raise the necessary additional funds to complete République from potential outside investors, but there is some risk that our efforts will be unsuccessful. Before we enter into any financial agreements, we want to prove through Kickstarter that there is a market for a serious AAA mobile game. While we may eventually have to share future profits from the game in order to finance development costs, we have no intention of sacrificing quality, creative control or IP ownership.
In the very happy event that we exceed our $500,000 Kickstarter goal, this will grant us more financial freedom and will allow us to build an even better game. We will also consider the idea of developing République for other platforms, however this is not a decision we take lightly, as we firmly believe in developing our games to the strengths of each platform.
I'm writing this just hours before this page goes live. The team is brimming with anticipation, as everyone is hopeful that there are thousands of others out there who want more AAA experiences on their iOS device. Are we right to assume that? We will all know very, very soon.
Thank you for coming along for the ride.
-Ryan Payton
Funding period
- (31 days)


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Prop 30 is being hammered for the best piece of policy in it: some of the tax money raised by it can be touched by politicians.
Of course, Prop 30's backers aren't embracing that fact. They are declaring the money would go to schools, citing a fund established by the measure for schools.
That's mostly a matter of accounting. The money raised should go to the general fund -- which is good. California has been doing damage to its general fund for more than a generation -- taking money out of it for special funds and protecting pieces of the fund behind special formulas and accounts.
That shift has made it nearly impossible to balance the budget. Elected representatives -- politicians -- have less and less flexibility to make trade-offs and set priorities because so much is off limits.
Feeding another $6 billion or so into the general fund -- albeit temporarily, since the tax increases in Prop 30 are temporary -- helps a little, but not much. That's because formulas within the general fund limit what those politicians can do.
One irony of the misbegotten debate over Prop 30 is that much of the money will go to schools -- but not because politicians can touch but because the constitutional school funding formula known as Prop 98 guarantees that.
Another irony of the debate is that another piece of Prop 30 further limits the discretion of politicians; the initiative incldues a constitutional amendment that permanently ties certain tax revenue streams to local government.
In all these ways, Prop 30 has the worst of both worlds. It's being criticized for turning money over to "politicians" -- which it does in some ways -- even though the measure preserves, and extends, a budget system that keeps politicians, or anyone else, from making trades offs and governing.


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Weather Window | Anatomy of a Sierra superstorm that wasn't
Special to the Sun
TAHOE/TRUCKEE, Calif. – The warnings were certainly ominous – an extended period of torrential rain, high elevation snow levels, and potentially major flooding on the Truckee River. Classic ingredients for what meteorologists call a "wet mantle" flood event, when heavy rain washes out an existing snowpack and overwhelms the watershed and streams and rivers breach their banks. Yes, it seemed the components that can cause damaging floods were there (except for an established low elevation snowpack), but as it turned out the final surge of moisture turned to snow over much of the higher elevations which slowed snowmelt considerably.
Residents living within the Truckee River flood plain between Squaw Creek and Donner Creek dodged a bullet this time, but that's not to say their homes aren't at risk. Those five days of rain and snow definitely had the potential to fulfill all the National Weather Service warnings for the Tahoe-Truckee watershed, but luckily the region was spared serious damage. In fact, we picked up a boatload of moisture and ski resorts are loving the 2 to 4 feet of fresh snow that blasted the upper elevations. In a reversal of the normal situation where Sierra Crest-based resorts usually receive the most snowfall, Northstar California reported the greatest storm total with 47 inches on the upper mountain. Accumulations near lake level were measly. Consider that Squaw Valley picked up 42 inches of snow at 8,200 feet, but only 2 inches at the base. However, virtually all the major resorts are in fairly good shape for the economically vital holiday season that's only weeks away. If the Storm King doesn't do it, when cold air arrives snowmaking will beef up the thin snowpack at resort bases.
The recent stormy period definitely put the region on course for an above average 2013 water year. Although no records were broken, rainfall totals were impressive: Donner Lake picked up about 11 inches; Blue Canyon more than 14 inches; and La Porte, north of Truckee, was doused with nearly 18 inches. Brandy Creek, elevation 1,300 feet on the Upper Sacramento River drainage was the wettest spot in California with nearly 2 feet of rain.
The NWS dubbed the persistent flow of Pacific moisture an "atmospheric river," an apt term to describe the amount of water that poured down on the north state. Seasonal precipitation totals in the Sierra were boosted significantly, with the Northern Sierra 8 Station Index currently averaging 218 percent of normal. (The index represents the aggregate of eight sites ranging from Highway 50 to Mt. Shasta.) As of Dec. 4, 2012, water year 2013 is off to a roaring start, better precipitation-wise than the snowbound winter of 2011, and even ahead of the pace of 1983, the wettest winter since the index was established in 1922.
The Truckee River flood warning was issued when the NWS expected freezing levels near 9,000 feet, accompanied by heavy rain that would come rushing out of watersheds west of Highway 89, including Squaw Valley and Alpine Meadows. Forecasters predicted conditions akin to what occurred in late December 1955 during a similar hydrological event. It was called the "Storm of the Century." For 10 days during Christmas season 1955, a series of storms from Hawaii poured wet snow and rain on the Sierra and Northern Nevada. Officials said there was no cause for alarm, but Reno, Nev. business people remembered the 1950 Thanksgiving flood that heavily damaged the city and they swung into action. Volunteers and National Guardsmen stacked walls of sandbags along the riverbank and in store entrances. Contractors supplied cranes to clear logjams and debris in the Truckee River. Parking meters were removed from downtown bridges.
Sure enough, two days before Christmas more than 2 inches of rain pounded Reno in 24 hours. (Reno picked up only 1.34 inches of rain in the recent five-day event.) Upstream, nearly every power plant and bridge on the Truckee River was destroyed. Wet snow pulled down power lines, severing communication between Western Nevada and California. Logs jammed against bridge supports, and 4 feet of water flowed into Reno's downtown district. Many residents fled, although not before hanging their gifts high in their Christmas trees. At Stead Air Force Base, holiday furloughs were canceled, and hundreds of airmen with radios, jeeps, and trucks joined National Guard troops in sandbagging and policing the streets. Finally, on Christmas Eve, cold air from the Gulf of Alaska turned the rain to snow, and the river began to recede. Overnight the swirling flakes descended on Reno's flood-ravaged streets, covering the debris with a mantle of snow. Reno residents awoke to their first white Christmas in years.
This time we escaped unscathed, but whenever the Truckee threatens to spill over its banks, it helps to recall the Weather Bureau statement before the 1955 flood that "no menacing storms appear likely."
– Tahoe historian Mark McLaughlin is a nationally published author and professional speaker. His award-winning books are available at local stores or at http://www.thestormking.com. You can reach him at firstname.lastname@example.com. Check out Mark's new blog at http://www.tahoenuggets.com.


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While the NBC and CBS morning shows on Friday both covered troubling Thursday testimony from outgoing Defense Secretary Leon Panetta that revealed President Obama's lack of engagement during the Benghazi terrorist attack, ABC's Good Morning America completely ignored the story. In addition, none of the networks mentioned the testimony on their Thursday evening newscasts.
Friday's CBS This Morning provided the most coverage, with a full report by correspondent Nancy Cordes, who explained: "Panetta revealed that he briefed the President at the start of the attack, but the two men did not speak again that night....Republicans say it's a sign that the President was disengaged the night of the attack. Panetta said his aides and the President's were in touch, but he said as well that he did not speak to Secretary Clinton the night of the attack either."
On NBC's Today, Capitol Hill correspondent Kelly O'Donnell noted Panetta's testimony during a story about John Brennan's confirmation hearing to become the next CIA director: "Turning to Benghazi, frustrated senators pressed outgoing Defense Secretary Panetta and Joint Chiefs Chair Dempsey about why military help was too far away to rescue the slain Americans....Republicans pounced on testimony that after first informing the President about the attack, neither man heard directly from him as the siege unfolded."
Both the CBS and NBC coverage featured a heated exchange between Panetta and South Carolina Senator Lindsey Graham during the hearing.
The closest ABC came to acknowledging that the hearing even took place was a Good Morning America news brief from news reader Josh Elliot about a different portion of the testimony:
Also this morning, we've learned the U.S. was closer to intervening in Syria's civil war than previously thought. Outgoing Defense Secretary Leon Panetta has revealed that he and former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, wanted to arm the rebels trying to topple dictator Bashar Al Assad. But the White House said no, fearing the weapons could fall into the wrong hands.
Scott Pelley provided a news brief on the same topic during Thursday's CBS Evening News.
Here is a full transcript of the February 8 CBS This Morning report:
NORAH O'DONNELL: On Capitol Hill yesterday, a surprise about the Obama administration's response to Syria's civil war. Defense Secretary Leon Panetta revealed, for the first time, that President Obama was the one who blocked a plan to arm rebel fighters in Syria. The plan was developed last year by then-CIA Director David Petraeus, and backed by Pentagon leaders and then-Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. The white house had doubts about which rebels could be trusted with the arms.
And those details came to light during a Senate hearing on Libya, and Republicans had some very tough questions for Panetta. Panetta revealed that he and President Obama spoke only once during the eight-hour Benghazi attack that left four Americans dead. Panetta also explained why the Pentagon didn't send warplanes during the assault.
Nancy Cordes is on Capitol Hill. Nancy, good morning.
[CBS News Graphic: "Benghazi Aftermath: Panetta Reveals New Libya Attack Details"]
NANCY CORDES: Good morning, Norah. Secretary Panetta said the reason planes were not launched was because this attack came in two waves in two different locations, and after the first wave ended, after about an hour and a half, they all thought it was over. Plus, he said, there wasn't enough actionable intelligence on the ground to act.
LEON PANETTA, SECRETARY OF DEFENSE (from congressional hearing): You can't just, willy-nilly, send F-16s there and – and blow the hell of a place without knowing what's taking place.
CORDES (voice-over): Under questioning by Republicans, Secretary Panetta and the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Martin Dempsey, said they were aware, in the months before the attack, that U.S. Ambassador Chris Stevens was worried about security in Libya.
SEN. JOHN MCCAIN, (R), ARIZONA (off-camera): Did you receive that information?
GEN. MARTIN DEMPSEY, CHAIRMAN, JOINT CHIEFS OF STAFF: I did, and I saw-
MCCAIN (on-camera): So, it didn't bother you?
DEMPSEY: It bothered me a great deal, but we didn't receive a request-
MCCAIN: But why didn't you put forces in place to be ready to respond?
DEMPSEY: Because we never received a request to do so, number one.
CORDES (voice-over): Panetta argued Benghazi was just one of many U.S. outposts receiving threats.
PANETTA: The U.S. military has neither the resources, nor the responsibility, to have a firehouse next to every U.S. facility in the world.
CORDES: The White House has provided few details about the President's actions the night of the Benghazi attacks. Panetta revealed that he briefed the President at the start of the attack, but the two men did not speak again that night.
SEN. LINDSEY GRAHAM, (R), SOUTH CAROLINA: Are you surprised that the President of the United States never called you, Secretary Panetta, and say, how's it going?
PANETTA: You know, normally, in these situations-
GRAHAM: Did he know the level of threat?
PANETTA: Let me finish the answer. We – we were deploying the forces. He knew we were deploying the forces. He was being kept-
GRAHAM: I hate to interrupt you, but I got limited time. We didn't deploy any forces!
PANETTA: The President is well-informed about what is going on. Make no mistake about it.
CORDES (on-camera): Republicans say it's a sign that the President was disengaged the night of the attack. Panetta said his aides and the President's were in touch, but he said as well that he did not speak to Secretary Clinton the night of the attack either.
O'DONNELL: Nancy Cordes, thank you.


text:
CEO Compensation
#5 David C Novak04.28.10, 06:00 PM EDT
|Previous: Ray R Irani
|Next: John C Martin
|Total Compensation
$76.49 mil
5-Year Compensation Total
$207.63 mil
David C Novak has been CEO of Yum Brands (YUM) for 10 years. Mr. Novak has been with the company for 23 years. The 57 year old executive ranks 1 within Hotels, Restaurants & Leisure
College: University of Missouri BA '74
Graduate School:
|Performance Vs. Pay
|Rank: 78 / 189
|Yum Brands
6-Year Annual Total Return
|Mr. Novak
6-Year Average Compensation
$38.94 mil
|6-Year Return Relative to Industry
|6-Year Return Relative to Market
|Relative returns: 100 equals the market or industry.
|David C Novak's Compensation Vs. Hotels, Restaurants & Leisure Medians
|$1.40 mil
|$1.09 mil
|$2.99 mil
|$1.16 mil
|$5.80 mil
|$0.94 mil
|Stock Gains
|$66.30 mil
|$3.62 mil
|Total Compensation
|$76.49 mil
|$6.88 mil
|Yum Brands
1441 Gardiner Lane
Louisville, KY 40213
|Previous: Ray R Irani
|Next: John C Martin
|Rank |
Name |
Age |
Company |
Total Compensation | 5 Year Compensation | Market Value
Compensation rank is based on total compensation for latest fiscal year. Total compensation for each chief executive includes the following: salary and bonuses; other compensation, such as vested restricted stock grants, LTIP payouts and perks; and stock gains, the value realized by exercising stock options. Efficiency rank is based on our chief executive's performance/pay score. Ranks are given only to chief executives who have a six-year tenure and six-year compensation history. The most efficient rank is 1 and least efficient is 189.
Compensation data is from the latest available proxy statements filed through April 9, 2010. Total returns and value of stock owned (including all classes) is based on Apr. 8, 2010 stock price. Compensation percent change is based on combined salary and bonus. Annualized total return during tenure covers the tenure of the executive or from the time of the IPO or available stock history. Relative to market is the ending value of $100 invested in the stock, divided by the ending value of $1 invested in the S & P 500 (a score of 100 = the S & P 500). NA: Not available or not applicable.
2Four-year total.
3Three-year total.
4Less than 0.01%.
5Prior-year data.
6New chief executive; compensation may be for another executive office.
7Less than $100,000.
8Includes shares indirectly held.
*Return is for less than tenure.
Sources: Company SEC Filings; Interactive Data and LionShares via FactSet Research Systems; Salary.com's CompAnalyst Executive; Forbes


text:
MARTINEZ, Ga. - Junior Francisco Bide (Buenos Aires, Argentina) of the No. 9 Georgia College & State University golf squad was named Peach Belt Conference (PBC) Golfer of the Week, the conference office announced today (March 26). This is the first such honor for both Bide and the Bobcats this season.
Bide won the Bobcat Invitational this week, his first career tournament victory. The junior was the only member of the field under par for the three-round tournament, putting up a pair of 71s before a final-round 66 that sealed the win. He bettered the field by two strokes, helping the Bobcats to the team title as well.
The Bobcats are back in action Monday, April 20 at the PBC Championships, hosted by UNC Pembroke.
Visit www.GCSUBobcats.com to nominate your favorite former Bobcats and Colonials to the GCSU Athletics Hall of Fame. The GCSU Department of Athletics sponsors 10 varsity athletic programs at the NCAA Division II level. As a Division II program, GCSU prides itself on balancing the life of the student-athlete, evidenced by the Bobcats' multiple appearances in post-season competition as well as documented academic success and community-service involvement. Sign up at Twitter.com username GCSUSID for up-to-the-minute reports.


text:
Let's see if you can guess what I made from the following ingredients:
S'mores Cookies
recipe from make and bake
3/4 cup butter, softened (1 1/2 sticks)
1/2 cup sugar
1/2 cup brown sugar, packed
1 egg
1 tsp vanilla extract
1 1/4 cups flour
1 cup graham crackers
1/2 tsp salt
1/2 tsp baking soda
1/2 cup mini semi-sweet chocolate chips
1 cup mini marshmallows
2 Hershey bars, chopped up (baking size)
Preheat oven to 350. Process graham crackers in a food processor until they become crumbs. They do not need to be super fine crumbs but there shouldn't chunks either.
In a stand mixer or large bowl, cream the butter and sugars until fluffy.
Mix in the egg and vanilla until no longer visible. In a small bowl, combine flour, salt and baking soda. Add the flour mixture and graham crackers to the wet mixture. (The seperate bowl isn't entirely necessary...it's just a habit I've picked up from Alton Brown while watching Good Eats lol)
Fold in the chocolate chips.
Drop by rounded tablespoons onto prepared cookie sheets. Bake for 6-8 minutes or until mostly done and remove from the oven. Push 3-4 marshmallows and a few pieces of Hershey bar into each cookie.
Return to oven and bake for an additional 3-4 minutes or until fully cooked. Cool cookies on a wire rack.
YUM!!! These cookies were phenomenal. I had trouble keeping my hands off of them and had to take the extras into work. The original recipe said it made 3 dozen...but I halved the recipe and only got 1 dozen. Maybe I just make my cookies too large! lol


text: Usain Bolt stops an interview with a Spanish TVE reporter in deference to the U.S. national anthem being played for Sanya Richards-Ross medal ceremony. So, not only is he the fastest man on the planet, but he knows how to show respect for other athletes. How can you not love the guy?


text:
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text:
Dones: Education costs for ELL students in Summit County
Rimrock, Ariz., and Silverthorne
This letter rides on the coattails of recent discussions of raising property or sales tax for daycare in Breckenridge, which seems to point at a larger issue of how much money this county pours into subsidizing immigrant workers. Our property taxes pay for public school, which enrolled 768 ELL kids (24 percent of the 3100 students) for whom we paid a staggering $5.15 million ($6,700 per student) last year. We will pay $5.28 million this year to babysit 788 ELL kids, plus free lunch.
Categorically, "English Language Learners" are not born in US, or native language is not English, or is migratory and comes from an environment where a language other than English is dominant, and has sufficient difficulty speaking, reading, writing, or understanding the English language, and whose difficulties may deny such individual the opportunity to learn successfully in classrooms.
How do 800 revolving ELL kids show up at the door of our local school every year? They are brought here by their parents by no fault of their own. We need to stop hosting illegal immigration:
* Hire locally: Employers must sign an I-9 and an "Affirmation of Legal Work Status." Did you? Did your employer?
* Rent locally: Take down the waving "Se Habla Espanol" flags and rent to someone who wants to be here because it's awesome.
* Give locally: Take care of our own; let all that we give in canned food, toy drives and free coats benefit a local family.
* Teach locally: Why is the district's priority to get ELL kids to fluency in two years…they don't stick around that long…and we're left with exhausted teachers, bulging class sizes, pathetic test scores, and two unaccredited elementary schools.
Start a dialogue, stay on topic and be civil.
If you don't follow the rules, your comment may be deleted.


text:
PPG Paints Arena Tickets
For Tickets Call 1-800-840-9227
Representatives available Mon-Fri 7am-12pm, Saturday and Sunday 7am-11pm
PPG Paints Arena Information
This is a 720,000 square foot venue known for sporting and music events, located in Pittsburgh, PA. Opened in August of 2010, the venue features seating for 19,758 people. This venue has hosted events for National Hockey League, Justin Bieber, WWE Raw, Janet Jackson, Blake Shelton, and Jim Gaffigan, among other sporting, comedy, and concert events.
Box Office Tickets offers tickets to all the best shows. Check above for all available dates and times. Order your tickets online, or you can reach customer service by calling toll-free (1-800-840-9227), or via Live Chat.
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text:
WPA Opinion poll shows McDaniel up by 8 points in Mississppi's Senate runoff
New polls say Chris McDaniel has pulled ahead of Sen. Thad Cochran in their battle for the Republican Senate nomination.
There are still a lot of soft and undecided voters out there.
The McDaniel campaign is touting new findings by WPA Opinion Research showing the state senator with an 8 percentage point lead.
"It is clear Chris McDaniel is well positioned to win on June 24," says a polling memo from the firm. WPA is known for helping conservative political candidates.
Earlier polls conducted by Chism Strategies and Strategic National showed McDaniel with a smaller lead. He inched out a win over Cochran in the June 3 primary.
The WPA poll, though, shows 10 percent of the electorate remains undecided. McDaniel still has an advantage--43 percent say they definitely support him, compared to 38 percent for Cochran.
David Lightman/McClatchy Washington Bureau


text:
The Orioles' remarkable turnaround season after years of losing has made an impression in the Ravens' locker room.
Several players -- including quarterback Joe Flacco, running back Ray Rice and free safety Ed Reed -- were sporting Orioles gear Wednesday.
In particular, Reed has been a big supporter of the baseball team throughout the entire season, well before the Orioles clinched a playoff berth.
"Yeah, man, I watched those guys last night pull out a close one," Reed said while wearing an orange Orioles T-shirt and baseball cap. "Man, to give up one run the whole game, that's big. The pitching showed up last night.
"They've just been playing huge, playing big and finishing right now is the key. Today is the last one. I hope those guys finish on a good note going into the playoffs and win this thing."
The Ravens have made the playoffs for the past four seasons and are the lone NFL team to win at least one playoff game per year during that span with two AFC championship game appearances.
For the Orioles, this season has broken a 14-year streak of losing seasons and represents their first playoff appearance since the 1997 season.
"It's just amazing being in the same town," Rice said. "Our stadiums are right next to each other. The excitement when you get down there is amazing. It's like no other. We've been pushing our run for the last few years. They know they've had greatness within them and now they're going ahead and doing their thing as well."
Orioles players have attended several Ravens games, including a Thursday night win over the Cleveland Browns. Among those in attendance were manager Buck Showalter, center fielder Adam Jones and pitchers Jim Johnson and Tommy Hunter.
"You see them guys at our games and the genuine support," Rice said. "So, it's only great to return the favor, to support our home town. When you're achieving greatness on your field, it's great to have moral support from the both of us. It's mutual respect. We're all professional athletes."
Added Flacco, a former high school pitcher from Audubon, N.J.: "It's pretty cool to see the whole city kind of rally around them. Hopefully, they continue to win games and I'm sure it will be a big topic of conversation. I know with me and some of the other guys around the building enjoy baseball, yeah, they've definitely been a topic."
What has set the Orioles apart to Flacco is their ability to perform in the clutch to remain in the hunt all season.
"It's crazy how many close games they're winning," Flacco said. "Obviously, they've won a ton of them and won some extra-inning games and their pitching has been good. The thing I noticed, I feel like they're hitting a handful of home runs every night. I was only able to get to one game this year and they hit a handful that night.
"They've definitely been able to come up in some clutch situations and come out with some wins. I don't know that we've ever seen a team win this many close games before and be as successful at it as consistently as they have. It's pretty impressive."


text:
Why Equality is Better for Everyone
A recent report using income data from the 2010 Census drew attention to a harsh aspect of wealth inequality in the United States, already among the highest in the world. The number of Americans living in poverty increased to 46.2 million, and 6.7 percent crossed the threshold into "deep poverty." Without food stamps and unemployment insurance, an additional 6.8 million would have fallen below the poverty line. Meanwhile, the top 1 percent continue to command a fifth of the nation's income, and for an increasing number of Americans, the dream of middle-class security is ever more elusive.
The Spirit Level, by Richard Wilkinson and Kate Pickett, which has sold more than 100,000 copies since its 2009 publication in Britain, offers insight beyond the bare facts of the census income data. Our national response to the hardships caused by the market crisis of 2008 has been to apply more of the same economic system—subsidize the banks in the hope this gets the economy growing again. But as Wilkinson and Pickett argue from their opening pages, "Economic growth, for so long the great engine of progress, has, in the rich countries, largely finished its work." Once wealth rises past a certain level, the benefits to life expectancy, health, and happiness stabilize, and then stagnate.
The crux of The Spirit Level is that the best measure of a country's well-being is not GDP or wealth overall, but its distribution of wealth. Of the developed countries (the focus of the book), those with highest income inequality—the United States, Britain, and Portugal—have the lowest levels of social "goods" such as educational achievement, long life expectancy, gender parity, and trust among neighbors. They have the highest rates of mental illness, obesity, violent crime, teen pregnancy, and incarceration. When the lion's share is captured by a few, and the rest divide the remainder into increasingly tiny slivers—the "deep poverty" of more than 20 million Americans—social ills rise. Take the statistics on violence: along with the Scandinavian countries, Japan ranks highest on income equality; it also has the lowest homicide rate in the developed world. By contrast, the United States suffers from the highest murder rate, 64 people per million annually.
It is not only those at the bottom of the ladder who suffer. One of the remarkable insights of The Spirit Level is that income inequality affects all social classes, not just the poor. The most unequal countries have rates of mental illness five times higher than the most equitable—for everyone. A baby born in the United States is twice as likely to die before reaching its first birthday as a baby born in Japan; average life expectancy for an American is three years shorter than for a Swede. The authors emphasize that subtracting the poor from the analysis does not change the score. "Inequality," they suggest, is "like a pollutant spread throughout society."
It also seeps into the spirit. Some social ills, notably poor educational performance and violence, correlate with an individual's relative income level rather than absolute wealth of a society. As record numbers of Americans watch their class status fall, they tend to compensate in unhealthy ways—from prioritizing conspicuous consumption over basic needs (the "affluenza" virus) to acts of violent crime. Though the United States still has a high average income compared to other countries, its inequality ensures that Americans score low on almost every measure of psychological well-being.
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Meet 15 extraordinary people transforming the way we live.
Wilkinson and Pickett's work is germane in this moment of crisis because it gives us something to work toward: reducing inequality. Their evidence is robust, and almost inarguable. Graph after graph, generated with data from the World Bank, the World Health Organization, the United Nations, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, and all fifty U.S. states, show the same correlation: Where income inequality is high, social ills are all but inevitable. Reducing inequality—not increasing growth—must form the centerpiece of any effort to improve well-being.
As Wilkinson and Pickett recognize, change must be political, institutional, and individual. Their suggestions for moving forward are too wide-ranging to offer a clear template for change—their analytical strength lies in their area of expertise, public health—but the central message is crucial: We must reduce inequality. If we can achieve that, our reward will be a higher spirit level, for everyone.
An interview with epidemiologist Richard Wilkinson, whose research shows that what the healthiest and happiest societies have in common is not that they have more, but that what they have is more equitably shared.
A new study suggests Americans' happiness declines when there's a wider gap between rich and poor.
Not everyone at the top of the economic system thinks it's a fair one. Why Jesse Estrin—and many others—decided to stand with the rest of us.


text:
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text: Home > Entertainment John Travolta sued for sexual battery by masseur Reuters Posted at May 08 2012 12:03 PM | Updated as of May 08 2012 08:03 PM Share Save Facebook Twitter LinkedIn LOS ANGELES -- John Travolta is being sued for $2 million by an unidentified masseur who claims the Hollywood star assaulted him sexually during a massage in January inside a room at the Beverly Hills Hotel, according to court documents. The masseur, referred to as John Doe in court papers obtained by Reuters and filed last Friday, claims that Travolta rubbed his leg, touched his genitals and tried to initiate at least one sex act inside a private bungalow at the exclusive hotel on Jan. 16. Travolta's spokesman dismissed the claim in a statement as a "baseless lie." "On the date when plaintiff claims John met him, John was not in California and it can be proved that he was on the East Coast," the statement said. "John intends to get this case thrown out and then he will sue the attorney and plaintiff for malicious prosecution." The masseur's lawyer, Pasadena, California-based Okorie Okorocha, told Reuters that under California law, a victim of a sexual assault like his client can file as John Doe if he fears extreme embarrassment if his identity is known. The suit goes into detail to describe the incident, saying the massage was arranged by an anonymous phone caller who met the masseur at a streetside location, picked him up and drove him to the hotel where he was to be paid $200 per hour. "I wanted to make sure we had as much detail as possible. The more detail I have the more accurate I think" the claims are, Okorocha said. Okorocha added that it took time between the incident allegedly occurring and the case being filed because he wanted to investigate his client's claims and discuss it with Travolta's representatives. "We did discuss the matter with some of his people to see if there was any way it could be resolved ... to make it easier on everyone," Okorocha said. The civil suit claims assault, sexual battery and intentional infliction of emotional distress, and the plaintiff is seeking a jury trial, according to the filing. The statement from Travolta's spokesman called the lawsuit "a complete fiction and fabrication. None of the events claimed in the suit ever occurred." Travolta, 58, rose to fame in the 1970s on television sitcom "Welcome Back Kotter," then became a movie star with hits such as "Saturday Night Fever," "Grease" and later, "Pulp Fiction." He has been nominated for two Academy Awards and has been married to wife Kelly Preston since 1991. Share Save Facebook Share on Twitter LinkedIn Entertainment,John Travolta Read More: John Travolta


text:
ADRIAN, Mich. – The men's lacrosse team (14-3) extended their winning streak to nine games with a 14-11 win over visiting Otterbein University (12-6) at Multi-Sport Performance Stadium on Wednesday afternoon.
Drake Dailey-Chwalibog, John Hudzinski, and Cody Kilcoyne led the way with three goals apiece.
The Cardinals took the lead early twice in the first quarter before the Bulldogs responded with a 6-5 lead at the half.
Adrian scored the first four goals of the second half to build an insurmountable lead at 10-5. Otterbein would have a late rally with three consecutive goals to cut the deficit at two, 11-9, but that was as close as they would get.
The teams would trade goals in the last half of the fourth quarter with Adrian getting three and Otterbein two for the 14-11 final.
Of Adrian's final three goals, Hudzinski would net the official game winner at 11:31 to put Adrian up 12-9 and Kilcoyne would add two goals in the game's final seven minutes to provide some breathing room.
Tom Thielman would add a pair of goals. A.J. Smith, Mitch Burgin, and Nick Levanti would score single tallies for Adrian.
Brandon MacDonald and Hudzinski would tally five groundballs each on the day.
The Bulldogs had the edge in shots (33-31), groundballs (32-28), and clears (21-for-22).
Adrian goalkeeper Kevin Lerg made 10 saves in the win.
The Bulldogs will travel for their next matchup this Saturday.


text:
Val-u-Tubing™ - Low Powder – 100'
Low powder resistive exercise Val-u-Tubing™ is color-coded
in Berry™ colors. Low powder Val-u-Tubing™ is an economical latex exercise
tubing; same great quality as CanDo® latex exercise tubing; available in 25'
bags and 100 foot dispenser boxes; Levels range in order of resistance from
least to greatest resistance: pear (0), peach (1), orange (2), lime
(3), blueberry
(4), plum (5), mushroom (6), pineapple (7). For those with latex sensitivities,
there are latex-free alternative offerings of Val-U™ exercise tubing
Copyright © 1999-2015 All Rights ReservedPowered by eCommerce21 US Patent # 7,698,167.


text:
HOBOKEN, N.J. (AP) — Officials in the city of Hoboken, N.J., are defending their response to severe flooding from superstorm Sandy.
Public Safety director Jon Tooke says at least 25 percent of the city on the Hudson River across from Manhattan remains under water. He estimates at least 20,000 people are stranded and says most are being encouraged to shelter in place until floodwaters recede.
Tempers flared Wednesday morning outside City Hall as some residents complained the city was slow to get food and other supplies out to the stranded.
Tooke says emergency personnel have been working 24/7. He says the "scope of this situation is enormous."
National Guard troops are delivering food, supplies and gas canisters to people who need them. They are also evacuating people with medical problems or other special needs.