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text:
These posts may appear irregularly, for awhile; that is due, mainly, to the large amount of material that needs to be read, digested, correlated, counted (the mind has a metrical basis) and such.
Thomas was an early arriver (1623/24); then, the tree for his direct descendant that I'm working on has several hundred New England families in it that were here before 1650. That means that these families have many generations here, too. Fortunately, a lot of these families have researched their history both here and on the other side of the pond.
For Thomas' past, before his arrival (which we'll get to), I am going to consider that James Savage was the most insightful as his family originates from the area that he proposed for Thomas. In fact, some of the trees associated with the Gardner one that I'm working have a Savage somewhere in the line. We will have posts looking backward, hopefully for Margaret, too.
In total in the above-mentioned tree, there are almost 100 families claiming royal descent (Ole's blog, example), some of these are on the NEHGS list. The interplay of the plebian and the aristocratic will be a story that we will have to feature from time to time. One modern analyst made the claim that a source for recent problems can be attributed to aristocratic notions being maintained in England and being brought over here by some.
As mentioned before, Thomas, and his life, can be the foundation for very good discussions that may have a lot to add to understanding the current quandary brought on, for the most part, by those considered to be the 'best and brightest' (give us a break).
Now, to consider this side of paradise, let's go forward from Thomas. Like the Mayflower group, with their list for three generations, we'll start with Thomas' kids and carry this forward a couple of notches as a means to identify gaps.
In the below list, we'll start first with information from Dr Frank's book about spouses and children. There may be pointers to work done already, for some, but only as an example (meaning, of course, to be verified). Also, the pointer may be only to partial information. At some point, the goal is to pull this data together, hopefully with a full tree that includes both genders' offspring. That is, for each generation, fill in the information for all siblings, to the extent possible, of course.
Note: The links for Thomas' grandkids below (bold and larger font) came from the work of Kathleen Hall Boyce who spent 2010 looking at the Gardners.
- Thomas - m. 1st Hannah __ (Mary, Thomas, Eliza, Abigaile, Bethia, Hannah, Jonathan), Elizabeth __ (David, Susannah, Dorcas)
- George - m. 1st Eliza Horne (Hannah, Samuel, Mary, George, Bethiah, Ebenezer, Mehitable, Ruth), 2nd Mrs Ruth Turner, 3rd Mrs Elizabeth Stone
- Richard - m. Sarah Shattuck (Joseph, Richard, Sarah, Deborah, Damorice, James, Miriam, Nathaniel, Hope, Love)
- John -m. Priscilla Grafton (John, Joseph, Priscilla, Benjamin, Rachell, George, Benjamin, Ann, Nathaniel, Mary, Mehitable, Ruth)
- Samuel - m. 1st Mary White (Mary, Eliza, Mary, Margaret, Samuel, George, Jonathan, Hannah, Abel), 2nd Elizabeth Paine -- This is the descendant tree that I'm following. rootsweb.com is interesting. Here is a descendants chart for Samuel and a pedigree chart for Abel, his son. Some pedigree charts are a little more extensive (to be checked edited 04/16/2012).
- Joseph - m. Ann Downing
- Sarah - m. Benjamin Balch (Samuel, Benjamin, John, Joseph, Freeborn, Sarah, Abigail, Ruth, Mary, Jonathan, David)
- Miriam - m. John Hill (Miriam, William Hascall, Susan)
- Seeth -m. 1st Joshua Conant, 2nd John Grafton (Mary, Joseph Hardy, Seeth , Abigail, Jehoadam, Margaret, Nathaniel)
12/07/2018 -- Dr. Frank and WikiTree. Using his hand-written notes, we filled in his mother's line this past summer. Too, we are going to focus on filling in the gaps.
10/25/2018 -- We have a new look: TGSoc.org. And, we are using WikiTree (example of Samuel/Abel) with the goal of getting the first five generations documented. Some of these links may be stale (will be checking).
02/01/2013 -- Update rootsweb link to Larson tree.
04/16/2012 -- Changed link, Samuel. When these databases get updated, pointers change. So, we really need to have a query-based approach. In the meantime, go to 'Index' and enter the name. In this case, it was "Gardner, Thomas" which then brings up the right person. The graph is via Pedigree.
08/29/2011 -- A little more about Miriam.
10/25/2018 -- We have a new look: TGSoc.org. And, we are using WikiTree (example of Samuel/Abel) with the goal of getting the first five generations documented. Some of these links may be stale (will be checking).
02/01/2013 -- Update rootsweb link to Larson tree.
04/16/2012 -- Changed link, Samuel. When these databases get updated, pointers change. So, we really need to have a query-based approach. In the meantime, go to 'Index' and enter the name. In this case, it was "Gardner, Thomas" which then brings up the right person. The graph is via Pedigree.
08/29/2011 -- A little more about Miriam.
03/17/2011 -- Another descendants list (Langsdorf, et al) for Sarah.
01/09/2011 -- We'll have posts related to the madness of 1692.
12/20/2010 -- For Ruth, daughter of George, see post on the Hathorne connection.
12/16/2010 -- A descendants chart for Miriam: Susan
11/28/2010 -- The pedigree for Thomas Gardner (Salem) at the Boyce site changed. So, the link has been removed. Since databases at rootsweb are updated regularly, pages can change. Hence, the procedure might be to do an image capture of the tree, or a portion, with a link to the current tree. That, folks, is one maintenance item that will be required for web-based approaches. This is a type of degradation. Another item removed today was a pointer that was to a local file rather than to a web-based file.
11/10/2010 -- Ole Larson is back. His genealogy site.
10/31/2010 -- About cousin calculations.
10/31/2010 -- For RD example, switched from the excellent example of Ole Larson (his blog has disappeared -- evidently he died in August, 2010) to the blog of the Slovak Yankee, for now.
10/29/2010 -- Another thing to look at will be the famous cousin game as it seems to be ubiquitously present; that is, it is found seemingly everywhere that there is a genealogical site. We have already started a list of Thomas' descendants which can be extended as we learn more. Cousins can be extracted from that list. As well, interplays between all of the families brings in another set. So far, I've identified relationships in the tree with 27 of the Presidents of the USA. Then, the list of luminaries is large, many in the arts and sciences. Of course, attainment in some religious sense is represented, too. Then, we have that for which Salem is famous.
Needless to say, and given that Thomas was in Salem early, we'll need to look at the mania of 1692 which, by the way, is apropos to the topic of two generations. We've already shown that [Nathaniel, offspring of] John Hathorne (the main judge) was a descendant of Thomas. And, many of Thomas' descendants have a number of those involved in the Salem area troubles as grands (parents, aunts, and uncles) in their tree.
Modified: 12/07/2018

subset: commoncrawl


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Peppa Pig Tilt 'n' Turn Scooter MV Sports Ages 3 Years+ Pink
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Scoot in style with the Peppa Pig tilt n turn scooter!
This easy to ride scooter helps develop body co-ordination and balance thanks to its easy tilt n turn steering system and sturdy three wheels! Featuring a colour Peppa Pig printed anti-slip wide footplate, a rear foot brake and removable handlebars for easy storage and transportation.
Peppa Pig fans will love the cute and adorable Peppa Pig graphics!
Features and Specifications
- Easy tilt 'n' turn steering action
- Peppa Pig colourful graphics
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- Age 3 + years
- Maximum user weight: 20kg
Product safety
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text: India has much work to do in redressing violence against women, and the task ahead goes far beyond bringing Nirbhaya's attackers to justice [Reuters]The scale and duration of protest against rape in India suggest that activists are determined to prevent sexual violence from being swept under the rug. And the government's - albeit belated - response demonstrates the ability of progressive activists to hold it accountable. Two of the protesters' placards -"Don't teach me what to wear, teach men not to rape," and "Don't Get Raped" - indict the blame-the-victim syndrome that claims to protect women by denying their freedom. Rapists silenced the screams of 23-year-old Nirbhaya (a pseudonym which literally means "fearless") in India on December 16, 2012. The police employed bamboo sticks, water hoses and tear gas to silence the thousands of protesters who mourned her death and demanded that the government address rampant sexual assault. But the mounting protests in New Delhi and other Indian cities may finally keep Indian political officials and the media from silencing women who speak out against rape. The women's movement in India has been protesting violence against women, specifically police rape of women in custody since the 1970s. But the government has minimised the problem. Until now. The gang rape of Nirbhaya violated widely held ethical norms and moved people to action. The protests may reflect the cumulative impact of the women's movement in uncovering and publicising violence against women. They also reflect frustration with the state that erupted into an anti-corruption movement last year. Officials did their best to ignore the massive protests against rape initially. First, they interfered with the prosecution. High-ranking police officers allegedly prevented Nirbhaya and her mother from videotaping their testimonies. Then they trivialised and blamed the protesters. The city police commissioner demeaned the gravity of rape by stating that even men were unsafe in Delhi because they were pick-pocketed. India protesters pressure government on rape Prime Minister Manmohan Singh waited almost a week after protests began before issuing a public statement. His first words called for calm - implying that the real problem was the protest. Delhi Chief Minister Sheila Dikshit refused to meet with protesters and had the police remove them. Many recalled that four years earlier when a young journalist was shot dead while returning home from work, Dikshit had warned women not to be too adventurous. Their responses fuelled even more outrage. Truth be told, India has much work to do in redressing violence against women, and the task ahead goes far beyond bringing Nirbhaya's attackers to justice. Research indicates that there is a high incidence of rape within marriage, but Indian criminal law does not recognise this as a crime. Violence against lesbians is commonplace. The Indian army's atrocities against women who have engaged in popular insurgencies are legendary. Because the police and courts are biased against women, especially lesbians and poor, rural, lower caste, non-Hindu and disabled women, legal redress for sexual violence is unlikely. The broader culture, too often, trivialises men's leering, groping and harassment of women in public places by describing them as "eve teasing". Political figures' proposed "solutions" further exemplify the state's failure to take seriously violence against women. Manmohan Singh announced the creation of two inquiry commissions to investigate Nirbhaya's rape and propose amendments to criminal law to enhance punishments for sexual assault, including the possibility of capital punishment for rape; both commissions exclude women's groups and all civil society activists. As feminists have pointed out, such quick-fix solutions are unlikely to deter sexual violence, particularly when it occurs within families. Wholly punitive measures ignore the enormous deterrents women face in reporting rape, including humiliation and abuse by the police, ostracism by their families, and harassment by their rapists. They further empower an often repressive police force. More generally, state violence in response to rape simply creates a more violent society. The vibrancy of Indian democracy lies in activist responses. If India - or for that matter any democracy - is committed to redressing violence against women, governments must recognise feminist voices. Instead of being marginalised to a footnote or being co-opted by state actors, women's groups must shape the contours of the discussion. If only to regain international standing and win the upcoming national elections, the Indian government must recognise the magnitude of the problem of sexual violence. India needs to recognise that rape is the outcome of the humiliation and degradation that women experience in daily life. Amrita Basu, author of Two Faces of Protest: Contrasting Modes of Women's Activism in India, is Professor of Political Science and Women's and Gender studies at Amherst College. Krupa Shandilya is Assistant Professor of Women's and Gender Studies at Amherst College, and translator of The Madness of Waiting. SOURCE: Al Jazeera ABOUT THE AUTHORS Amrita Basu Amrita Basu, author of Two Faces of Protest: Contrasting Modes of Women's Activism in India, is Professor of Political Science and Women's and Gender studies at Amherst College. Krupa ShandilyaKrupa Shandilya is Assistant Professor of Women's and Gender Studies at Amherst College, and translator of The Madness of Waiting. Poverty & Development


text:
2016-12-20 - A passion for design is at the very core of Bugaboo. It's the motor that keeps us doing what we love most: making iconic design for everyone to enjoy.
Bugaboo is a design-led organization. We use this craft every day to instill quality, performance and value for money into each and every one of our products. In fact, design is the driving force behind everything we do. It goes right back to 1998 when Bugaboo was started by co-founder Max Barenbrug expressly to get his ideas out of his notebook and onto the streets.
The company's aim was – and still is now - to create game-changing product design that helps you move freely through the world. It's about product design that's loved and embraced by people all over the world. As over 1 million children have enjoyed adventures in the iconic Bugaboo Cameleon, it's probably safe to say that ambition has been achieved… but there's always more!
"Even after all these years, I still get excited when I see one of our products on the street somewhere in the world. And more often than not I'll strike up a conversation with the owner to find out what they think. It's amazing how much I learn by chatting to our customers out in the streets." Says Max Barenbrug.
Max is a designer first and foremost. Despite being at the helm of a multinational company with offices in four continents, he still oversees the output of Bugaboo's design and innovation department and has a very hands-on approach to product design. This team now includes 84 designers and engineers across two categories: Bugaboo Strollers and new product division Bugaboo Luggage Systems. Scale hasn't changed things too much, though - sketching and drawing is still key to daily business at Bugaboo, where the entire design team, which includes engineers, graphic designers and technicians, is encouraged to think a bit differently about design.
Everyone is instilled with the same passion to create incredible products that go the extra mile. Talent isn't enough for a Bugaboo designer, they also need the dedication and the sheer perseverance necessary to keep on working at a product until it's perfect. Bugaboo Design exacts high standards all around.
'The Unexpected'
Design always comes first at Bugaboo. And often that takes form in 'the unexpected' – functionalities that surprise you or a fabric you didn't expect. This method of innovation is quite an intense process for the team to go through, as Max explains.
"As a designer you should never be seduced by 'the expected'. You need to make mistakes and have the perseverance to keep going until it's totally right. The process of pushing for perfection is sometimes painful - certainly it's uncomfortable. But this part is essential if you want to truly innovate. That's how you create 'the unexpected'. You have to go quite far!"
The Principles of Bugaboo Design
By inventing hundreds of products for over 15 years, we've fine-tuned our design philosophy into a set of principles. These principles are embraced by everyone at Bugaboo who touches design – and they're a guiding force behind everything we make.
There's NO BEAUTY without PERFORMANCE
Making something just look great won't cut it at Bugaboo. All of our products are high performance, which means they function far above expectation – and are made to last for years.
The EXPECTED always meets the UNEXPECTED
Our products never look outlandish, so there is an element of 'the expected'. However everything we do is about innovation and reinventing features. So there is always that little bit extra in a Bugaboo product, a surprise or a functionality you don't expect. This gives us our edge!
Be EXCLUSIVE without EXCLUSION
We believe in using the very best fabrics and collaborating with high fashion designers and cutting-edge artists. But rather going for the niche, we make our exclusive designs available for everyone.
Always integrate FORM with FUNCTION
Aesthetics and functionality work so closely together in our products that you can't separate them. They become one. The result is that you immediately understand how to use and work our products just by looking at them. It's self-explanatory.
Bring COMPLEXITY back to its SIMPLEST FORM
One of our trademarks is creating structures that look simple and minimal at first glance. But in fact the clean lines are hiding very complex functionalities and mechanics. We work very hard to make things look so easy…
TRANSPARENT and ICONIC DESIGN
The beauty of transparent design is that it's strong and functional, with no fuss or unnecessary details – and with an instantly recognizable shape and silhouette. This is what makes it an iconic piece of design!
So there it is – Bugaboo is the brand where design and engineering, aesthetics and functionality, form and function all come together seamlessly. Max says "We put the success of our products down to putting design first, sticking to our principles - and taking our time to get things right!"
Discover more about Bugaboo and our story here.


text:
Miletičova 3
824 67 Bratislava
tel.: +421 2 50 236 222
tel.: +421 2 50 236 339
You in the EU is a new tool created by Eurostat, which has been designed for all European citizens. This infographic provides you with the possibility to compare some aspects of your way of living not only with men and women of your age in your country, but also with the EU average and other EU Member States.
You in the EU consists of quiz-like questions about the life of European citizens on 3 different themes:
Before you start, you have to select your country, your gender and your age group, which will be used as a basis for comparison.


text:
Related Suppliers
Arch Global Precision (Livonia, Mich.), parent company of KEO Cutters and Richards Micro-Tool, recently acquired Ultra-Dex Tooling Systems and Production Tool & Grinding (PTG), acquisitions that are expected to bolster its existing cutting tool business and provide additional capabilities for technologies such as laser marking and CNC grinding. Ultra-Dex (Flushing, Mich.) is a provider of Beamer laser marking systems as well as indexable boring, milling and drilling systems; toolholders; and custom tooling. Mark Birchmeier, former owner of Ultra-Dex, will continue to serve as president of the company for a transitional period.
PTG, located in Orange, Mass., is a manufacturer of custom solid carbide cutting tools for aerospace and CNC grinding technology. Its equipment and employees will be relocated to Arch's KEO milling cutters facility located in the neighboring town of Athol, Mass. Its owners, Mike and Rolly Rochon, will stay on for a transitional period as well.


text:
Views: 301
While I would love to have control over my remains (organ donation, science), I won't be around to fight or approve what my survivors choose. Still, for those atheists who decide now not to fight the religious wishes of their relatives, I can understand that. Burials are for the living. It's one of their mourning rituals. Who doesn't want to have their lives worth mourning over?


text:
Tech Titans Join Wall Street in Art World
Tech entrepreneurs are starting to peer out from their hoodies and explore the art world, and dealers and museum boards couldn't be more thrilled. WSJ's Ellen Gamerman joins Lunch Break with a look at the new players, and the culture clash it's setting up with Wall Street's elite. Photo: Getty Images.
This transcript has been automatically generated and may not be 100% accurate.
... I ... it was Peckham Wendy downs Silicom Valley auction is finally sinking cash into an investment ... loan loved by Wall Street were talking about ... art but there is a culture clash and work in its plane as Alan cameramen ... Lawsuit and our reporter I tell him I'm ... so it's interesting to me in this text will these millionaires billionaires they have been slow to get into what is that ... all the alternate power symbol here in New York was so ... for one thing they had to make their money move at their parents' basement because people have their iPads and allaying and start you know growing up along with their industry I'm ... getting their house getting their children and and and staring at ... you know really ... focus on art as an act staff ... into we seen jumping into the market now because this must be incredibly exciting for the industry especially out there I hear it sort of balance increases goes well yes if it's a it's it's got some ideal is very excited and one of the first ... from years ago when Paul Allen and Mike soft ... an ECU is in blue chip artists Picasso Van Gogh ... Mark Rothko ... and now we're seeing more and Marc Andreessen Colac so I he ... was ... modern are again ... I'm an artist Switzer the pop sensibility and add and then you have I'm ... greatly ... and venture capital a lake Jim prior to any at his interest in emerging artists from China and Brazil to ... defend that wasn't a tech background influenced the types of art that they collect ... the times I mean for one thing takes in prior he's really in the scouts for artists a little bit of the way he ... looks for companies he wants ... people a lot of potential he likes artists capable of reinventing himself as I think that he looks boring and tech company ... I'm not the summer when just love the digital works and stuff with these ... you know they feed off the web income when there's a wine ... apple senior director who has no for a layered video images of himself getting ready and ... after which includes a shot of him please counts down SEC any kind and Audi that I've read pushing pushing on the edges a little bit ... I wonder names including pushing in pushing the aam below ... you know part was very cloak the scene and wonder what kind of culture clash may be brewing here ... there's the potential for that these are people who walk around in Patagonia jackets and sneakers they're not really in it NAM into the ... CBD so Shell climbing aspect of the flaunting aspect that you might associate with gardening ... ASML of whine and whine ... the guy at the ad tech entrepreneur heading to an art fair in Switzerland and ... I'm ... a friend an art dealer told him what you need better dress up for everyone's convenience you if you don't get the the seventh inning then that uses from having betting tell them what to do especially when they know is this a long long those levels ... on here just a larger impact on the part seen overall the meat you see this into this ... isn't an out of money ... is having just isn't changing the course and the types of art to become ... popular ... I ... know I mean I think that a major art dealers in Europe are excited to see tremendous potential here ... and there is going to always be demand for the artist their trading bath and prepare her director is popular in this town like its popular in the Wall Street crowd ... on that there's you know that these guys also like emerging artist he likes artists that are kind of polling may be ... have on there's one I'm showing seemed to scare and now the area's Turin signed in ... to lay a sheet for her works kind of play off the idea and early Google image search ... even though it's not a Google image search it plays at the ATM focal image and there are others like that they're bringing an attack and the ability of the art it'll be inching to see if we see the cars themselves sort of altering what they produce ... to go after


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The American Dream, Reloaded
Last weekend, thousands of Americans gathered in homes and public spaces across the country to kick off a movement to reimagine the American Dream.
Rebuild the Dream is a project spearheaded by the Center for Community Change and MoveOn, among many other organizations. Van Jones pitched it to a crowd of hundreds of enthusiastic activists during June's Netroots Nation conference in Minneapolis, calling on Americans of every political stripe to reject "cheap" patriotism in favor of "deep" patriotism—a patriotism that demands liberty and justice for all.
Inspired by the Tea Party's historical success in galvanizing support through creating community spaces in which regular people could talk about change, Rebuild the Dream's first nationwide event outdid its right-wing counterpart's early efforts with more than 1,400 registered house parties in every part of the U.S.
YES! Magazine was in Poulsbo, Washington, to hear why thousands of Americans are saying, we can do better, and we'll do it together.
Check out and vote for their ideas at Rebuild the Dream.
- How to Liberate America
How is it that our nation is awash in money, but too broke to provide jobs and services? David Korten introduces a landmark new report, "How to Liberate America from Wall Street Rule."
- The Moral Underground: How Ordinary Americans Subvert an Unfair Economy
All around you are everyday heroes who refuse to be complicit in the economic mistreatment of other people.
- Wisconsin and the Return of the American Dream
Van Jones: Why Wisconsin gives the movement for "hope and change" a second chance—and what you can do about it.


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The West Wing of the White House tends to have a funereal stillness, even in the best of times, which these are not. The President's aides walk the narrow corridors with pensive expressions and vigilantly modulated voices. By contrast, Karl Rove's office has an almost party atmosphere. Rove, the President's chief political adviser—the "architect," Bush has called him, of his 2004 victory over John Kerry—has been a man of constant troubles: Valerie Plame troubles, U.S. Attorney-firing troubles, and, most of all, collapse-of-the-Republican Party troubles. Yet his voice is suffused with bonhomie, his jokes are bad and frequent, his enthusiasm is communicable; he resembles an oversized leprechaun, although one with unconcealed resentments and a receding hairline.
"Hey, what's Snow doing here?" Rove said one recent afternoon. "Must be important, if he's visiting us." Tony Snow, the White House press secretary, stood in Rove's outer office, bent over in conversation with one of several assistants. "Uh-oh, here's the big gun," Rove said as Peter Wehner, the White House director of strategic initiatives, came into the office. Wehner, an evangelical Christian, is known in Washington for a relentless stream of e-mails that praise George W. Bush's allies ("The Remarkable Anthony Charles Lynton Blair," "The Remarkable Joseph Lieberman"); that glean from the Internet any cheerful news from Iraq; and that provide links to articles by writers like the Middle East scholar Fouad Ajami and the untiring neoconservative Norman Podhoretz.
As we talked, Rove would bounce up from his chair, twice making a show of going to the dictionary to look up words. (One was "sanguinity," as in "I'm very sanguine" about the Republican Party's future.) He is a bookish man who plays the part of the anti-intellectual, which fits an Administration whose culture discourages displays of esoteric knowledge and, its critics say, of useful knowledge as well.
When Rove came to Washington, after the 2000 election, he envisioned creating an enduring Republican majority—the permanent mobilization of the Party's broad, socially conservative base. Part of his strategy was to cast as threats, in alarming terms, same-sex marriage, abortion rights, and other bogeymen of the right. It is Rove's cleverness, combined with his joie de combat, that made him insufferable to Democrats.
Now, though, the Democrats are gloating—and happy to point out that little more than thirty per cent of the public approves of Bush's job performance. Andrew Sullivan, a disaffected conservative, has joked on his blog that Rove seems to be getting his permanent majority—except that it's a Democratic one. The Republican reversal has certainly come with great speed—as fortunes in Washington have tended to do since the Vietnam era. In the midterm election, Republicans lost control of Congress, and the House G.O.P. caucus is beleaguered by scandals and by accusations that its members have benefitted from crude pork-barrel politics. The tenets of neoconservatism that have animated Bush's foreign policy—that America has a responsibility to spread the ideals of democracy, and that force can justifiably be used to aid this secular missionary work—are held in low esteem. The call to change the world which infused Bush's second Inaugural speech has faded.
Disillusionment with the Administration has become widespread among the conservatives who once were Bush's strongest supporters. Mickey Edwards, a former Republican congressman from Oklahoma, said recently, "The Republican Administration has shown itself to be completely incompetent to the point that, of Republicans in Iowa, fifty-two per cent thought we should be out of Iraq in six months." Edwards, who left Congress in 1993 and now teaches at Princeton, is helping to lead an effort among some conservatives to curtail the President's power in such areas as warrantless wiretapping. "This Administration is beyond the pale in terms of arrogance and incompetence," he said. "This guy thinks he's a monarch, and that's scary as hell." The grievances against the Administration seem limitless. Many congressional Republicans, for instance, were upset that Bush waited to fire Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld until after the midterm elections.
Even if events in Iraq do eventually turn in the direction that the Administration hopes, history is weighted against the Republicans. Only once since the death of Franklin Roosevelt has a party kept the Presidency for three consecutive terms—when George H. W. Bush defeated Michael Dukakis, in 1988. Bush the Elder, though, had the advantage of being Ronald Reagan's Vice-President, and Reagan, despite being damaged by the Iran-Contra scandal, was greatly esteemed by his party. Few of the men running now for the Republican nomination are likely to embrace George W. Bush's record. "If the Democrats can't win the Presidency in 2008, they'll never win the Presidency," David Keene, the chairman of the American Conservative Union, said not long ago.
And now Karl Rove, the man Bush has called his "boy genius," is among those being blamed by conservatives for the Party's problems—blame that he shares with others who have attempted to transform the party. One is Newt Gingrich, the strategist behind the 1994 Republican takeover of Congress, who could not hold together his coalition, and resigned. (Gingrich also faced ethics problems—he was accused of using tax-deductible donations for political purposes.) Another is Tom DeLay, who served as House whip under Gingrich and became Majority Leader under Gingrich's successor, Dennis Hastert, and who left facing charges relating to campaign fi-nance. Perhaps most of all, conservatives blame Rove's boss, George W. Bush.
When I asked Rove if the persistence of bad news, along with criticism from conservatives, has made the White House a moody place, he let loose an apparently authentic laugh. "This is a great place to work," he said. "It's inspiring to work here. It's neat, particularly when you've got a boss whose attitude is 'What can we do today to advance our goals? What are the big things we could be doing?' " Such statements fail to acknowledge that the President has been spending much of his time fighting congressional attempts to limit his mobility in Iraq and to force the resignation of Attorney General Alberto Gonzales. For Rove, the future is still Republican. "I don't think by any means it's a sure thing, but I do think there are these big societal changes driving us, and I think that the conservative movement and the Party through which it operates are going to benefit," he said. "That's not to say that it's going to be an ever-upward line. And it also doesn't mean that smart Democrats can't do something about it."
Rove thinks that more voters now are being influenced by technology and religion. "There are two or three societal trends that are driving us in an increasingly deep center-right posture," he said. "One of them is the power of the computer chip. Do you know how many people's principal source of income is eBay? Seven hundred thousand." He went on, "So the power of the computer has made it possible for people to gain greater control over their lives. It's given people a greater chance to run their own business, become a sole proprietor or an entrepreneur. As a result, it has made us more market-oriented, and that equals making you more center-right in your politics." As for spirituality, Rove said, "As baby boomers age and as they're succeeded by the post-baby-boom generation, within both of those generations there's something going on spiritually—people saying it's not all about materialism, it's not all about the pursuit of material things. If you look at the traditional mainstream denominations, they're flat, but what's growing inside those denominations, and what's growing outside those denominations, is churches that are filling this spiritual need, that are replacing sterility with something vibrant, something that speaks to the heart of the individual, that gives a sense of purpose." Rove believes what he has always believed: that the Christian right and, to a lesser extent, tax- and regulation-averse businessmen will continue to assure Republican victories.
Early G.O.P. Presidential polls, though, don't seem to confirm this analysis. Rudolph Giuliani stands more firmly than any of his rivals for abortion rights and civil unions for gays, and at this point appears to be in the lead. Bush, polls suggest, has also lost the support of some self-described conservatives. (Thirty-three per cent of voters in 2004 identified themselves that way.) But Rove cautioned against reading too much into polls, or the results of the 2006 midterm elections. "It's important to keep in perspective how close the election actually was," he said. "Three thousand five hundred and sixty-two votes and we would have had a Republican Senate. That's the gap in the Montana Senate race. And eighty-five thousand votes are the difference in the fifteen closest House races. There's no doubt we've taken a short-term hit in the face of a very contentious war, but to have the Republicans suffer an average defeat for the midterm says something about the underlying strength of conservative attitudes in the country." Rove's arithmetic was correct, but he sounded like John Kerry, who, shortly after his defeat in the 2004 election, told me, "I received the second-highest number of votes in American history."
Rove places the blame for the election results on the recent scandals in Congress—congressmen who placed themselves in the orbit of Jack Abramoff, the lobbyist at the center of the Republican ethics meltdown; and the former congressman Mark Foley's relationships with congressional pages—rather than the Administration's management of the Iraq war. "If you look at the exit polling, the No. 1 issue, particularly among swing voters, was corruption and behavior," he said. "After Foley, people said, 'It's just too much.' After that, spending was the No. 2 issue."
Rove suggested, as Bush repeatedly has, that history will ratify the decision to invade Iraq. "You know, the Bush doctrine—'Feed a terrorist, arm a terrorist, train a terrorist, fund a terrorist, you're just as bad as a terrorist,' " he said. "It's going to remain our national doctrine, and it's going to be very difficult, I think, if not impossible, to dismiss this, just as it will be to dismiss the doctrine of preëmption. In the future, the country is not going to let the dangers fully materialize, and we're not going to allow ourselves to be attacked before we do anything about it. The question was, did we have the right intelligence about Saddam Hussein? No. Was it the right thing to do? Yes."
Leaving the White House, I passed through the West Wing reception area, where a single visitor—an Army officer, perched on a couch—was waiting for an appointment. It was Lieutenant General Douglas E. Lute, who that evening was to be named "war czar," a job that few others seemed eager to take.
The appointment of a war czar four years after the invasion of Iraq has struck some as a late and insufficient response to the crisis, and has been a reminder that the Administration, ever since its halting response to Hurricane Katrina, has been judged harshly on questions of competence. Newt Gingrich is one of those who fear that Republicans have been branded with the label of incompetence. He says that the Bush Administration has become a Republican version of the Jimmy Carter Presidency, when nothing seemed to go right. "It's just gotten steadily worse," he said. "There was some point during the Iranian hostage crisis, the gasoline rationing, the malaise speech, the sweater, the rabbit"—Gingrich was referring to Carter's suggestion that Americans wear sweaters rather than turn up their thermostats, and to the "attack" on Carter by what cartoonists quickly portrayed as a "killer rabbit" during a fishing trip—"that there was a morning where the average American went, 'You know, this really worries me.' " He added, "You hire Presidents, at a minimum, to run the country well enough that you don't have to think about it, and, at a maximum, to draw the country together to meet great challenges you can't avoid thinking about." Gingrich continued, "When you have the collapse of the Republican Party, you have an immediate turn toward the Democrats, not because the Democrats are offering anything better, but on a 'not them' basis. And if you end up in a 2008 campaign between 'them' and 'not them,' 'not them' is going to win."
If Gingrich were an ordinary politician and not someone brimming with futurist and other ideas—some logical, some loopy, many interesting—he would have passed his sell-by date a long time ago. But Gingrich is not ordinary; he did not, in the manner of many ex-congressmen, become a lobbyist (like Dick Armey, the Majority Leader when Gingrich was Speaker). Instead, he has spent his exile lecturing, appearing on Fox News, writing and co-writing books at a ruthless pace (eight so far, including a recent novel about Pearl Harbor), and advertising his thoughts on how to transform government and how to save his party. Gingrich's strength was always insurgency, and after he won his majority, his Achilles' heel, which was actual governance, became visible to the world. In 1994, his Contract with America promised, among other things, to reform the way Congress did business; in 1995 and 1996, in a standoff with the Clinton White House, parts of the federal government were shut down for a total of twenty-seven days, and Gingrich received much of the blame. Three years later, Republicans, who by then held only a narrow majority in the House, lost five seats; the Gingrich revolution was over and so was Gingrich's congressional career.
But Gingrich seemed to me to believe that, having led one Republican revolution, he is well positioned to lead another—one that would place him in the position of Presidential candidate. Though he says that he won't decide whether he is running until the fall—and although the clamor for his candidacy has so far not been shrill—he is behaving in many ways like a candidate, taking on speaking engagements and constructing elaborate defenses of his record. He has admitted having committed adultery, and he sought penance on the radio show of James Dobson, a prominent leader of the Christian right. He is also mindful of his weight. When we met recently at the McLean Family Restaurant, in suburban Virginia, near the headquarters of the C.I.A.—one of many government agencies that he says require "radical transformation"—he ordered oatmeal with no milk or sugar. Republicans will be studying Gingrich's waistline this summer for signs of a pre-campaign regimen of self-denial just as closely as Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama will be studying Al Gore's.
Gingrich does not seem to have aged much in the eight years since he left Congress. His manner has not changed much, either. He has a fondness for ideas that he deems large and not much talent for small talk. Charm is a chore, though he was not at all crabby—as he sometimes is—when we met. The condition of his party had put him in a noticeably buoyant mood. On being asked whether Republicans would be able to capture the White House in 2008 or 2012, he said, smiling, "Or 2016, or 2020."
Not since Watergate, Gingrich said, has the Republican Party been in such desperate shape. "Let me be clear: twenty-eight-per-cent approval of the President, losing every closely contested Senate seat except one, every one that involved an incumbent—that's a collapse. I mean, look at the Northeast. You can't be a governing national party and write off entire regions." For this disarray he blames not only Iraq and Hurricane Katrina but also Karl Rove's "maniacally dumb" strategy in 2004, which left Bush with no political capital. "All he proved was that the anti-Kerry vote was bigger than the anti-Bush vote," Gingrich said. He continued, "The Bush people deliberately could not bring themselves to wage a campaign of choice"—of ideology, of suggesting that Kerry was "to the left of Ted Kennedy"—and chose instead to attack Kerry's war record.
The only way to keep the White House in G.O.P. hands, Gingrich said, would be to nominate someone who, in essence, runs against Bush, in the style of Nicolas Sarkozy, the center-right cabinet minister who just won the French Presidency by making his own President, Jacques Chirac, his virtual opponent. Sarkozy is a transforming figure in French politics, Gingrich said, and he suggested that the only Republican who shared Sarkozy's "transformative" approach to governing was, at that moment, eating a bowl of oatmeal at the McLean Family Restaurant.
"What's fascinating about Sarkozy is that you have an incumbent cabinet member of a very unpopular twelve-year Presidency, who over the last three years became the clear advocate of fundamental change, running against an attractive woman"—the Socialist leader Ségolène Royal—"who is the head of the opposition," Gingrich went on. "In a country that wanted to say, 'Not them,' he managed to switch the identity of the 'them.' He said, 'I'm different from Chirac, and she's not. If you want more of the same, you should vote for her.' It was a Lincoln-quality strategic decision."
Gingrich's ego is robust—Barack Obama is not the only national politician to fashion himself as an inheritor of Lincoln's mantle. He seems convinced that the Republican Party's salvation lies in his fecund mind, and believes that truly transformative conservative ideas, when well articulated, will be enough to attract large majorities. He cited global warming as an example. Very few Republicans these days talk about global warming as a reality, the way Gingrich does. Before a recent debate on Capitol Hill with John Kerry (reporters were promised a "smack-down"), Kerry seemed flustered when Gingrich shifted the debate from the basic science to a discussion of market-based solutions to the problem. Gingrich explained it this way: "There's a short-term way out of this and a long-term way out of this. The long-term way is to create a new intellectual battleground, which you can't do if you start out by saying 'No, no, no, no, no.' But if you say, 'O.K., let's talk about, for example, how you best have conservation in America, do you think trial lawyers, regulators, bureaucrats, and higher taxes are the answer, then you ought to be with Al Gore. If you think that markets, incentives, prizes, and entrepreneurs are the answer, you ought to be with us.' "
I asked Gingrich if it was a mistake to appeal to the religious-conservative base of the Party on such issues as the fate of Terri Schiavo, a woman who was living in a persistent vegetative state. In 2005, Republicans—supported by, among others, DeLay, and the former Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist—engineered quick passage of a special law requiring that Schiavo be kept on a feeding tube, against her husband's wishes but in accord with her parents' demands and the demands of many evangelicals and conservative Catholics. (Frist, a physician, diagnosed Schiavo, noting that she was "clearly responsive," after watching her on videotape.) The courts intervened, and the feeding tube that kept Schiavo alive was removed; she died thirteen days afterward. That episode, though, frightened members of what the anti-tax agitator Grover Norquist calls the "leave-me-alone coalition." It certainly frightened centrists, without whom neither party could flourish.
Gingrich has been criticized lately by some conservatives—most notably DeLay—for spending too much time reaching out to center-right voters; he advocates modernizing the government rather than making it smaller. (Gingrich and DeLay barely speak; their relationship came apart in the late nineteen-nineties, when Gingrich suspected DeLay of engineering an attempted coup.) It is true, Gingrich said, that he wants to bring the center into a coalition with the right, "because I want to give the right power. The right can have power only by being allied with the center."
That, Gingrich said, was Rove's mistake. "I think he didn't understand the second-order effect of base mobilization. The second-order effect is that you drive away the center because you become more and more strident at the base." What you end up with, he said, is cases like Schiavo's, and the feeling that Republicans risk alienating "America's natural majority."
"The Schiavo case was one of my proudest moments in Congress," Tom DeLay told me not long ago in the basement grill room of the Capitol Hill Club, a Republican retreat, where congressmen and senators can mix with lobbyists, a number of whom are former congressmen. DeLay was tan and smiling and tranquil, which was striking, considering that he is currently under indictment in Texas on money-laundering charges, and that many Republicans blame him for allowing a culture of corruption to thrive when he led the Republican caucus. DeLay helped create the so-called K Street Project, designed by Grover Norquist to move Republican congressional staffers into key positions at lobbying firms and trade associations; he was closely linked to Jack Abramoff, and two senior former staff members have already pleaded guilty to corruption charges in the Abramoff case.
"I don't let those kinds of things bother me," DeLay said of the controversies that churn around him. "I'm at peace with myself," he added, laughing. "I know that bothers some people. I'm very relaxed." He pointed to his cup of decaffeinated coffee. "This is pretty much the strongest stuff I drink these days. I'll occasionally take a glass of wine with dinner."
Earlier this year, he published a memoir called "No Retreat, No Surrender" (his spokeswoman says that he was not stealing from Bruce Springsteen, and that the phrase has been used many times throughout history, including by the Spartans and as the title of a Jean-Claude Van Damme movie), in which he claimed that as a young congressman he would on occasion drink ten to twelve Martinis at a time. In this period, he earned the nickname Hot Tub Tom. Then he found Jesus and, he said, stopped sinning. In the book, he freely confesses to committing adultery. "I had put my needs first," he told me. "I was on the throne, not God. I had pushed God from His throne."
In the book, DeLay criticizes Gingrich for, among other things, conducting an affair with a Capitol Hill employee during the 1998 impeachment trial of Bill Clinton. (The woman later became Gingrich's third wife.) "Yes, I don't think that Newt could set a high moral standard, a high moral tone, during that moment," DeLay said. "You can't do that if you're keeping secrets about your own adulterous affairs." He added that the impeachment trial was another of his "proudest moments." The difference between his own adultery and Gingrich's, he said, "is that I was no longer committing adultery by that time, the impeachment trial. There's a big difference." He added, "Also, I had returned to Christ and repented my sins by that time."
In fact, DeLay speaks of Gingrich with undisguised contempt. "He's got this new shtick now—'solutions,' he calls it, like government is the new solution. Government isn't the solution; it's the problem." DeLay smiled. "Did you see that he had a love match with John Kerry on global warming?" he said. "That's not going to help him with the Presidential race."
A tall, thin man of about fifty approached DeLay, who jumped up to hug him. "This is the man who really saved me," DeLay said. He introduced the man as the Reverend Ken Wilde, an Idaho evangelical leader, who founded the National Prayer Center on Capitol Hill. The center houses volunteers who pray for America's leaders. "When I was going through my troubles, it was Ken who really stepped up," DeLay said.
Wilde had a brief message for DeLay. "The church is strong," he said. When he left, I asked DeLay if he thought the church—evangelicals, who make up the core of his support—was strong enough to save the Republican Party. In this case, he agreed with Gingrich. "We're having a time of it right now," he said. "We don't have a good shot at winning 2008. I'm not saying we don't have a shot, but it's not good. It's going to take six years to rebuild."
DeLay says that when, in the coming years, he is not fighting the indictment in Texas (he insists that he is not guilty) he will be building a conservative grass-roots equivalent of MoveOn.org. "God has spoken to me," he said. "I listen to God, and what I've heard is that I'm supposed to devote myself to rebuilding the conservative base of the Republican Party, and I think we shouldn't be underestimated." He said that Republicans should spend their impending exile reminding themselves what they stand for. "I see this as a cleansing process, where you can return to your principles, which are order, justice, and freedom—the basic principles of the conservative movement. We have to redefine government based on conservative principles, we have to win the war against our culture, and we have to win the war on terror."
DeLay's critics find his reinvention as a guardian of conservative ideals implausible. "I don't think he ever understood what it was about," Dick Armey, who preceded DeLay as Majority Leader, told me. "The revolution was about changing public policy for America, but he thought the revolution was about winning a Republican majority in which he would have an important position in the leadership. For him, keeping the majority was about keeping power for himself."
In Armey's view, DeLay saw earmarking—the practice by which members of Congress can attach spending projects to larger bills—as a means of keeping the Republicans in permanent power. One such project, in Alaska, involved building a bridge that would connect a small city to an airport on an island, at a cost of more than two hundred million dollars; the so-called "bridge to nowhere" became a national joke and a scandal. "Politics is morally and intellectually inferior to any other criteria when you're making choices about spending," Armey said, "and they fell into making political choices. There was an explosion of earmarks in the last several years. You use earmarks to help the guy who needs it to win elections, but then what happens is people say, 'I don't need an earmark, but it sure would be nice' "—that is, to bring pork to the congressman's home district.
Conservative leaders have always entertained suspicions about George W. Bush's conservative credentials—in part because his father raised taxes while President, and in part because "compassionate conservatism," which was a mantra of Bush's 2000 campaign, sounded to some dangerously like "big-government conservatism." DeLay's willingness to spend tax money in order to keep his party in power came as a surprise to those who believed that he was a doctrinaire, limited-government conservative. "Bush was never a conservative, but Tom DeLay was one of us and he betrayed us," Richard Viguerie, a founder of the modern conservative movement, says. "He's like a lot of these guys. They campaign against the cesspool. 'I'll clean up the cesspool of government,' but after a while they all say, 'I made a mistake—it wasn't a cesspool, it was a hot tub.' That's what they called him, you know, Hot Tub Tom."
Viguerie, whose new book is called "Conservatives Betrayed: How George W. Bush and Other Big Government Republicans Hijacked the Conservative Cause," told me how the conservative movement has been undermined: "It's not any one thing, but, when you add everything up, what you have is a massive overreach of executive powers, and massive overspending by people who claim they're conservatives. Every President, with hardly any exceptions, will take as much power as he gets. That's what Presidents do. Bush has tried more than most. And it was supposed to be the Republicans in Congress who would do oversight of the President, so that he wouldn't get away with too much abuse of power. But they abdicated that role. It was all about the maintenance of power, and now look where they are." He continued, "This President has strengths and weaknesses, but he has a major character flaw, and that's that he will brook no criticism and his people won't, either. And the whole Party gave in to him on that."
Jeff Flake, a four-term congressman from Arizona, is one of the Republicans who have turned on the Administration. He is a Mormon, with five children, and his cheerful personality seems to have somewhat protected him from retribution from a Party leadership that doesn't like what he's saying. "The Republican Party has always had three tenets—economic freedom, limited government, and individual responsibility," he told me not long ago. "If you look at any of those three issues lately, you'd be hard-pressed to say that the Republican Party really stands for any of them. Look at the growth of government. And I'm not just talking about war spending and homeland security. You can put that aside, and we've still grown substantially. Look at that tracking-poll question that's always asked: 'Whom do you trust more to manage the public's finances, Republicans or Democrats?' Republicans have always had a big edge there. And that has narrowed over the years, and now it's reversed."
Flake said that he and Representative Mike Pence, an Indiana conservative, often joke that they feel like Revolutionary War-era minutemen who arrived five minutes after the battle was finished. "You know, it took three runs for Mike to get to Congress. We both got here in 2000, we show up and report for duty, and we're told, 'All right, No Child Left Behind is the first mission.' That's the first thing we do. We arrived for the revolution, and we're six years late. And then we thought, Maybe this is an aberration, wait until the next term, and then what is it? Prescription drugs. We were just too late." Limited-government conservatives believe that No Child Left Behind is a federal intrusion into a matter best left to states, and that the prescription-drug bill represents the further expansion of entitlements.
When I mentioned Flake's objections to Rove, he said, "I don't accept the label 'big-government conservatism.' I think the object here is how do you fundamentally reform the big institutions of government in a way in which you drive them toward market choice, to the individual, to decentralization." He went on, "Flake is one of the few people who are consistent. Because he will say, 'Not only should we not have the prescription-drug benefit but also we shouldn't have Medicare, either. But most members of Congress, virtually every conservative member of Congress, has said, 'Look, we've settled that issue; we're going to have Medicare.' "
Flake, like many Republicans on the Hill, no longer seems interested in Rove's theories. "If we would stick to our principles, we could be a natural governing majority," he said. "But our leaders have not stuck to the principles they say they follow." Like most Republicans, he sees little chance in the near term for his party's revival. "It's a tough environment, and, frankly, I'm not sure we've bottomed out yet. There are still a lot of investigations going on, and the war is going on. We're going to have to turn it around, but I'm not sure how we're going to do it. All we can hope for, I guess, is for the Democrats to overreach on something."
The Democrats are not strangers to overreaching, and America's political parties tend to make quick recoveries. In 1964, Republicans—and especially conservatives—despaired after Barry Goldwater lost in a landslide to Lyndon Johnson; four years later, Richard Nixon won the White House. In 1976, Jimmy Carter defeated Gerald Ford in the aftermath of the Watergate scandal that drove Nixon from office, but Carter lost four years later to Ronald Reagan—and Republicans gained control of the Senate. Not long ago, I asked the G.O.P. leader in the House, John Boehner, if he thought it possible for his party to keep the White House and take back Congress in 2008. His answer was revealing. "The Democrats have gone too far," he said. "They've grossly miscalculated what the American people want on national security." When I asked him to describe a set of post-Iraq, post-corruption, post-earmark-scandal ideas that would propel the Republicans back into contention, he said, "Members have to do the hard work, using their own brains to develop our proposals for the future." Then he said, "The Democrats are going to stumble. It's just the nature of things." ♦


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From LAX, Korean Air, China Airlines, China Eastern and China Southern offer connecting service (change of plane) to Kunming, China. Restricted round-trip fares begin at $970, excluding taxes and fees.
Landscape Hotel, 96 Yuer Road, Dali; 011-86-872-266-6188, http://www.landscapehotel.com/. In the heart of old town Dali and within walking distance of most of the top sites. Double rooms from $58 a night.
Shaxi Laomadian Lodge, Sideng St., Shaxi Town; 011-86-872-472-2666. Nine modernized rooms built from refurbished stables. Doubles from $65 a night.
Shiner Hotel, 144 N. Changzheng Road, Shangri-La; 011-86-887-822-2233, http://www.shinerhotel.com/english/index.html. Designed for the business traveler, the 212-room hotel is on the outskirts of the historic old town of Shangri-La. Doubles from $65.
The Sweet Tooth, 52 Bo'ai Road, Dali; 011-86-872-266-3830. For those in search of familiar sweets, stop by this small bakery and coffee shop that provides job training and employment for the deaf community in Dali. Some of its most popular desserts include Oreo or Snickers cheesecake, cinnamon buns, "ugly" brownies and chocolate chunk cookies. Most desserts $1 to $3. Open 10 a.m.-10 p.m. Mondays-Saturdays.
Tara Gallery Café & Bar, House 29, Old Town, Shangri-La; 011-86-887-822-6128. Located in the center of Old Town Shangri-La, this wooden two-story building once served as a trading house on the tea and horse caravan road. Its friendly owner converted the space into a casual restaurant that serves traditional Tibetan food such as yak meat momos, or dumplings, as well as a variety of Chinese, Western and Indian dishes. The downstairs area includes several couches and is decorated with colorful tapestries and art from the community. Most entrees $7 to $12.
China Yak Tours, http://www.chinayak.com, offers five different tours through Yunnan province or you may customize your own. Prices include accommodations, domestic transportation, entrance fees and guides. Trips usually do not include meals or tips. Tours start at $950 a person, based on a tour for two. Tour agent Jane Lee is efficient and fluent in English. She can be contacted by emailing email@example.com.


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No employee shall report to work under the influence of alcohol, marijuana, controlled substances, or other drugs which affect his or her alertness, coordination, reaction, response, judgment, decision-making, or safety. No employee shall operate, use, or drive any equipment, machinery, or vehicle of the state while under the influence of alcohol, marijuana, controlled substances, or other mood-altering drugs.
Notification of Supervisor
An employee is under an affirmative duty to immediately notify his or her supervisor if he or she is not in appropriate mental or physical condition to operate, use, or drive state equipment.
Unlawful Distribution
No employee shall unlawfully manufacture, distribute, dispense, possess, transfer, or use a controlled substance in the workplace or wherever the University's work is performed. During work hours or while on state premises, no employee shall use, sell, possess, or transfer alcoholic beverages. Additionally, employees shall not participate in these activities during rest breaks or during overtime work. (Certain exceptions apply for specially permitted events.)
Prescription Drugs
When an employee is taking medically authorized drugs or other substances which may alter job performance, he or she has a duty to notify the appropriate supervisor.
What does this really mean?
- Don't come to work under the influence of alcohol or drugs
- Don't use drugs or alcohol at work
- Don't use drugs or alcohol when on break or working late
- Don't drive or run machinery while using drugs or alcohol
- Don't make or sell drugs or alcohol at work or on work property
Violation of Policy
If you break the above policy you could be disciplined up to and including discharge and/or prosecuted in the criminal justice system!
Minnesota State Mankato may impose sanctions pertaining to alcohol and drug abuse consistent with federal, state, and local laws. Violations of the policy may constitute just cause for discipline, up to and including expulsion or termination of employment and referral for prosecution for violations.


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WASHINGTON — Two members of the Russian dissident punk group Pussy Riot came to the Capitol Tuesday and asked members of Congress to add 16 officials to the list of Russian human rights violators who face U.S. sanctions.
Before a throng of cameras and reporters, the women — Nadezhda Tolokonnikova and Maria Alekhina — said Russian President Vladimir Putin's crackdown on human rights was damaging that country.
"Putin is not leading Russia to stability, but to complete instability and chaos," Tolokonnikova said through a translator.
The pair was arrested in 2012 after an obscenity-laced performance criticizing Putin at Moscow's main cathedral. They spent nearly two years in prison, but since their release have continued decrying the lack of freedom in Russia and harsh government tactics against opponents.
The women said Russia has resumed abusing prisoners, including using mandatory psychiatric treatment for some. They said they hoped public pressure would force the mistreatment to stop.
"Silence is the most dangerous thing for a political prisoner," said Tolokonnikova.
By law, the United States can freeze assets and ban travel to the U.S. of Russians deemed to be human rights abusers. Currently, 18 Russians are on a public list of people facing such sanctions while an unknown number of others are on a confidential list.
The 16 people the women want sanctioned include Vladimir Kolokoltsev, Russia's interior minister. Also on the list were officials involved in prosecuting and trying people who participated in a large Moscow rally in May 2012 and officials at the prisons where Tolokonnikova and Alekhina were incarcerated.
The two met for a half hour with lawmakers, who later lauded them as heroes. The group included Sen. Ben Cardin, D-Md., chair of the U.S. Helsinki Commission, a federal panel that monitors human rights in dozens of countries.


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William Tuke (1732-1822)
Asylum pioneer William Tuke was a tea and coffee merchant whose legacy came through social activism. He was born in York in 1732 in a Quaker family. Tuke became increasingly active as a Quaker in his thirties, and campaigned for the abolition of the slave trade. A friend's death in the York asylum in 1790 prompted Tuke to raise funds to establish a private Quaker asylum. In 1796 he founded and became Director of the York Retreat, a humane and religion-based sanctuary for Quakers with mental illness.
Unlike other asylums of the period, the York Retreat treated patients as people and took into account their basic needs and comforts. This approach became known as moral treatment. Tuke had a reputation among Quakers for stern self-discipline and high moral standards. Self-discipline became central to moral treatment, and asylum reformers of the time took Tuke's approach as a model. Moral treatment became one of the most influential practices in European asylums of the 1800s. Tuke's work influenced Philippe Pinel, a French physician famous for unchaining the mental patients of Paris.
Tuke continued his tea business and remained active in running the York Retreat. He also helped found several Quaker schools. His son and grandson directed the Retreat after his death and publicised Tuke's methods in books. These books ensured his role in the origins of moral treatment is widely recognised.
Related Themes and Topics
Related links
Techniques and Technologies:
A Digby, Madness, Morality, and Medicine: a study of the York Retreat, 1796-1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985)
S Tuke, Description of the Retreat: an institution near York, for insane persons of the Society of Friends, containing an account of its origin and progress, the modes of treatment, and a statement of cases (York: Printed for W. Alexander, 1813)


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I am passionate about going places to places & meeting people from different parts of this world, I can't imagine my life without friends & traveling! I love my life & like blogging too (However, my english is really bad). My dream is to travel all around the world.
Hi, My Name is Atishay- I'm a Avid Traveler, Bag-packer Blogger, Photographer & Travel Stories Writer. I like Trekking, Cycling, & Motorcycling. Professionally I work as a Digital Marketing Consultant in Delhi. My dream is to travel the world by road. I mostly travel with my travel partner Newfangledgirl - Astha, She is a lifestyle & fashion blogger & writes @ newfangledgirl.com
I have been to various parts of Leh Ladakh, mainly it includes Indus Valley, Khardung La, the Zangskar, Nubra valley & almost all the b...
Inspiring Travel Stories, Life Experiences, Amazing Destinations, Travel Photography By An Indian Blogger & Backpacker - "Atishay" Get latest travel blogs from different unexplored places in India and abroad.


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'Bharat' Is an Ugly Place for Women
A debate has flared up recently on whether Indian women are safer in traditional, rural environments than they are in cities.
It all started when a senior leader of the right-wing Hindu organization Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh said that sexual crimes "hardly take place in Bharat but occur frequently in India."
Bharat is Hindi for India but refers to rural and more conservative parts of the country. By "India" the RSS leader, Mohan Bhagwat, meant urban areas, which he sees as more morally corrupt because of western influence.
This was just one in a string of controversial comments made by Indian public figures and politicians in the wake of the closely-followed gang rape and death of a young woman in Delhi.
This distinction between Bharat and India is wrong as well as dangerous, say experts and activists, above all because it underplays the violence women in rural parts of the country regularly face.
Among the most common victims of abuse are Dalit women, who are discriminated for their gender as well as their social standing. Dalits, formerly known as untouchables, belong to the bottom layer of the Hindu social hierarchy. Around 17.5% of India's 1.2 billion population, or around 210 million people, are Dalits, according to 2011 census figures.
Indian economist and Nobel laureate Amartya Sen is among those who say not enough is being done in support of Dalit women. "I am absolutely delighted that at long last the issue of violence against women is receiving the kind of attention it has," Mr. Sen said in a speech in Delhi on Friday, with reference to the mass protests that followed the rape of the 23-year-old woman in Delhi. "But I would have been even more delighted if it was recognized that Dalit women have been undergoing real violence over a very long time with hardly any protests and any organization behind them. I think there is an absolute gulf in that picture."
For many Dalits, rural India has been a preserver of caste oppression, while cities may offer a way to lessen the prejudice. This goes back to debates on the identity of post-independence India. B.R. Ambedkar, one of the authors of India's constitution and a Dalit hero, was outspoken in his opposition to village life, which placed him at odds with another founding father, Mahatma Gandhi.
"Gandhi was a rural romantic, who wished to make the self-governing village the bedrock of free India; Ambedkar was an admirer of city life and modern technology who dismissed the Indian village as a den of iniquity," writes historian Ramachandra Guha in his essay "Gandhi's Ambedkar."
Caste-based crimes are more common in small-town India than in cities, where there is greater anonymity. These include sexual crimes against Dalit women, who activists say are at greater risk of assault than others.
"In urban areas rape is more of a gender question. In rural areas it's gender and caste. It's a question of power relations," says Jyotsna Chatterjee, the director of the Joint Women's Programme, a Delhi-based women's rights group.
In October, Ms. Chatterjee was among the organizers of a rally in the northern state of Haryana, following a surge in rape cases there. She said that of the 21 alleged rape cases they tracked, about half of them involved Dalit women.
Dalit and women's rights activists argue that sexual abuse is often used as a way of humiliating the community as a whole, and to reaffirm the superiority of one group over another.
"Those who belong to upper castes and are financially more powerful often cause violence to women belonging to lower castes," adds Ms. Chatterjee.
A 2006 study found that, of 500 Dalit women interviewed, 116 claimed they were raped by one or more men, many of whom were landlords, employers or people belonging to upper castes.
The study, carried out by the National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights, a coalition of Dalit rights groups, found that most physical or verbal assaults against Dalit women occurred in public spaces, which it argued was a form of "collective community punishment."
The women were from districts in Indian states including Uttar Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and Bihar.
Reports of sexual violence against Dalit women surface almost daily. In one particularly brutal incident in September, a 16-year old girl was allegedly gang-raped in a village in Haryana, according to reports published in the Indian media. The assailants filmed the attack. After seeing the video, the father of the victim committed suicide, ostensibly because he felt ashamed.
This culture of shame and honor, which is generally more prevalent in smaller, rural communities than it is in cities, often discourages many victims of sexual abuse – Dalits and not – from reporting rape allegations to police, experts say.
In parts of northern India, "khap panchayats" – unelected, local councils – reinforce conservative attitudes to caste and gender. To address the problem of sexual violence against women, for instance, they often call for women to restrict their participation in the public sphere, notes Indrani Mazumdar, a fellow at the Delhi-based Centre for Women's Development Studies, a research group. For women, they promote "a culture of confinement," she says.
Follow India Real Time and Margherita on Twitter @indiarealtime and @margheritavs.
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Disney Channel has ordered the comedy pilot "Bits & Pieces," a unique re-imagining of the traditional multicamera family comedy. The series will showcase the bits and pieces of a family's funniest moments using quick, dynamic storylines that unfold through a series of short comedic vignettes.
"Bits & Pieces" is executive-produced by Andy Fickman ("The Game Plan," "Race to Witch Mountain") and Betsy Sullenger ("You Again") and written by John D. Beck & Ron Hart ("Shake It Up," "According to Jim"). Production begins in June in consideration for a Disney Channel series to premiere in 2013.
In the story, the family tree gets a whole lot bigger when high school basketball coach Pete marries the school psychologist Jodie, much to the chagrin of their four kids. Willful teenager Alanna recounts all the family moments through comedic vignettes, while her awkward brother Sticky and their new step siblings Crystal and Brody help fill in the bits and pieces as they begin their journey together as a new family.
Disney Channel is a 24-hour kid-driven, family inclusive television network that taps into the world of kids and families through original series and movies. Currently available on basic cable in over 99 million U.S. homes and to millions of other viewers on Disney Channels around the world, Disney Channel is part of the Disney/ABC Television Group.


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CB360 Rear sets
Old School Speed bolt on rear set kit for your custom 360 Cafe is designed to address kicker clearance issues and brake linkage setups. Mounting directly to the passenger peg frame locations of your CB360, we put style and comfort together hand in hand. This kit features bike specific mounts with up to three position options for the foot peg. Optimizing rider comfort. Next we were able to use our standard knurled solid peg to help keep the cost down, while adding a complete bolt on brake pivot assembly. This assembly replaces the stock (heavy) brake pedal, and maintains use of other OEM equipment like the Drum arm, return spring, and brake light switch!! A simple install in about 1 hour. And your ride is ready to go.
Manufacturer : Old School Speed
Category :
MC Parts
Foot controls, Kickers & Pegs
Fab Parts
Brakes, Wheels & Shocks
Billet Rear Sets


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Rossi Rio Grande
Rossi has stepped up its popular Rio Grande lever-action rifle line with the addition of .410-gauge shotshell and .45-70 Gov't. ammunition models. Both new rifles offer a fast side-loading gate, closed tubular magazine, authentic buckhorn sights, handsome Brazilian hardwood stock and clean lines. The .45-70 Rio Grande provides 6+1 rounds for shooting fun and is available in blue finish. The .410-gauge holds five rounds of ammunition, and is available in blue or stainless finish. Contact Rossi Firearms at (305) 474-0401, or visit www.rossiusa.com.
This article appeared in the November 2012 issue of Deer & Deer Hunting magazine. Click here to learn more.
If you're interested in deer rifles, I recommend you check out the Gun Digest Shooter's Guide to Rifles.
You'll learn about:
– Rifle history
– American and European Rifles
– Rifle Ammunition and Ballistics
– Rifle Sights and Zero
– How to shoot rifles well


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One of Formula's most popular models. The 10'7" Beam makes this a very spacious 29 footer. This one has been kept in great shape and has been a northern freshwater boat it's whole life. She comes fully loaded with twin Volvo 330 HP with only 433 hours, Generator, New Air Conditioning, Full Camper enclosure with bimini top and windlass anchor with a polished stainless steel anchor, central vac, vacuflush head, newer sound system just to name a few.
The owner is anxious for offers.
16052 32nd St. So.
P.O. Box 328
Afton, MN 55001
United States


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Mary Silagy
~ In Memory Of ~
loving sister ~ dedicated teacher devoted aunt ~ constant friend
To ensure your generosity and support are acknowledged - and to help protect you from future solicitations - Mary's family has requested that memorial contributions be made through IN MEMORY OF to the
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The mission of St. Jude Children's Research Hospital is to advance cures, and means of prevention, for pediatric catastrophic diseases through research and treatment. Consistent with the vision of its founder Danny Thomas, no child is denied treatment based on race, religion or a family's ability to pay.
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