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Little Lash Lounge Procedure of Eyelash Extension and Its Advantages.
Extra artificial eyelashes in your eyes are referred to as eyelash extension. It is a process that is not painful whereby synthetic eyelashes are added to your natural lashes. This procedure of inserting the manmade eyelashes into the normal eyelashes is always not painful.These synthetic eyelashes are natural and light in weight which makes them agreeable to wear and is scarcely detectable.This kind of treatment enhances the appearance of the eyelashes by upgrading their length and influencing them to seem thicker. These lashes are furthermore curled so you by and large have that look which proposes you have left the little lash lounge.
The Advantages of Eyelash Extensions in Little Lash Lounge
There are many points of interest of eyelash extensions yet by far most of these favorable circumstances are cosmetically.For example, inserting these eyelashes influence your eyelashes to look longer and thicker at the same time retaining its texture.In view of thicker lashes your eyes in like manner look all the more full and more open just as they have been enlarged.This way there will be a lot of consideration to your eyes. This draws a huge amount of attention with respect to your eyes. For persons with weary eyelids eyelash extension is perfect for them because they get a new look brought about by longer lashes.
Eyelash Extensions Duration
Today there are a number of eyelash extensions that one can choose from.Each kind of extensions has its own particular qualities and shortcomings to the extent to the time it takes to apply them and to what extent they keep on remaining new until it is a time to be expelled. Most of the time the eyelashes last for about one or two months with the removal of each one of them on a daily basis.This way these eyelash extensions will keep going for around a month thus you will need to get them supplanted every month.
Factors to Take into Consideration after and before the Treatment
Always ensure that the eyelashes have no dirt or oil from the makeups before you put the non-natural eyelashes. Once the process has been done you are urged to quit washing your face up to four hours because the adhesive will be spoiled when in contact with water. Additionally, it is advisable that you keep from showering, swimming and saunas for a few days after having put the eyelashes extensions. Ensure that you use a mascara that is water based in case you have to use one.
While a considerable number of individuals will possess all the necessary qualities for eyelash extensions a couple with extremely weak and short lashes will be disqualified.There are additionally a few diseases and medical issues which may not allow individuals to get these sorts of lash extensions.In the event that you are thinking about this kind of strategy try to counsel your specialist first before going to your beautician. If you are contemplating this sort of procedure endeavor to consult the doctor before heading off to your beautician.
How I Achieved Maximum Success with Extensions


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Well it seems pretty official now, Paul is dating Nancy Shavell as these 'coming out' photo's show, i suppose they'll have to put up with being chased and bugged by the paparazzi for a few months until the novelty of the new relationship wears off with the press, here's wishing him well.
4 Responses to "EVERYONE KNEW HER AS NANCY:"
To this "pretty official" and the rumours about a wedding.
He can´t marry her, because the adulteress who was running like a groupie behind him to his last concerts is married. A "millioneress" heiress this means she will have eventually money if all of the people of her family are dead. In New York the say about her "paul mccartneys´ latest bitch". She has contacts to the mafia? Nice for him, but more for the yellow press and the police.
PMC carrier started on the Reeperbahn in Hamburg between prostitutes and criminals, and where is he now?
hi heather,it seems you're still angry next time don(t forget your pills ok, good girl
i'm a new yorker and actually poeple here are quite proud he choose one of them, the onely bich in the story is heather gold digger
LOL @ anonymous #2! Hilarious. I'm in NYC and no one has been saying anything negative.

subset: commoncrawl


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Find out about it Here
Friday, August 7, 2009
The Hidden Hand of the Internet
Find out about it Here
1 comment:
The Jew Function: Jews Solve Problem Of Over-Population, You SeeReplyDelete
(Apollonian, 7 Aug 09)
Indeed, so we see and CONFIRM Jews have control of internet and associated communications--no less than money and banking--this isn't something we didn't already know. For control of money gives control of EVERYTHING ELSE--and I mean everything--except for ur own most private thoughts, of course (so we hope and presume, anyway).
So that's why I've said over and over and over u gotta be able to get out and talk--speak--w. people on a person-to-person -type basis with that religious-type conviction and bearing.
And basically then, what would u say? And it would have to be there's reality that exists all by itself--an OBJECTIVE reality--it's what Christians mean when they say "God-given," because we (humans) didn't create it--it's NOT just something we dreamed up or imagine within our heads.
This objectivity then is what's meant by Gosp. JOHN's thematic TRUTH VS. LIES. For truth then is necessarily founded upon this objective reality, objectivity the necessary criterion to truth.
Jews say, on the contrary, that reality is what they say is true. "God," according to Jews, exists for Jews, as God is their slave, God not able to resist Jews; he just luuuuuuuuuuuuuuvs them sooooooooooo much, u see. It's really Jews that are God.
And this big Jew lie works--that is, it works when u have enough stupid, over-populated gentiles who believe these Jew lies.
Jews then proceed to expending these over-populated gentiles till there's less and less over-population, u see. Thus one sees the CYCLIC character of such population and socio-biology.
I could go on with the further mechanics of this CYCLIC relation/process, next step being how Jews determine nature of reality in accord w. what's "GOOD" (Pelagian heresy)--but that would be superfluous.
CONCLUSION: For us gentiles to survive, we only now have to get out the idea among fellows reality is objective, the basis of TRUTH. For note if there is no truth, then NOTHING MATTERS. And if nothing matters then why bother? Honest elections and death to the Fed. Apollonian


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100 years later, Armenian genocide still not universally accepted
• Turkey says history not clear and that in any case Armenians bear some of the blame.
• Support beginning to mount for calling it a genocide.
In the swank shops and tidy cafés that line the new pedestrian zone in Armenia's capital, there's barely a hint that nearly everyone here is the descendent of a generation that escaped with their lives in a harrowing flight from Ottoman Turkey in the midst of World War I.
On the eve of the centennial commemoration of what Armenians call Meds Yeghern, or "the great calamity," posters featuring a violet forget-me-not and a slogan, "We remember and we demand," dot Yerevan.
The symbol hasn't caught on, even in government offices.
Yet Armenia, and the slaughter, is at the center of world attention as the April 24 anniversary nears.
French tenor Charles Aznavour, widely hailed as France's Sinatra, both of whose parents were of Armenian descent, will be here, as will French President Francois Hollande and Russian President Vladimir Putin. Pope Francis, who many had hoped would attend, sent a message assuring his "closeness" when the Armenian Apostolic Church on April 23 canonizes as a group the "martyrs" of 1915. Thousands of members of the Armenian disapora are expected to travel here; Kim Kardashian, arguably the most famous of American Armenians, already has come and gone, with her husband, Kanye West.
It's a heady time for this small, landlocked state in the south Caucasus, one of the nations that emerged from the collapse of the Soviet Union a generation ago and yet remains largely isolated.
Even the event for which it's best remembered, the "immense and senseless slaughter" that's "widely considered the first genocide of the 20th century," in the recent words of Pope Francis, remains controversial, its details contested, its origins and causes angrily debated.
The pontiff's words at a papal Mass in the Armenian rite to commemorate the centennial of the atrocities, and his admonition to modern-day Turkey not to deny the "evil," provoked a sharp response from Ankara, which recalled its ambassador from the Vatican.
Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan dismissed the pope's statement as "nonsense." He pointed out that historians have yet to reach a conclusion on what took place. "I would like to warn the honorable pope not to make such a mistake again," he said.
Such talk from Turkey has for years prevented broad acceptance that what happened in 1915 was genocide. Only 20 countries have accepted that definition for the Armenian events, and they don't include the U.S., Britain, Germany or Israel, though the tide may be turning: The European Parliament approved a resolution recognizing genocide a few days ago, but U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon recently called the 1915 events "an atrocity crime."
Leaders of Armenia see the pope's statement as a major victory. "Calling things by their rightful name cannot but have a strong impact," said President Serzh Sargsyan. Added Foreign Minister Edward Nalbandian, the pontiff's words "show that Turkey and the international community are talking in different languages."
Lost in the noise was the pope's call for Armenia and Turkey to take up the path of reconciliation again. "Despite conflicts and tensions, Armenians and Turks have lived long periods of peaceful coexistence in the past, and even in the midst of violence, they have experienced times of solidarity and mutual help," he said.
Reconciliation seems unlikely in the short term, however, not least because both nations have been unable to come to a common understanding of what happened when Armenians were forcibly relocated from what's now Turkey during World War I. Indisputably, hundreds of thousands died. Armenians claim that's what the Ottoman Empire intended. Turkey says that's not clear and that in any case Armenians bear some of the blame.
Today's Armenia
In Armenia, nearly every family was affected by the deportations, and many are convinced that the killings and deaths were premeditated.
At the ultra-modern hilltop campus of the American University of Armenia, which is affiliated with the University of California, most students in a course on genocide defended the government drive for international genocide recognition.
"The genocide issue is what unites all Armenians in the world," said Areg Badalyan, 23, one of whose grandfathers was from Mus, in eastern Turkey. He said Turkish recognition of Armenian genocide should be the country's first priority.
Marianna Javakhyan, 22, whose great-grandfather fled Kharpert, now known as Elazig, agreed that demanding genocide recognition was "very important for our national identity, for keeping the whole nation together, for one's dignity."
Still, in underdeveloped Armenia, there are those who suggest the country should move on. "If we did not have the recognition of genocide as a priority for foreign policy, maybe we could direct our resources in other directions," said Armine Bageyan, 23, whose great-grandfather was from Van, Turkey.
It sounds eminently practical, if culturally unsatisfying. Every gain for Armenia on the genocide recognition front sets back its effort to convince Turkey to open its border, and impoverished Armenia — at war with one neighbor, Azerbaijan, and with poor transportation links to Georgia and Iran — needs thriving Turkey for its economic development.
100 years ago
The story of the deportations and massacres is still two stories.
For Armenians, it followed decades of discrimination and mistreatment as a Christian minority in the Muslim Ottoman Empire. There were severe clashes in 1895 and 1896 that left tens of thousands dead. Then, in the Armenian telling, under the cover of war, the Ottomans developed and executed a plan to kill all Armenians.
For Turks, it's the story of the Ottoman Empire in the throes of collapse, with all the major European powers trying to seize territory, among them Russia, which supported an armed Armenian revolt in exchange for backing Russia's territorial ambitions. Modern Turkish counts understate the full extent of the deaths that took place when, as the semiofficial Anadolu news agency described it Tuesday, "the Ottoman Empire relocated Armenians in eastern Anatolia following the revolts, and there were Armenian casualties during the relocation process."
It added that Turkey had "officially refuted" Armenian allegations on the basis that "although Armenians died during the relocations, many Turks also lost their lives in attacks carried out by Armenian gangs in Anatolia."
The vast understatement may be what Pope Francis had in mind when he said "concealing or denying evil is like allowing a wound to keep bleeding without bandaging it."
April 24 was the day in 1915 when the Turkish government ordered the arrests of hundreds of Armenian intellectuals, politicians, journalists and leaders of anti-government groups in Istanbul and the arrest of anyone connected with the two Armenian revolutionary parties, the Dashnaks and Hunchaks.
Of the 250 or so arrested and sent to prisons in Konya, southern Anatolia, about half survived, according to historian Ara Sarafian, British-Armenian director of the Gomidas Institute in London, an independent institute that focuses on Armenian history.
The first order to deport Armenians came a month later. Asserting that Armenians had "made common cause with the enemy," "attacked the military forces within the country, the innocent population and the Ottoman cities and towns, killing and plundering," it ordered their relocation from Anatolia to Aleppo in what's now Syria and as far away as Mosul, in what's now Iraq.
Transportation was not provided, and for the most part there were no railroads. The Armenians, unarmed, would have to travel on foot — as much as 360 miles in the hot summer sun. There were arrests and massacres of the men in their villages, and along the way, attacks by Kurdish or Circassian groups. Their villages were then destroyed. "We can name 2,000 to 2,500 villages that ceased to exist," Sarafian said.
French-Armenian historian Raymond Kevorkian estimated in his book "The Armenian Genocide" that of the 1.9 million Armenians living in the Ottoman Empire on the eve of World War I, based on records of the Armenian church, Turkish authorities deported 1.69 million in 1915. But only 880,000 arrived in Syria by that autumn, meaning that 800,000 were "liquidated" in the first wave of the deportations. Some 300,000 others were able to flee or weren't deported.
But this wasn't the end of the road, for a very high proportion of those who made it to the Aleppo region were deported again in the course of 1916 and 1917, to Deir el Zour in the east Syrian desert. In 1916, foreign consul reports described Deir el Zour as an Armenian town; it's now held by the Islamic State. By 1917, Talaat Pasha, the minister of the interior who ordered the deportations, prepared a report that showed only 6,800 had survived in the entire region.
Historians estimate that 300,000 to 500,000 of those who survived the deportations to northern Syria died in the following year, Sarafian said. Thus more than 1 million Armenians died in the deportation or in massacres.
Although documents haven't surfaced showing that the deaths were ordered, there's ample evidence that the central authorities monitored the movements and location of the deportees and ordered them to keep moving. Sarafian said he'd found in the Ottoman archives many telegrams sent by Talaat Pasha asking for a head count of Armenians in each location. The responses weren't always available.
Sarafian said many massacres were organized at the local level. The main ones in Diyarbakir, for example, were carried out by tribal groups at the instigation of the governor. On one occasion, the governor sent 600 deportees under armed guard to a tribal group, which then executed them. Later, the governor executed the tribal leader.
Much of this history is now accessible in Turkey in books and publications, and newspapers regularly carry articles about the debate over genocide in 1915. But there's a long way to go.
Turkey today
In a remarkable statement a year ago, then-Prime Minister Erdogan deplored the "inhumane consequences" of the deportations and offered "our condolences" to the grandchildren of the Armenians who lost their lives. But he stopped short of accepting governmental responsibility.
Still, the United States welcomed the statement as "historic." President Barack Obama called for a "full, frank and just acknowledgment" of the facts. But settling the facts seems an unlikely prospect.
At issue, from a Turkish perspective, is not just the deaths but also whether the Armenians had revolted in concert with Russia.
For example, Turkish histories note that Armenians in the eastern Turkish city of Van staged an uprising starting in April 1915, following Russia's defeat of a Turkish force in the Caucasus. Armenian revolutionaries expelled Muslims from the city, destroyed outlying Muslim villages, killed thousands of civilians and burned government buildings in Van. The Turkish histories say the uprising was encouraged by Russia, and that in mid-May, Armenian rebels gave the keys to the city to Russian commanders.
Vaher Ter Petrosian, a historian at the American University of Armenia, called Van a rare case in which "self-organization" had helped the lives of many Armenians. "All the great revolutionary leaders of Armenia had their roots in Van," he said.
Yehuda Bauer, an Israeli scholar of genocide who's an advocate of Armenian genocide recognition, said that when Turkish troops reoccupied the town, they murdered every Armenian they could find.
Suren Manukyan, the deputy director of the Armenian Genocide Museum, located on a hill in Yerevan, wouldn't say how the museum would deal with the story of Van when it reopens Friday after extensive renovations. "How do museums deal with the Warsaw Ghetto uprising?" he asked. For Armenians, Van "was a resistance. If someone tried to exterminate your family, of course you would organize resistance. For me Van is heroic self-defense."


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Coastal Small Round Bowl in Lilac with Gold Rim
Summer inspired serving pieces and accessories with a nautical theme.
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- Food safe, hand wash with mild soap and towel dry immediately.
- Size: 3" x 8"
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Single Silver Black Rhodium Rose Thorn Bar Earring
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Miniature horses make big impact
LOUISVILLE — Willie Murray has a black eye. It happened yesterday after a basketball game.
Cory Slaughter threw the punch.
Both spent the evening in isolation.
Today, they are trying to catch a miniature horse in a fenced-in softball field at Audubon Youth Development Center.
They approach the bay stallion on opposite sides, calling softly, "Come here, Buck." As they get closer, Buck and fellow miniature Zeus take off at a run.
The boys, both 16, laugh and try again: "Come here, Buck," they call, approaching the horse slowly, their backs bent low, hands extended forward.
Backed against the fence, Buck gives in, and Willie hooks a lead rope to his halter. Flanking Buck, the boys lead him to the other end of the field, where a group of their peers waits with therapist Shannon Nicholson.
After going over their strategy for catching Buck, Nicholson asks them which horse they most resemble. Willie chooses Buck, because "he's like a follower," and "I feel like I'm more a follower in a group."
It was following that got him to Audubon, he says. A friend wanted to steal a car, and, Willie says, he went along with him and was caught.
Others are here for everything from truancy and shoplifting to burglary, says Mike Waterman, a chaplain and counselor at the center. They range in age from 15 to 17 and stay at the locked-door facility for six months to a year.
Once a week, in groups of about a dozen, the 46 male residents spend an hour on the softball field with Buck, Zeus, Nicholson, Waterman and horse handler Tami VanHoose.
In the beginning, the teens complained, Waterman said.
"It was either too cold or too hot, but now every resident is looking forward just to come out and see Buck and Zeus," he said. "And that's one of their highlights of the week."
Nicholson first worked with the boys at Audubon while pursuing a master's degree in counseling psychology at the University of Louisville.
As an intern at Audubon, she found it difficult to reach the kids on a talk-therapy level.
Upon completing her degree in 2006, she was at Little King Farm in Madison, Ind., when she stumbled upon an idea. A lifelong horse lover, Nicholson knew the valuable role horses could play in therapy, but she also knew how intimidating the large animals could be, especially for inner-city boys who had never been exposed to them.
She decided the miniature horses would be perfect, and, along with VanHoose, who is her mother, founded Healing Hooves Inc., an equine-assisted psychotherapy company.
One of the first organizations they worked with was Audubon.
Nicholson says she noticed a difference in the boys immediately.
With traditional talk therapy, it took at least three months just to break the ice, she says. "But the horses take the focus off me and put it back on the kids and what they need to work on."
Almost six months after Zeus and Buck began visiting Audubon, there is noticeably less fighting and arguing among residents at the center, says Waterman. Residents also are calmer and progress faster in their treatment programs, says Roger Noe, superintendent of the center.
Nicholson and VanHoose teach the boys to take the horses through obstacles, make them jump and care for them.
In a letter about the program, one boy wrote that it taught him to treat others with respect: "If I can give respect to a horse, then why not a human?"


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Samsung has officially launched the Galaxy J7 Duo smartphone in India. It is the first ever Galaxy J series phone to feature a dual camera setup. Moreover, it comes with latest Android 8.O Oreo OS and features an LED enabled front-facing camera.
Galaxy J7 Duo Specifications and Features
The Galaxy J7 Duo mid-range smartphone is equipped with a 5.5-inch Super AMOLED display that produces HD resolution of 720 x 1280 pixels. The Exynos 7870 chipset that comprises of an octa-core processor that works at 1.6 GHz is present under the hood of the Galaxy J7 Duo along with 4 GB of RAM.
It has an inbuilt storage of 32 GB and users can make use of the microSD card slot for adding more storage to the phone. The handset comes preloaded with Android 8.0 Oreo OS that is overlaid with Samsung Experience UI. It includes Bixby Home and App Pair that allow users to run prearranged apps on the same screen.
The USP of the Galaxy J7 duo is that it has a vertical dual camera module on its rear. It has an f/1.9 aperture 13-megapixel primary sensor and a secondary 5-megapixel sensor. The dual cameras can be used for snapping photos with bokeh effect and it also carries support for 1080p video shooting at 30 fps. The front-facing 8-megapixel camera is accompanied by an LED flash. The front camera is enabled with features like Selfie Focus, Beauty Mode and Face Unlock.
It includes a 3,000mAH battery that lacks support for fast charging. Below the display of the phone is a home button that is integrated with a fingerprint senor. The other features of the Galaxy J7 Duo include dual-band Wi-Fi 802.11ac, 4G VoLTE, dual-SIM support, Bluetooth 4.2, GPS and GLONASS. The dimensions of the Galaxy J7 Duo are 153.5 x 77.2 x 8.2mm and it weighs 174 grams.
Galaxy J7 Duo Pricing and Availability
The Galaxy J7 Duo will be available for buying through retail stores in India starting from April 12 with a price tag of Rs. 16,990. It can be bought in colors like Black and Gold.
What do you think about the specs and pricing of the Samsung Galaxy J7 Duo? Will you consider buying it? Share us your views by posting your comments below.


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The Chancellor and Under-Treasurer of the Her Majesty's Exchequer and Second Lord Commissioner of the Treasury is commonly known as The Chancellor of the Exchequer, who is the head of the Treasury with full responsibility for all Economic and Financial policy matters in the United Kingdom. The current Chancellor is Philip Hammond.
The main duty of the Chancellor is to create the yearly governmental budget which details how the yearly revenues will be collected and distributed to the many governmental departments of Whitehall. This departmental distribution is the expenditure of the public sector throughout the year which is in line with government policy.
Until the 20th Century, it was not uncommon for a Prime Minister to be his own Chancellor of the Exchequer and/or other cabinet positions. Many examples of this can be given including Sir Robert Walpole the first Prime Minister who served as both PM and Chancellor for his entire 21-year term. Other examples include Lord North, William Pitt the Younger and William Ewart Gladstone. Gladstone was also the last person to be both PM and Chancellor concurrently at times during his first and second Premierships. Stanley Baldwin was acting Chancellor while PM when he took over leadership following the sudden resignation of his predecessor Bonnar Law due to ill health before he could make a replacement.
Tradition dictates that before the budget is delivered in the House of Commons, the Chancellor presents his ministerial red box containing the budget to the gathered public and press as he stands in Downing Street before travelling to Westminster. The original budget box was used continuously between 1860-1965 when it entered semi-retirement until George Osbourne's first budget in 2010 when he announced it would enter full retirement due to its age and condition.
Another tradition is known as the budget tipple. This is when the chancellor is able to drink whatever they like while the deliver the budget, including alcohol which is otherwise banned in the chamber. Past examples are Whiskey drank by Ken Clarke Gin and Tonic by Geoffrey Howe and Brandy and Water by Benjamin Disraeli. Modern Chancellors since 1997 have chosen water instead.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer also has a robe of office which used to be worn during the delivery of the budget. These days this robe is normally only worn during the coronation of a new monarch. The robe worn is a black silk damask robe of state with a long train trimmed with gold lace and frogging. The modern robe as worn by previous Chancellors like Lloyd-George and Churchill is said to have 'gone missing' during the Gordon Browns time in the treasury.


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Experimented with a more newspapery-type panel layout for page #5. I don't particularly like this style and I don't think I'll use it very often, but it was a fun little experiment and it was relatively quick and easy to draw.
Yeah, this was definitely a style experiment and not at all the result of having to work all this week and not having the time or energy to draw. Riiight.
I promise page #6 will be twice as long. Really.


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Please note we are a fully volunteer run site so bookings are normally processed during evenings and weekends.
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FabULOUS® Enzyme
The FabULOUS enzyme is supplied as a lyophilized powder with no preservatives added, and is available in 2000 unit vials for digestion of up to 2 mg IgG.
FabULOUS (SpeB) is a unique recombinantly produced cysteine protease that digests antibodies from many species and subclasses in the hinge region, producing a homogenous pool of Fab fragments. The enzyme requires reduced condition for activity.
Detailed Information
FabULOUS (SpeB) is an enzyme for digestion of IgG in the hinge region. All subclasses of human, mouse, rat, goat and sheep IgG are digested by FabULOUS, yielding Fab and Fc fragments. The primary digestion site on human IgG1 is ..KTHT / CPPCPAPE.. and on mouse IgG1 ..KPCIC / TVPEVS..
A digestion protocol at 37°C for one hour under reducing conditions is generally applicable. FabULOUS digests IgG in commonly used buffers with pH ranging from 6.5 to 8.0. FabULOUS requires a reducing agent in the digestion reaction. The reducing agent is likely to reduce interchain thiols.
The molecular weight of FabULOUS is 28 724 Da and the enzyme contains a His-tag.
Storage and Stability
The enzyme is reconstituted by addition of water and after reconstitution, FabULOUS is stable for 1 month at +4-8°C. The product is shipped cold and should be stored at -20°C upon arrival.
Unit Definition
One unit digests ≥ 95% of 1µg human or mouse IgG when incubated in 10 mM Tris, 150 mM NaCl pH 7.4 at 37°C for 1 hour.
Buffers and Reducing agents
FabULOUS cleaves IgG in commonly used buffers with pH ranging from 6.5 to 8.0 and best activity is obtained at 37°C. The enzyme requires reducing agent in the digestion reaction and depending on the reducing conditions, there is a chance that the interchain thiols will be reduced.
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Patent and Disclaimer
The trademark FabULOUS is the property of Genovis AB.
For research use only. Not intended for any animal or human therapeutic diagnostic use.


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Cops have arrested two men in the murder of a popular hip-hop disk jockey who was killed in an apparent botched robbery just steps from his Staten Island home.
William Williams, 21, and Richard Cromwell, 20, both of Staten Island, were arrested for the slaying of Corey McGriff — who went by the name DJ Megatron on WQHT-FM Hot 97 radio — police said.
They were charged with murder, criminal possession of a weapon and attempted robbery.
Law-enforcement sources said it appeared the duo killed McGriff during a robbery around 2 a.m. March 27, on Osgood Avenue near Vanderbilt Avenue in Clifton.
Police sources said the suspects followed McGriff out of the Park Hill houses, where the DJ had just purchased marijuana.
When McGriff fought back, Williams allegedly shot him. They then took his watch and one of his cellphones, sources said.


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While state governments have had a heavy hand in teacher preparation, licensure, and certification policy for over a century (American Association of Colleges of Teacher Education, 1990; Hawley, 1990), states have traditionally delegated teacher tenure and evaluation policy to localities, often in conjunction with local collective bargaining units (Ballou, 2000; Cohen-Vogel & Osborne-Lampkin, 2007; Hannaway & Rotherham, 2006; Hungerford & Blom, 2014; Strunk, 2012). Over the past decade, however, the actors involved in teacher evaluation and tenure issues have changed.
Most prominently, the federal government launched a series of programs — the Race to the Top (RTT) competition in 2009 and the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA) Flexibility Program in 2011 — that emphasized states' development of systems tying teacher performance evaluations and tenure decisions to student achievement. The federal government's most recent action — the passage of the Every Student Succeeds Act (ESSA) — continues to emphasize state teacher evaluation and tenure systems; however, it explicitly forbids the U.S. Secretary of Education to force states to set up specific teacher evaluation policies.
Nonetheless, before ESSA, many states invested in the revision and development of policies tying teacher evaluation and tenure to student achievement. In fact, 42 states and the District of Columbia now have teacher evaluation policies written into state law or regulations, meaning that these policies would need to endure substantial political scrutiny in order to be revised once again. Given these circumstances, some scholars have voiced skepticism in ESSA's ability to shift states' approaches to teacher evaluation and tenure (Sawchuk, 2016; Wong, 2015). However, teachers union leaders have voiced optimism, seeing "an opening to change policies their members have broadly rejected" (Sawchuk, 2016).
But if states do choose to make changes, how much influence will teachers have on these decisions? Scholars have established that teachers and their unions have substantial influence at the local level (Hess, 2002; Lieberman, 1997; Moe, 2002, 2011). However, save for anecdotal evidence, we know very little about whether and how state education policy makers take their voices into account — or any other voices, for that matter — when making policy decisions related to teacher evaluation and tenure.
Surveying state education policy makers
As part of a larger project that aimed to understand whose voices are heard in the state education policy-making process, I surveyed state education policy makers in the spring and fall of 2016 to determine whose voices they valued when making teacher evaluation policy. The survey targeted state-level government actors who have the formal authority to review, accept, amend, and reject binding education statutes and administrative rules — namely, state legislators serving on an education committee and state board of education (SBE) members.
Two hundred individuals responded to the online survey, resulting in a response rate of 13 percent. While this response rate is far from spectacular, it serves as a starting point for filling a large gap in the state education policy-making literature. The demographics of my survey respondents were relatively representative of all state education policy makers when it came to race/ethnicity, but women and Republicans were slightly more prevalent in my sample than in the target population (see Table 1).
My survey included one experimental question and three universal questions, with each providing a nuanced understanding of whose voices state education policy makers value when making teacher evaluation policy decisions. The first survey question was a randomized control trial in which I randomly assigned state education policy makers to one of three conditions:
- Members of the control group were asked whether they would be inclined to vote in support of or in opposition to a teacher evaluation policy change that would remove the use of data from students' performance on state assessments in teachers' performance evaluation. No other information was provided to those in the control group.
- Those assigned to treatment condition A were given the same question followed by a statement about the general public's level of support for the policy change in question.
- Those assigned to treatment condition B were given the same question followed by a statement about teachers' support for the policy change.
In both treatment conditions, the statements about public and teacher support were drawn from the 2013 Education Next/Harvard University Poll on School Reform.
Understanding that state education policy makers may be unresponsive to the teacher evaluation policy preferences of both the general public and teachers, I also included two uniform survey questions to understand the value state education policy makers placed on various voices. One survey item asked respondents to rate, on a scale of 1 (not important) to 5 (very important), the importance of various actors in informing their position on teacher evaluation policy. A second item asked them to select the two most important and two least important actors in informing their position.
To analyze the experimental question data, I modeled state education policy makers' policy preferences (0=support; 1=oppose) as a function of the control/treatment group to which they were randomly assigned. I then ran additional regression models to explore whether and how their race, gender, political party affiliation, education level, institutional home (i.e., SBE or legislature), and geographic location related to their position on the teacher evaluation policy change.
Finding #1: Policy makers are unresponsive to policy preferences of the general public, but they value the voices of constituents.
State education policy makers who were randomly exposed to data that revealed the teacher evaluation policy preference of the general public were not significantly more likely to align with the general public's teacher evaluation policy position. However, when asked to rate the importance of constituent voices in informing their position, both "constituents throughout your state" and "your constituents" consistently received ratings of "important" and "very important" (see Figure 1). Similarly, "your constituents" was among the most frequently selected "most important" voices that state education policy makers consider when taking a position on teacher evaluation policy (see Figure 2).
This pattern of state education policy makers placing lower value on the voices of a group of people and higher value on individuals they have some connection to was prevalent across a number of findings.
Finding #2: Democrats and Republicans differ in their responsiveness to teacher preferences.
Overall, respondents' positions on teacher evaluation policy appeared to be unaffected by their exposure to the policy preferences of teachers. However, I found a statistically significant relationship between a policy maker's political party and their position on the teacher evaluation policy change.
My initial suspicion was that this relationship would be driven by Democrats, who were more likely to take a policy position that aligned with the policy preference of teachers regardless of their control/treatment group. But when I dug a bit deeper (by running separate models, one with data solely from Republicans and another with data solely from Democrats), I found it was Republicans whose responses more heavily weighted these results: If a Republican was exposed to the data on teachers' policy preferences, their likelihood of voting in the opposite direction of teachers increased by 95 percent.
I also found Democrats exposed to the data on teachers' policy preferences were not more likely to vote in line with teachers' preferences. For Democrats, the small magnitude of the effect is likely an artifact of Democrats' predisposed alignment with teacher policy preferences, regardless of whether they are exposed to teacher policy preferences. This finding is consistent with Leslie Finger's (2017) finding that where Democrats have more control in the legislature, increases in teachers union strength have an effect that is smaller in magnitude on the likelihood of passing certain education reforms than in Republican-dominated legislatures. Together, these findings lend support to the theory that Democrats automatically align with the interests of teachers unions.
Finding #3: How teacher voices are presented may affect the extent to which those voices are valued.
When asked to rate the importance of various actors' voices in informing their position on teacher evaluation policy, nearly all state education policy makers — Democrats and Republicans alike — consistently rated "local school teachers" as "very important" (see Figure 1). Similarly, when asked to select the most and least important actors in informing their position on an education policy, nearly all state education policy makers selected "local school teachers" as one of the most important actors (see Figure 2).
In contrast, statewide and local teachers unions received high ratings from Democrats (average of 3.7 for state and 3.6 for local), but low ratings from Republicans (average of 2.4 for state and 2.7 for local). Similarly, Democrats frequently selected statewide teachers unions as one of the most important groups informing their position on teacher evaluation policy. In contrast, Republicans frequently selected state teachers unions as one of the least important groups.
While these findings provided some support for what has been termed "the war on teachers" (Giroux, 2013; Goldstein, 2015), in which the "intelligence, judgment, and experience that teachers might offer in [current education] debates" are ignored (Giroux, 2013, p. 3), a more holistic look at my findings provides some support for Eric Hanushek's (2011) proposition that there "is not a war on teachers en masse." Rather, policy makers — particularly Republicans — seem to be nonresponsive (and, in some cases, intentionally unresponsive) to the policy preferences of teachers when presented as an organized group, though they place relatively high value on the voices of individual teachers.
We know very little about whether and how state education policy makers take teacher voices into account — or any other voices, for that matter — when making policy decisions related to teacher evaluation and tenure.
The small sample of survey respondents and the focus on a single policy case study of teacher evaluation policy does not allow for my results to be generalized to all state education policy makers and issues. Yet, these results suggest it may be important to understand who these individual teachers and groups of teachers are.
Finding #4: Nearly all state education policy makers value individual and organized voices of school leaders.
While state education policy makers differed by party in their responsiveness to teacher voices, they did not discriminate between the value of individual and organized voices of school leaders. As revealed in the rating and most/least likely question data (see Figures 1 and 2), the voices of individual school leaders and school leadership groups were highly valued by all state education policy makers. Again, however, it is important to understand the makeup of the individual and organized voices of school leaders.
The results of this study suggest that school leaders can have a profound effect on teacher evaluation policy. Yet school leaders "tend to think of the entire [education governance] system as a hierarchical-linear system, meaning that they feel they cannot influence parts of the system much 'higher' or 'lower' than their level" (Jean-Marie, Normore, & Brooks, 2009, p. 17). Further, a recent survey conducted by the Education Week Research Center (2017) found that 65 percent of school and district leaders have avoided political activities out of concern that they might create problems with their jobs. The findings from this study emphasize the importance of providing school leaders with the knowledge, skill, and will to engage with state education policy makers.
States taking charge
With the passage of ESSA and initial efforts under the Trump administration to shift education policy making back to the states, state education policy makers will have an opportunity to reshape teacher evaluation, if they so choose. Those who care about their state's teacher evaluation policy need to understand whose voices policy makers value.
Although this survey focused on the teacher evaluation policy-making process, I hope others will build on this work by exploring whose voices are heard when other important education policy issues are debated, and whose voices other government actors (e.g., chief state school officers, governors, judges) are likely to value. In addition, a larger-scale study with a higher response rate could be generalized to all state education policy makers. Perhaps national organizations (such as the National Association of State Boards of Education, National Conference of State Legislatures, Council of Chief State School Officers, and National Governors Association) could help expand this research to inform our understanding of the state education policy-making process.
American Association of Colleges of Teachers Education [AACTE]. (1990). Teacher education policy in the states: A 50-state survey of legislative and administrative actions. Washington, DC: Author.
Ballou, D. (2000). Teacher contracts in Massachusetts. Boston, MA: Pioneer Institute for Public Policy Research.
Cohen-Vogel, L. & Osborne-Lampkin, L. (2007). Allocating quality: Collective bargaining agreements and administrative discretion over teacher assignment. Educational Administration Quarterly, 43 (4), 433-461.
Education Next. (2013). Education Next — Program on Education Policy and Governance — Survey 2013. Cambridge, MA: Author. http://educationnext.org/files/2013ednextpoll.pdf
Education Week Research Center. (2017, December). Educator political perceptions: A national survey. Bethesda, MD: Author.
Finger, L.K. (2017). Vested interests and the diffusion of education policy reform across the states. Policy Studies Journal.
Giroux, H. (2013). Neoliberalism's war against teachers in dark times. Cultural Studies Critical Methodologies, 13 (6), 458-468.
Goldstein, D. (2015). The teacher wars: A history of America's most embattled profession. New York, NY: Anchor Books.
Hannaway, J. & Rotherham, A.J. (Eds.). (2006). Collective bargaining in education: Negotiating change in today's schools. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Education Press.
Hanushek, E. (2011). The "war on teachers" is a myth. Hoover Digest, 1.
Hawley, W.D. (1990). Systematic analysis, public policy making, and teacher education. In W. Houston (Ed.), Handbook of research on teacher education (pp. 136-156). New York, NY: Macmillan.
Hess, F.M. (2002). School boards at the dawn of the 21st century: Conditions and challenges of district governance. Alexandria, VA: National School Boards Association.
Hungerford, N.J. & Blom, M.C. (2014). Collective bargaining and the negotiation process: A primer for school board negotiators. Washington, DC: National School Boards Association & Council of School Attorneys.
Jean-Marie, G., Normore, A.H., & Brooks, J.S. (2009). Leadership for social justice: Preparing 21st century school leaders for a new social order. Journal of Research on Leadership Education, 4 (1), 1-31.
Lieberman, M. (1997). The teachers unions. New York, NY: Free Press.
Moe, T.M. (2002). Political control and the power of the agent. Paper presented at the Conference for Controlling the Bureaucracy, Texas A & M University, College Station, TX.
Moe, T.M. (2011). Special interest: Teachers unions and America's public schools. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press.
Sawchuk, S. (2016). Law could spur change in teacher requirements. Education Week, 35 (15), 14-15.
Strunk, K.O. (2012). Policy poison or promise? Exploring the dual nature of California school district collective bargaining agreements. Educational Administration Quarterly, 48 (3), 506-547.
Wong, A. (2015, December 9). The bloated rhetoric of No Child Left Behind's demise. The Atlantic.
Citation: White, R.S. (2018). The case of teacher evaluation: Who do state policy makers listen to? Phi Delta Kappan 99 (8), 13-18.


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Project description:
During the project "Metabolism of macrocyclic lactones in helminths", loss-of-function Caenorhabditis elegans strains are used to identify specific Cytochrome P450 Monooxygenases (CYPs), that could play a role in resistance against macrocyclic lactones. Findings from these model organisms are transferred to naturally existing parasites of cattle.
The student assistant will assist in the development of a RNAi-protocol for the design of C. elegans CYPs-mutants that are used in in vitro assays to establish concentration response curves for different macrocyclic lactones. For this purpose, different C. elegans strains will be compared in development assays with different drug concentrations. Based on these results an existent RNAi-protocol will be adapted. Afterwards the student-assistant will perform in vitro assays with the focus on CYPs of the family 34A and 35A.
Furthermore, the student will gain experience in molecular and protein biochemical analysis. To enhance the differentiation of small strongyles from equines, the project "Comparative analysis of nematode communities in wild and domestic horses" characterises small strongyles applying genomic and proteomic methods and extends the existing database. Subsequently, the results obtained from parasites of domestic horses will be applied to naturally infected horses, such as wild horses, zebras and additionally on hind-gut-fermenting animals (rhinoceros, elephants). Therefore, the student-assistant will have the opportunity to optimise protocols for DNA- and protein isolation, as well as PCR amplification. Depending on the individual motivation own studies can be conducted and published.
Areas of responsibility:
Basic laboratory techniques: DNA-isolation, PCR, and gel electrophoresis, coproscopy, preparation of agar-plates, solutions and bacterial cultures.
Work with C. elegans: Cultivation, evaluation of assays (depending on motivation: preparation of own assays).
Field: Obtaining faecal samples from wild horses/zebras
The successful applicant has to be enrolled for biology, molecular biology or veterinary medicine, has basic experience in laboratory work and can flexibly arrange the assistants work with their main studies.


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