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Stressed about your Smutathon fic? Wondering how to start?Worried that the first draft is just one hot mess?
Assist is right here! Smut 101 is the road map to composing great smut. It is created being a quick start guide high in ideas and suggestions to enable you to get on your journey to composing a fabulous tale to publish this romantic days celebration.
Title: Smut 101: The Geekfiction help Guide to setting it up On…On the PageAuthor: daphne dangerloveRating: AdultDisclaimer: The characters found in the examples in this guide try not to are part of me personally. All quoted examples had been obtained from my fan fiction. This guide is intended for your individual usage. Please usually do not upload or replicate any right element of it without authorization.
PLEASE STUDY: This document is published in three components, which you yourself can access behind the cut. But, i would recommend you get access to it in its entirety as being A bing Document or an Adobe PDF. Both papers have most of the links and a clickable dining table of articles. You are able to print effortlessly from either Bing documents (using your web browser) or Adobe Reader. (Down Load Adobe Reader.)
*If you've got feedback or questions, please keep them about this post to make certain that everyone else can gain through the information. For those who have an issue accessing the document or require a format that is alternate please e-mail me personally. (daphne.dangerlove at gmail dot com)
This will be role 1 of Smut 101. I'm like the Table of articles for the whole document for your details. hyper hyper Links are given into the parts that are additional the dining dining Table of articles.
Dining dining Table of articles
IntroductionPart We: fundamental TipsUse SpellcheckDialogue PunctuationDialogue MechanicsLie vs. LayStyleSwitching TensesNarrative aim of ViewMary SueShow and TellBeta ReadersWhere to locate a readera that is beta final recommendations
Component II: Writing Smut Words of WisdomDo the HomeworkMind over MechanicsCharacterizationMaking Sex CountPlotters vs. PantsersRating Your StoryWhat Will People Think?
Popping Your Cherry: Very First Smut FicResourcesSex InfoWriting ResourcesFic Archives & CommunitiesRecommended Reading
Smut 101: The Geekfiction Help Guide to Setting It Up On. In the web web Page.
This guide came into being after a couple of emails that are panicked some other article writers that has simply enrolled in the Smutathon, and found on their own wondering locations to get next.
There's absolutely no one response to that concern, but ideally the details that We have gathered on these pages will at the least point you within the right way. We have supplied as much sources when I may find, therefore I encourage you to definitely explore advised sites and publications, many of which had been supplied by your other writers.
This guide is presented in 2 components. The foremost is an overview that is quick of mistakes in fan fiction, together with second focuses on just how to write a intercourse scene. A number of our more smut that is seasoned were friendly sufficient to add their applying for grants writing intercourse, and I also encourage you to definitely spend particular awareness of their advice.
Day i hope you find this information helpful, and I look forward to seeing your fics posted on Valentine's!
Component We: Fundamental Guidelines
Before we arrive at the stuff that is good let's simply simply simply take one minute to pay for some traditional fan fiction errors and exactly how in order to prevent them.
This might be most likely the simplest thing that you could do to ensure your tale starts on course. All term processing programs include a spellchecker, so utilize it. If, for a few explanation, you're utilizing a course with no spellchecker, decide to try one of these simple:
Google Docs – It's free and it's online, once you have logged into your Google account so you can access your documents from any computer. It's fast and simple to sign up.
Don't forget to double check exactly exactly how your figures' names are spelled aswell. There is nothing more disruptive than an improperly or inconsistently spelled character title.
Begin a paragraph that is brand new a new individual begins talking.
Samples of proper punctuation. Note the placement of commas pertaining to the quote markings.
Grissom stated, "I favor insects."
"Bugs are superb," stated Sara.
Brass stated, "Don't even contemplate it," then pulled away their weapon.
"Ladies and men," stated Hodges, "welcome to hell."
"Where did they're going?" she asked.
"Put both hands up!" shouted the detective that is blonde.
Your figures come to life through the text you place within their mouths, and typically authors have harder time writing dialogue than narrative. Below are a few instructions you are able to follow to assist you compose more effective discussion.
Don't explain your dialogue towards the audience
Take a good look at the after examples
"You need to be kidding me personally," Sara said in astonishment.
" But he could not do this," Nick stated in shock.
The journalist has merely told you how the figures are experiencing passing up on a chance to explain to you a little little more about the smoothness. exactly How our figures respond to things informs your reader great deal about them. You saying "hey, Sara is surprised! once you compose strong and effective discussion, your reader will understand how the type feels without" Whenever you elect to inform in place of show you cheat the audience from the possiblity to feel combined with character.
Forgo the urge to spell out your discussion. Rather, make use of a little bit of physical action to come with your discussion and show just how your character seems.
You should be joking me personally," Sara said due to the fact blade slipped from her grasp.
Avoid 'ly' when writing discussion
' ly' almost constantly catches the writer within the work of describing discussion. Examples are: grimly, harshly, listlessly, glowingly, grudgingly, or lovingly. Perchance you have the want to dress within the verb said by throwing in some adverbs. Resist. This really attracts your reader out of the story, and in to the mechanics of the distribution. Your discussion will in actuality be more powerful without these terms to prop it, and flaws is supposed to be simpler to spot for revision.
Exceptions: As with all good guidelines, there clearly was an exclusion for this one. In the event that adverb modifies the verb stated (rather than telling your reader the way the discussion has been delivered), it really is permissible. Samples of this might be lightly, demonstrably, or quietly.
Don't use them as a way to describe your discussion. The way the discussion is delivered must certanly be inherent within the expressed terms your character claims. Types of this could be: 'she snapped, he growled, she questioned, he intoned, she marveled.' A whole lot worse is 'she grimaced, he smiled, she beamed.' The second set are the worst offenders because they are physically impossible while all of these are examples of explaining dialogue. You can not beam a relative line of discussion. The main explanation to http://ukrainianbrides.us/ avoid these verbs is basically because they draw attention far from the discussion, once more pointing your reader to your mechanics of delivery.
Stated is a clear verb. Think about it such as a question or period mark. Which can be another reason that is good to make use of adverbs or explanations together with your discussion; they will certainly simply draw focus on stated.
Don't available your paragraph by having a presenter attribution.
Position the character's name first in a presenter attribution. Greg stated, versus said Greg.
Regulate how you are likely to relate to a character and stick to it for the scene that is entire. Don't call Doc Robbins Al the time that is first a doctor the second, and Robbins the next. People don't replace the means they think of someone during a discussion. Take note, i will be perhaps not referring to the length of one's story, simply the present scene you will work on.
By this time, i am certain you may be worrying all about the amount of 'saids' you are likely to have in a scene. Check out real approaches to assistance with that quandary.
When it is clear who is talking, you don't desire a presenter attribution. One advisory warning, avoid ping ponging your discussion in order to avoid stated.
Utilize beats of action to replace 'said.' "You're gorgeous." Nick brushed his hands over her cheek. "Let me make like to you." Just differ action with real presenter attributions and also you shall be fine. An excessive amount of one or the other is distracting, you need to develop a balance that is comfortable the 2.
Lie way to recline, whereas lay methods to down put something. Furthermore, Lie means the star (topic) does one thing to himself or by herself. Lay, having said that, ensures that the topic is functioning on one thing or some body else; consequently, it entails a complement in order to make feeling. Hence lay constantly requires an object that is direct. Lie never does.


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May God bless you and your...
Aldora Johnston
Wayne, Ohio
Nov 19, 1914 – Oct 26, 2019
Wayne, Ohio
Nov 19, 1914 – Oct 26, 2019
Aldora was born on November 19, 1914 and passed away on Saturday, October 26, 2019. Aldora was a 1932 graduate of Bowling Green High School, was a homemaker, and then worked 19 years for Dr. Watson in Wayne. Burial will be at Graham Cemetery near Wayne, with a bereavement luncheon to follow back at the Church. Memorial donations may be made to the Wayne United Methodist Church, the Wayne Senior Center, the Wood County Humane Society, or the Independence House in Fostoria.

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text: Growing up, my family always made an advent wreath together at a crafty, Advent evening. The participants would rotate around tables in the church fellowship hall, making a different ornament or Christmas craft at each one. Each year I wish I could transport my children back in time so they too can experience such a sense of community … [Read more...]


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New Books to Read in Literary Fiction | November 12
12 Nov 2019
Literary fiction readers are in for a treat. This week's latest releases list is full of intriguing reads you won't want to miss! The new releases list includes so many bestselling authors like Nicholas Bundock, Michael Crummey, Susan Wilson, and many more. Enjoy your new literary fiction books. Happy reading!
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Certifications: Look for the sign that says the coffee is certified to be organic. Also, Fair Trade Certification is a good thing as it means that the coffee is manufactured while paying attention to the needs of the local farming community. If it is Kosher certified, on the other hand, it means that it complies with the Jewish religious dietary laws.
The organic coffee co. ground brand is purely organic. This is because they offer one hundred percent certified organic coffee beans, organic flavored coffees, and organic decaf coffee. Their coffee tastes good since they directly go to the source to purchase their coffee from, and they grow their own organic coffee at their own unique farms. They always stand for the premium, fair, sustainable, and direct trade coffee at prices customers love. They also give quality organic coffee to the market.
"My husband is a coffee addict, and I'm a bit of a fanatic about chemical additives and such. When I saw organic coffee offered for review, I knew I had to get this for him. Here is his review on the coffee: 'I typically like bolder, dark-roast coffees. Once in a while I'll mix it up when I'm out, and I'll order a medium-roast brand. As far as buying an entire bag for home, I've grown tired of most medium roasts and do not want to waste money on tinny flavored coffee. This medium roast, however, is at the top of the bracket. I had to look at the bag a second time to make sure it was actually a medium roast. Very impressive full flavor.'"
Reviews of Maxwell House claim that it has the sweetness of dark chocolate, which earned it a B+ rating on Influenster. It usually costs 27 cents an ounce or $6.29 for an 11 ounce cannister, and it's worth it. It came in at #2 on the Huffington Post's rank of dark roasts, and while it is not necessarily distinct in flavor, it is has a stable taste that is sure to please even the occasional coffee drinker.
Made from hearty Indonesian beans, these medium-roast coffee pods have deep and woodsy notes that are nicely balanced out by a fruity berry flavor and nice bright acidity. Reviewers describe this blend as their go-to single-serve morning roast because of its smooth, rich, "down-to-earth" flavor without any bitterness. These pods are compatible with any Keurig single-serve coffee machine.
For a mild roast that is something on the wild side, try out their Super Crema Blend, which is great for drip coffee or espresso. It's packed with atypical notes of honey, fruit, and dried almonds, making it fall on the medium side of the spectrum but with more taste than a typical Folgers pack, by far. Over 120 years of dedication to the art of coffee can't take coffee lightly.
"I know this is the most basic version of a coffee maker, but I love it. It's easy to use, easy to clean, and isn't too complicated for someone who isn't picky about their coffee. I make two of the large options, let them cool, and then pour them over ice for iced coffee. Plus, you can get K-Cups in practically every brand of coffee. My regular pick is Starbucks' K-Cups."
You could always get a nice cup of coffee at Brew HaHa!, Delaware's best-known mini-chain, but with the launch of Brandywine Coffee Roasters a few years back, founder Alisa Morkides, ever passionate about sourcing, took things in-house, and also to a brilliant new place. Quickly garnering heaps of national attention, Brandywine supplies the nine Brew HaHa! stores from its roasting operation in Wilmington's Trolley Square neighborhood, fronted by a visually arresting flagship café, one that feels more like the lobby of a hip (but also fun) hotel, than just another coffee shop.
At Equal Exchange, we only use the finest Fair Trade and organic coffee beans available, but we want our Fair Trade coffees to do more than please the palate. It's our mission to provide Fair Trade coffees that empower small-scale farmers and their communities. Our certified Fair Trade coffees go beyond the cup, supporting women's leadership at producer co-ops, environmental preservation through crop diversity, improved yields through soil analysis, and much more. When you purchase Equal Exchange Fair Trade coffee, you're supporting an equitable trade system for small-scale farmers. Learn more about the farmers who provide our Fair Trade coffee, and let us know what you think of the results.
I am very fussy about coffee. This trait had relegated me to all coffee buying responsibilities for our small office. These beans are mellow but full bodied (crowd pleaser and snob pleaser, all in one bag). We haven't poured a bad cup and have been using these beens for months. Stocking my office with acceptable beans is no longer a chore. This is a simple one-click, 2 days later (prime)we get our fresh beans. Saves a lot of hassle and I really enjoy the coffee. You can get a 5 star bag by searching and scouring local roasters, but I'm very happy with these beans for their price and convenience.
Coffee nirvana! I bought this for my son who has trouble with very acidic coffee, and we both have been looking for an organic coffee that would really taste good and meet the low acid criteria. The first pot we brewed we brewed weak. Yet, it was surprisingly delicious. It had a mild vanilla after taste and while weak, (our fault not the coffee's), it was quite nice and palatable, both black and with added cream and sugar. The next pot was brewed by my husband who prefers his coffee so strong it doesn't just stand a spoon up, but actually might melt a stainless steel spoon. So, it was brewed VERY strong. Again, delicious! More robust flavor, of course, but did not taste at all overly strong so it suited both his taste and mine. You cannot make a bad ... full review
Jungle Coffee Costa Rican whole bean arabica gourmet coffee is GMO, and pesticide-free for your health. This single-origin coffee is sourced from local growers who are fairly paid for their crop. Immediately after roasting, Jungle Coffee is vacuum-packed in high-barrier foil bags that maintain premium freshness. A one-way valve on each stand-up bag allows you to keep air out, and preserve your coffee.
Real Good Coffee Co. brings USDA Certified Organic K Cups to the masses. It's a dark roast that's bold and comes from a single origin. The Sumatra beans bring unique notes of bell pepper, cedar, and a lemony finish. Real Good Coffee Co prides themselves on creating where other competitors are lacking. Think of a taste similar to Green Mountain or Pike Place roasts.
It is a nice smooth mild and non-acidic coffee *BUT* it does not have the distinctive taste of Ethiopian, or any African coffee I have tried. I love African coffee. In fact, the only reason I am ordering coffee is that noone brings African coffees into Hawaii :( :( For many years I had Single Origin Coffees Tanzanian Gombe Reserve - Whole Bean 10 oz on subscription, but then they raised shipping to $30 making it impractical. I first tried Coffee Bean Direct Ethiopian Yirgacheffe, Whole Bean Coffee, 16-Ounce Bags (Pack of 3) which was either burned, or poor quality beans; tasted burned and left a bitter aftertaste. I had a similar experience with their Kenya reserve, and so with 10 pounds of bad coffee in my freezer tentatively tried a sampler Coffee Masters Around The World In Twelve Coffees Variety Pack, 1.5-Ounce Packets (Pack of 12) and was very impressed with the quality and roast, and so ordered several of their single origin whole bean. All of them were very nice and it has been my roaster of choice here (I have several of their ocffees on subscription) until the price hike.
In addition, it contains a full, sweet finish with a hint of chocolate overtones that is distinctive of the natural properties of mocha. Just like all coffees from the bean coffee company, this one hundred percent arabica organic coffee was hand roasted in small batches and packaged at the peak of its cycle in order to preserve its natural flavors and fresh-roasted quality.
Other coffees appearing on the list were grown in 16 different countries. The most frequently appearing origins were Ethiopia and Kenya, with four coffees each. Origins with two coffees each on the list included Burundi, Colombia, Costa Rica, Guatemala, Panama, Sumatra, and Tanzania. Origins appearing on the list with one coffee each included the Democratic Republic of Congo, Ecuador, Peru, Rwanda, Uganda, Hawaii (United States), and Yemen.
Occupying a vintage Quonset hut on an out-of-the-way block in the state's coolest town right now, this all-organic, sustainable, small-batch setup brings a lot of passion to the table; Montana has more than a couple of great roasters (see below) and an outsized number of destinations for a great cup coffee, but coming up on nearly a decade in business, this is the place that feels like the whole package, the all-in-one.
I work right by Equal Exchange and like to go on walks mid morning to grab my coffee. Working in this area, there's a lot of options for coffee. I tried Equal Exchange because I wanted to be more ethical in my purchasing decisions despite paying more. I heard good things about Equal Exchange from my coworkers but I experienced really bad service which is really unusual in places like this (I think). The cashier was SO rude to me especially when I asked if they had any flavors to put in the coffee. It was a bummer because normally my walks at work to coffee shops are one of the best parts of my day! The coffee is really good here though, so I may come back in hopes to interact with more friendly employees.
This coffee was not only organic, delicious and full bodied, it also is fairly traded. This ensures that the small growers of the coffee beans get a fair price for the coffee and are not exploited by large companies who make all of the profit. I have been a big fan of fairly traded coffee for many years now. Equal Exchange is a great product and a great concept.
Ben and Jessica Schellack bootstrapped their way to building one of the best roasting operations in the state, this year bringing home a Good Food Award—not their first, either. That's quite the climb from their early days in the rented basement of a New Brunswick non-profit. Today, a lively café, just across the river from Rutgers' Old Queens campus, hence the name, is a hub of creativity.
If you are thinking of buying K-cups, we have you covered in the rest of this guide. This post, however, will be focused on those that are organic. We will go through five of the top picks that are available on the market and some of the things that make them exceptional. We'll also give you a quick look at some of the essential factors that you have to consider.
I try to eat & drink all-organic whenever possible, including my coffee, in order to avoid ingesting toxins. Certified organic coffee (in this case, certified by QAI--Quality Assurance Intl.) is grown & processed w/o pesticides, herbicides, fungicides, chemical fertilizers, & other potentially harmful chemicals. So, Newman's Own 'Organics' Coffee is my daily 'go-to' coffee. I like the flavor of this 'Newman's Special Blend Medium Roast - Extra Bold' organic Arabica coffee. It's smooth, rich, hearty, & full-bodied, not bitter & not too acidic. It produces a pleasing aroma every morning from my Keurig B70 Platinum coffeemaker. I don't use any sweeteners, but I do stir in some Organic Valley Heavy Whipping Crème. Mmmm! You do sacrifice some freshness & flavor for the convenience of K-Cups vs. grinding your own beans. But the extra time & mess of coffee grinding are luxuries I can't afford in the rush of weekday mornings. One negative, & the reason for just 4 stars instead of 5: I do find that I sometimes get a stale box of K-Cups, even when the future 'best buy' date on the bottom of the 18-pod box is up to 20 months away, as was the case just last month w/a carton stamped w/an April 2019 'best buy' date. The distributor is Keurig Green Mountain. One wonders just how this coffee is initially stored, then transported, & then finally stored again after it arrives at Best Buy's facilities. For my part, I always keep the K-Cups stored in a cool, dry place, as recommended.


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Writer: Ed Brisson
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Publisher: Marvel Comics
TEN DEGREES OF EVISCERATION! Logans oldest foe is back from the shallow graves Logan put him in! And he aims to repay Logan in kind... Parental Advisory
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Anna Nemtsova | The Atlantichttps://www.theatlantic.com/author/anna-nemtsova/2019-12-07T11:51:05-05:00Copyright 2019 by The Atlantic Monthly Group. All Rights Reserved.tag:theatlantic.com,2019:50-603079
SOCHI, Russia—Gazing up at the bust of Joseph Stalin, the young boy listened silently as his mother squatted next to him, whispering the Soviet dictator's story into his ear. The pair studied the black-colored sculpture, among many of Stalin in this city's history museum (just one, apparently, is not enough). "He built this city," the mother told the child, who stared admiringly at Stalin's signature moustache. "He was like a czar."

To some extent, that is true. Though Russian intellectuals and poets had long found refuge in this Black Sea port, it was Stalin who ordered its development, turning it into a resort city. His vision was to create a Soviet Riviera, replete with grand botanical gardens and enormous, well-equipped hotels.

Yet if Stalin, in the words of that young boy's mother, built Sochi, Vladimir Putin is now refashioning it, transforming what was once an affordable holiday locale into not just his summer residence, but a paean to secrecy, espionage, and militarization. A recent museum exhibit extolled the exploits of KGB spies, once-public areas have been cordoned off from general view, and residents say their relaxed city is being upended. In this way, Putin's efforts here mirror those being undertaken across Russia, part of a growing array of moves to lionize the Soviet era, both in rhetoric and in practice. And, to be sure, many ordinary people here are nostalgic for elements of the Soviet era—just perhaps not in the same way as their leader.

[Read: Is Stalin making a comeback in Russia?]

Long before Stalin's rule, the Russian elite would relax here, valuing the distance from Moscow both geographically (it is about 1,000 miles away) and culturally (it lies a short distance from what is now Georgia, and across the water from Turkey). Fyodor Dostoyevsky's widow, Anna, moved to Sochi to escape violence in St. Petersburg surrounding the Bolshevik revolution, buying a piece of land on the outskirts of the city where she built a house and planted a garden, calling her little retreat "Joy." (Dostoyevskaya lost that home soon after she moved in, when a soldier attacked her as part of the Bolshevik campaign against property owners, saying the house now belonged to the working classes, and forcing her to flee once again. Along with the personal cost to her, she also lost a part of her husband's archive—handwritten copies of The Brothers Karamazov are still missing as a result.)

After coming to power, Stalin in 1926 ordered his commissars to plant botanical gardens here. Hoping to curry favor with the leader, each one—among them Kliment Voroshilov, Genrikh Yagoda, and Sergo Ordzhonikidze—also built and ornately decorated hotels in their name. These structures included enormous neoclassical columns, pompous arches, grandiose fountains, and statues of naked Greek gods next to busts of Soviet heroes. In less than a decade, a dozen such palaces emerged, each one next to the other, along Sochi's hills, offering healing mineral water, spas, and baths.

Upon Stalin's death (and Nikita Khrushchev's denouncement of the dictator's cult and political repression), Sochi's main avenue—Stalin Prospect, a 6-mile highway stretching along the Black Sea shore—was renamed Kurortny Prospekt, or "Resort Prospect."

After that, the city cultivated a reputation as a vacation destination for workers across the U.S.S.R.—thanks to state-provided packages that included stays at health resorts and various healing programs. Miners, engineers, or factory workers as far away as the northern reaches of Siberia knew that after a year of hard work, they would be able to take a month-long break here. Millions living in grim industrial cities dreamed of warm Sochi nights, where the tropical air added to the sense of excitement. Here, residents of closed and secretive towns could even see foreign tourists visiting from Eastern Europe, or African countries allied with Moscow, all together on open dance floors. For locals, Sochi was a beloved place, its quiet and romantic embankment populated by old people playing chess, the city's pace relaxing and peaceful.

My own family has a strong link to Sochi. During World War II, Stalin turned the city's sanatoriums into hospitals, its dozens of hotels treating more than 350,000 wounded soldiers in all. One of those resorts was Iskra, built in the 1930s and named after a newspaper co-founded by Vladimir Lenin, which was reserved for officers of the NKVD, a predecessor to the KGB. Among those evacuated there was my grandfather Anatoly, who was rushed to the facility from the front in Crimea. Surgeons amputated his leg, first above the knee and then all of it, as the gangrene kept creeping up. His future wife, Yelena, my grandmother, worked as a nurse at the hospital where he was treated. As he recovered, they spent long periods reading in a gazebo by a little fountain, in what had been Iskra's gardens, breathing in the sea air, enriched with the thick aroma of thousands of species of plants around them. After the war, Iskra was open for others to visit as well. My mother brought the love of her life, my father, to Sochi, where the same shady gazebo in Iskra's quiet botanical garden inspired his poetry. I, too, remember frequent visits as a child.

Yet Iskra today is reserved mostly for employees of the Russian interior ministry, and on a recent trip with my mother, we could not visit the gazebo or the fountain, barred from entry by newly built high walls surrounding the old resort.

This is Sochi in miniature: a city where more and more is off-limits to ordinary Russians, residents included. "Everywhere we go, we see high fences and locked gates keeping us away from our favorite places," Mariya Nipovinnyh, a retired doctor living in a Soviet-era apartment complex near Iskra, told me. It has stopped being an affordable paradise, and now, after hosting the Winter Olympics in 2014, is home to multiple international sporting events and conferences each year. Expensive apartment buildings pop out where gardens once blossomed, skyscrapers planted with luxurious apartments for Muscovites.

Part of this is because Putin has made Sochi his de facto summer residence. The Russian leader's arrival often means traffic jams, and in the two decades of his rule (including the four-year period when he, as prime minister, was effectively still in command), no public tours organized of his home here, Bocharov Ruchei. People instead take videos of the ridiculous green fence hiding the sprawling Black Sea resort from the public view.

From right, former U.S. President George H.W. Bush, Russian President Vladimir Putin, Putin's former wife Lyudmila and Barbara Bush walk around Putin's residence in Sochi in September, 2003. (MIKHAIL METZEL / AP)

But something more profound is changing, too. Putin's nostalgia for the Soviet era appears to extend not simply to the people involved, but to their practices as well. Take, for example, the Sochi city museum: Upstairs, a gallery recently displayed portraits of Soviet spies, part of an exhibit titled "The Golden Pages of the Intelligence Service's History," organized to mark the 95th anniversary of the founding of the country's intelligence services. Among them were pictures of "illegals," Russia's undercover spies working abroad. The collection had moved to the museum this year from a resort here called Pravda, a giant, specialized spa and hotel that caters specifically to Russia's domestic-intelligence agency. When it transferred to the museum, the institution's director, Elena Galischeva, told me, several current agents came to the opening, but she was not allowed to disclose their names—they were cloaked in a veil of secrecy.

[Read: A theatrical Moscow trial draws the ire of Russia's cultural elite]

More generally, a Soviet (and Stalin-era) revival is under way. This year, authorities in the Siberian town of Tyumen, in the heart of the Gulag region, banned a mass prayer for victims of Soviet repression. Monuments to Stalin also keep emerging in the heart of Moscow: To name just one, the ceiling of Kursk railway station is adorned with the phrase "Stalin raised us to be loyal to the people, and inspired us to labor and to heroic deeds," an old Soviet sign that was put back on display a decade into Putin's rule. And despite some pushback—thousands of people recently stood outside a former KGB prison on Lubyanka Square to read aloud the names of victims of the Soviet regime—a majority of Russians nevertheless have a favorable view of Stalin.

Putin himself, it seems, sometimes seeks to mimic the Soviet dictator. Though he still has a few years to go to beat Stalin's record of 29 years in power, Russia's current leader shares more than a few characteristics with him. Stalin wore a military uniform, divulged little about his private life, fashioned a cult of personality, did not allow criticism, and feared that traitors would penetrate his inner circle. Putin dresses up in camouflage on his birthday and sits down for picnics with his friend Sergey Shoigu, the minister of defense, yet his private life is closely guarded: The Kremlin announced that Putin celebrated his most recent birthday on the Yenisei River without any further information. Russians gossip, too, about Putin's purported romances, his wealth, and his two daughters, whose lives and careers Putin keeps secret.

[Read: Putin's crackdown on dissent is working]

Here in Sochi, it is apparent that Putin's memories of the Soviet era differ markedly from those of ordinary city dwellers. Putin has positive recollections of his time as a KGB officer, when the might of the state was awe-inspiring, its rulers held on par with the most powerful around the world. Sochi's people, though, remember a time when their gardens and public spaces were open and accessible, not simply in the physical sense, but in the financial one.

Sochi was once a relaxing resort city for holidaymakers from Russia and elsewhere. (NIKOLAI AVDEYEV / AP)

A few years ago, the authorities here closed one of Sochi's earliest spa hotels, Ordzhonikidze. It now stands abandoned, and when I visited, I could see its ceiling paintings rotting in the moist air, the building's columns falling apart. Parts of statues had fallen off and wild ivy sprawled across the floor. The resort's former gardener pointed out some trees in the resort's park that she said were unique to Russia, and noted how paths that used to cut through neatly trimmed beds of flowers were now cracking. As I took it in, a female security guard wearing a camouflage uniform ordered me to leave, saying the building was "under the control of the presidential administration."

I later spoke with a local artist, Oleg Korchagin, who fondly recalled an era I could barely remember, what he described as the "urban harmony" of the Sochi of his youth. "I miss the Sochi where I could walk freely, the Sochi of beautiful architecture," he told me. "Unfortunately now, local people move along fences surrounding secret, specialized, resorts.

"My nostalgia," he continued, "is different from the nostalgia of our authorities."
Anna Nemtsovahttp://www.theatlantic.com/author/anna-nemtsova/?utm_source=feedAlexander Zemlianichenko / APRussians place flowers on Joseph Stalin's monument near the Kremlin.Russia's Twin Nostalgias2019-12-07T06:00:00-05:002019-12-07T11:51:05-05:00Vladimir Putin has a fondness for the Soviet era. So do many Russians—but often not for the same reasons.tag:theatlantic.com,2019:50-591469
MOSCOW—In the days following the arrest of Ivan Golunov, an investigative journalist detained on drug charges, dozens of reporters and public figures began lining up—quite literally—to take part in a peculiarly Russian form of protest: the "single picket."

Demonstrations here require an official permit, and with authorities often loath to sanction critical rallies, protesters, in an effort to evade the requirement, will stand alone, holding up a banner or placard while a line of people will form nearby, ready to step in and offer relief. No two protesters can stand within 50 meters of each other.

And so, outside police headquarters in the center of the Russian capital, three separate "single pickets" were taking place at once, all to draw attention to what the authorities later admitted was the wrongful arrest of a respected journalist, one which drew condemnation from across Russian media, as well as around the world. After holding Golunov for several days, authorities finally dropped the charges against him today, with the interior minister announcing that he would seek to sack two senior police officers over the arrest, an apparent admission that it had been a botched operation.

[Read: How the media became one of Putin's most powerful weapons]

Yet along with illustrating a loophole in Russian laws regulating protests and embarrassing some senior officials, the episode involving Golunov also highlights another issue: that of Vladimir Putin's control, or apparent lack thereof, over goings-on in Russia and its security apparatus. While the Russian president undoubtedly exercises a significant amount of power here, the latest episode highlights the dissonance between how he is portrayed abroad—as being a master orchestrator who is to blame for all of the country's actions, both at home and elsewhere—and the limits of his reach in reality.

Golunov, a reporter with the news website Meduza, had reported on alleged corruption on the part of Moscow Deputy Mayor Pyotr Biryukov, and had reportedly been investigating the apparent involvement of a senior intelligence officer in a funeral company when he was arrested on Thursday—police officers said they found drugs in his backpack and in his apartment, but the journalist said the narcotics were planted there. His detention overshadowed the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum, an annual Kremlin-organized event that the Russian government attaches great importance to: This year, Putin was meeting with his Chinese counterpart, Xi Jinping.

Those talks got scant press coverage, however. Instead, journalists focused on their colleague's arrest, and on Monday, the front pages of the country's leading business newspapers—Kommersant, Vedomosti, and RBK—all bore headlines that read, "We are Golunov," and carried editorials saying they did not believe statements being made by the police about his detention. "The entire forum's press center was buzzing with Golunov's name—none of us could focus on Putin and Xi," Olga Bychkova, the deputy editor in chief of the Echo of Moscow radio station, told me. According to Brand Analytics, a Russia-based research firm, the journalist's name was mentioned on social media at least 34,000 times, more than Putin's, on the last day of the event.

[Read: Putin's crackdown on dissent is working]

In short, the entire episode proved a distraction from a set-piece meeting that Putin had expected would garner wide media coverage. Hardly a strategy that the government would have orchestrated. "That was not the Kremlin who wanted to see Golunov behind bars," Tanya Lokshina, the Moscow-based associate director for Human Rights Watch's Europe and Central Asia division, told me.

Golunov's arrest and subsequent release are only the latest such example of questions over the limits of Putin's power. Analysts and critics say there is a degree of freelancing by security officers and government officials who believe they are carrying out the Kremlin's ultimate bidding, or at least have its passive acquiescence, only to see draconian measures like arresting or attacking critics backfire.

Earlier this year, for example, as Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev was trying to convince thousands of leading economists and businesspeople at the Russian Investment Forum in Sochi that Russia was safe and stable for investors, security officers arrested the leading American investor Michael Calvey. Another incident that raises questions over whether Putin would have signed off occurred in 2009—when he was prime minister, but widely seen as the power behind the throne—when the lawyer Sergei Magnitsky died in a Russian prison. Magnitsky's death catalyzed a campaign that resulted in an American law that bears his name, allowing the United States government to impose targeted sanctions against individual Russians, including those close to Putin.

[Read: What Putin really wants]

"There is a joke popular among the Moscow elite," Dmitry Gudkov, a Russian opposition politician, told me, "that Putin is only an avatar of the Russian secret service—he lives in a bubble, he is fed by the system, and he cannot control it any longer."

But perhaps the best single example came with the poisoning of Sergei Skripal, a Russian spy who was in fact a double agent for Britain, and his daughter Yulia. The pair survived the poisoning, which was carried out with a military-grade nerve agent and blamed on two members of Russia's military-intelligence agency. The operation, which Moscow denies involvement in, sparked international outrage and the expulsion of dozens of Russian diplomats (widely believed to be spies) from Western capitals.

Operations like that and the Golunov arrest may well be carried out not with the Russian leader's blessing, but in a "gray, semi-criminal, zone," Yuriy Krupnov, a pro-Kremlin political analyst, told me—one which, he said, "Putin cannot control."
Anna Nemtsovahttp://www.theatlantic.com/author/anna-nemtsova/?utm_source=feedShamil Zhumatov / ReutersIvan Golunov speaks with the media in Moscow after his release from jail.A Russian Journalist's Arrest Counters the Image of Putin the Puppet Master2019-06-11T15:21:00-04:002019-06-11T16:01:45-04:00Abroad, Putin is perceived as the master orchestrator of all of Russia's actions. But his hold on the state's security services is more limited.tag:theatlantic.com,2019:50-586975
In December 2017, Russian President Vladimir Putin spoke with President Donald Trump at least twice by phone, ostensibly about economic and counterintelligence issues. Americans first learned about both calls from the Kremlin. When then–CIA Director Mike Pompeo met with Russian intelligence officials subjected to sanctions in January 2018 at Langley, Americans learned about it first from the Russian Embassy—via Twitter.

A couple of months later, when Trump congratulated Putin on an election victory widely deemed a sham, the Kremlin disclosed the conversation first. And in July and November 2018, in Finland and then Argentina, Trump and Putin reportedly met with no U.S. aides or interpreters present. A leaked Russian document said they discussed arms control at the private meeting in Finland, forcing the White House to respond. "There were no commitments to undertake any action," a spokesman said at the time.

Special Counsel Robert Mueller concluded that a criminal conspiracy between Trump's campaign and Russia did not occur in 2016, according to a memo written by Attorney General William Barr late last month. But fundamental questions remain: Why do so many of Trump's positions bewilderingly align with Putin's, including chastising U.S. spies, dismissing NATO as "obsolete," and questioning the value of the European Union? What explains Trump's affinity for Putin, and the extensive secrecy that has shrouded their interactions since 2017? Why has the White House made it so easy for the Kremlin to shape the narrative around Trump and Putin's encounters, often to Moscow's advantage?

[Read: How the U.S.-Russian relationship went bad]

Mueller's final report will detail Russia's attempts to influence the 2016 election and might provide some answers. But the curiosity over the two leaders' relationship stems largely from Democratic allegations that Trump, who has reportedly gone to extraordinary lengths to conceal his private conversations with Putin, may be compromised—claims that have been exacerbated by the Kremlin's consistent ability to characterize the narrative of their interactions.

The White House did not respond to a request for comment. Trump has repeatedly characterized the Mueller investigation as a witch hunt.

House Democrats, meanwhile, still want documents from the White House related to Trump's communications with Putin, despite the White House counsel rebuffing the Democrats' request last month. "We will be consulting on appropriate next steps," the chairmen of the House Intelligence, Oversight, and Foreign Affairs committees said in a joint statement. The House Intelligence Committee held a hearing two weeks ago examining the Kremlin's use of financial leverage to influence foreign policy, and how, in Chairman Adam Schiff's words, "this notion of compromise, or Kompromat in Russian … is at the heart of Russia's playbook to sow discord in democratic institutions."

It would have once been unthinkable to accuse a sitting president of putting the interests of a hostile foreign power above those of the United States. But Trump's continual praise of Putin on the campaign trail, his pursuit of a multimillion-dollar real-estate deal in Moscow throughout the election—while Russia was waging a massive hacking and disinformation campaign to undermine his opponent, Hillary Clinton—and the secrecy that still surrounds his conversations with Putin gave many, including the FBI, pause."All this would be unusual enough for any president," The Atlantic's David Frum noted in January. "It is more than suspicious for a president being formally investigated by the FBI as a possible Russian-intelligence asset." The FBI opened a counterintelligence investigation into the president to determine whether he was acting as a Russian agent after he fired former FBI Director James Comey in May 2017. That investigation was then handed off to Mueller.

Mueller's probe did not establish that a criminal conspiracy between the campaign and Russia had occurred, according to Barr's summary of his final report. However, he did not make a decision on whether Trump obstructed justice, punting that determination to Barr instead. Nevertheless, Putin gloated over Mueller's findings earlier this month, telling a forum in St. Petersburg that "it was clear to us from the start that it would end like this. A mountain gave birth to a mouse."

[Read: What to do when the Russian government wants to blackmail you]

"We said from the start that this infamous commission of Mr. Mueller's would not find anything because nobody knows this better than us," he added. "Russia did not meddle in any elections in the United States. There was no collusion, as Mr. Mueller said, between Trump and Russia."

To be sure, U.S.-Russian relations have not substantially improved in the two and a half years since Putin made his first official phone call to Trump, during which the leaders lamented the "unsatisfactory state of bilateral relations" between the two countries, according to a Kremlin statement. Congress forced the Trump administration to impose new sanctions on Kremlin-linked companies and oligarchs in 2017 in response to Russia's election interference, and the U.S. expelled 61 Russian intelligence officers last year in response to Russia's alleged poisoning of a former spy on British soil. (Trump was apparently furious, however, at the number of diplomats ordered to leave. "There were curse words, a lot of curse words," an official told The Washington Post.)

American presidents, moreover, have tried in the past to repair relations with Russia. But none have praised and deferred to Putin as Trump has. And the Kremlin appears to have taken notice. An Atlantic analysis of Russian state media shows that Moscow has remained optimistic about the relationship despite the setbacks, focusing on the leaders' personal chemistry and encouraging people to read into their body language while consistently remaining one step ahead of the White House in disclosing their interactions. That has been especially easy for Russia given how little is known about what Trump and Putin have discussed during their private meetings and during informal conversations at summits in Germany, Vietnam, Finland, and Argentina over the past two years.

A damaging leak about an Oval Office meeting between Trump, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, and former Russian Ambassador Sergey Kislyak may be somewhat to blame for the extensive secrecy—The Post reported in May 2017 that Trump had revealed classified information provided by the Israelis during that meeting. Former National Security Adviser H. R. McMaster called the story "false," but Putin still tried to insert himself into the cleanup: "If the U.S. administration considers it possible, we are ready to submit a transcript of Lavrov's talk with Trump to the U.S. Senate and Congress," Putin said shortly after the news broke, joking about how Lavrov had failed to share the "secrets" with him.

Trump took the extraordinary step of confiscating his interpreter's notes after his first private meeting with Putin in Hamburg, Germany, in 2017, according to the Post, and demanded that the interpreter refrain from discussing the meeting with members of his own administration. (The White House senior adviser Kellyanne Conway told reporters earlier this month that Trump was concerned about leaks when he confiscated the notes.) Then–Secretary of State Rex Tillerson told reporters after that meeting that Trump and Putin had discussed Russia's election interference in 2016. But he wouldn't say whether Trump accepted Putin's denial of any such interference at face value—providing Russia with another golden opportunity to shape the narrative.

Trump "accepts the things that Mr. Putin has said," Lavrov told reporters after the conversation. He echoed Putin's claim that it "seemed" as though Trump took Putin's denials into account "and agreed" with them. White House officials didn't confirm or deny whether Trump had indeed taken Putin's side, but Trump said a few months later that he believes Putin "means it" when he says Russia didn't interfere in the election. "I think he is very insulted by it," Trump said.

[Read: Donald Trump's pattern of deference to the Kremlin is clear]

Jeffrey Edmonds, who served as the director for Russia on the National Security Council from 2014 to 2017, says that it would not be unusual if Trump were just trying to keep his conversations with Putin within a tight-knit circle of senior White House officials. "Presidents' conversations with each other are necessarily kept kind of secret so they can work things out in a way that the public is not scrutinizing every word they said," Edmonds says. He notes that under President Barack Obama, for example, the State Department would frequently ask for transcripts of his conversations with Putin and other foreign leaders but would "rarely" get them. When Obama met Putin in person, though, his national security adviser would accompany him, Edmonds says. "So I think the biggest difference here is in Trump's wanting to keep his conversations with Putin from his senior advisers," he adds. "His actively trying to keep them out of the loop is suspect, especially given the context."

Trump and Putin also had an hour-long, unscheduled conversation over dinner in Hamburg, Germany in July 2017—a rendezvous the world found out about from the president of a New York–based think tank, Ian Bremmer, whose account forced the White House to disclose the chat. Trump lashed out at the media for reporting on it, and later told The New York Times in passing that the two discussed "adoptions"—a.k.a. sanctions policy.

Russian news outlets accused U.S. journalists of overreacting. "Even a mentioning of Russia is explosive in Washington," the Russian state-owned newspaper Rossiyskaya Gazeta reported at the time, downplaying the dinner conversation as an informal chat "over dessert." The pro-government Russian network NTV highlighted that MSNBC had aired a clip of Trump pointing at the Russian leader and pumping his fist. The television report said that U.S. media had interpreted the gesture as meaning, "You-me-together."

[Read: An enemy of the Kremlin dies in London]

Later in 2017, during the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit in Vietnam, White House Press Secretary Sarah Sanders told reporters that while Trump and Putin could "bump into each other" at the summit, "a scheduled, formal meeting" was not on the calendar. In a familiar pattern, the Russian state news outlet TASS tried to own the narrative, however, by reporting that the two leaders "managed to speak before the photo ceremony" and that "Trump put his hand on Putin's shoulder in a friendly manner." Russian media also emphasized the fact that Trump stood on Putin's right side when the photo was taken, indicating that Trump had positioned himself as Putin's right-hand man.

Russian propagandists often encourage people to read more into gestures and emotions than substance—a remnant of the Soviet era, in which Kremlin bureaucrats paid intense attention to small signs that indicated loyalty or, alternatively, whether someone had fallen out of favor with government leaders. The gestures were traditionally in the context of who congratulates whom, and who praises which bureaucrat in what way—which might have been one reason Trump's advisers recommended that he not congratulate Putin in March 2018 on his election victory.

DO NOT CONGRATULATE, Trump's advisers wrote on his briefing notes. Sure enough, a Russia Today headline blared: "Trump congratulates Putin on his victory in the presidential election." The White House retorted that it is a "fireable offense and likely illegal" to leak Trump's briefing papers to the press, but did not deny that he'd been warned not to congratulate Putin.

The Russian diplomat and Putin aide Yuri Ushakov later told journalists that during that call, Trump had actually invited Putin to the White House. (A Putin spokesman denied Ushakov's account). Lavrov followed up, telling reporters that Trump "returned" to the topic of Putin's visit "a couple of times" as they spoke, and even told Putin that he would visit Moscow in return. The disclosures left Trump's aides scrambling to explain why they hadn't included those details in their own readout of the call.

[Read: What Putin really wants]

The Helsinki summit in July 2018, then—a two-hour, one-on-one meeting followed by a norm-shattering joint press conference—must have exceeded the Kremlin's wildest dreams. Senior administration officials still appear to be largely in the dark about what Trump and Putin discussed in the closed-door encounter. "I'm not in a position to either understand fully or talk about what happened in Helsinki," Director of National Intelligence Dan Coats said when asked about the summit last summer. (He told lawmakers earlier this year that he wanted to discuss the issue in a closed session of Congress.)

The leaders' joint press conference fueled the loudest calls for a complete account of what they had discussed. Standing before reporters, Trump sided with Putin over the U.S. intelligence community's assessment, stating "I don't see why it would be" Russia that interfered in the 2016 election. His remarks came three days after Mueller issued a new indictment laying out in extraordinary detail how Russia's military intelligence agency hacked Democratic organizations and timed the release of the stolen material to have the maximum impact on the election. "This is a democracy," Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer said at the time. "If our president makes agreements with one of our leading—if not the leading—adversary, his Cabinet has to know about it, and so do the American people."

Asked whether he wanted Trump to win the 2016 election, Putin replied: "Yes, I did. Yes, I did. Because he talked about bringing the U.S.-Russia relationship back to normal."

A scene depicted by one of the Kremlin pool reporters, Andrei Kolesnikov, illustrated the Russians' perception that U.S. officials were at a severe disadvantage in Finland. "Finns were playing on our side," Kolesnikov wrote in Russia's Kommersant newspaper. "Americans did not feel themselves to be the masters of that place. When a Finnish official asked the U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo to move to the door, Mr. Pompeo looked at him in frustration, with quickly growing hostility," Kolesnikov wrote. "But that person insisted, and Pompeo finally obeyed."

Aleksei Venediktov, editor in chief of Echo of Moscow, told The Atlantic that Putin's press secretary, Dmitry Peskov, was "ruling the press conference as if it were Putin's event." Kolesnikov told The Atlantic: "Dmitry Peskov was bringing the most powerful artillery to the battle"—and Moscow celebrated its triumph. A veteran nationalist politician, Vladimir Zhirinovsky, known as "Russia's Trump," at the time called the summit "a great joy"—but said that the translators should have been "executed … Otherwise how can you exclude the possibility of a leak?" he asked.

[Read: It's Putin's world ]

As confusion and outrage set in, the Russians announced that the pair had reached "important agreements"—fueling speculation that Trump was somehow compromised. "I've seen Russian intelligence manipulate many people over my professional career," GOP Representative Will Hurd, a former CIA official, said after the press conference. "I never would have thought that the US President would" be one of them.

Administration officials have still not been able to get a reliable readout of the Helsinki meeting. And they might have a new incident to worry about: Months after the Helsinki summit, at the G20 summit in Argentina, Trump again met with Putin for about 15 minutes without any U.S. translators or officials present. The White House acknowledged that the meeting occurred, but wouldn't provide details about their conversation.

Steve Hall, the former head of Russian operations for the CIA in Moscow, says the one-on-one meetings put Putin, a former KGB spy, in a unique position to influence Trump. "There are no Americans in the room to act as a brake if Trump is being pushed in the wrong direction," Hall says. "Putin is not only former KGB, but he's also spent scores of years dealing with foreign leaders and knows how to manipulate them."
Natasha Bertrandhttp://www.theatlantic.com/author/natasha-bertrand/?utm_source=feedAnna Nemtsovahttp://www.theatlantic.com/author/anna-nemtsova/?utm_source=feedGetty / The AtlanticThe Trump-Putin Relationship, as Dictated by the Kremlin2019-04-15T16:07:38-04:002019-04-16T07:57:51-04:00Why does the White House cede control of the narrative to the Russians?tag:theatlantic.com,2019:50-585850
MOSCOW—From Jeff Bezos's allegations of extortion and blackmail by the National Enquirer, a publication with links to President Donald Trump, to Trump's relations with the Kremlin, one particular word has gained prominence, and it's not even an English one.

Opponents of the government here in Moscow are well versed in the risk of their foibles and vices—from hidden-camera footage of them in bed with lovers to secretly recorded conversations—being used as compromising material, a practice better known by the Russian portmanteau kompromat.

Kompromat is a weapon often aimed at public critics of Russian President Vladimir Putin. But what do they do when they find it being used against them?

[Read: How state-sponsored blackmail works in Russia]

Here's what some have tried.

Go on the Offense

In August 2008, Ilya Yashin, then a 25-year-old leader of the opposition youth group Yabloko, met with two young women and later went on a couple of dates with one of them. At one point, his date brought Yashin back to a Moscow apartment where the other woman was waiting. Yashin had sex with the two women, but when they offered him cocaine and showed off several sex toys, Yashin, sensing something was amiss, declined their offer and left.

Nearly two years later, Yashin saw a video posted online in which Mikhail Fishman, then the editor of Newsweek's Russian-language edition, was captured snorting cocaine in the presence of a naked woman—the same woman whom Yashin had gone on the date with.

"I made a decision," Yashin told me, "to publish a detailed account of everything that happened in that apartment" before those behind what he was certain was a smear campaign had a chance to discredit him. "The only way we can defend ourselves from dirty tricks is to go public," he continued, "to beat the attackers."

The strategy appears to have worked: No images or video from that night more than a decade ago have so far been published. Today, Yashin leads Solidarnost, a Russian liberal democratic movement. A frequent critic of corruption among political elites, as well as Russia's annexation of Crimea and the Kremlin's repression of civil society, he successfully ran in local elections last year, and now heads a district council in Moscow.

Wait for the Storm to Pass

Not everyone feels comfortable publishing intimate personal stories, which can potentially destroy careers and relationships. Fishman chose not to comment on his own experience and the video that sought to discredit him, and still does not want to discuss the episode (including when I contacted him about it recently).

But the efforts to silence him failed, too. Years after the footage emerged, Fishman, who is now a television anchor on the independent channel TV Rain, is still popular and respected, and continues to give sharp, thoughtful, and well-reported analyses of the Kremlin's policies.

He recently spoke out over the killing last year of three Russian journalists in the Central African Republic. The group was making a documentary about the activities of a private security firm that allegedly has ties to the Russian government. Fishman, a guest on the radio show at Echo of Moscow, criticized a powerful ally of Putin's who has been reportedly linked to the murders, and pledged not to leave them unsolved.

[Read: What Mueller leaves behind]

The playwright and satirist Victor Shenderovich—famed for his 1990s television show Puppets, in which the nation's leaders were lampooned—had a similar experience. In 2014, after he had compared that year's Winter Olympics in the Russian city of Sochi to Adolf Hitler's 1936 Games in Berlin, a state-controlled outlet aired a compromising nude video of him. Shenderovich blames the authorities for the video's broadcast, arguing in a recent interview with me that "the Kremlin gave an order to destroy me." It was not even the first time he had been the object of such tactics: Several years prior, an edited video was published by several Russian-language websites, purporting to show Shenderovich in bed with the opposition activist Eduard Limonov and another woman.

But Shenderovich survived both incidents. His marriage stayed intact, and his books and live events remain popular. In March, the 60-year-old started a tour of Moscow, Arkhangelsk, and St. Petersburg, where thousands of fans are expected to turn out for his satirical performances. His biggest frustration is that he cannot seek punishment for those behind the shaming attempts. "Unlike in a civilized state," he told me, "we cannot take the abusers to court, because Russia has no independent courts."

Give In

Though many activists and opposition leaders have defied threats of blackmail and proactively spoken against them, kompromat has yielded plenty of successes, at least from the Russian government's point of view. Many here have been cowed into submission, and others have quietly stopped speaking out, fearing revelations that they do not want made public.

One of the highest-profile examples, which sheds a light on Putin's own willingness to engage in it, dates back to 1999. At the time, Putin—who was then the director of the successor organization to the KGB—played a leading role in forcing the resignation of Russia's Prosecutor General Yury Skuratov, who had been investigating large-scale corruption at the Kremlin.

When footage was broadcast of Skuratov in a sauna with prostitutes, Putin told journalists that the man in the video was the prosecutor general. Skuratov stepped down soon after. The case not only demonstrated Putin's loyalty to his predecessor as president, Boris Yeltsin, but also offered an early indication of the ruthless methods that the future president would use to secure power.
Anna Nemtsovahttp://www.theatlantic.com/author/anna-nemtsova/?utm_source=feedMikhail Voskresenskiy / ReutersScreens show live footage from polling stations in Moscow during Russia's 2012 elections.What to Do When the Russian Government Wants to Blackmail You2019-03-27T12:53:00-04:002019-03-27T14:57:25-04:00Russian officials have a long history of using compromising material, or kompromat, as a weapon against political opponents.tag:theatlantic.com,2019:50-585502
MOSCOW—Soon after the 17-year-old Mikhail Zhlobitsky criticized the Russian security services and blew himself up in October outside an office of the FSB, the successor organization to the KGB, in the country's far northwest, Svetlana Prokopyeva took to the airwaves.

Zhlobitsky was part of a generation that grew up entirely under Russian President Vladimir Putin, she said. Instead of protecting individual rights, she continued, the authorities were focused on suppressing freedom of expression. The judiciary, she added, had become a repressive system.

A couple of months later, Prokopyeva was made the target of a criminal investigation, accused by the authorities of "justifying terrorism," making her the latest symbol of a worsening clampdown on journalists, activists, and human-rights defenders here. And the climate for free speech looks likely to get worse: This week, Putin signed into law new rules that criminalize any "disrespect" for Russian society, the government, official symbols, the constitution, or any state body, as well as what the authorities deem to be "fake news." Watchdogs fear that the laws will be used to stamp out the limited pockets of dissent here, drowning out what were previously legal forms of protest.

Prokopyeva, a well-known journalist in the town of Pskov, near Russia's border with Estonia, read out one of her pieces on Echo of Moscow, an independent radio station, in November, and a version of the article was published online, as well. The previous month, Zhlobitsky had injured three FSB officers when he blew himself up outside the security service's offices, after announcing his affiliation to an anarchist movement and arguing in a note on the Telegram messaging app that the FSB had "fabricated cases and tortured people."

[Read: How the media became one of Putin's most powerful weapons]

Her piece criticized arms of the Russian government, and said the country had begun to view activists as enemies of the state. Russia's federal communications regulator, Roskomnadzor, complained to the courts about the article, which was taken down soon afterward, and Echo of Moscow had to pay a 150,000 ruble, or $2,300, fine. Pskov Lenta Novostei, an online news outlet, was fined 200,000 rubles for republishing the article.

"I must have offended the FSB leadership in Moscow," Prokopyeva told me, "because they are really angry with me."

Last month, a group of security officers called the Special Rapid Response Unit, clad in helmets and carrying shields and rubber truncheons, searched her tiny, two-room apartment in Pskov, she recounted to me. They were accompanied by interior-ministry officials from Center E, an agency whose official role is to combat extremism and terrorism. Several uniformed officers began digging through her clothes, her papers, and even her underwear, and left with all of her technical equipment—two laptops, an iPad, and memory cards—and printouts of her freelance-journalist contracts. Prokopyeva, who also worked for the U.S.-funded outlet Radio Free Europe, said they were particularly interested in her agreements with the organization. The investigation into Prokopyeva's work is ongoing, but if she is charged, she faces up to seven years in prison.

"To all of us professional journalists, this attack on our colleague means that each one of us can be accused of crimes for our work," Tatyana Felgenhauer, Echo of Moscow's deputy editor in chief, told me. Felgenhauer herself was stabbed in the neck in 2017 by a man who broke into the radio station's offices and later claimed that he "had to hurt her to stop her," yet she continues to criticize the Russian government on her morning show.

The investigation of Prokopyeva is symptomatic of the worsening environment for free expression in Russia. The country ranked 148th worldwide in Reporters Without Borders' 2018 World Press Freedom Index, and in the nearly 20 years since Putin first became president—including an interlude when he was prime minister but widely seen as the power behind the throne—violence against journalists and human-rights activists has become worryingly frequent. The recent fake-news law zoomed through both chambers of the country's Parliament in less than a month, and the Kremlin wants to make anything associated with the state sacred, walled off from criticism. Offending the feelings of Russian state officials is becoming a dangerous business.

[Read: What Putin really wants]

The new law on disrespecting state symbols, in particular, intends to choke off freedom of speech, according to Rachel Denber, the Europe and Central Asia deputy director for Human Rights Watch. "Why else is it necessary, other than to ban people who are critical of the government, to demonize criticism and dissent?" she asked me.

Prokopyeva's case is just one of many. Last week, the Interfax news agency reported that a court in Kaliningrad had convicted the human-rights defender Vyacheslav Lukichev, an activist in a local anarchist movement, of "justifying terrorism." Lukichev will have to pay a fine of 300,000 rubles for reposting Zhlobitsky's suicide note. Separately, Grigory Vinter, the leader of a small human-rights organization, told the Novaya Gazeta newspaper that police had detained him on a train from Moscow and threatened to break his legs, accusing him of being a foreign agent and transporting forbidden extremist literature.

Prokopyeva and her backers—more than 50,000 have put their signature to a petition in support of her—are fearful that being officially charged, and then convicted, is only a matter of time. She has so far been questioned three times by investigators. One interrogator told her that working for Radio Free Europe was not patriotic.

If Prokopyeva is charged, Felgenhauer has vowed to continue speaking out, particularly in favor of her colleague. "Our screams will be very loud," she said, before adding: "Unfortunately, this is the only tool we have to resist."
Anna Nemtsovahttp://www.theatlantic.com/author/anna-nemtsova/?utm_source=feedKirill Kudryavtsev / AFP / GettyA new Russian law that criminalizes "disrespect" for Russian society is just Moscow's latest crackdown on freedom of expression in Russia.Putin's Crackdown on Dissent Is Working2019-03-22T06:31:46-04:002019-03-22T09:35:05-04:00A new law criminalizing "disrespect" for Russian society and institutions might mark the end of the country's few remaining legal forms of protests.tag:theatlantic.com,2019:50-580306
MOSCOW—Outside a courtroom here in the Russian capital, dozens of people crowded along a narrow corridor, some wearing T-shirts calling for those on trial to be freed, others clad in hipster and designer outfits. In many ways, the scene at the Meshansky District Court of Moscow was much the same as when human-rights activists or opposition politicians have gone before a judge, facing an almost certain conviction for having challenged the authority of President Vladimir Putin.

Except this time, the person on trial is not your typical activist. He is the country's leading modern theater director, and those outside the courtroom are not those usually associated with defending human rights—they are some of Russia's best-known celebrities.

The prosecution of Kirill Serebrennikov, the artistic director of the Gogol Center, an avant-garde experimental theater, and three of his associates—the group stands accused of embezzling more than $2 million in government funds intended to support the arts—has captured the attention of Russia's cultural elite. At the most recent hearing on Monday, the 16th day of the trial, the courtroom was packed with journalists, artists, and activists. Russian authorities have been limiting freedom of expression and violating human rights for decades, with little apparent blowback, and an array of cultural icons, from actors to rappers, fear that this crackdown is now being extended.

[Read: It's Putin's world]

"In his first presidential term, Vladimir Putin crushed Russia's independent media, and in his second and third terms he moved to suppress business and bend it to his will," Mikhail Zygar, a journalist and the author of a best-selling history of Putin's presidency, told me. "Now the Kremlin is coming for the young and the talented—to control the theater, to push out independent cinema, to cancel concerts."

Unlike previous occasions, though, the backlash this time could be significant. When Putin sought to constrain Russian business in 2003 by arresting and then jailing the energy tycoon Mikhail Khodorkovsky, few in the business community spoke out, Zygar said. In the case of Serebrennikov, however, actors, directors, and musicians have refused to back down, openly criticizing Putin as out of touch and at the head of a system in which justice is given short shrift.

Serebrennikov, a tall and bespectacled 49-year-old whose award-winning plays are often critical of the Kremlin, has been under house arrest for more than a year, ever since police wearing ski masks nabbed him. He has been forced to wear an electronic bracelet, his time outside his small apartment in a historic Moscow neighborhood is limited to two hours a day, and he cannot walk more than a few blocks from his home. His beloved Gogol Center is strictly off-limits, and he is not allowed to leave Moscow.

[Read: Russia's bizarre new campaign to define its national identity]

Hundreds of artists and cultural figures, including Vladimir Urin and Oleg Tabakov, the directors of the Bolshoi Theater and the Moscow Chekhov Art Theater, respectively, have signed letters supporting Serebrennikov and his three colleagues, calling for them to be freed. Zygar and Karen Shainyan, the founders of the Future History studio, which focuses on popularizing Russian and world history, have devised a walking tour in which Serebrennikov, via a Dictaphone recording, describes his own neighborhood, where almost every building echoes with the history of Soviet political repression.

And throughout the trial, many of these artists have shown up in court to offer solidarity. "To go to the court is a matter of dignity and love for a genius director, and our dear friend," Kseniya Rappoport, a leading actor in the Maly Drama Theater, told me at a recent hearing, which she traveled from St. Petersburg to attend.

Serebrennikov's supporters—as well as human-rights advocates—argue that the case against the director is a flimsy one and is instead an attempt to muzzle his art and, by extension, Russia's cultural sector. For centuries, artists have informed Russian political thought, and today both those inside and outside the country mock its corrupt politicians and aggressive foreign policy in their rap lyrics, modern art, and theatrical performances. As fans of these artists have grown in number, the Kremlin has reacted in the only way it knows how: by cancelling concerts and searching studios.

In Serebrennikov's case, colleagues and friends have speculated that, as Putin has promoted a more conservative philosophy, the director was punished for putting naked people onstage (in one performance, men and women wove movements around one another in choreographed dance, all of them nude) or for depicting Rudolf Nureyev's homosexuality in a ballet about his life at the Bolshoi. Still others believe that Serebrennikov either displeased a Putin ally or is paying the price for including a power-hungry character in a play titled Who Lives Well in Russia?, a figure so reminiscent of Putin in his looks and manner of speech that few in the audience missed the apparent parallels.

"Those in power are punishing him for all his honest plays and films, for all his art," Valeriy Pecheykin, a playwright who has attended the hearings, told me. "They are punishing Serebrennikov for his entire life."

The cultural crackdown extends beyond Serebrennikov and the theater. Authorities sentenced Husky, a hugely popular young rapper known for his politically charged lyrics, to 12 days in prison last year for performing on top of a car after one of his gigs was cancelled by prosecutors. The punishment sparked uproar, and other leading rappers held a concert in November in Moscow, called "I Am Going to Sing My Music," to show solidarity with Husky (the authorities eventually canceled Husky's sentence). Young Russians now often quote one lyric from the concert: "This is my game, my game; it belongs to me, and people like me." Music has a history here of being used as a tool of dissent: In a scene from Assa, a perestroika-era film about the late-Soviet musical underground, the rock legend Viktor Tsoi walks out of a lecture by a Communist functionary about the proper role of culture and instead sings his anthem, "Changes!", a soundtrack of political protest in ensuing years. (Putin may well be familiar with this link. At a recent meeting, he advised the government on what to do about protest rap music: "If it's impossible to stop it, you've got to take charge of it.")

Read: Freed Pussy Riot Member Yekaterina Samutsevich: 'Art Must Be Political'

To older artists, the clamping down on culture mirrors an earlier era. The seasoned actors Natalya Tenyakova and Sergei Yursky, for example, have compared Serebrennikov's trial to pressures they experienced in Soviet times. Indeed, for decades Russian artists have had to make compromises with the authorities to be allowed to keep appearing onstage, on-screen, and in print. Now today's generation faces the same dilemma, at a time when the authorities are again reviving the personality cults of Joseph Stalin and Ivan the Terrible by unveiling statues and changing official history books. The theater director's trial, the Russian satirist Victor Shenderovich told me, "is a lesson to all Russian celebrities who kiss the hand of power while thinking it is possible to stay a reasonable person."

Inside the courtroom on Monday, Serebrennikov, dressed in his trademark black hat and designer hoody and a T-shirt with a dragon on his chest, paid little attention to the proceedings, instead working on scripts for new productions on his laptop.

When the hearing concluded, it was already dark outside. Three well-known movie actors were waiting at the door to the courthouse, in the cold (they had forgotten their passports and were not allowed in). When I asked them why they had not left given the weather, one of them, Yana Troyanova, replied: "We artists should be here, when one of us has been trapped by the system."
Anna Nemtsovahttp://www.theatlantic.com/author/anna-nemtsova/?utm_source=feedTatyana Makeyeva / APSerebrennikov attends a court hearing in Moscow in September 2017.A Theatrical Moscow Trial Draws the Ire of Russia's Cultural Elite2019-01-14T13:32:00-05:002019-01-15T05:39:02-05:00Embezzlement charges against a leading Russian theater director come amidst a growing cultural crackdown that mirrors the country's Soviet past.


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|Project Resource Ltd
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Building Surveyor
Building Surveyor | Freelance | Consultancy
This is freelance Building Surveyor position will offer you the chance to work from home! This will be a mid-December start and the contract will run for a minimum of 10 weeks. Essentially, I am looking for a Building Surveyors with 2+ years' experience to process applications for grants for essential works in schools across London. For the most part, you will be able to complete all your work from home, however for the first week you will have to travel into my client's office in London for a 1-week induction/training workshop on how to complete the work. Experience working on education projects would be ideal, however I am happy to be flexible on project experience.
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If you are interested in this Building Surveyor position then please apply via this job board or alternatively you can send an up to date CV to Dexter Ifill on Click here to contact this recruiter or call me on [Telephone number removed] .
Project Resource are an equality and diversity recruitment agent and employer. The services of Project Resource are those of a recruitment business / agency.
Building Surveyor | Freelance | Consultancy


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28 Posts
#21 •
Here is the letter I sent to the Honorable Edward M. Chen of the San Francisco District Court via Lynn Fuller:I just wrote an email to the the Honorable Edward Chen telling him how bad the AEM recall screws owners of ecodiesel trucks (he is the judge overseeing this whole debacle).
If you feel the same way I would encourage you to write to him, he needs to hear from consumers on this, we're the ones left holding the bag. The $3,075 is a joke, and that's what I told him. The AEM basically ruins the truck that we purchased. It makes them less fuel efficient, less powerful, and dangerous to drive. And, the trade-in values on the ecodiesels are suffering because people are unloading them onto the used market, and dealers don't want them because of the AEM stigma.
His media clerk is: [email protected]
I asked him to demand FCA make a new ECU tune that doesn't harm us, the consumer, I hope many of you will do the same.
More contact info on his office can be found here: https://www.cand.uscourts.gov/emc
San Francisco Courthouse
Courtroom 5 – 17th Floor
450 Golden Gate Avenue
San Francisco, CA 94102
To the Honorable District Judge Edward M. Chen:
Subject: FCA Chrysler EcoDiesel AEM (A08/A11) "upgrade"
Your Honor,
As you have probably been made aware from numerous EcoDiesel owners, there is a glaring and dangerous problem that exists with the AEM update on virtually all of the trucks included in this recall. The least of which pertaining to the slight decrease in mileage. Others in several RAM EcoDiesel online forums have claimed a lack of power that seems to vary from truck to truck. These are mild to moderate annoyances for most of us. However, the most dangerous feature the AEM has caused, is an approximate 2.8 second delay that occurs from the moment the accelerator is depressed (no matter if it is 5% depressed, or to the floor) before the engine responds to what it should be doing immediately upon pedal depression. You can well understand the danger this presents when attempting to pull into traffic at an accelerated rate you are familiar with so as to not be hit in the rear by oncoming traffic. With this "upgrade" it is not safe to execute this common maneuver in these trucks; of which you can read of in the RAM1500Diesel online forum.
This only seems to be an issue when the vehicle is first started and will remain until the vehicle reaches full operating temperature. That said, it has been my experience that even at normal operating temperature, with outdoor ambient temperature at a moderate 50 to 70 degrees F, my truck will exhibit this same programmed anomaly if the truck sits not running for even 15 minutes or more.
While I would prefer the slightly higher mileage of the pre AEM programmed truck, if it means the exhaust is cleaner for it, then that is acceptable. What is NOT acceptable however is permitting an automotive giant like FCA Chrysler to distribute an inferior mileage reducing program at best and at worst, a program that is not only dangerous, but now has resulted in a "red-herring" scenario (if you will) of a vehicle that every auto dealer (new & used) knows has problems that make the vehicle less than desirable to take in on trade. If a dealer does accept it, I can be assured I will receive far less than fair market price for my truck. As I see it, there are two viable options in which FCA Chrysler need to be held accountable.
- Re-engineer a new program that addresses the acceleration problem returning the pre AEM drivability of the vehicles while maintaining the extended warranty.
- Offer a buy-back program fully refunding the total purchase price (including all taxes) for affected vehicles.
It is also my hope that you will see to it that they are held accountable for more than an award settlement and extended warranty. FCA Chrysler needs to make good on assuring owners who trusted them for a good product to perform the way it was advertised and sold. On a side note here; it is clearly stated in the AEM software upgrade that this would not alter the vehicle's performance, mileage or drivability in any way. Clearly this was a lie.


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Wrap made with spreadable cheese, deli ham, turkey, spinach, pickle and avocado with a splash of vinegarSubmitted by: LUVTHERANCHLIFE
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Basic foods with good flavor.Submitted by: POOKALOKI
Quick and easy lunch. Add any other veggies that you like. The tortilla that I use has 7 grams of fiber...WOW!Submitted by: LAMMB08
YUMMY! Great for lunch or dinner. High in sodium and carbs, but it fills you up and you stay that way for a while!Submitted by: KESLIEJO
I sometimes substitute Laughing Cow cheese for the hummus. Both ways are great.Submitted by: CAZLINR
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