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A. Executive summary
After fifteen years of governments of the center-left coalition, the Concertación de Partidos por la Democracia (Concertación), Chile has consolidated its political stability, international incorporation and economic development, and it has corrected some of the negative social effects of the economic model inherited by Pinochet. Still the country suffers problems of inequality (income distribution, labor relations and employment) and insufficient capacity for state intervention in the economy. It has been unable to overcome the institutional framework inherited from the dictatorship that impedes further development and the consolidation of democracy.
The third government of Concertación, led by President Ricardo Lagos, has successfully recovered from the effects of the Asian crisis on the Chilean economy. In 2004, the rate of growth was 6.1% marking the highest point since 1997. Free trade treaties with the United States and South Korea and economic agreements with the European Union were important steps toward opening the economy. After some corruption scandals at the beginning of 2003, Chilean risk rankings and transparency reforms have done very well. Programs aimed at addressing extreme poverty that imply direct assistance to families, called Chile Solidario, have also been successful. The main problems that remain are the imbalance of labor relations, maintenance of inequalities in income distribution and the persistence of a relatively high rate of unemployment..
Some important steps have been made in last two years in Chiles democratic institutional reforms. Steps include: the extension of judicial reform, legislative reform on health known as the AUGE Plan (Universal Access with Explicit Warranties), honesty and public management laws, a new law governing public finance of political campaigns(although with some flaws), the creation of the Consejo Nacional de la Cultura (National Culture Council), and the advancement of some constitutional reforms. Despite these strengths, the Concertación governments main weaknesses lie in its institutions: the failure to change the constitution, the electoral system and other crucial aspects of the institutional framework inherited from the Pinochet dictatorship.
On the other hand, important steps to improve truth and justice concerning human rights violations have been accomplished, specifically the Commission on Torture and Political Imprisonment report and statements by the armed forces recognizing its participation in these violations. However, the Supreme Court continues to oscillate on this and other matters, giving it a poor evaluation in the eyes of the public.
The government has been successful in its economic policy: international relations (with the exception of its place in Latin America) including economic agreements with the United States, Europe and countries in Pacific Asia, its active opposition to the U.S. policy on Iraq through its vote in the United Nations (UN) Security Council, and the organization of the 2004 Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) meeting. This implies a very high level of trust in the presidency, whose support has reached 70% after five years in government. Because of this performance, its coalition won municipal elections in October 2004. Given the fact that the right-wing candidate has dropped dramatically in the polls, there is a high probability that Chile will have a new Concertación government in December 2005 headed by a woman president (former Defense Minister Michelle Bachelet).
However strong Chiles macroeconomic stability, policies to overcome poverty, financial and commercial integration, and other structural and institutional reforms (such as health, the judiciary) should not hide major flaws and weaknesses that Concertacións very successful governments have been unable to overcome. Continuous problems include income inequality (one of the highest in Latin America), extreme corporate influence over the business sector, a monopolistic control of the media, a severe imbalance in labor relations that harms workers, bad performance in the quality of education and technological innovation, and the inability to eliminate the institutional enclaves left by the Pinochet dictatorship. Some of these problems, especially concerning social issues, explain why Chile cannot be higher ranked. The strategic recommendations suggested, then, address these questions.
B. History and characteristics of transformation
After the big economic crisis in 1930, in which Chiles externally oriented model of development was complicated by a crackdown on nitrate exports, the country adopted an import substitution industrialization model with a strong economic and social role for the state. This process was accompanied by a stable democracy, established in the 1925 constitution, although from the point of view of political participation this was restricted, and increased social participation, especially from the middle class and organized urban workers. The integration of these populations excluded the peasantry and urban shantytown dwellers that were incorporated during the reformist governments of the 1960s and the beginning of the 1970s. This socioeconomic and political model was exacerbated during the Allende government under the influence of the leftist coalition Unidad Popular. Its program of nationalization of monopolistic enterprises, including the copper mines, called the Chilean road to socialism, aimed to transform the capitalist economy through institutional and democratic means. A process of political polarization allowed the military, led by General Augusto Pinochet and supported by the United States, to overthrow Allende in 1973. Consequently, a military dictatorship was established that put an end to this socioeconomic and political model and attempted to build a new one through political repression and neo-liberal economic reforms.
There is a consensus today about the destructive character of the Pinochet regime in regards to politics and social issues. The dictatorship was characterized by systematic and massive violations of human rights: disappearances, murders, torture, exile, a permanent state of siege, suppression of liberties and freedom of the press, etcetera. The relationship between parties and social organizations was disjointed because of the repression and the ban on all political activities. Due to the socioeconomic model imposed by the technocratic group linked to financial capital, known as the Chicago boys, the state withdrew from its social role concerning education, health, social security and labor relations. The rate of poverty went up to 40% and the real income of workers went down its 1973 level.
However, in some sectors that recognize the catastrophic political and social aspects of the military regime, the myth persists that the Pinochet regime was the founder of a solid and open market economy and created the basis for a modern society. All indicators the economic growth rate, inflation, poverty, corruption, state management prove exactly the contrary: its performance was the worst compared to the twenty years previous to the coup and the fifteen years of democracy. The foundations and solidity of Chilean economy are due exclusively to the Concertación governments.
In 1980, Pinochet imposed a Constitution that was the framework used by the democratic opposition in order to win the 1988 referendum designed to keep Pinochet in power. In 1980, Pinochet imposed a constitution through referendum designed to maintain his power, which acted as the focal point for democratic opposition. Finally, in 1988 it was defeated. After this plebiscite, presidential and parliamentary elections were held in 1989, and the center-left coalition (the Concertación) won with its candidate, Christian Democrat Patricio Aylwin. During the last fifteen years Concertación has won all the elections and elected three governments, and most probably will elect the fourth in December 2005.
The Aylwin government (1990-1994) was characterized by successful attempts to avoid any authoritarian regression and to conciliate economic stability by overcoming poverty through an increase in social expenditures. Concerning human rights violations under the dictatorship, the most important advance was the Commission (and the subsequent report) on Truth and Reconciliation that was the first official attempt to estimate the number of victims murdered and disappeared under the military regime, and which was met by the military and right-wing politicians.
The government of Christian Democrat Eduardo Frei Ruiz-Tagle (1994-2000) intensified the market economy, extending international trade and privatization. In this government, the market economy became consolidated, the country reached the highest rates of economic growth in its history, close to 8%, and poverty was significantly reduced. However, in 1998 Chile reached second place in Latin America in inequality, due to unequal income distribution.
At the time of this writing, President Lagos (2000-2006), socialist and founder of the Partido por la Democracia (PPD), leads the third Concertación government. His aims have included recovery after the Asian crisis and the promotion of significant reforms. These reforms include plans to overcome extreme poverty, to modernize education, health and culture (through the elimination of censorship, divorce laws, and the creation of the Consejo Nacional de la Cultura), to improve labor relations (through the introduction of unemployment insurance and decreases in labor time), to improve public financing of electoral campaigns, to decrease corruption in state management, and finally to continue constitutional reforms.
The economy recovered so that in 2004 Chile had a growth rate of 6.1%. All the macroeconomic indicators improved and Chile had a very active insertion into the world economy with economic agreements with United States, Europe and Asia. However, inequality and wealth concentration in Chile are some of the worst in the world (Gini index: 0.57). Concerning human rights, ongoing trials against some high level officers of the Pinochet regime including Pinochet himself and the Valech Report on Torture and Political Imprisonment are important steps toward justice and reparation.
During these fifteen years, the country has seen the most important economic development in all its history. Important advances have been made to overcome poverty, truth and justice concerning human rights violations under the dictatorship, submission of the military to political power, international economic involvement, changes to the judiciary, health and educational reforms. However, social inequality (income distribution, quality of education, unemployment and labor relations, among others) has not been overcome. Neither has the constitution imposed by Pinochet been replaced, despite some significant changes that are still in progress. The electoral system gives enormous veto power to the minority right wing generated under the Pinochet regime and excludes an important leftist sector from parliament. In addition, the institutional framework for other spheres of society remains unchanged.
C. Assessment
1. Democracy
1.1. Stateness
The Chilean political system is highly institutionalized, and there is a high level of stateness. The state has all the capacity to enforce the laws. No other actors compete for the use of force. State institutions have widespread legitimacy, despite important criticism of the constitution and the judiciary. Since 1925, the Catholic Church has been separate from the state, and recently laws have been approved that give more opportunities and rights to other religious organizations besides the Catholic Church. In spite of the separation of church and state, the former exerts constant pressures, especially in cultural and values issues, and has forced the government and congress to change some laws (such as the divorce law and some laws concerning sexuality and reproduction).
During the period of this review, military institutions have become strictly obedient to the political authorities, but the constitution does not allow the executive to remove the Commanders in Chief.
The main problem is the co-existence of a strong stateness (i.e. the effectiveness and legitimacy of public policies) with two other contradictory elements: de facto powers like the church or the concentrated media or business organizations, and the persistence of the constitution created by Pinochet in 1980 that limits state capacity and popular sovereignty. Currently there is a discussion in the congress to consider modifying significant aspects of the constitution, but without generating a new democratic constitution, and without changing the electoral system.
1.2. Political participation
Chilean elections are meet international standards, and follow the constitution without significant cases of fraud. Official results are not contested and are fully accepted. Censorship has declined during the review period and there is a restricted freedom of association and opinion. However, the institution of appointed senators still exists, and the electoral system gives a veto power to the right-wing alliance as a second majority and excludes a third force different from the two alliances that share power. Press freedom and pluralism is severely limited by the concentration of media ownership in two groups. Only in 2005 was a small newspaper independent of these groups created.
Legitimacy is assured not only because every social and political actor accepts the rules and institutions of the political system, but also because the government represents social and political majorities. More than an agreement in fundamentals which is lacking because there has been no real debate on social, economic and political foundations, crystallized in a new constitution there exists a deep agreement on not changing laws by extra-institutional means. Beyond a strong instrumental consensus that also embraces the economic model, there is serious criticism of the model's impact on social inequalities and environmental problems. As long as an alternative to the market economy is not a viable option, debate on the possible variations of the economic model, for example a social democratic instead of liberal orientation, is still lacking, especially concerning economic concentration, social inequalities and the role of the state. In Chile, the state represents 16% of the national expenses, compared to other countries where it is about 50%.
Significant social reforms for which there is strong public and political support cannot be achieved because power groups linked to business sectors with strong influence on the media oppose to these reforms, which include tax reform to modify income distribution, state intervention during economic crisis or royalty on mine resource exploitation. Even if approximately 80% of public opinion favored justice on human rights violations under the dictatorship, trials and effective justice are very slow. In this respect, an important advance has been the Report on Torture and Political Imprisonment of the Valech Commission created by President Lagos. Another important step was the 2004 divorce law, after ten years of parliamentary debate and fierce opposition from the Catholic Church.
1.3. Rule of law
The constitution guarantees the separations of powers, which work independently from each other. Chile is a presidential system where the president acts also as a co-legislator. The parliament has limited power to check the executive due to the inheritances of the Pinochet constitution, but some reforms are under way in this matter. The judiciary branch is autonomous from a juridical point of view but its accountability is very limited, and it is ideologically very dependent. Recently the principal judge who conducted the Pinochet trials, who has just retired, denounced the corruption and ideological positions of judges vis-à-vis human rights. Even if President Lagos constantly reminds that "institutions are working and the executive does not intervene in the judiciary decisions" which is true the persistent ideological influence of the press and of de facto powers (i.e. the church) on the judiciary distorts processes and public opinion. In 2003-2004 there were contradictory statements from judiciary members concerning their behavior and their role on crucial issues like human rights under the dictatorship, and also general accusations of corruption. According to public-opinion polls, the judiciary has a very low level of trust and confidence from the population.
On the other hand, authorities are effectively controlled by the Contraloría and the judiciary, as been evident in the review period by denunciations of corruption and accusations of misappropriation of public funds.
There are no restrictions on civil liberties. Important advances have been made concerning the end of the censorship and limits on free opinion vis-à-vis the government. However, reproductive rights are still limited.
1.4. Stability of democratic institutions
Institutional stability is one of Chiles greatest assets. All political actors play and respect the democratic game. However, in many aspects, political institutions are not democratic but were imposed by the 1980 Pinochet constitution, which remains in place. This impedes the deepening of democracy. The electoral system and the quorum required for changing the constitution makes radical reform very difficult. Stability therefore means also the persistence of those non-democratic elements of the institutional framework. This weakens the representative ability of parties and of politics in general.
1.5. Political and social integration
Chile today is a multiparty system, but due to the electoral system, it operates as a bi-partisan system with two major alliances. Parties are forced to form alliances in order to obtain representation in the congress. The Concertación de Partidos por la Democracia (Agreement for Democracy) alliance is formed by centre-left parties (Christian Democracy, Social Democratic Radical Party, Party for Democracy, Socialist Party) and is the majority coalition that has governed the country and won all the elections since the restoration of democracy in 1990. The Alianza por Chile (Alliance for Chile) coalition is constituted by the Unión Democrática Independiente (UDI), the majority hard right-wing party and the minority more democratic Renovación Nacional (RN) party. Due to the electoral system, the Communist Party, the Humanist Party and other groups on the left are without representation in congress; together these parties constitute the Juntos Podemos (Together we can) coalition that reached a 12% in the 2004 municipal elections.
The level of political participation is high, close to 70%, with low absenteeism due compulsory voting. However, registration is not automatic or obligatory, with consequently low registration rates for young people. A reform is underway making registration or electoral inscription automatic. Parties are rooted in social (socioeconomic, income), ideological (right-left) and political cleavages (concerning the military regime) and the shifting vote is no more than 10-20%. Independent candidates are not favored. On political issues, there is no alternative to parties. However, according to polls, there has been diminished public interest in politics over the past 10 years, and parties enjoy very low levels of confidence or trust (reaching only to 8% in 2003 according to some polls).
2. Market economy
2.1. Level of socioeconomic development
Despite the stability and improvement of macro-economic indicators, exclusion and inequalities persist. Under the Concertación governments, poverty levels have decreased from close to 40% to 17% of the population. In 2000, the level of extreme poverty was 5.7%, and it has declined further due to an important program called Chile Solidario, which attempts to support 250,000 families with financial, job, education, health, psychological and lodging programs. Poverty unequally affects different regions, ethnic minorities, children and women. Unemployment affects especially younger or less educated people.
2.2. Organization of the market and competition
All the elements of a market economy are present in Chile. The economic order is established by the constitution. Public institutions supervise insurance companies, businesses, banking and financial institutions, with one institution devoted to preventing monopolies. In reality, however, the state has very low power of control and these institutions have not been able to prevent the concentration of properties and business links with the media. A law on speculative investments, established in 1991, was lifted in 2002.
Free trade has been encouraged through free-trade treaties with United States and South Korea and economic agreements with the European Union. The question for Chile is not the existence of a market economy, but rather its orientation towards a neo-liberal or socially oriented economic model.
2.3. Currency and price stability
Price stability has resulted from a coherent and definite policy of the government and the autonomous central bank. The annual inflation rate was 2.4% in 2004. Authorities place higher priority on controlling inflation than on reducing unemployment. During the review period, the government has established the principle of structural public expenses in order to compensate the budget over a period of two or three years.
2.4. Private property
The protection and respect of private property are enshrined as a main principal of the Chilean Constitution. The privatization process initiated under Pinochet was corrupt and non-transparent, creating a high concentration of property ownership, especially strong in the media and other sectors. The right-wing opposition avoids discussion of this process, which the congress cannot revise or study under the current constitution. In many cases, the state was robbed. Today the main question is not privatization but an adequate regulatory framework, particularly in some formerly public services, now privatized. On the other hand, during the period under review private-public relations have deepened through market operations such as public works (such as highways).
2.5. Welfare regime
Chile developed some elements of the welfare state, in education, health, social security, housing and labor laws, from the 1930s until 1973. All these elements were removed after 1973 by the military regime. Under the dictatorship, social policies were "asistencialistas" they only aimed to attenuate the most striking effects of the neo-liberal adjustment in the 1980s.
Under the democratic governments, social expenditures increased 160% between 1990 and 2003. However, the system of protection and social security created under the dictatorship has been maintained. Large parts of the system were transferred to the market, most importantly the Administradores de Fondos de Pensiones (AFP) and the Instituciones de Salud Provisional (ISAPRE). These market institutions are not able to provide adequate pensions or quality health care for all. Workers and low-income families must use the public system, which is of a lesser quality than the ISAPRES, resulting in an unequal access to the healthcare system. The pension system of the AFP is based on capitalization and it eliminated any solidarity dimension. Thus, the lower income sectors continue to participate in the public system (INP) that in spite of modernization provides very low pensions.
The significant injustice of the social-protection system inherited from the dictatorship led the democratic governments to regulate the private system as well as to increase pensions and to initiate other reforms. Furthermore, the Lagos government has created the AUGE plan to improve the quality and extension of health services in the public sector, always focusing on lower-income groups. The AUGE plan covers more than 50 pathologies and their respective therapies. This plan also includes some modifications of the ISAPRES system. However, a solidarity fund project failed. Instead, a moderate fund that compensates health care costs for women and older people was introduced. Medical organizations criticized the measure for not covering all illnesses and the whole population. Undoubtedly, the AUGE plan is a major and significant reform, perhaps the most important of the Lagos government. Concerning social security, the candidate of the Concertación to presidential elections in December 2005 announced a reform of the system.
Regarding education, there is now a consensus that the problem is no longer access at least in primary and secondary school, if not in pre-basic and higher education. According to HDI (2002), the adult literacy rate is 95.7%, and the combined gross enrolment ratio for primary, secondary and tertiary schools is 79%, the education index 0.90. In 2003, a constitutional reform established obligatory secondary education. However, all the measurements of quality beyond literacy show, first, a very poor performance by international standards, and second, a high inequality according to socioeconomic factors and type of school. In general, the private and paid establishment is of higher quality, while the public and subsidized private schools suffer lower performance. Despite increasing public expenditure and reforms in education, this gap has not closed. An OECD report states that the Chilean educational system is built to generate inequalities.
In higher education, despite a dramatic increase in enrolments there is a deterioration of public universities, due to inconsistent state policy and a general lack of resources. Public universities must compete with a proliferation of private universities that are usually with significant exceptions of a very low quality level because they follow market rules under very weak regulations.
Housing policy has been an important success. Around 70% of the housing-program investments in 2003 were dedicated to the poor sectors of the country. This investment increased from 23.1% between 1997 and 2001 to 68.5% in 2003, and resulted in the eradication of "Campamentos" or shantytowns generating new neighborhoods where social problems such as criminality and drug trafficking appeared, creating new ghettos in the larger cities.
Redistribution is a priority. In 2003, 41.9% of social expenditures in health, education and monetary subsidies were concentrated on 20% of the poorer householders (hogares), 22.7% for the first decile and 19.2% for the second. Thanks to these measures the poorer 20% of householders increased their income by almost 90%, while the 20% of richest householders increased by only 0.2%. In sum, due to the benefits of health, education and monetary subsidies the 20% of the poorest householders increased their share of total income from 3.9% to 6.9%, while the richest 20% reduced their share from 56.5% to 52.3%. As for other indicators of equity in 2000, the Gini Index was 57.1; the ratio of the richest 10% to the poorest 10% was 40.6, and the ratio of the richest 20% to the poorest 20% was 18.7. Concerning gender, the ratio of estimated female to male earned income was 0.38, the GEM rank was 58 and the GEM value was 0.460.
2.6. Economic performance
The Chilean economy shows indicators of healthiness and solidity. During the 1990s, Chilean economic growth held at approximately 7% per year until the Asian crisis in 1997, when it began decreasing to approximately 2% in 2002. Since then the recovery began and annual growth reached 6.1% in 2004, the best result since 1997. According to the IMF, the same growth rate is expected for 2005. Inflation is below 3%, a concept of structural balance has allowed Chile not to have public deficit, while debt and a trade balance show good performance. Chile's main problem continues to be an unemployment rate between 8% and 9%, and high inequalities. During the last year of the review period nearly 200,000 new jobs were created and the unemployment rate decreased by 0.7%.
2.7. Sustainability
The public institution in responsible for the environment, Comisión Nacional del Medio Ambiente (CONAMA), is very weak, but new economic projects must consider environmental impact. International standards introduced by free-trade agreements add importance to the sustainability dimension. However, important environmental conflicts still exist and energy is problematic due to neighbor countries.
Important education reforms have extended the coverage of pre-basic education, establishing in the constitution the right to universal education for 12 years. The test for entering into higher education has been replaced. However, by international standards performance is still low. In addition, a high level of inequality plagues the education system, with municipal public schools being the most deprived.
The higher education system has collapsed and it is very unequal. Spending on sciences and technology is low. Public expenditure in education grew from 2.5% of GDP in 1990 to 3.9% in 1999-2001 and from 10.4% of the total government expenditure in 1990 to 17.5% in 1999-2001. Patents granted to residents were two per million people in 2000; receipts of royalties and license fees (U.S. dollar per person) was 0.2 in 2002; research and development (R&D) expenditure in 1996-2002 was 0.5% of the GDP and researchers in R&D were 419 per million people from 1990-2001.
3. Management
3.1. Level of difficulty
Poverty and inequality were the most important structural constraints during the dictatorship. Democratic governments have reduced the poverty level by more than half, but inequalities remain high. Chile depends on energy from abroad, and persistent problems with Bolivia have impeded better relations concerning energy imports, particularly gas. Most infrastructure problems have been tackled during the survey period. Primary constraints are institutional: the constitution and other laws inherited from the dictatorship and only partially corrected (electoral system, labor, health, higher education, social security). The right-wing minority and business organizations retain strong veto powers. Institutional constraints are also present in the state administrative organization, where laws on decentralization, regionalization and municipalities are insufficient and centralist. The lack of regional and local administrative autonomy is especially harmful in a country with a very extended, diverse and complicated geography.
There are approximately 80,000 social organizations in Chile, in which 55% of the population participates. Absenteeism during elections is low, but there is a high percentage of non-registration of young people (approximately 2 million out of more than 8 million voters). Levels of interpersonal and institutional trust are low. The government has given ambiguous signals in these matters, initiating two pieces of legislation concerning social organizations and automatic voter registration. The first project does not implement any mechanism to incorporate social organizations into public policies, while the second intends to reform the constitution in one of the few, if not the only, good aspects of it consistent with Chilean tradition: the compulsory vote. The government wants to make voting voluntary.
The fundamental problem of Chilean civil society is that social organizations were always constituted through politics and parties, so there is no strong tradition of a non-politicized civil society. Even today, there is a distance and division between politics and civil society that makes politics less democratic and civil society less relevant to policy decisions.
During the survey period, ethnic conflicts, though localized, have become very significant in the south, especially on environmental and land property issues. Approximately 5% to 6% of the population comes from "pueblos originarios" indigenous communities. Nevertheless, the main cleavages within Chilean society are ethical, concerned with human rights violations under the dictatorship, and socioeconomic, and based on inequalities. There is no religious conflict in the country, but a strong and disproportionate influence of the Catholic Church in public and politic affairs. These various cleavages and conflicts do not give rise to violence.
3.2. Steering capability
The government is able to propose and implement policies in line with strategic priorities oriented towards the long-term goals of democracy and a market economy. Examples of this are the a structurally balanced budget and reform in the spheres of justice, health and education, energy and infrastructure all policies that demand a long-term budget going beyond the term of one government. These goals require state policies and not only government policies.
On the other hand, the government has had to change some of its most important reforms, and especially to soften its redistributive dimensions, in reaction to public opinion, de facto powers like business organizations, the Catholic Church and the press, and the pressure of political opposition.
After the crisis caused in 2002-2003 by overpayments of public officers and by unproven accusations of diversion of public funds to political campaigns, the government was able to negotiate with the opposition an agenda of 38 reforms to state administration, including political campaign financing. Many of these reforms were in the opposition's interest and were softened after parliamentary debate. When one Concertación party proposed a royalty for mining enterprises, the government opposed it due to the pressures of business interests, but afterwards changed its position and the proposal was defeated in the parliament. After the report of the Commission on Torture and Political Imprisonment, the government forced the opposition to approve proposals for justice and compensation of victims. The same success was not possible with the AUGE Plan for health care, and the government was forced to make another attempt to create a solidarity fund after the first proposal was rejected by the right-wing opposition.
These examples demonstrate that, on one hand, there is undoubtedly a capacity to propose policies based on strategic and long-term priorities, along with the flexibility to learn from failures and to replace existing policies. However, this ability to learn is constrained by short-term calculations and the necessity to not lose face. Governing is determined more by political compromise and public image than by real leadership and learning. The inherited institutional framework is primarily responsible for this situation.
3.4. Resource efficiency
In general, resource use is under the control of an independent public authority. Efficient use of resources can be demonstrated by the balanced budget, the lack of significant public debt, and the existence of compensation funds when there is a crisis due to external factors (e.g. a rise in energy prices). Concerning public administrative personnel, until 2003 there were 3,500 posts depending directly on the presidency. After a number of scandals, this number was reduced to 750, with the remainder being open to public competition. To improve the administration of human resources, the National Direction of Civil Service was created, whose mission is the centralization and homogenization all policies concerning public personnel, making their careers more professional, with merit-based promotion.
One of the problems of coalition governments in presidential systems is that there is no other mechanism of coordination than the personal intervention of the president. Ministerial committees exist to coordinate public policy in some fields. In some cases of failed coordination, responsible officials are dismissed, as seen in the example of the day-after pill and the Undersecretary of Healths dismissal. Other important problems are the lack of administrative decentralization and the financing of the municipal system.
The situation with respect to corruption is somewhat ambivalent. International Transparency considers Chile to be one of the least corrupt countries in Latin America, with a 2004 index value of 7.4; Chile is ranked 20th globally, one place below the United States and above France and Spain. Public authorities are subject to the control of a public body, the Contraloría General de la República. Large-scale corruption does not exist. However, micro-corruption at municipal low central-administrative levels persists, as does a climate of suspicion surrounding the judiciary. In 2003 significant corruption cases were disclosed among parliamentary deputies and private business, as well as misappropriation of public funds in the Ministry of Public Works (in the first case, deputies lost their posts; in the second, a judicial investigation continues at the time of writing). Corruption results in part from weak public institutions and low public-service salaries. In an effort to reduce corruption, salaries have been increased and new personnel recruitment policies put into effect.
The most important corruption case in 2004 concerns Pinochet's secret accounts, as disclosed by the U.S. Senate, which demonstrates the high extent of corruption within the military government and the army during the Pinochet dictatorship.
3.5. Consensus-building
Consensus-building in Chile cannot be analyzed without considering that the entire economic and political institutional framework was inherited from the Pinochet dictatorship. Concertación governments have been unable to change this framework because of strong opposition from right-wing political parties and, at the beginning, the military, but also because institutional reform has not been one of the government's top priorities. All three Concertación governments have unsuccessfully sent constitutional reform projects to the parliament (until the Constitutional reforms approved in July 2005).
There is no real consensus on fundamental matters such as basic rights expressed in a constitution, the electoral system, or human-rights violations under the dictatorship. Important advances have been made with Commissions and Dialogue Tables, especially under the Lagos presidency, the Commission on Torture and Political Imprisonment, regionalization and decentralization, and the higher education system. There is no debate over the validity of the market economy as an economic model, simply because nobody in the world today can challenge it or propose an alternative. The real question is therefore what kind of market economy a country wants, with alternative visions of the role of the state and its regulation of the markets, the distributive dimension, sustainability, labor relations, social security and protection systems, the role of human capital, insertion in the world economy, the tax system, and incorporation of scientific and technological knowledge.
In all of these matters, one can hardly speak of consensus in Chile, because even when the diagnosis about inequality of income distribution is not discussed, there is no agreement on redistribution. The business sector and the right-wing parties strongly oppose new taxes in a country where companies pay very low contributions. Furthermore, they oppose the increase of public expenditure and defend a very regressive labor law, pushing for more labor-market deregulation. Labor organizations, social organizations and the Concertación parties all favor redistributive measures, which the government cannot fully implement because of opposition pressures within the current institutional framework. The debate on the royalty for mining illustrates all this very well. Instead of consensus, Chile represents a series of compromises under a rigid institutional framework, with a few exceptions along the lines of poverty and education.
In sum, there is no normative political consensus on the constitution. There is little consensus on the economic model within the parameters of a market economy. The problem regarding human rights is not the capacity of the government to bring about reconciliation between perpetrators and victims, but rather the unwillingness of those civilians who supported the violations and crimes committed under the dictatorship to recognize and repent for their role even when the military has already taken these steps and the ambiguities of the judiciary in ensuring justice is served.
The problems impeding consensus-building are not caused by the government but instead by actors linked to the right-wing opposition, and the institutional framework. The government has had to compromise because it lacks the necessary votes in parliament to make its desired reforms. Political actors who would support political and economic reform from outside the Concertación coalition cannot do so because the electoral system denies them parliamentary seats.
Chilean civil society does not have the capacity to intervene in politics, even if there is a blossoming of social organizations. They can contribute to public opinion make no meaningful impact on political decisions or policy-making. In consequence, Chile represents a forced and artificial consensus that apparently gives stability to the system but that in fact weakens representation, encourages stasis and creates distance between citizens and politics.
3.6. International cooperation
Chile has performed very well in this respect, with the exception of intervention in Latin America and the problem with Bolivia. The country has an excellent international reputation. It maintains strong bilateral cooperation with many countries, particularly the European Union (German GTZ, France, Spain) in such domains as R&D, justice, state and decentralization reforms; also for development of PYMES (small and medium enterprises) from Spain or development in information technology (donations by Bill Gates).
The level of international trust towards the country is demonstrated in the free-trade agreements with the United States, South Korea, the European Union, Mexico and other Latin American countries. Chile has been a member of the UN Security Council (opposing the war in Iraq) and has promoted together with Brazil and France the UN Committee against Hunger in the World. Lagoss Interior Minister has become the General Secretary of the OEA, and the country has coordinated peacekeeping forces in Haiti in 2004. The organization of the APEC meeting in 2004 was a success.
In sum, Chile has a solid and reliable international position in both trade and politics, strengthened by the visit of President Lagos to many countries accompanied even by business-organization leaders who oppose him politically. Beyond this, Chile has somewhat distant relations with the rest of Latin America, and some problems in its relations with Bolivia and to a lesser extent Peru. Bolivia desires autonomous access to the Pacific Ocean but the response of the Chilean government is that the international treaties on this matter are still in force. In addition, the ambiguities vis-à-vis MERCOSUR add to this distance, offset somewhat by solid relations with Brazil and improving relations with Argentina.
4. Trend of development
4.1. Democratic development
Chilean democracy has undoubtedly reached a high level of stability. Authoritarian regression is not likely. All political actors, willing or not, are compelled to play the democratic game. However, Chilean democracy, even if stable and legitimate, is still a defective democracy because the rules are biased and are not the result of a true consensus, but rather of an adaptation to the institutional framework inherited from the guided transition out of dictatorship. The Chilean post-authoritarian regime has reached the minimum requirements of a democracy for free elections, universal suffrage, political participation, civil liberties, the rule of law, and governability.
However, the institutional framework favors the veto power of the right-wing minority and the pressures of de facto powers that limit popular sovereignty. The constitution is difficult to change, the electoral system excludes from parliament significant sectors mainly on the left, and inequalities create different kinds of citizens generating distance from political participation. Chile presents a paradox: a solid but incomplete democracy, with strongly authoritarian enclaves; these elements are not moving coherently in a better direction. Significant improvements have been made in overcoming the veto power of the military and impunity for crimes committed under the dictatorship. New norms have been established to reduce corruption within public administration. However, the expectations of citizens for overall change in political institutions and the socioeconomic model have been partially frustrated, as the Latinobarómetro public-opinion poll shows. Even if social integration has improved with a significant decrease of poverty, this does not improve the level of democratic consolidation.
4.2. Market economy development
The Chilean economy grew by 6.1% in 2004, and the same growth rate is expected for 2005. Chile has a fully functioning market economy, open to foreign trade and investments. New markets are opened through the free-trade agreements with other countries. Chile's main problem is the neo-liberal rather than social orientation of its economic model, due to pressures from the business sector in opposition to regulation, overcoming inequalities, tax reform, or a strong protection role for the state. Despite this opposition, the government has implemented significant reforms in health and education, and created programs to eliminate shantytowns and extreme poverty. The Human Development Index is impacted negatively by gender inequalities comparatively worse than in other Latin American countries.


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subset: commoncrawl


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Kudos to NYT John Grossman re today's front page (business section) story profiling companies that have embraced risque words within corporate name. And, hats off to the disruptive entrepreneurs who have successfully pushed the envelope and proven that shock and awe within their brand promotion schemes can push them to the top of mindshare. Best […]Read More
The Next Place to Insert Ads: Email Calendars!
Posted by TheJayBerkman - - Blog & Tweets
What will push-advertisers think of next? The latest strategy: inserting ads into your email calendar!" Courtesy of NY Times April 22 by Andrew Adam Newman "For a New Burt's Bees Line, Check Your Calendar" "..WHILE it may seem that advertising is everywhere, one place marketers have not infiltrated is the popular calendar software on computers, […]Read More ad strategies, baldwin&, burt's bees, marketers, push advertising, reccenter


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When I go birding, I log my sightings on eBird and scribble them down in a very worn birding journal. I do my best to identify what I can in the field. If all I can hear is the bird, I often use the voice memo function on my phone to record it and then compare with my bird song CD or Sibley's app later on so I can avoid stressing out birds in person. However, a picture is worth a thousand words, as they say, and it's not always possible to identify birds by sight in field conditions. The bird identification guides I have at home and work are great, though I'd prefer not to haul them around on hikes. (The Merlin and Sibley apps can be super handy in that respect, provided my phone doesn't die while I'm out and about.) However, memory can play tricks on you and having a decent photograph of the bird can really help identify a bird visually later on.
That being said, I am still mentally in the "poor starving student" mode and at this point in my life I can't really afford a super nice camera with a zoom lens. (You know the ones – they look like huge canons and make me super jealous.) I imagine that they must be tricky to cart around at times as well as you're traipsing over uneven terrain! That's why one of the single most useful skills I've been practicing while birdwatching has been digiscoping: pairing my cell phone camera with my binoculars or a spotting scope to capture images of birds as an aide-memoire. I mean, I'm going to have my phone and binoculars on my person anyway – why have a separate, expensive piece of technology?
It's a relatively simple technique that can get quite good results for my purposes, but you need a steady hand and it does take practice. (You can, apparently, buy clamps for phones but again, see "poor starving student" mindset above.) Even after taking hundreds of digiscopes, I still get loads of photos with a shadow from the binoculars in them from not having my phone in the exact perfect position. Here is a short video demonstrating what I mean by shadows:
The beauty of digital photography, however, is that you can take as many photographs as you like and not be wasting film! For every really solid photograph of a bird I take this way, I get about half a dozen that are flawed in some way.
Here is a small collection of some of my favourite more recent images I've taken with this technique. As you can see, particularly by the image of the oriole, it can be difficult to get the birds into focus at times, especially if they are a relatively small part of the image. Regardless, I've found digiscoping a valuable tool to keep track of what birds I've spotted:
I tend to keep my binoculars in my purse or backpack as I go about my work day or whenever I walk outside, and as a millennial I of course always have my smartphone handy. That makes it super easy to snap a few shots of even distant birds to examine more in depth later on – and to tweet as proof of my sightings. I don't always set out intending to go birdwatching – and that's when you stumble across an interesting bird. I always like to be prepared, and having this technique down pat means you can still get amazing photographs relatively quickly without having to kick yourself for not hauling around a giant and expensive camera at all times.


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In the wake of her husband's unemployment, our DT member and SNSS illustrator, Deedee Anderson, is answering God's call to support her family by starting her own digi store. Please help the Sweet 'n Sassy Stamps Design Team send her off in style with a blog hop celebration for the grand opening of "Deedee's Digis". We wish Deedee the best of luck in her new venture and pray that God's Love will shine on her everyday!
Visit each participating designer's blog for fun, creative inspiration, along with several chances to win freebies from Deedee's new store. There is no particular order for the Blog Hop! Just enjoy the fabulous creations from the design team, and when you are done hopping and commenting, make sure you check back Monday to see if you've won!
Make sure you comment on all of the design team's blogs which will make your chances of winning even better! Sunday night is the deadline for all comments to be made! Also, leave a comment and wish Deedee luck on her blog (the last stop) and you'll be entered into a drawing with a chance to win a $20 gift certificate! How great is that?
Now don't leave yet!! I've created a sweet card for today using "Cocoa's Chocolates"! I just love everything about that adorable mouse!!
I printed "Cocoa's Chocolates" on Whisper White cardstock, cut him out, then colored with Copic Markers. My sentiment stamp is from Inkadinkado, and my designer paper is Basic Grey's "Bittersweet". I added a bit of chocolate rickrack, some rhinestones, a fluffy bow with a heart button to finish the card! May your day be filled with God's Love!
Hugs, Darsie


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Robert Esposito Chief Financial Officer and Board Director
Prior to joining Stiles in 1994 as controller, Mr. Esposito worked in public accounting as an audit and tax manager for seven years, assisting a wide range of clients, including real estate development firms, REIT's, financial institutions, hospitality industry and construction companies. With Stiles, he has deployed effective cost containment and financial reporting systems across all levels of the organization to help drive profitability. He became Stiles Corporation
CAAO in May 2008.
Mr. Esposito has continually improved the company's operational performance, while building the organization's internal financial capabilities to support long-term sustainable growth. Mr. Esposito resides in Coral Springs with his wife Theresa and son Brendan.
Mr. Esposito earned a Bachelor in Accounting from Florida State University and is a Certified Public Accountant.
Professional Affiliations: American Institute of Certified Public Accountants (AICPA); Florida Institute of Certified Public Accountants (FICPA); Partnerships in Education Member; Leadership Broward Graduate; Greater Fort Lauderdale Chamber of Commerce Board of Directors.


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Do we need mirrors
Really? Do we? The gym just installed mirrors in the corners. So now from my corner of the locker room I can accidentally see mr. I don't need a towel to walk to the shower's ass, on the other side of the locker room. Thanks LA Fitness


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Rhode Island Educational Loan Repayment Program for Primary Care Providers
The Rhode Island Primary Care Educational Loan Repayment program was established to ensure a stable and adequate supply of primary care professionals to meet the health care needs of Rhode Islanders, and is intended to recruit new primary care professionals into the state of Rhode Island.
The program is a collaborative effort of Blue Cross & Blue Shield of Rhode Island (BCBSRI), Rhode Island Area Health Education Center (AHEC), the Rhode Island Foundation, the Rhode Island Medical Society, the Rhode Island State Nurses Association, the University of Rhode Island College of Nursing, the Rhode Island Health Center Association, the Rhode Island Academy of Physician Assistants and the Rhode Island Student Loan Authority. The physician program is funded by a grant from BCBSRI, United Health Care, RI Medical Society and the RI Foundation. The physician assistant-nurse practitioner program is funded by a grant from the Rhode Island Foundation. The Rhode Island Student Loan Authority, as administrator, will make loan repayment awards in exchange for service commitments by health care professionals newly recruited to the state. Loan repayment recipients must have outstanding educational debt acquired in pursuit of an undergraduate or graduate degree from an accredited college or university that exceeds the amount of the loan repayment award.
How do I qualify?
Licensed physicians (MDs or DOs), nurse practitioners and physician assistants newly recruited to practice in Rhode Island and work in Family Medicine, Internal Medicine or Pediatrics are currently eligible to apply.
The Rhode Island Primary Care Educational Loan Repayment Committee will be making final decisions on who is awarded loan repayment and will determine loan forgiveness awards. The physician program provides awards of up to $20,000 annually for four years for individuals, for a total maximum award of $80,000. The nurse practitioner and physician assistant program provides awards of up to $10,000 annually for four years, for a total maximum award of $40,000. Eligible health care providers must provide an average of 32 hours of direct patient care per week during each year of service.
Awards go directly to pay educational loans and in general cannot exceed 50% of the candidate's level of educational debt.
How do I apply?
You can download an application for loan forgiveness here. Select your form from the following:
- Physician
- Nurse Practitioners & Physician Assistants
Please note that funding for Nurse Practitioners, Physician Assistants, and Physicians is exhausted. New applications are not being accepted.
Once you have completed the form, please return it to Rhode Island Student Loan Authority, 935 Jefferson Blvd. Suite 3000, Warwick, RI 02886.
More questions about the program?
Please download our Frequently Asked Questions or submit your questions in writing to firstname.lastname@example.com.


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Professional Development Institute
Learn more. Earn more.
>> PDI Home > Flex Online Courses > Implementing the Workshop Model in Reading, Writing, Math, and Science
Are you wondering what the word workshop has to do with reading, writing, math, and science? After all, a workshop is typically a messy place where people come to imagine, apply, and create. This course is designed to help teachers who want to learn how to better engage their students to examine and investigate a variety of interesting activities through the workshop model. The focus is helping teachers implement a workshop model for reading, writing, math, and science that includes a mini-lesson, student-directed independent work (while the teacher meets with small groups or conferences), and sharing. Some additional highlighted topics include backwards planning, goal setting, project-based learning, and makerspaces all under the auspices of a rigorous, supportive, and engaging classroom. This course is worth 3 ⅓ semester units/5 quarter units from UC San Diego Extension. For detailed information on university credit, click here.
"The content and resources from this course are excellent. I can review material to use in my everyday teaching practice." - Shavern Paul-Fraser
Enrollment Options
Course Registration Only $120 with the discount
Course Plus Credit from UC San Diego Extension Only $304
Required Resource Book: This course has a modestly-priced required resource book (available in both new and used versions) that can be purchased through Amazon using the following link. Note that you can begin and participate in your course before the book arrives.
"Reading Workshop 2.0: Supporting Readers in the Digital Age" by Frank Serafini
If you are registering for multiple courses, use the following link to access the book list for all PDI courses with direct purchase links through Amazon. PDI Course Resource Book List
Topical Outline / Click here to request a copy of the detailed syllabus
PDI Course Number: 11T02
UCSD Course Number: EDUC40221
Unit One
Unit Two
Unit Three
Unit Four
Unit Five
Unit Six


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This is one of my new favorite home shops. I love their impeccable craftsmanship, eco-friendly materials, and minimalist style. Take a peek at their top gift ideas, I'm sure you'll find a few covetable goods you and yours. Now through December 23, receive free shipping on all orders of $50 or more. Use code HOLIDAYSHIP. Enjoy!
{ Image by Muhs Home }


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Before heading out to the airport for your next flight you may first want to download the AirHelp app that is designed to inform travelers of flight delays, cancellations, and flights that have been over-booked. This app does more than that; it can also help travelers get cash back after a flight has been affected. It seems as though travelers are entitled to an incredible US$650 dollars from the airlines for any flight that is delayed for more than three hours. The app's co-founder and CEO, Henrik Zillmer, is the one who uncovered this information under European regulations.
What's more incredible is that it is estimated that each year approximately 8.1 million travelers are within their rights to be compensated yet of this amount only 2% go ahead with the process.
The above article is a summary. Please see the source article at Google News.


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Press Release
LLamasoft Builds Database for Global Supply Chain Development
(As seen on thomasnet.com.)
July 22, 2013
By: Pat Toensmeier
LLamasoft Inc., which makes a supply chain design software, has extended its reach by signing an agreement with Drewry Maritime Research of London to include that company's Container Freight Insight and Sea & Air Shipper Insight benchmarking products.
"There is a procurement aspect to it," says LLamasoft President and CEO Don Hicks, "since the software allows companies to model and analyze their global supply chains."
The move is part of a strategy for the Ann Arbor, Mich.-based company, Hicks says, to develop a database for all modes of transport that lets companies accurately determine the cost of global supply and development of new networks and shipping locations.
Drewry is a leader in ocean container freight data, publishing information on more than 600 international trade routes.
In addition to getting Drewry's air freight benchmarking data, LLamasoft is developing other air transport sources, along with rail and truck information. The company already uses transport software from such developers as ALK Technologies, SMC3, and Transplace, as well as UPS, DHL, and FedEx.
Also in use is SmartWay, developed by the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency and the freight transportation industry, to help shippers improve fuel economy and reduce carbon emissions.
LLamasoft plans to add rental and lease rates and data on warehousing costs, duties, taxes, and tariffs.
The company will not be including information about spot markets or real-time quoting capabilities in its software. "We want to give users a good cost approximation and let them negotiate rates," Hicks says.
The software covers North America, and Hicks is strengthening data on Europe, Latin America, and China. He expects much of these databases to be available in the next 12 months.
"People are hungry to get their hands on one good representative data set," he remarks. "Even with the Internet there is a lot of confusion about shipping costs."
LLamasoft has posted recent annual growth rates of 50 to 100 percent. It has between 300 and 500 customers, Hicks says, including 30 percent of Fortune 100 companies and 25 percent of the Gartner Top 25 supply chain companies.
LLamasoft, Inc.
Lisa Hajra
734-418-3119 ext 1400


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The Indian modern household is still waging its wars in trying to cope with home management and careers, children, relationships, ageing parents and a burgeoning life style that economic upward mobility entices one towards. Unlike the West we have not got many of the basic amenities in place that offer an easier methodology to make this balancing act of all these factors less exhaustive.
My list of complaints is founded on my own experiences where time and effort have often been more than required to get through a day. Let me start off by pointing out that in most Indian hospitals there is this absurd expectancy that one member of a family has to be with the patient at all times 24 X 7. This is even when as patient is in the intensive care unit! As a care giver to my mother this has often led me to being sleep deprived where it is personally dangerous to my own well being. Ok....then the logical answer would be to get professional nursing aid to do this duty. Well be my guest and try to get competent professionals! On employing professional care givers I have conducted spot checks on them only to find nurses hired for night duty in the recovery unit of the ICU, fast asleep with the blanket over their heads, oblivious to the patients safety or needs!
Car pool systems for school going kids and agencies for educated babysitters, volunteer groups who can socialise with the ageing, services of plumbing, electrification and carpentry as phone-in facilities, maid procurement agencies that are efficient and reliable, part time drivers, laundries and dry cleaning services that are hygienic and efficient and standardised; cleaning agencies for home and office purposes, professional shoppers.... the list is LONG.... are all yet to make their entry in a structured and organised manner in India. We need such help and facilities desperately, and with the joint family system not being the norm any longer, alternative structures of help need to be available especially when families have responsibilities that span both the domestic and the professional.
The concept of something like a delicatessen hasn't found its mark in India. To just hop in and get a varied menu for an impromptu dinner that you can jazz up with a few home additions to is inconceivable. The Indian super market culture is also terribly bizarre. You are held at ransom to buy brands that they promote instead of being offered a wide range of products which would enable a client to have their personal choice catered to. Agencies like Croma for example, are lousy places to shop at because product quality is seriously compromised due to their lack of understanding the concept of multi-brand selling; and after sales services from such outlets is wishful thinking and if at all provided, then shabby at best.
India needs to fix its unorganised labour problems urgently. Migrant labourers standing on the curbs of side walks each morning waiting for majduri is a strange sight to see. Contractors haggle with them and as they are migrant labourers whose wage rights and issues of housing are no bodies concern, they are exploited. They have insecure livelihoods and yet we all use them when we need to unashamedly.
I want the simple convenience of getting value for my money in India. From door frames to windows to assemble-able homes....the hardware and home-stores in North America and many other western countries are treasure troves for. Here in India I get all excited if I see a new styled mop in a shop! Pet stores and animal amenities are common place abroad yet in India we have to search to find one that is well stocked in the products and companies that you need. I am constantly anxious each time Begum's food stock starts dwindling. Then its panic mode time as we start waiting weeks for a simple order of cat food to make its appearance.
Dust and dirt are another factor of Indian life I want eradicated like polio and small pox! Side-walks are only what I see in foreign films, and I drive around Baroda feeling like Pig-pen a character from Charles Shultz's comic cartoon strip "Peanuts" who is always shown in a cloud of dust! Another observation I have made is that technology serves only those of us who have made it a point to comprehend and use it appropriately. However there are many in India who are ill equipped and are at a huge disadvantage as a result. The on line systems are often nightmarish situations when we have to use them for things like visa or passport renewals.
All in all I do wish we could logically look at the missing factors that progress and development may have caused, and fill in those gaps. I often feel frustrated that the obvious is just not being addressed. Perhaps we need to have management institutes make projects that address effective ways of making modern India have functioning services that meet the demands of today. Till then it is going to continue to be exhaustive and draining to live amidst progress that has one hand tied behind its back!


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The Imperial Navy
Navis Nobilitai
For over twenty thousand years, the unique breed of mutant humans known as Navigators have guided Mankind's vessels through the Warp. The early history of the Navigators has long been forgotten, save perhaps by the most venerable ancients of the Navigator Houses, though it is doubtful that even they remember everything accurately. Many theories abound regarding the sinister secrets they hide; of power, wealth, greed and manipulation that have been the hallmark of their organisation since the dawn of time. But which are true, none can say. Graham McNeill looks into this shadowy organisation to reveal much that has previously been hidden…
First Steps
When Mankind first began colonisation of the stars using conventional sub-light spacecraft, progress was painfully slow. Colonies were separated from Terra by generations, and without guidance and protection, the colonies were vulnerable to alien domination or worse. The discovery of warp drives, which allowed much faster travel through the fluid medium of the Immaterium, accelerated the colonisation of new worlds and allowed the distant systems to become part of a more unified whole. But warp drives alone were not enough to allow rapid, long distance journeys across the galaxy. The Immaterium is the place where the most terrible of spirits and emotions find substance. A nightmare realm where insanity is a living thing and dreams walk clothed in flesh, full of torment and madness. It is an echo of the material universe, with every thought, desire and lust given shape in its fluid, haunted depths. Ships were forced to use short, dangerous and blind warp jumps, risking the ship and her crew with each jump. Without a reliable means of guiding the ship, it was at the mercy of the fickle tides of the Warp, and many of those early voyages ended in disaster. To travel through this realm blindly is the most dangerous of journeys and only the stabilised Navigator-gene (all Navigators have a characteristic 'Warp Eye' on their foreheads) allows the ships of the Emperor to travel in relative safety from one side of the galaxy to the other. The Navigator gene allows a Navigator, with the aid of the Astronomican, to use his warp sight to guide spaceships through the Warp's unpredictable tides.
The emergence of the Navigator Families
Quite how the Navigator-gene came to exist at all is a mystery that none of the ancient Navigator Houses will reveal. Perhaps they themselves have forgotten or the truth is too terrible to countenance. Many tales are told of genetic engineering conducted in the distant past, during the earliest history of Humanity. Their unique position in Human society gave them great power and leverage, allowing them to establish almost absolute control over trading and mercantile affairs throughout the galaxy, building an enormous power bloc which, though its strength has waxed and waned over the millennia, has never been broken. Today, the Navis Nobilite (as it is now known) thrives as a vital part of the Imperium and, through time, the Navigators have come to control the vast majority of commerce across the Imperium, ruthlessly exploiting their monopoly on long distance interstellar travel to make the largest families inconceivably wealthy. Supported by a complex network of fealties, oaths, tithes and contracts, the great families controlled the movement of almost all goods across the Imperium.
These powerful families divided into many individual Houses or Great Families. Each House is a large related family, but is also a literal house, a fortified mansion where the House leader, or Novator, lives together with his immediate kin and retainers. This mansion is regarded as the seat of the entire Great Family, even though it is only the hereditary ruling family that lives there. This centralisation of power serves two purposes; it provides a focus for the material power and wealth of the Great Family, but also serves to control the breeding and progression of the family genome. The Navigator-gene can only be preserved by intermarriage, as it is lost when a Navigator breeds with an ordinary human.
Then, as now, most people shunned Navigators. With their strange three-eyed appearance, few would have dealings with them, and many in positions of power were jealous of their privileged status. Superstition and fear surrounds them, as it does all other mutants.
The Navigator Houses
The most powerful of the Navigator houses have their Family House on Terra, in a vast district known as the Navigator's Quarter, a byzantine labyrinth of ornate buildings, decorated beyond any measure of taste. Every palace is huge and decorated with mighty murals and elaborately painted ceilings, the Navigator Lords competing with each other to create the most beautiful palaces, adorned with the greatest works of art in the galaxy. They have libraries containing millions of books, data crystals and scrolls, and own collections of sacred relics to match anything possessed by the Ecclesiarchy. They own menageries of rare beasts, and wine cellars replete with the products of a million worlds and live in obscene luxury and splendour.
An estate surrounds each palace, containing sculpted gardens and ornamental pleasure lakes filled with scented water. Beneath the palaces is a far darker world; the Vaults. These vast labyrinths stretch downwards towards the planetary core and are the sometime home to the strange mutated ancients of the Houses.
The most powerful Houses vie for the position of Paternova, the overall ruler of the Navigator House's, whose powerful influence extends even to the High Lords of Terra. It is every Navigator House's ambition to one day reach the position of Paternova, and take control of the great Navigator Palace on Terra. Lesser Navigator families owe fealty to larger houses, which in turn have their own alliances. These alliances form trading cartels, which compete for lucrative contracts with other trading cartels. The Merchant Fleets of the Imperium must constantly deal with these powerful cartels for the services of the Navigators. It is a strained relationship at best, and while open conflict is rare, it is not unknown.
More covert methods are often employed. An assassin's bullet to remove a troublesome Novator or his envoys, to be replaced by a more amenable family member, is an oft-used recourse. So high are the financial rewards and influence to be gained that assassination attempts are a common transaction between rival Navigator Houses. Open warfare, in a controlled fashion, is not unknown between the feuding houses, since all control vast wealth, large professional mercenary forces are paid huge amounts to serve the Navigator Houses. Some of these mercenary contracts date back thousands of years. The Navigators, paranoid of their rivals, are afraid to be seen as militarily weak, and thus they pay well for loyal service, and failing this, they trade in slaves or penitents and train their own soldiery within their huge private estates. Slave trading is a lucrative business and so long as taxes and tithes are paid, the Administratum turns a blind eye.
The Heirs Apparent
The most powerful Navigators in each of the Great Families are called Heirs Apparent, which signifies that they may one-day contend for the position of Paternova, the ruler of all the Navis Nobilite. The Paternova may come from any of the Great Families and from any social level within them. The Heirs Apparent are usually the oldest Navigators, although not all develop in this way and some Navigators live out their entire lives without undergoing major physical changes.
The Heirs Apparent are frequently bitter rivals who will sometimes go as far as to try to eliminate each other if they get the chance. This sometimes leads to protracted personal vendettas or bitter feuds between two Navigator Houses. The Adeptus Terra is fairly tolerant of minor skirmishing of this kind, though open hostilities between Houses are discouraged as much as possible, with the exception of Tradewars.
A Tradewar is a limited and strictly regimented form of warfare, formally declared between rival trading factions, which is permitted by the Administratum under the Navigator Conventions. The aim of the Convention is to reduce the overall damage to shipping and mercantile interests, as well as prevent rival factions from simply destroying one another. The rules of a Tradewar prescribe formal declarations of intent and restrict permissible targets. The Great Navigator Houses see Tradewar more as an extension of the customary means of competition between competing commercial interests, than as open warfare. During a Tradewar, forces directly under the control of the warring factions are allowed to raid each others' shipping, attack important mercantile operations or destroy equipment owned by the opposition. Employees and declared members of rival houses become fair game for assassination attempts or direct attack, but violence cannot extend beyond the direct opposition, so subsidiaries and lesser Houses allied to the warring factions are theoretically immune to the effects of a Tradewar, though they are often dragged into direct conflict. In practice, Tradewars rarely last very long as they are expensive in money and manpower, and the profits to be gained by wresting control of commercial contracts of a specific market or shipping routes does not often justify the expenditure. They also tend to produce bitter enmities between the rivals, as the fighting is invariably of a tawdry nature, leaving many scores to be settled at a later date.
The Paternova
The Paternova is the leader of all the Navigators and the most powerful of his kind. The Paternova may live for up to a thousand years, and when he dies, all the existing Heirs Apparent begin to change. They grow larger and stronger, and their mutations become even more pronounced, becoming able to survive in hard vacuum as well as underwater or in poisonous environments. Most importantly, they start to fight. They are drawn into combat with each other; building up to a pitch of aggression that eventually overrides all other considerations. As Heirs Apparent are killed, those who survive change even more until only one remains alive. It is this vastly changed and extremely powerful individual who becomes the new Paternova.
The Paternova lives in the Palace of the Navigators, which lies on Terra in the centre of the Navigator's Quarter. Following his ascension, the Paternova never leaves the palace, the existing staff, soldiery and other retainers of the palace replaced by those drawn from the Paternova's own House. The chief amongst his servants is the Paternoval Envoy, who becomes one of the High Lords of Terra and sits on the Senatorum Imperialis. The role of the Paternova is an obscure part of Navigator biology, although no-one doubts its importance. He is sometimes described as the guiding father whose powers transcend the Warp itself. During the interlude between the reign of one Paternova and another, all Navigators other than the Heirs Apparent, suffer a considerable reduction in their powers. Their ability to navigate the Warp is impaired, Warp journeys take longer, ships are unexpectedly lost, and younger Navigators may lose their abilities completely.
As soon as the new Paternova is installed, the Navigators' powers are restored, though not all are restored to the same degree. Navigators belonging to the same House as the Paternova find their abilities enhanced, as though their blood tie were enabling the Paternova to transmit his powers more effectively. Navigators belonging to the House of the old Paternova lose this benefit, and many Navigators suddenly find their powers greatly impaired.
Inquisitorial Purges and Pogroms
The Navigator Houses hold a unique position within the Imperium; they are not answerable to the authority of the Imperium, but tend to toe the Imperial line because of the mutual benefits each side receives. So powerful a force within the Imperium are the Great Navigator Houses, that they command a place within the Senate Imperialis. The Paternoval Envoy is the current ruler of the Navigator Houses' representative to the High Lords of Terra. Because of this power, the Imperium remains suspicious of the motives of the Great Navigator Houses. Prejudice still lurks against their mutated appearance and some whisper that the Navigators have been tainted by Chaos. All in all, the Navigators are tolerated only as a necessary evil.
The holy agents of the Inquisition keep a close eye on the Navigator Houses, ready to seize upon any indication that the Navigators have strayed beyond the already widened boundaries of tolerance. Whispers of dissent among the Great Houses are ruthlessly crushed by Inquisitorial purges against the offending Houses; goods and assets are seized, midnight raids on Navigator palaces are followed by arrests and a purging of those seen as tainted, their fate to be burnt as heretics or locked away in Inquisition torture chambers. The Navigators have come to fear the power of the Inquisition, but to offer resistance would bring the iron fist of Imperial justice down upon them and the freedoms they enjoy within the mercantile world would be lost.
Fear the Mutant
As well as their obvious mutation, a single dark eye in their forehead, other, lesser, mutations are not uncommon amongst Navigators. Many of the Navigator Houses have spent a vast amount of time in the Warp and, though they are exceptionally resistant to the powers of Chaos, the corrupting power of the Warp has taken its toll on the physical forms of the Navigators through the generations. Most of the families hide minor mutations, but the problem is accentuated by the intermarrying of the Great Houses to secure political allegiances and gain additional prestige. Over the millennia this stagnating gene-pool has created more cosmetic mutations: obesity or anorexia, bulbous facial features, large ears and withered limbs are all common amongst the nobility of the Navigators. More sinister mutations are hidden from view, the worst sufferers hiding within the privacy of the palaces, never to see the light of day, their hideous deformities hidden from the Imperium behind a mask of wealth and luxury. Many Navigator children are killed at birth, mutated beyond recognition, abominations even to their strange race.
Navigators in the 41st Millennium
The Navigator houses of the Navis Nobilite are amongst the most important individuals in the Imperium. They lease out their members to various institutions across the galaxy, either for currency or through ancient pacts and debts. These are always honoured and, in this respect, the Navigators are extremely honourable indeed, as to renege on them would be costly in financial terms as well as the accompanying loss of face.
Ships of the Imperial Navy and Merchant Fleets are always accompanied by a member of one of the noble houses of the Navis Nobilite, compelled by ancient and binding oaths to serve with the Tech-Priests for a set duration in return for the Tech-Priests' services. This is invariably seen as a serious chore for the Navigators in question who, unlike their Adeptus Mechanicus employers, appreciate the finer things in life.
Scenarios involving Navigators in Inquisitor
Since Navigators dislike open combat, except when it's being waged on their behalf by their own private armies, it is unusual to find one actively seeking to take to the field of battle. Though, what with being such valuable commodities, they are often the subject of raids, assassinations or kidnap attempts. What follows are a number of scenario hooks you can use to include Navigators in your games of Inquisitor.
An Inquisitor has reason to believe that a Navigator Household is harbouring Chaos worshippers and mutants, and he has set out to destroy this heresy! The Navigators, their servants and mercenary troops must try to stay alive long enough to escape, while the Inquisitor's forces must kill the heretics and capture the Navigator for interrogation.
A Navigator from an important and influential household has become stranded due to an alien attack or local uprising. Imperial forces have been sent to get him and his entourage out. Set up the Navigator and any followers hidden in cover in the centre of the board with his enemies entering the battlefield from opposite edges. The Navigator's retainers must hold out long enough to be rescued before their enemies capture them.
Tradewar: Sabotage
Tradewar scenarios pit two Navigator Households against each other, so both players must have Navigators on their side. One attacking Navigator Household is sabotaging it's rival's installation, and they must destroy valuable cargoes or the installation buildings while the defender's forces must attempt to stop them.
Tradewar: Assassination
The Tradewar must end and both Households are seeking to kill their rival's leaders and force a peace on their terms. Assassination of the rival Navigator is the sole priority.
Other Scenarios
The Navigators' unique position as part of the Imperium, but not ruled by it, gives you a lot of leeway for scenarios. For example, the Navigator and his ship's crew could have become lost in the Warp and emerged in a distant alien system or within the Eye of Terror itself. You can fight inter-household Tradewars, or Navigators against Imperial forces as the Inquisition seek to keep powerful Navigator Houses repressed, or rioting mobs hunting Navigators through the streets. The murky world of politics could lead to innumerable assassination attempts against officials or military commanders. Likewise, the Imperium always seeks to silence troublesome rivals. On a larger scale, the Imperium, Chaos or alien forces could launch a wholesale invasion of a Navigator ruled system…
Using Navigators in Inquisitor
There are three levels of power regarding Navigators to represent the age, training and experience of individual Navigators within a single Household. Younger Navigators are likely to be employed on Merchant Fleet vessels, while more experienced Navigators may find positions on more prestigious vessels, in the Imperial Navy or onboard the dreaded Black Ships. The oldest Navigators, no longer able to expose themselves to the Warp safely, will retire to a position within the family holdings to await their chance to become the Novator.
Navigator Characters
Equipment: Navigators are invariably widely travelled individuals, with access to vast resources of money. This means that many have exotic equipment and wargear, having had contact with alien races from distant star systems. As a result, they may be equipped with almost any equipment you desire, though given their less warlike bent, these would tend to be items of a protective nature rather than weapons. At the very least, Navigators will carry a staff and concealed knife.
Special Abilities:
The Third Eye: Every Navigator possesses the ability to see and even, to a lesser extent, manipulate the Warp. Their special sight gives them many strange abilities, and these mysterious powers are the subject of much superstition amongst the common people of the Imperium. The number of these powers varies with the age and experience of the Navigator, with only the most senior Navigators being able to use them all. All Navigators have The Lidless Stare and a number of other powers depending on their age. A Navigator has one extra power, a Navigator Master has two extra, and a Novator has access to all four powers. The Navigator Powers are: The Lidless Stare, Warp gaze, Temporal Distortion, Inertia (see below for full descriptions of these powers)
"I have stared into the Abyss…": All Navigators have witnessed the horrors of the Warp many times, because of this they count as having the skill Force of Will when confronted by any daemonic creatures. Navigators are also resistant to Chaos, so any psychic powers from the Daemonology list have a reduced effect against Navigators, with the Navigator counting his Willpower as 25% higher than it actually is for the purposes of nullifying or as a negative modifier on the casting player's character.
Mutations: All Navigators are subject to mutations of one sort or another, the frequency of these growing as they age. Most of these are harmless and go largely unnoticed, but occasionally they surface in disturbing ways. A Navigator has a 10% chance of having D3-1 mutations; a Navigator Master has a 30% chance of having D6-2 mutations, while a Novator has a 60% chance of having D6 mutations. If the dice indicate that your Navigator character has mutations, roll on the Mutations chart in Exterminatus Magazine number 1 for the effects of these mutations.
Powers of the Navigators
The Lidless Stare (Difficulty 15)
The Navigator can stare deep into the soul of a single character, exposing them to the horrors of the Immaterium and ravaging their mind. This power requires line of sight. The target must pass a Nerve test or be driven insane by torturous visions of the Warp flooding their minds. Affected characters count as being stunned for D3 turns, lose D10 from their Willpower permanently and count all characters as Terrifying for the remainder of the game. This power has no effect against Daemonhosts or followers of Chaos.
Warp Gaze (Difficulty 10)
The Navigator blasts raw Warp energy from his exposed Warp Eye. This power requires line of sight, counts as a shooting attack and has the following profile:
Temporal Distortion (Difficulty 25)
The Navigator can manipulate the tides of the Immaterium to affect time in the temporal universe. The Navigator may only use this power on himself, allowing him to roll for all his actions again, after all his actions have been performed, but before any other character performs theirs (in effect having another turn straight after his actual turn) exactly as if it was his normal turn. The only exception is that he does not get to use additional psychic powers with any additional actions.
Inertia (Difficulty 20)
The Navigator alters the tides of the Warp, making it difficult for enemy psykers to draw their power from the Immaterium. This power does not require line of sight, but can only be used against another character with psychic powers (not Wyrd abilities). If they are affected, then the Difficulty level of all their powers count as 30% higher than normal while the Inertia remains upon them. This power remains in play until nullified.
New Miniatures from The Imperial Navy
Bodyguard Boatswain
1 July 2003Games Workshop
Navigator or Navis...
1 July 2003Games Workshop


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The Obama administration has delayed a decision on whether to approve the 1,700-mile-long Keystone Pipeline, linking Alberta oilfields to the U.S. Gulf Coast, when two months ago approval seemed like a done deal.
Environmental protests, from gates of the White House in Washington, D.C., to the street outside an Obama fundraiser in Seattle, helped persuade the administration to consider other routes.
Convenient to the president – who saw his green supporters on one side, and job-hungry labor unions on the other – the pipeline's final fate will be decided after the 2012 election.
"Thank you, Mr. President, for standing up to Big Oil," actor Robert Redford, a pipeline foe, said in a statement.
Obama was circumspect in a statement. The president was interrupted by anti-pipeline protesters during a Denver speech last month, and promised to look closely at the project.
"Because this permit decision could affect the health and safety of the American people as well as the environment, and because a number of concerns have been raised through a public process, we should take the time to ensure that all questions are properly addressed and all the potential impacts are properly understood," said the president.
The $7 billion pipeline project has provoked intense opposition for three reasons:
— It would flow over the Ogallala Aquifer, a main source of drinking and irrigation water over an eight-state area ranging from South Dakota to the Texas Panhandle. Nebraska's Republican governor strongly opposed the project.
— The Alberta oil sands project, where the pipeline's oil would originate, is a "dirty" oil field. The extraction of oil from sands requires enormous amounts of energy. Greenhouse gas emissions at the 282-square mile site have more than canceled out reductions in emissions across the rest of Canada.
— The U.S. State Department's environmental review, which gave a green light to the project last summer, became strongly suspect. Emails revealed a chummy relationship between officials at State and pipeline executives. The environmental review was done by a firm that does significant business with the pipeline builder.
The State Department's inspector general's office has begun to look at the process by which the project received the green light.
Reaction was on predictable lines.
"Terrible decision for the energy future of the country; brilliant decision for the president's reelection campaign. And the administration owes a debt of thanks to the Republican leaders of Nebraska for providing an escape hatch on this," Stephen Brown, a vice president of Tesoro refining, said in an email to the Washington Post.
Frances Beinecke, president of the Natural Resources Defense Council, said:
"President Obama is displaying leadership and courage in putting the interests of the American people before those of Big Oil. He has taken another significant step in the fight against climate change and in our march toward a clean energy future, which will mean healthier lives for all."


text:
eBay Give A Toy Store
eBay has launched The Give-A-Toy Store, a holiday storefront that makes it easy for shoppers to donate joy, and toys, via their mobile devices. The holiday storefronts, opened in New York and San Francisco, benefit Toys for Tots and feature interactive displays of popular toys such as teddy bears and trains that represent donation amounts from $2 to $25. Window shoppers can download the eBay mobile app to scan QR codes on virtual price tags, which triggers the toys to animate and "come to life." As donations are made to Toys for Tots, the virtual toys celebrate and express their gratitude.
Click on the image below to play the Give a Toy video.
The Give-A-Toy Store is located at 35th & Broadway near Herald Square in New York City, and at 117 Post Street near Union Square shopping district in San Francisco. Both locations will be open for enjoyment and charitable window shopping through December 9th. Shoppers not in New York or San Francisco are able to experience the Give-A-Toy Store and make donations by visiting eBay.com/GiveAToyStore. Facebook users are also invited to interact with the Give-A-Toy Store on Facebook, through the Build a Toy campaign that allows fans to customize a virtual toy at Facebook.com/eBay. eBay will donate $1 for every toy customized, up to $50,000.
The Give A Toy campaign is powered by eBay mobile and designed by eBay's ad agency, Venables Bell & Partners and Brand New School by director Robert Bisi, interactive director Justin Bakse, developer Brian Tobin, executive producer Jason Cohon, producer Jeanette Etchebehere, associate producer Joe Balint, designers Andy Bernet, Sakona Kong, Ed Laag, Angela Li and Waka Ichinose, CG lead/VFX supervisor Marco Maldonado, 3D modeling team Andy Kim and Derrick Sesson, 3D animation team Hao Cui, Max Keane, Alfredo Ramirez and Derrick Sesson, 2D animator/compositor Maithy Tran, 3D artist/compositor Ryan Kirkwood, 3D artists Martin Furness, Andy Kim, Ryan Kirkwood, storyboard artist Max Forward.
Filed under: Ambient, eBay, Interactive
Tagged: Brand New School, Robert Bisi, Venables Bell & Partners
Location: USA


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