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It's getting late in the year, but that doesn't matter much if you like chasing bluefin tuna. Off Cape Cod tuna sometimes stick around until Christmas. A little nip in the air doesn't bother them one bit.
This season the tuna bite off the Cape has been on the slow side. The guys who are really "in the know" are getting the occasional fish, but even they are having a much tougher time than usual. The consensus seems to be that most of the fish just never showed up, and might of made a detour to Canada.
Whatever the reason behind the slower than normal tuna season, it doesn't change the fact that hundreds of tuna addicts throughout New England are still chomping at the bit.
You just never know unless you go and that next bite could happen at any moment.
I spent the past two days floating above Stellwagen Bank with my buddy Jason Mazzola and his father Pat Mazzola. The ride out from Plymouth Bay, on both mornings, was a bit nippy.
But at least the wind was down. Prior to this week the wind had been howling which made conditions unfishable for just about everyone I know.
We finally got a a break in the weather on Tuesday and decided to give it 100% no matter the temperature.
Not long after leaving the confines of Plymouth we began to see life. About 8 miles offshore I saw a splash which piqued my interest. I squinted and looked closer, trying to get an I.D. on what created the splash.
Just then the water erupted.
"Footballs!" I exclaimed. The splashes were still a ways away but they were moving towards us very quickly. I scrambled to find a spinning rod suitable for the small tuna.
A moment later and the splashes were a couple hundred yards off the starboard side. It was then I realized that these were not football size bluefin tuna, but instead a huge pod of dolphins.
I've been fooled by dolphins before and I'll probably be fooled by them again. As always I wish they were tuna but hey, it was still pretty cool being surrounded by these marine mammals.
If you listen closely to the video, you can actually hear the dolphins squeaking at one another.
Minus a few gannets and pilot whales the rest of the ride to our fishing location was uneventful. Soon we eased the boat into the spot and dropped anchor where we hooked up and lost a 300-400 lb tuna two weeks ago.
I settled in, ready to spend the next 8 hours (and 8 more hours the following day) trying to chum in the most elusive fish in the ocean – an Atlantic giant bluefin tuna.
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Find A Session
This training addresses active-shooter preparation and reactions, adverse terminations, and workplace violence situations—among the most pressing issues facing companies today. Learning to identify, investigate and respond to such incidents helps minimize the risk of their occurrence. This training is designed for and has been given to HR professionals, management and associates in diverse industries in the U.S., Europe and Latin America; participants report feeling empowered and better aware and prepared.
Learning Objectives:
- Why it is important to be educated about and prepared for these situations.
- Why it is an advantage to train and educate others on this topic.
- ALICE procedures: how to prepare, respond and react.
- Skills for interrupting the physical and mental act of accurate shooting.
- Additional things we can do to save lives during these situations.

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Home > Hampshire >
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Lost Pubs In
Bishops Waltham, Hampshire
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Crows Nest
Kings Head
Mafeking Hero
Red Lion
White Swan
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The Pinacoteca Giovanni e Marella Agnelli opened on September 2002 in Turin in a space designed by Renzo Piano by the will of its founders Giovanni e Marella Agnelli.
With its institutional endeavour as a Foundation, it aims to pursue public utilities in cultural fields, and in particular in the artistic context and in the study of art.
On the occasion of the 55th International Art Exhibition of la Biennale di Venezia - Il Palazzo Enciclopedico / The Encyclopedic Palace curated by Massimiliano Gioni, the Pinacoteca Agnelli supports as donor the participation of Cindy Sherman.
The decision to support Cindy Sherman's participation was very natural, says Ginevra Elkann, president of the Pinacoteca. I have always very much admired her art, her interest in transformation and disguise. I knew she was interested in outsider art, subculture, themes that passionate me. So when Massimiliano Gioni told me she was organizing a project for the Biennale I was immediately interested. I sense it is relevant to the mission of the Pinacoteca that studies collecting, since I feel this a bit like Cindy Sherman's dream wunderkammer.
At the center of the Arsenale, artist Cindy Sherman — who, in her work, has worn thousands of masks — presents a project, a show within the show, fashioning an imaginary museum of her own. In Sherman's project, dolls, puppets, mannequins, and idols cohabit with photos, paintings, sculptures, religious votive offerings, and drawings by prison inmates. Collectively they compose an anatomical theatre in which to contemplate the role of images of the body in the representation and perception of the self.
The section organized by Cindy Sherman is composed of over two hundred works by more than thirty artists.
Artists List
Enrico Baj
Born in 1924 in Milan, Italy
Died in 2003 in Vergiate, Italy
Mirosław Bałka
Born in 1958 in Warsaw, Poland
Hans Bellmer
Born in 1902 in Katowice, Poland
Died in 1975 in Paris, France
Vlassis Caniaris
Born in 1928 in Athens, Greece
Died in 2011 in Athens, Greece
James Castle
Born in 1899 in Garden Valley, USA
Died in 1977 in Boise, USA
George Condo
Born in 1957 in Concord, USA
John DeAndrea
Born in 1941 in Denver, USA
Jos De Gruyter and Harald Thys
Born in 1965 in Geel, Belgium
Born in 1966 in Wilrijk, Belgium
Jimmie Durham
Born in 1940 in Washington, USA
Ex-votos from the Santuario di Romituzzo
Italian, 16th–19th c.
Linda Fregni Nagler
Born in 1976 in Stockholm, Sweden
Phyllis Galembo
Born in 1952 in New York, USA
Norbert Ghisoland
Born in 1878 in La Bouverie, Belgium
Died in 1939 in Frameries, Belgium
Yervant Gianikian and Angela Ricci Lucchi
Born in 1942 in Merano, Italy
Born in 1942 in Lugo di Romagna, Italy
Robert Gober
Born in 1954 in Wallingford, USA
Haitian Vodou Banners
Duane Hanson
Born in 1925 in Alexandria, USA
Died in 1996 in Boca Raton, USA
Herbert List
Born in 1903 in Hamburg, Germany
Died in 1975 in Munich, Germany
Paul McCarthy
Born in 1945 in Salt Lake City, USA
Pierre Molinier
Born in 1900 in Agen, France
Died in 1976 in Bordeaux, France
John Outterbridge
Born in 1933 in Greenville, USA
Paño Drawings
Carol Rama
Born in 1918 in Turin, Italy
Charles Ray
Born in 1953 in Chicago, USA
Hans Schärer
Born in 1927 in Bern, Switzerland
Died in 1997 in St. Niklausen, Switzerland
Karl Schenker
Born in Germany; Died in 1951/52, UK
Jim Shaw
Born in 1952 in Midland, USA
Photographic albums from the collection of
Cindy Sherman
Laurie Simmons and Allan McCollum
Born in 1949 in Long Island, USA
Born in 1944 in Los Angeles, USA
Drossos P. Skyllas
Born in 1912 in Kalymnos, Greece
Died in 1973 in Chicago, USA
Rosemarie Trockel
Born in 1952 in Schwerte, Germany
Günter Weseler
Born in 1930 in Olsztyn, Poland
Sergey Zarva
Born in 1973 in Kryvyi Rih, Ukraine


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The Guide "Preventing Violence against Women in Elections"
Dec 13, 2017
The Guide "Preventing Violence against Women in Elections" seeks to provide assistance to those working to increase the participation of women in electoral processes and mitigate the prevalence of VAWE. It seeks to identify the specific components of VAWE, including types, tactics, victims and perpetrators, and offers various options to prevent and mitigate it based on current good practices. The Guide presents some existing practices and options for policy and programming responses that may support technical assistance providers such as UNDP, UN Women and other UN agencies in their work.


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Topic Page: Industrial Revolution
History. the name for a process of technological innovation, mechanized development, and agricultural improvements that first gathered momentum in Great Britain in the late 18th century and then extended to continental Europe, North America, and other areas in the early 19th century and thereafter. See next page.
Although capitalism has been a dynamic socioeconomic system since its inception, the pace of technological and social change accelerated exponentially in the 18th and 19th centuries with the Industrial Revolution. It is important not to equate capitalism and industrialization, for they are not synonymous. Historically, the Industrial Revolution occurred long after capitalism began; indeed, for most of capitalism's history, it involved preindustrial forms of production, including artisanal and household types. However, starting in the mid 1800s, an explosive increase in the speed and productivity of capitalist production occurred that transformed the worlds of work, everyday life, and the global economy. Industrialization is a complex process that involves multiple transformations in inputs, outputs, and technologies. Three dimensions are particularly important here: (1) the use of inanimate energy, (2) technological innovation, and (3) increased productivity. This entry first describes these aspects of the Industrial Revolution and then examines its geographical development, cyclical nature, and global impact.
If preindustrial societies relied and continue to rely on animate sources of energy (i.e., human and animal muscle power), industrialization can be defined loosely as the harnessing of inanimate sources of energy. The first of this type was running water in waterwheels, a source used since the late feudal era to grind corn and flour and to saw wood. Running water was a major source of energy in the earliest stages of the Industrial Revolution, but it constrained firms to locating near streams and rivers; moreover, most streams are ephemeral, that is, they do not flow all year long.
A more efficient source of inanimate energy involves the steam engine, originally designed by Thomas Newcomen in 1712; the first prototype, however, was built by the Scottish engineer James Watt in 1769 as part of an effort to expunge seawater from coal mines that reached under the ocean. The steam engine marked a decisive turning point in the process of industrialization, with widespread applications in several areas of production and transportation. Wood provided the first major source of fuel for this invention, which required heating water into steam to drive the engine's pistons. As producers began to cut down forests in Britain in large numbers, deforesting much of the country, wood supplies began to dwindle, and the rising cost eroded profits. As wood became scarce, producers switched to coal. Thus, as Britain industrialized, several areas became major coal-producing centers, including Southern Wales and Newcastle. As the Industrial Revolution spread across the face of Europe in the 19th century, the large coal deposits of the Northern European lowlands became increasingly important, fueling the growth of manufacturing complexes in Belgium, Northern France, Northern Italy, Germany, Poland, and the Ukraine. In the United States as well, Appalachian coal played a key role in the nation's industrialization, and that industry flourished hand in hand with the rise of the Manufacturing Belt. In the late 19th and 20th centuries, coal was joined by other fossil fuels, particularly petroleum and natural gas. The abundance of cheap energy was the lifeblood of industrialization, and production became increasingly energy intensive as a result.
The Industrial Revolution witnessed an explosive jump in the number, diversity, and applications of new technologies. A technology can be defined simply as a means of converting inputs to outputs. These can range from extremely simple to very sophisticated. As industrialization produced an increasingly complex division of labor, as noted by Adam Smith, opportunities for new inventions rose rapidly. These innovations were employed in agriculture, in manufacturing, in transportation and communications, and in services.
In the Industrial Revolution, a major reorganization in the nature of work occurred with the development of the factory system and a far more detailed division of labor both within and among firms. Prior to this era, industrial work was organized on a small-scale artisanal basis, including home-based work. By the late 18th century, firms in different industries were grouping large numbers of workers together under one roof, a process that effectively created the industrial working class. Inside factories, workers used vast amounts of capital, that is, many types of machines. The introduction of interchangeable parts, invented by the American gun maker Eli Whitney, made the production and operation of machines much cheaper and more reliable. By the early 20th century, Henry Ford introduced the moving assembly line, which further accelerated the tempo of work and the ability of workers to produce.
As a consequence of the technological changes of the Industrial Revolution, productivity levels surged. Productivity refers to the level of output generated by a given volume of inputs; productivity increases refer to higher levels of efficiency—that is, greater levels of output per unit of input (e.g., labor hour or unit of land) or, conversely, fewer inputs per unit of output.
Productivity levels rose exponentially in the 19th century throughout the industrializing world. As the cost of producing goods declined, standards of living rose correspondingly. Most workers labored long hours under notoriously exploitative conditions and endured a standard of living quite low compared with those we enjoy today. But nonetheless, over several decades, industrialization saw many kinds of goods become increasingly affordable to the growing middle class. Because wage rates have been linked historically to the marginal productivity of labor, the working class became significantly better off. Most important in this regard concerns the industrialization of agriculture. As food became progressively cheaper, diets improved as more people ate more and better food than ever before, with corresponding improvements in infant mortality rates and life expectancy. With the notorious exception of the Irish Potato Famine of the 1840s, hunger and malnutrition gradually declined throughout Europe.
The Industrial Revolution unfolded very unevenly over time and space. Whereas capitalism had its origins in Northern Italy, industrialization was very much a product of northwestern Europe. Some observers put the first textile factories in Belgium, in cities such as Liège and Flanders, with a tradition that dated to late medieval times. However, it was Britain that became the world's first industrialized nation, a status that likely reflected, among other things, its extensive network of trading ties and prior commercialization of agricultural land through the Enclosures. By the end of the 18th century, Britain stood virtually alone as the world's only industrial economy, a fact that gave it an enormous advantage over its rivals and propelled it to the status of world hegemon. Cities in the Midlands of Britain, such as Leeds and Manchester, were known as the "workhouses of the world" for their high concentrations of workers, capital, and output. Others, such as London, Glasgow, and Liverpool, became shipbuilding centers. In many cities, networks of producers in guns, watches, and light industry formed dense industrial districts.
A half-century after it began in Britain, the Industrial Revolution diffused to the European Continent, North America, and Japan. In France, this process saw the formation of industrial complexes in the lower Seine River, Lille, and Paris. In Italy, Milan and the Po River valley became a major producer of textiles and shoes. In Northern Spain, Barcelona became an important center. In Scandinavia, cities such as Stockholm became major ship producers. In Germany, which was late to industrialize, the Ruhr region became a global center of steel, automobile, and petrochemical firms in the late 19th century, propelling that newly unified nation to global prominence.
By the early 19th century, the revolution leapfrogged across the Atlantic, igniting the industrialization of Southern New England with the growth of the textile industry there. In New York City, a huge complex of light manufacturing arose, centered on garments but including many other small firms. Philadelphia became a large center of ship construction. Stretching across the southern shores of the Great Lakes, the Manufacturing Belt became the second largest industrial region in the late 19th century, following Britain, largely on the basis of the steel, rubber, tool and die, agricultural implements, and automobile industries. However, industrialization also dramatically affected agriculture and meat packing.
Russia did not become industrialized until the 1920s and 1930s, when the Soviet Union under Stalin leaped to become the world's second largest economy in the span of a decade. Under the Soviet system, heavy manufacturing, particularly steel and armaments, was emphasized over sectors producing consumer goods. Starting in the 1870s, Japan became the first non-Western country to join the industrialized nations, developing a formidable industrial base in steel, railroads, armaments, textiles, and ship building that fueled its expansionary growth and militarism.
In the late 20th century, the process of industrialization diffused to many developing countries, particularly the East Asian Newly Industrialized Countries (NICs) such as South Korea, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Singapore, many of which borrowed liberally from the Japanese model. More recently, Thailand, Indonesia, and Malaysia have moved down this path. Rapid economic growth in China today represents another stage in the industrialization of Asia, including the production of textiles, toys, and electronics. Similar events occurred in Mexico and Brazil, including the maquiladores in the former and an electronics and aerospace industry in the latter. In a sense, the industrialization of the developing world, which is still very partial and incomplete, is a continuation of a long-standing historical process.
The nature and form of industrialization varied in successive historical periods. Capitalism is prone to long-term cyclical shifts in its composition, often in waves of roughly 50 to 75 yrs.' (years') duration, often known as Kondratief waves. This process saw the rise of different industries at different times. Industrialization was thus not one process but a series of them that varied over time and space.
The first wave of the Industrial Revolution (1770s-1820s) centered on the textile industry. In Britain, as in the rest of Europe, North America, Japan, and the developing world today, textiles have always led industrialization. Easy to set up, with few requirements of capital or labor skills, this sector initiated the industrial landscapes of most of the world. Because this early wave of industrialization was centered in Britain, it witnessed that nation become the leading economic power in the world, initiating the period of the Pax Britannica.
The second wave, from the 1820s to the 1880s, was a period dominated by heavy industry. In the 19th century, sectors such as shipbuilding, railroads, and iron and steel plants were critical. Large scale and capital intensive, these types of firms differed markedly from the light industry of textiles. They required massive capital investments, an infrastructure often built by the state, were difficult to enter, and moved toward an oligopoly rather than a competitive market structure. This was the period in which the U.S. Manufacturing Belt began to form, although most of its growth was after the Civil War of the 1860s.
The third wave of industrialization, from the 1880s to the 1930s, saw numerous heavy industries appear, including steel, rubber, glass, and automobiles. This was a period of massive technological change, including capital intensification and automation of work, as well as economic changes. As local markets gave way to national markets, most sectors experienced a steady oligopolization, or concentration of output and ownership in the hands of a few large firms led by robber barons.
In the fourth wave of industrialization, which started during or immediately after the Depression of the 1930s and lasted until the oil shocks of the 1970s, the primary growth sectors were petrochemicals and automobiles. It is often associated with Fordist systems of mass production. With a relatively stable global economy, this era saw the domination of the world system by the United States, which produced a huge share of the planet's industrial output, including, in the 1950s, two thirds of its steel and 60% of its automobiles.
The fifth wave of industrialization, often held to begin after the oil shocks of the 1970s that ended the post-World War II boom, has been led by the electronics industry, which was powered by the microelectronics revolution and by the explosive growth of producer services.
During each era, the major propulsive industry was commonly featured as the "high-tech" sector of its day. Thus, just as electronics is often celebrated at this historical moment for its innovativeness and ability to sustain national competitiveness, so too were the textile industry in the 18th century and the steel industry in the 19th century associated with high levels of productivity and wages.
The Industrial Revolution permanently changed the social and spatial fabric of the world, particularly in the societies that now comprise the economically developed countries. Within a century of its inception, industrialization transformed a series of rural, poverty-stricken societies into relatively prosperous, urbanized ones. It is no exaggeration to credit industrialization with the rise of modernity in all its complex forms.
The Industrial Revolution essentially created the modern working class. For the first time in human history, large numbers of workers labored together using machines. These conditions were markedly different from those facing agricultural or artisanal workers, who were dispersed over large spaces and relied on animate sources of energy. Industrialization gave rise to organized labor markets in which workers were paid by the hour, day, or week. This process was not easy, given how brutally exploitative working conditions were during this time. Workers typically labored for 10, 12, even 14 hours per day, 6 days per week for relatively low wages. Often the work was unsanitary and dangerous, even lethal, as workers were subjected to abusive employers, accidents, poor lighting, and poor air quality. Child labor was also common, subjecting those as young as 4 or 5 yrs. of age to horrendous conditions.
As the result of this process, time—like space and so much else—became a commodity, something bought and sold. The transition from agricultural time to industrial time was important. Prior to the Industrial Revolution, people experienced time seasonally, with different tasks at different times of the year, and rarely felt the need to be conscious of it, for precision was unnecessary. With industrialization, however, time was measured and divided into discrete units, as signaled by the factory whistle, clock, bell, and stopwatch. This change marked the commodification of time through the labor market.
Industrialization also produced labor unions. The first resistance to employers included the British Luddites in the late 18th and early 19th centuries, who blamed their miserable working conditions on the machines they used and often destroyed them in attempts to halt their exploitation. By the late 19th century, organized labor had created a number of unions, which in the United States included the Knights of Labor, the American Federation of Labor (AFL), and in the 20th century, the Industrial Workers of the World and the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO, which later merged with the AFL to form the AFL-CIO). Industrialization was thus often a period of considerable class conflict.
Geographically, the Industrial Revolution was closely associated with the growth of cities. Almost everywhere, industrialization and urbanization have been virtually simultaneous processes. The reasons why firms concentrated in cities are important. Cities were clearly centers of capital as much as they were centers of labor. There are powerful reasons for firms to concentrate, or agglomerate, in cities. Most firms benefit by having close proximity to other firms, including lower transport costs to suppliers of parts and ancillary services, and access to an infrastructure, specialized information, and the labor force. As complexes of firms sprouted in cities, industrialization changed the character of societies from predominantly rural to predominantly urban. In Western Europe, North America, and Japan, for the first time in history, the majority of people lived in cities. In the United States, for example, the first national census of 1790 showed that 95% of Americans lived in rural areas. This proportion decreased throughout the 19th century, and by 1920, 50% of the nation's population lived in cities. Today, it is roughly 85%, a proportion that is found in most economically developed countries.
Industrialization also shaped the population growth rates and demographic composition. On the eve of the Industrial Revolution, the famous theorist Thomas Malthus predicted that rapid population growth would create widespread famine. Yet Malthus was soon proven to be wrong, at least in the short run. The industrialization of agriculture generated productivity increases greater than the rate of population growth, and the creation of a stable food supply improved most people's diets. As a result, life expectancy rose. Industrialization also lowered death rates, particularly as malnutrition declined and infant mortality rates dropped. Eventually, public health measures and cleaner water helped control the spread of most infectious diseases. As death rates dropped, the populations of industrializing countries increased dramatically. This change was also accompanied by a shift from the extended to the nuclear family. Eventually, industrialization also led to a decline in the birth rate; families had fewer children, and population growth rates declined.
Yet another impact of the Industrial Revolution concerned the global economy. Capitalism had formed a loose network of international trade well before the 18th century. The harnessing of inanimate energy for transportation dramatically accelerated the speed of both land and water transportation, notably through the railroad and steamship, forming a significant round of time-space compression. New, industrialized forms of transportation were not only faster but also cheaper, resulting in cost-space convergence or compression as well. These changes dramatically lowered the barriers to trade, and the volume of imports and exports began to soar. Europe, starting with Britain, could import unprocessed raw materials, including cotton, timber, sugar, wheat, and mineral ores, and export high-value-added finished goods, a process that generated large numbers of jobs in Europe and contributed to a steady rise in the standard of living.
Finally, the industrial world economy saw an explosion of international finance. British banks, largely concentrated in London, for example, began to extend their activities on an international basis, lending to clients and investing in markets overseas. Much of the capital that financed the American railroad network was from Britain. The globalization of production was thus accompanied by the steady globalization of money and credit.
Agglomeration Economies, Agriculture, Industrialized, Automobile Industry, Business Cycles and Geography, Demographic Transition, Economic Geography, Fordism, Industrialization, Malthusianism, Manufacturing Belt, Textile Industry, Time-Space Compression, Urbanization
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