text:
Stokely Carmichael
Stokely Carmichael
Carmichael organizing for the Lowndes County Freedom Organization in 1966
|4th Chairman of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee
|In office
May 1966 – June 1967
|Preceded by
|John Lewis
|Succeeded by
|H. Rap Brown
|Personal details
Stokely Standiford Churchill Carmichael
June 29, 1941
Port of Spain, Trinidad and Tobago
|November 15, 1998 (aged 57)
Conakry, Guinea
Miriam Makeba
(m. 1968; div. 1973)
Marlyatou Barry (divorced)
|Bronx High School of Science (1960)
|Alma mater
|Howard University
(B.A., Philosophy, 1964)
Kwame Ture (/ˈkwɑːmeɪ
Carmichael was one of the original SNCC freedom riders of 1961 under Diane Nash's leadership, he became a major voting rights activist in Mississippi and Alabama after being mentored by Ella Baker and Bob Moses. Like most young people in SNCC, he became disillusioned with the two-party system after the 1964 Democratic National Convention failed to recognize the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party as official delegates from the state. Carmichael chose to develop independent black political organizations, such as the Lowndes County Freedom Organization and, for a time, the national Black Panther Party. Inspired by Malcolm X's example, he articulated a philosophy of "black power", and popularized it both by provocative speeches and more sober writings. Carmichael became one of the most popular and controversial Black leaders of the late 1960s. J. Edgar Hoover, director of the FBI, secretly identified Carmichael as the man most likely to succeed Malcolm X as America's "black messiah". The FBI targeted him for personal destruction through its COINTELPRO program, and Carmichael fled to Africa in 1968, he re-established himself in Ghana, and then Guinea by 1969, where he adopted the new name of Kwame Ture.
- 1 Early life
- 2 1961: Freedom Rides
- 4 1967–68: Transition out of SNCC
- 5 1969–98: Travel to Africa
- 6 Illness and death
- 7 Personal life
- 8 Legacy
- 9 Controversies
- 10 In popular culture
- 11 See also
- 12 References
- 13 Further reading
- 14 External links
Early life[edit]
Stokely Standiford Churchill Carmichael was born in Port of Spain, Trinidad and Tobago, Stokely Carmichael attended Tranquility School there before moving to Harlem, New York, in 1952 at the age of 11, to rejoin his parents, they had immigrated to the United States when he was age two, and he was raised by his grandmother and two aunts.[2] He had three sisters.[2][3]
His mother, Mabel R. Carmichael,[4] was a stewardess for a steamship line, his father, Adolphus, was a carpenter who also worked as a taxi driver.[2] The reunited Carmichael family eventually left Harlem to live in Van Nest in the East Bronx, at that time an aging neighborhood with residents who were primarily Jewish and Italian immigrants and descendants. According to a 1967 interview Carmichael gave to Life Magazine, he was the only black member of the Morris Park Dukes, a youth gang involved in alcohol and petty theft,[2] he and his family were members of the Westchester United Methodist Church.[citation needed]
Carmichael attended the Bronx High School of Science in New York, being selected through high achievement on its standardized entrance examination. While at Bronx Science, he participated in a boycott of a local White Castle restaurant, which did not hire blacks. On student recognition Sunday at his church, Carmichael gave an eye-opening student sermon to the almost totally white congregation.[citation needed] Carmichael was acquainted with fellow Bronx Science student Samuel R. Delany during his time there.[5]
After graduation in 1960, Carmichael enrolled at Howard University, a historically black university in Washington, D.C.. His professors included Sterling Brown,[6][7] Nathan Hare,[8] and Toni Morrison, a young writer who later won the Nobel Prize for literature.[9] Carmichael and Tom Kahn, a Jewish-American student and civil-rights activist, helped to fund a five-day run of the Three Penny Opera, by Bertolt Brecht and Kurt Weill:
Tom Kahn—very shrewdly—had captured the position of Treasurer of the Liberal Arts Student Council and the infinitely charismatic and popular Carmichael as floor whip was good at lining up the votes. Before they knew what hit them the Student Council had become a patron of the arts, having voted to buy out the remaining performances, it was a classic win/win. Members of the Council got patronage packets of tickets for distribution to friends and constituents.[6]
Carmichael's apartment on Euclid Street was a gathering place for his activist classmates,[4] he graduated in 1964 with a degree in philosophy.[2] Carmichael was offered a full graduate scholarship to Harvard University but turned it down.[10]
While at Howard, Carmichael had joined the Nonviolent Action Group (NAG), the Howard campus affiliate of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC).[11] Kahn introduced Carmichael and the other SNCC activists to Bayard Rustin, an African-American leader who became an influential adviser to SNCC.[12] Inspired by the sit-in movement in the southern United States during college, Carmichael became more active in the Civil Rights Movement.
1961: Freedom Rides[edit]
In his first year at the university, in 1961, Carmichael participated in the Freedom Rides that the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) organized to desegregate the interstate buses and bus station restaurants along U.S. Route 40 between Baltimore and Washington, D.C., as they came under federal rather than state law. They had been segregated by custom, he was frequently arrested, and spent time in jail. He was arrested so many times for his activism that he lost count, sometimes estimating at least 29 or 32. In 1998, he told the Washington Post that he thought the total was fewer than 36.[4]
Along with eight other riders, on June 4, 1961, Carmichael traveled by train from New Orleans, Louisiana, to Jackson, Mississippi, to integrate the formerly "white" section on the train.[13] Before getting on the train in New Orleans, they encountered white protestors blocking the way. Carmichael says: "They were shouting. Throwing cans and lit cigarettes at us. Spitting on us."[14][15] Eventually, the group was able to board the train; when the group arrived in Jackson, Carmichael and the eight other riders entered a "white" cafeteria. They were charged with disturbing the peace, arrested, and taken to jail.
Eventually, Carmichael was transferred to the infamous Parchman Farm in Sunflower County, Mississippi, along with other Freedom Riders,[2][16] he gained notoriety for being a witty and hard-nosed leader among the prisoners.[17]
He served 49 days with other activists at the Parchman State Prison Farm. At 19, Carmichael was the youngest detainee in the summer of 1961, he spent 53 days at Parchman Farm in a six-by-nine cell. He and his colleagues were only allowed to shower twice a week, were not allowed books or any other personal effects, and were at times placed in maximum security to isolate them from one another.[18]
Carmichael said about the Parchman Farm sheriff:
The sheriff acted like he was scared of black folks and he came up with some beautiful things. One night he opened up all the windows, put on ten big fans and an air conditioner and dropped the temperature to 38 degrees [Fahrenheit; 3 °C]. All we had on was T-shirts and shorts.[18]
While being hurt one time, Carmichael began singing to the guards, "I'm gonna tell God how you treat me," to which the rest of the prisoners joined in.[19]
Carmichael kept the group's morale up while in prison, often telling jokes with Steve Green and the other Freedom Riders, and making light of their situation, he knew their situation was serious.
What with the range of ideology, religious belief, political commitment and background, age, and experience, something interesting was always going on; because no matter our differences, this group had one thing in common, moral stubbornness. Whatever we believed, we really believed and were not at all shy about advancing. We were where we were only because of our willingness to affirm our beliefs even at the risk of physical injury. So it was never dull on death row.[14]
In a 1964 interview with author Robert Penn Warren, Carmichael reflected on his motives for going on the rides, saying,
I thought I have to go because you've got to keep the issue alive, and you've got to show the Southerners that you're not gonna be scared off, as we've been scared off in the past, and no matter what they do, we're still gonna keep coming back.[20]
1964–67: SNCC[edit]
Mississippi and Cambridge, Maryland[edit]
In 1964, Carmichael became a full-time field organizer for SNCC in Mississippi, he worked on the Greenwood voting rights project under Bob Moses.[21] Throughout Freedom Summer, he worked with grassroots African-American activists, including Fannie Lou Hamer, whom Carmichael named as one of his personal heroes.[22] SNCC organizer Joann Gavin wrote that Hamer and Carmichael "understood one another as perhaps no one else could."[23]
He also worked closely with Gloria Richardson, who led the SNCC chapter in Cambridge, Maryland.[24] During a protest with Richardson in Maryland in June 1964, Carmichael was hit directly in a chemical gas attack by the National Guard and had to be hospitalized.[25]
He soon became project director for Mississippi's 2nd congressional district, made up largely of the counties of the Mississippi Delta. At that time, most blacks in Mississippi had been disenfranchised since passage of a new constitution in 1890; the summer project was to prepare them to register to vote and to conduct a parallel registration movement to demonstrate how much people wanted to vote. Grassroots activists organized the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (MFDP), as the regular Democratic Party did not represent African Americans in the state. At the end of Freedom Summer, Carmichael went to the 1964 Democratic Convention in support of the MFDP, which sought to have its delegation seated.[26] But, the MFDP delegates were refused voting rights by the Democratic National Committee, who chose to seat the regular white Jim Crow delegation. Carmichael, along with many SNCC staff members, left the convention with a profound sense of disillusionment in the American political system, and what he later called "totalitarian liberal opinion".[27]
Selma to Montgomery marches[edit]
Having developed aversion to working with the Democratic Party after the 1964 convention experience, Carmichael decided to leave the MFDP. Instead he began exploring SNCC projects in Alabama in 1965. During the period of the Selma to Montgomery Marches, he was recruited by James Forman to participate in a "second front" to stage protests at the Alabama State Capitol in March 1965. Carmichael became disillusioned with the growing struggles between SNCC and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), who opposed Forman's strategy, he thought SCLC was working with affiliated black churches to undercut it.[28] He was also frustrated to be drawn again into nonviolent confrontations with police, which he no longer found empowering. After seeing protesters brutally beaten again, he collapsed from stress, and his colleagues urged him to leave the city.[29]
Within a week, Carmichael returned to protesting, this time in Selma, to participate in the final march along Route 80 to the state capital, he initiated a grassroots project in "Bloody Lowndes" County, along the march route.[30] This was a county known for white violence against blacks during this era, where SCLC and Dr. King had tried and failed to organize its black residents.[31] In the period from 1877 to 1950, Lowndes County had 14 documented lynchings of African Americans.[32]
Lowndes County Freedom Organization[edit]
In 1965, working as a SNCC activist in the black-majority Lowndes County, Carmichael helped to increase the number of registered black voters from 70 to 2,600—300 more than the number of registered white voters.[2] Black voters had essentially been disfranchised by Alabama's constitution passed by white Democrats in 1901. After Congressional passage in August of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, the federal government was authorized to oversee and enforce their rights, but there was still tremendous resistance by whites in the area, which endangered activists. Black residents and voters organized and widely supported the Lowndes County Freedom Organization (LCFO), a party that had the black panther as its mascot, over the white-dominated local Democratic Party, whose mascot was a white rooster. Since federal protection from violent voter suppression by the Ku Klux Klan and other white opponents was sporadic, most Lowndes County activists openly carried arms.
Although black residents and voters outnumbered whites in Lowndes, their candidate lost the county-wide election of 1965. In 1966, several LCFO candidates ran for office in the general election but failed to win.[33] In 1970, the LCFO merged with the statewide Democratic Party, and former LCFO candidates won their first offices in the county.[34][35]
Chair of SNCC and Black Power[edit]
Carmichael became chairman of SNCC in 1966, taking over from John Lewis, an activist who later was elected to the US Congress, and has served since then. James Meredith had initiated a solitary March Against Fear in early June of that year from Memphis to Jackson, Mississippi, he did not want the big civil rights organizations or leaders involved, but was willing to have individual black men join him. On his second day out, Meredith was shot and wounded by a white sniper, and had to be hospitalized. Civil rights leaders vowed to finish the march in his name.
Carmichael joined Martin Luther King Jr., Floyd McKissick, Cleveland Sellers and others to continue Meredith's march. He was arrested in Greenwood during the march. After his release, he gave his first "Black Power" speech at a rally that night, using the phrase to urge black pride and socio-economic independence:
It is a call for black people in this country to unite, to recognize their heritage, to build a sense of community, it is a call for black people to define their own goals, to lead their own organizations.
According to historian David J. Garrow, a few days after Carmichael spoke about "Black Power" slogan at the rally during "Meredith March Against Fear", he told King: "Martin, I deliberately decided to raise this issue on the march in order to give it a national forum and force you to take a stand for Black Power." King responded, "I have been used before. One more time won't hurt."[36][page needed]
While Black Power was not a new concept, Carmichael's speech brought it into the spotlight, it became a rallying cry for young African Americans across the country who were frustrated about slow progress in civil rights, even after federal legislation had been passed to strengthen the effort. Everywhere that Black Power spread, if accepted, credit was given to the prominent Carmichael. If the concept was condemned, he was held responsible and blamed.[37] According to Carmichael: "Black Power meant black people coming together to form a political force and either electing representatives or forcing their representatives to speak to their needs [rather than relying on established parties]".[38] Strongly influenced by the work of Frantz Fanon and his landmark book The Wretched of the Earth, along with others such as Malcolm X, Carmichael led SNCC to become more radical; the group focused on Black Power as its core goal and ideology.
During the controversial Atlanta Project in 1966, SNCC, under the local leadership of Bill Ware, engaged in a voter drive to promote the candidacy of Julian Bond from an Atlanta district for a seat in the Georgia State Legislature. Ware excluded Northern white SNCC members from working on this drive. Initially, Carmichael opposed him and voted against this decision, but eventually changed his mind.[39] At the urging of the Atlanta Project, the issue of whites being members in SNCC came up for a vote. Carmichael ultimately sided with those calling for the expulsion of whites, he said that whites should organize poor white southern communities, of which there were plenty, while SNCC focused on promoting African-American self-reliance through Black Power.[40]
Carmichael considered nonviolence to be a tactic, as opposed to an underlying principle, which separated him from civil rights leaders such as Martin Luther King, Jr. Carmichael criticized civil rights leaders who called for the integration of African Americans into existing institutions of the middle-class mainstream.
Now, several people have been upset because we've said that integration was irrelevant when initiated by blacks, and that in fact it was a subterfuge, an insidious subterfuge, for the maintenance of white supremacy. Now we maintain that in the past six years or so, this country has been feeding us a "thalidomide drug of integration", and that some Negroes have been walking down a dream street talking about sitting next to white people; and that that does not begin to solve the problem; that when we went to Mississippi we did not go to sit next to Ross Barnett; we did not go to sit next to Jim Clark; we went to get them out of our way; and that people ought to understand that; that we were never fighting for the right to integrate, we were fighting against white supremacy. Now, then, in order to understand white supremacy we must dismiss the fallacious notion that white people can give anybody their freedom. No man can give anybody his freedom. A man is born free. You may enslave a man after he is born free, and that is in fact what this country does, it enslaves black people after they're born, so that the only acts that white people can do is to stop denying black people their freedom; that is, they must stop denying freedom. They never give it to anyone.[41]
During Carmichael's leadership, SNCC continued to maintain a coalition with several white radical organizations, most notably Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), it encouraged the SDS to focus on militant anti-draft resistance. At an SDS-organized conference at UC Berkeley in October 1966, Carmichael challenged the white left to escalate their resistance to the military draft in a manner similar to the black movement.[42] For a time in 1967, Carmichael considered an alliance with Saul Alinsky's Industrial Areas Foundation, and generally supported IAF's work in Rochester's and Buffalo's black communities.[43][44]
SNCC conducted its first actions against the military draft and the Vietnam War under Carmichael's leadership.[45] Carmichael popularized the oft-repeated anti-draft slogan, "Hell no-We won't go!" during this time.[46]
Carmichael encouraged Martin Luther King Jr. to demand an unconditional withdrawal of US troops from Vietnam, even as some King advisers cautioned him that such opposition might have an adverse effect on financial contributions to the SCLC. King preached one of his earliest speeches calling for unconditional withdrawal with Carmichael seated in the front row at his invitation.[47] Carmichael privately took credit for pushing King towards anti-imperialism, and historians such as Dr. Peniel Joseph and Eric Dyson agree.[48][49]
Carmichael joined King in New York on April 15, 1967, to share his views with protesters on race related to the Vietnam War:
The draft exemplifies as much as racism the totalitarianism which prevails in this nation in the disguise of consensus democracy; the President has conducted war in Vietnam without the consent of Congress or the American people, without the consent of anybody except maybe Lady Bird.[50]
1967–68: Transition out of SNCC[edit]
Stepping down as chair[edit]
In May 1967, Carmichael stepped down as chairman of SNCC and was replaced by H. Rap Brown. SNCC was a collective and worked by group consensus rather than hierarchically; many members had become displeased with Carmichael's celebrity status. SNCC leaders had begun to refer to him as "Stokely Starmichael" and criticized his habit of making policy announcements independently, before achieving internal agreement.[4] According to historian Clayborne Carson, Carmichael did not protest the transfer of power and was "eager to relinquish the chair",[51] it is sometimes mistakenly reported that Carmichael left SNCC completely at this time and joined the Black Panther Party, but those events did not occur until 1968.[52] SNCC officially ended its relationship with Carmichael in August 1968; in a statement, Philip Hutchings wrote, "It has been apparent for some time that SNCC and Stokely Carmichael were moving in different directions."[53]
Targeted by FBI COINTELPRO[edit]
During this period, Carmichael was targeted by a section of J. Edgar Hoover's COINTELPRO (counter-intelligence program) which focused on black activists; the program promoted slander and violence against targets whom Hoover considered to be enemies of the US government. It attempted to discredit them and worse.[54] Carmichael accepted the position of Honorary Prime Minister in the Black Panther Party, but also remained on the staff of SNCC,[55][56][57] he tried to forge a merger between the two organizations. A March 4, 1968 memo from Hoover states his fear of the rise of a black nationalist "messiah" and said that Carmichael alone had the "necessary charisma to be a real threat in this way".[58] In July 1968, Hoover stepped up his efforts to divide the black power movement. Declassifed documents show he launched a plan to undermine the SNCC-Panther merger, as well as to "bad-jacket" Carmichael as a CIA agent. Both efforts were largely successful: Carmichael was expelled from SNCC that year, and the rival Panthers began to denounce him, putting him at grave personal risk.[59][60]
International activism[edit]
After stepping down as SNCC chair, Carmichael wrote the book Black Power: The Politics of Liberation (1967) with Charles V. Hamilton. It is a first-person reflection on his experiences in SNCC and his dissatisfaction with the direction of the Civil Rights Movement in the late 1960s. Throughout the work he directly and indirectly criticizes the established leadership of the SCLC and NAACP for their tactics and results, often claiming that they were accepting symbols instead of change.
He promoted what he calls "political modernization"; this idea included three major concepts: "1) questioning old values and institutions of the society; 2) searching for new and different forms of political structure to solve political and economic problems; and, 3) broadening the base of political participation to include more people in the decision-making process".[61] By questioning "old values and institutions", Carmichael was referring not only to the established Black leadership of the time, but also to the values and institutions of the nation as a whole, he criticized the emphasis on the American "middle-class". "The values", he said, "of that class are based on material aggrandizement, not the expansion of humanity." (40) Carmichael believed that blacks were being lured to enter the "middle-class" as a trap, in which they would be assimilated into the white world by turning their backs on others of their race who were still suffering. This assimilation, he thought, was an inherent indictment of blackness and validation of whiteness as the preferred state, he said, "Thus we reject the goal of assimilation into middle-class America because the values of that class are in themselves anti-humanist and because that class as a social force perpetuates racism."[61]
Secondly, Carmichael discussed searching for different forms of political structure to solve political and economic problems. At the time, the established forms of political structure were the SCLC and the NAACP; these groups were religiously and academically based and focused their attention on the concepts of non-violence and steady legal and legislative change, situated within the established systems and structures of the United States. Carmichael rejected these ideas, basing his assertions on his lived experience, he explores the development of the Mississippi Freedom Democrats, the 1966 local election in Lowndes County, AL, and the political history of the town of Tuskegee. He chose these examples as places where blacks changed the system by way of political and legal maneuvering within the system, but Carmichael said that they ultimately failed to achieve more than the bare minimum change. In the process, he believed they reinforced the political and legal structures that were perpetuating the racism they were fighting.
In response to these failures and to offer a way forward, Carmichael discussed the concept of coalition with regard to the Civil Rights Movement; the leadership of the movement had affirmed that anyone who truly believed in their cause was welcome to join and march. Carmichael offered a different vision. Influenced by the ideas of Franz Fanon in Wretched of the Earth, wherein two groups were not "complementary" (could have no overlap) until they were mutually exclusive (were on an equal power footing economically, socially, politically, etc.), Carmichael said that blacks in the United States had to unite and build their power independent of the white structure. Otherwise they would never be able to build a coalition that would function for both parties, not just the dominant one, he said that "we want to establish the grounds on which we feel political coalitions can be viable."[61] For this to happen, Carmichael argued that blacks had to address three myths regarding coalition. First, "that the interests of black people are identical with the interests of certain liberal, labor, or other reform groups." Second, that a viable coalition can be created between "the politically and economically secure and the politically and economically insecure". And third, that a coalition can be "sustained on a moral, friendly, sentimental basis; by appeals to conscience." He believed that each of these myths showed the need for two groups to be mutually exclusive, and on relatively equal footing, for them to be in a viable coalition.
This philosophy, grounded in the independence literature of Africa and Latin America (Fanon), became the basis for a great deal of Carmichael's work, he believed that the Black Power Movement had to be developed outside the white power structure.
He also continued as a strong critic of the Vietnam War, and imperialism in general. During this period he traveled and lectured extensively throughout the world; visiting Guinea, North Vietnam, China, and Cuba. Carmichael became more clearly identified with the Black Panther Party as its "Honorary Prime Minister".[4] During this period, he acted more as a speaker than an organizer, traveling throughout the country and internationally advocating for his vision of Black Power.[62]
Carmichael lamented the 1967 execution of Marxist revolutionary Che Guevara, saying:
The death of Che Guevara places a responsibility on all revolutionaries of the World to redouble their decision to fight on to the final defeat of Imperialism; that is why in essence Che Guevara is not dead, his ideas are with us.[63]
Carmichael visited the United Kingdom in July 1967 to attend the Dialectics of Liberation conference. After recordings of his speeches were released by the organizers, the Institute of Phenomenological Studies, he was banned from re-entering Britain.[64] In August 1967, a Cuban government magazine reported that Carmichael met with Fidel Castro for three days and called it "the most educational, most interesting, and the best apprenticeship of [my] public life." Because relations with Cuba were prohibited at the time, after his return to the US, the government withdrew his passport. In December 1967, he traveled to France to attend an antiwar rally. There, he was detained by police and ordered to leave the next day, but government officials eventually intervened and allowed him to stay.[53]
1968 D.C. riots[edit]
Carmichael was present in Washington, D.C. the night after King's assassination in April 1968. He led a group through the streets, demanding that businesses close out of respect. Although he tried to prevent violence, the situation escalated beyond his control. Due to his reputation as a provocateur, the news media blamed Carmichael for the ensuing violence as mobs rioted along U Street and other areas of black commercial development.[65]
Carmichael held a press conference the next day, at which he predicted mass racial violence in the streets.[66] Since moving to Washington, D.C., Carmichael had been under nearly constant surveillance by the FBI. After the eruption of riots, Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation J. Edgar Hoover instructed a team of agents to find evidence connecting Carmichael to these events. He was also subjected to COINTELPRO's bad-jacketing technique. Huey P. Newton suggested Carmichael was a Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) agent, a slander that led to Carmichael's break with the Panthers, and his exile from the U.S. the following year.[67]
1969–98: Travel to Africa[edit]
Carmichael soon began to distance himself from the Panthers, mainly over the issue of white activist participation in the movement; the Panthers believed that white activists could help the movement, while Carmichael had come to agree with Malcolm X that white activists should organize their own communities before trying to lead black people.
In 1968, he married Miriam Makeba, a noted singer from South Africa, they left the US for Guinea the next year. Carmichael became an aide to the Guinean president Ahmed Sékou Touré, and a student of the exiled Ghanaian president Kwame Nkrumah.[68] Makeba was appointed Guinea's official delegate to the United Nations.[69] Three months after his arrival in Guinea, in July 1969, Carmichael published a formal rejection of the Black Panthers, condemning them for not being separatist enough and for their "dogmatic party line favoring alliances with white radicals".[2]
Carmichael changed his name to "Kwame Ture",[when?] to honor the African leaders Nkrumah and Touré, who had become his patrons. At the end of his life, friends still referred to him interchangeably by both names, "and he doesn't seem to mind".[4]
Carmichael's suspicions about the CIA were confirmed in 2007 by declassified documents which revealed that the agency had tracked him from 1968 as part of their surveillance of black activists abroad; the surveillance continued for years.[70]
Carmichael remained in Guinea after his separation from the Black Panther Party, he continued to travel, write, and speak in support of international leftist movements. In 1971 he published his collected essays in a second book, Stokely Speaks: Black Power Back to Pan-Africanism; this book expounds an explicitly socialist Pan-African vision, which he retained for the rest of his life. From the late 1970s until the day he died, he answered his phone by announcing, "Ready for the revolution!"[2]
In 1986, two years after Sékou Touré's death, the military regime that took his place arrested Carmichael for his past association with Touré, and jailed him for three days on suspicion of attempting to overthrow the government. Although Touré was known for jailing and torturing his opponents (some 50,000 people are believed to have been killed under his regime) Carmichael had never publicly criticized the man he had named himself after.[2]
All-African People's Revolutionary Party[edit]
|"Life and Career of Kwame Ture", C-SPAN[71]
For the final 30 years of his life, Kwame Ture was devoted to the All-African People's Revolutionary Party (A-APRP), his mentor Kwame Nkrumah had many ideas for unifying the African continent, and Ture extended the scope of these ideas to the entire African diaspora. He was a Central Committee member during his association with the A-APRP and made many speeches in the Party's behalf.[72]
Ture did not simply study with Sékou Touré and Kwame Nkrumah; the latter had been designated honorary co-president of Guinea after he was deposed by the US-backed coup in Ghana.[73] Ture worked overtly and covertly to "Take Nkrumah Back to Ghana" (according to the movement's slogan), he became a member of the Democratic Party of Guinea (PDG), the revolutionary ruling party. He sought Nkrumah's permission to launch the All-African People's Revolutionary Party (A-APRP), which Nkrumah had called for in his book Handbook of Revolutionary Warfare. After several discussions, Nkrumah gave his blessing.
Ture was convinced that the A-APRP was needed as a permanent mass-based organization in all countries where people of African descent lived. For the last decades of his life, a period often ignored by popular media, Ture worked for full time as an organizer of the Party, he spoke on its behalf on several continents, at innumerable college campuses, in community centers, and other venues. He was instrumental in strengthening ties between the African/Black liberation movement and several revolutionary or progressive organizations, both African and non-African. Notable among them were the American Indian Movement (AIM) of the United States, New Jewel Movement (Grenada), National Joint Action Committee (NJAC) of Trinidad and Tobago, Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), the Pan Africanist Congress (South Africa) and the Irish Republican Socialist Party.
Routinely, Ture was regarded as the leader of the A-APRP, but his only titles were "Organizer" and Central Committee member. Beginning in the mid-1970s, the A-APRP began each May to sponsor African Liberation Day (ALD), a continuation of the African Freedom Day begun by Kwame Nkrumah in 1958 in Ghana.[74] Although the party was involved in or was primary or co-sponsor of other ALD annual observances, marches, and rallies around the world, the best-known and largest event was held annually in Washington, DC, usually at Meridian Hill Park (also known as Malcolm X Park) at 16th and W Streets, NW.
While making his home in Guinea, Ture traveled frequently. Britain and his birth country, Trinidad and Tobago, barred him from speaking at one time or another for fear that he would arouse African-descended people in those countries. In the last quarter of the 20th century, Ture became the world's most active and prominent exponent of pan-Africanism, defined by Nkrumah and the A-APRP as "The Liberation and Unification of Africa Under Scientific Socialism".
Ture often returned to speak to audiences of thousands (including students and townspeople) at his alma mater, Howard University, and at other campuses; the Party worked to recruit students and other youth, and Ture hoped to attract them through his speeches. He also worked to raise the political consciousness of African/Black people in general, he formed the A-APRP with the initial goal of putting "Africa" on the lips of Black people throughout the diaspora, knowing that many did not consciously or positively relate to the homeland of their ancestors. Ture was convinced that the party significantly raised international black consciousness of Pan-Africanism.
Under his leadership, the A-APRP organized the All African Women's Revolutionary Union and the Sammy Younge Jr. Brigade (named after the first black college student to die during the 1960s Civil Rights Movement) as component organizations.
Ture and Cuban president Fidel Castro admired each other, sharing a common opposition to imperialism. In Ture's final letter, he wrote:
It was Fidel Castro who before the OLAS (Organization of Latin American States) Conference said "if imperialism touches one grain of hair on his head, we shall not let the fact pass without retaliation." It was he, who on his own behalf, asked them all to stay in contact with me when I returned to the United States to offer me protection.[75]
Ture was ill when he gave his final speech at Howard University. A standing-room-only crowd in Rankin Chapel paid tribute to him, and he spoke boldly, as usual.[76] A small group of student leaders from Howard University and a former Party member traveled to Harlem (Sugar Hill) in New York City to bid farewell to Kwame Ture shortly before his final return to Guinea; also present that evening were Kathleen Cleaver and another Black Panther, Dhoruba bin Wahad. Ture was in good spirits though in pain; the group included men and women born in Africa, South America, the Caribbean, as well as the USA.
Illness and death[edit]
After his diagnosis of prostate cancer in 1996, Ture was treated for a period in Cuba, while receiving some support from the Nation of Islam.[77] Benefit concerts for Ture were held in Denver; New York; Atlanta; and Washington, D.C.,[4] to help defray his medical expenses. The government of Trinidad and Tobago, where he was born, awarded him a grant of $1,000 a month for the same purpose,[78] he went to New York, where he was treated for two years at the Columbia-Presbyterian Medical Center, before returning to Guinea.[2]
In a final interview given in April 1998 to The Washington Post, Ture had criticized the limited economic and electoral progress made by African Americans in the U.S. during the previous 30 years. He acknowledged that blacks had won election to the mayor's office in major cities, but said that, as the mayors' power had generally diminished over earlier decades, such progress was essentially meaningless.[4]
|"Memorial Service for Kwame Ture", C-SPAN[79]
In 1998 Ture died of prostate cancer at the age of 57 in Conakry, Guinea, he had said that his cancer "was given to me by forces of American imperialism and others who conspired with them."[2] He claimed that the FBI had infected him with cancer in an assassination attempt.[80]
The civil rights leader Jesse Jackson spoke in celebration of Ture's life, stating: "He was one of our generation who was determined to give his life to transforming America and Africa, he was committed to ending racial apartheid in our country. He helped to bring those walls down".[81] NAACP Chair Julian Bond said that Carmichael "ought to be remembered for having spent almost every moment of his adult life trying to advance the cause of black liberation."[52]
Personal life[edit]
Carmichael had married Miriam Makeba, the noted singer from South Africa, while in the US in 1968, they divorced in Guinea after separating in 1973.
Later he married Marlyatou Barry, a Guinean doctor, they divorced some time after having a son, Bokar, in 1981. By 1998, Marlyatou Barry and Bokar were living in Arlington County, Virginia, near Washington, DC. Using a statement from the All-African People's Revolutionary Party as a reference, Carmichael's 1998 obituary in The New York Times referred to his survivors as two sons, three sisters, and his mother, without providing further details.[2]
Kwame Ture, along with Charles V. Hamilton,[82] is credited with coining the phrase "institutional racism"---defined as racism that occurs through institutions such as public bodies and corporations, including universities. In the late 1960s Ture defined "institutional racism" as "the collective failure of an organization to provide an appropriate and professional service to people because of their color, culture or ethnic origin".[83]
In his book on Martin Luther King, Jr., David J. Garrow criticized Ture's handling of the Black Power movement as "more destructive than constructive".[4] Garrow described the period in 1966 where Ture and other members of the SNCC managed to successfully register 2,600 African American voters in Lowndes County, Alabama, as the most consequential period in Ture's life "in terms of real, positive, tangible influence on people's lives".[4] Evaluations from Ture's associates are also mixed, with most praising his efforts and others criticizing him for failing to find constructive ways to achieve his objectives.[84] SNCC's final Chair, Phil Hutchings, who expelled Ture over a dispute concerning the Black Panther Party, wrote that, "Even though we kidded and called him 'Starmichael', he could sublimate his ego to get done what was needed to be done....He would say what he thought, and you could disagree with it but you wouldn't cease being a human being and someone with whom he wanted to be in relationship."[85] Washington Post staff writer Paula Span described Carmichael as someone who was rarely hesitant to push his own ideology.[4] Tufts University historian Peniel Joseph credits Ture with expanding the parameters of the civil rights movement, asserting that his black power strategy "didn't disrupt the civil rights movement, it spoke truth to power to what so many millions of young people were feeling. It actually cast a light on people who were in prisons, people who were welfare rights activists, tenants' rights activists, and also in the international arena." Tavis Smiley calls Ture "one of the most underappreciated, misunderstood, undervalued personalities this country's ever produced".[48]
In 2002, the American-born scholar Molefi Kete Asante listed Kwame Ture as one of his 100 Greatest African Americans.[86]
Views on Adolf Hitler[edit]
Although he stated in his posthumously published memoirs that he had never been anti-semitic, in 1970 Carmichael proclaimed: "I have never admired a white man, but the greatest of them, to my mind, was Hitler."[87] However, Carmichael in the same speech condemned Hitler on moral grounds, Carmichael himself stating:
Adolph Hitler—I'm not putting a judgment on what he did—if you asked me for my judgment morally, I would say it was bad, what he did was wrong, was evil, etc, but I would say he was a genius, nevertheless . . . . You say he's not a genius because he committed bad acts. That's not the question; the question is, he does have genius. Now when we condemn him morally or ethically, we will say, well, he was absolutely wrong, he should be killed, he should be murdered, etc., etc. . . . But if we're judging his genius objectively, we have to admit that the man was a genius, he forced the entire world to fight him. He was fighting America, France, Britain, Russia, Italy once— then they switched sides—all of them at the same time, and whipping them. That's a genius, you cannot deny that.[88]
Views on women[edit]
In November 1964 Carmichael made a joking remark in response to a SNCC position paper written by his friends Casey Hayden and Mary E. King on the position of women in the movement. In the course of an irreverent comedy monologue he performed at a party after SNCC's Waveland conference, Carmichael said, "The position of women in the movement is prone."[89] A number of women were offended. In a 2006 The Chronicle of Higher Education article, historian Peniel E. Joseph later wrote:
While the remark was made in jest during a 1964 conference, Carmichael and black-power activists did embrace an aggressive vision of manhood — one centered on black men's ability to deploy authority, punishment, and power. In that, they generally reflected their wider society's blinders about women and politics.[90]
Carmichael's colleague, John Lewis, stated in his autobiography, March, that the comment was a joke, uttered as Carmichael and other SNCC officials were "blowing off steam" following the adjournment of a meeting at a staff retreat in Waveland, Mississippi;[91] when asked about the comment, former SNCC field secretary Casey Hayden stated: "Our paper on the position of women came up, and Stokely in his hipster rap comedic way joked that 'the proper position of women in SNCC is prone'. I laughed, he laughed, we all laughed. Stokely was a friend of mine."[84] In her memoir, Mary E. King wrote that Carmichael was "poking fun at his own attitudes" and that "Casey and I felt, and continue to feel, that Stokely was one of the most responsive men at the time that our anonymous paper appeared in 1964."[92]
Carmichael appointed several women to posts as project directors during his tenure as chairman of SNCC; by the latter half of the 1960s (considered to be the "Black Power era"), more women were in charge of SNCC projects than during the first half.[93]
In popular culture[edit]
- In Spike Lee's 2018 film BlacKkKlansman, Kwame Ture is portrayed by Corey Hawkins.[94]
- In Mario Van Peebles' 1995 film Panther based on Melvin Van Peebles' screenplay, Stokley Carmichael is portrayed by Mario Van Peebles.
- In 2018 a national tribute 'the fight of a lifetime' is dedicated to him during a one-month exhibition at the Gamal Abdel Nasser University of Conakry [95]
See also[edit]
- ^ "Stokely Carmichael" biography, Freedom Riders, American Experience website (PBS).
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m Kaufman, Michael T. "Stokely Carmichael, Rights Leader Who Coined 'Black Power', Dies at 57", New York Times, November 16, 1998. Accessed March 27, 2008. (alternate url)
- ^ "Stokely Carmichael Facts", YourDictionary.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k Span, Paula (April 8, 1998). "The Undying Revolutionary: As Stokely Carmichael, He Fought for Black Power. Now Kwame Ture's Fighting For His Life". The Washington Post. p. D01.
- ^ R.,, Delany, Samuel. The motion of light in water : sex and science fiction writing in the East Village (1st University of Minnesota Press ed.). Minneapolis. ISBN 0816645248. OCLC 55142525.CS1 maint: extra punctuation (link)
- ^ a b Thelwell, Ekwueme Michael (1999–2000). "The professor and the activists: A memoir of Sterling Brown". The Massachusetts Review. 40 (4): 634–636. JSTOR 25091592.
- ^ Stuckey, Sterling. Going Through the Storm: The Influence of African American Art in History. Oxford University Press, 1994, p. 142, ISBN 0-19-508604-X, 9780195086041.
- ^ Safire, William, Safire's Political Dictionary. Oxford University Press, 2008, p. 58, ISBN 0-19-534334-4, ISBN 978-0-19-534334-2.
- ^ Haskins, Jim. Toni Morrison: Telling a Tale Untold. Twenty-First Century Books, 2002, p. 44, ISBN 0-7613-1852-6, ISBN 978-0-7613-1852-1.
- ^ Bruce Watson, Freedom Summer: The Savage Season That Made Mississippi Burn and Made America a Democracy, p. 177 (Viking, 2010).
- ^ "Stokely Carmichael", King Encyclopedia, The Martin Luther King, Jr. Research and Education Institute, Stanford University. Accessed November 20, 2006.
- ^ Smethurst, James (2010). "The Black arts movement and historically Black colleges and universities". African-American poets: 1950s to the present. 2. Chelsea House. pp. 112–113.
- ^ Carmichael, Stokely (2005). Ready for Revolution. New York: Scribner. pp. 171–215.
- ^ a b Arsenault, Raymond (2006). Freedom Riders. New York: Oxford University Press. pp. 362–363. ISBN 978-0-19-513674-6.
- ^ Carmichael, Ready for Revolution (2003), p. 192.
- ^ Carmichael, Stokely, and Michael Thelwell. Ready for Revolution: The Life and Struggles of Stokely Carmichael (Kwame Ture). Simon & Schuster, 2003. p. 201. Retrieved from Google Books July 23, 2010. ISBN 0-684-85003-6, ISBN 978-0-684-85003-0.
- ^ PBS. "Stokely Carmichael Biography". PBS. Retrieved April 8, 2011.
- ^ a b "Freedom Rides and White Backlash". Archived from the original on 2011-05-08. Retrieved April 8, 2011.
- ^ Cwiklik, Robert (1993). Stokely Carmichael and Black Power. Brookfield, Connecticut: The Millbrook Press. pp. 14–15.
- ^ Robert Penn Warren Center for the Humanities. "Stokely Carmichael". Robert Penn Warren's Who Speaks for the Negro? Archive. Retrieved November 5, 2014.
- ^ "Stokely Carmichael" Archived 2014-10-06 at the Wayback Machine, King Encyclopedia, Martin Luther King Jr. Institute for Research and Education.
- ^ "American Forum - Stokely Carmichael, Freedom Summer and the Rise of Black Militancy" Archived 2014-10-06 at the Wayback Machine, Miller Center of the Humanities, University of Virginia.
- ^ Joann Gavin, "Kwame Ture-Memories", Civil Rights Movement Veterans website.
- ^ Faith S. Holsaert, et al, Hands on the Freedom Plow: Voices of Women in SNCC (University of Illinois Press, 2010), pp. 285–287.
- ^ "Cambridge, Maryland & The White Backlash", Civil Rights Movement Veterans website.
- ^ "Mississippi Summer Project", Civil Rights Movement Veterans website.
- ^ "MFDP Challenge to the Democratic Convention", Civil Rights Movement Veterans website.
- ^ Kwame Ture, Ready for Revolution: The Life and Struggles of Stokely Carmichael (Simon & Schuster, 2003), p. 441–446
- ^ Taylor Branch, At Canaan's Edge: America in the King Years 1965–1968 (Simon & Schuster, 2006), pp. 109–110
- ^ Taylor Branch, At Canaan's Edge: America in the King Years 1965–1968 (Simon & Schuster, 2006), pp. 132, 192.
- ^ "1965-Cracking Lowndes" Civil Rights Movement Veterans timeline
- ^ Lynching in America, 2nd edition, Supplement by County, p. 2
- ^ Lowndes County Freedom Organization Black Past.org
- ^ "Lowndes County Freedom Organization", Encyclopedia of Alabama
- ^ "The Black Panther Party" (pamphlet), Merrit Publishers, June 1966.
- ^ David J. Garrow, Bearing the Cross: Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (1986).
- ^ Bennet Jr., Lerone (September 1966). "Stokely Carmichael Architect of Black Power". Ebony Magazine.
- ^ "Stokely Carmichael", King Encyclopedia, The Martin Luther King, Jr. Research and Education Institute, Stanford University. Accessed November 20, 2006.
- ^ "Quest for Black Power (1966-1970)". Atlanta in the Civil Rights Movement. Archived from the original on June 16, 2014. Retrieved April 15, 2014.
- ^ James Forman, The Making of Black Revolutionaries, pp. xvi-xv (2nd edn 1997). Accessed March 17, 2007.
- ^ Stokely Carmichael, "Black Power" speech. Accessed March 17, 2007.
- ^ Joshua Bloom and Waldo E. Martin, Black Against Empire: The History and Politics of the Black Panther Party (University of California Press, 2013), pp. 29, 41-42, 102-103, 128-130.
- ^ "Excerpt From SNCC Central Committee Meeting Regarding Forging a Relation With Saul Alinsky January, 1967" Jan 20, 1967
- ^ Wendy Plotkin, "Alinsky TWO: 1960s Organizing in an African-American Community", H-Net/H-Urban Seminar on History of Community Organizing & Community-Based Development.
- ^ "Report on Draft Program" August 1966, Civil Rights Movement Veterans' website
- ^ "Of Stokely Carmichael And Black Power In America", Boston Public Radio.
- ^ "Stokely Carmichael", King Encyclopedia, Martin Luther King Jr. Research and Education Institute
- ^ a b "African-American History Scholar Dr. Peniel Joseph", Tavis Smiley Show, March 10, 2014
- ^ Eric Michael Dyson, 'I May Not Get There With You:' The True Martin Luther King Jr., (Simon & Schuster, 2000), pp. 66–67.
- ^ "Protests - Events of 1967 - Year in Review". United Press International. 1967. p. 15. Retrieved March 26, 2009.
- ^ Clayborne Carson, In Struggle: SNCC and the Black Awakening of the 1960s (Harvard University Press, 1981), p. 251.
- ^ a b "KWAME TURE DEAD AT 57 CANCER FELLS FORMER STOKELY CARMICHAEL", Associated Press (New York Daily News), November 16, 1998.
- ^ a b "SNCC History and Geography". Mapping American Social Movements.
- ^ Feldman, Jay (2012). Manufacturing Hysteria: A History of Scapegoating, Surveillance, and Secrecy in Modern America. Anchor Books. ISBN 9780307388230.
- ^ "SNCC Says Carmichael Now Enroute to Hanoi", Associated Press, Lewiston Daily Sun, August 19, 1967
- ^ Seidman, Sarah. "Tricontinental Routes of Solidarity: Stokely Carmichael in Cuba", Journal of Transnational American Studies, 2012, pg. 8-11
- ^ "Stokely Carmichael Expelled by SNCC", Washington Post news service (Tuscaloosa News), Aug 22, 1968
- ^ Warden, Rob (February 10, 1976). "Hoover rated Carmichael as 'black messiah'" (PDF). Chicago Tribune. Retrieved July 20, 2012.
- ^ Kathleen Cleaver and George Katsiaficas, Liberation, Imagination and the Black Panther Party (Routledge, 2014 edition), pp. 89-9.
- ^ Joshua Bloom and Waldo E. Martin, Black Against Empire: The History and Politics of the Black Panther Party (University of California Press, 2013), pp. 122-23.
- ^ a b c Carmichael, Stokely (1992). Black power : the politics of liberation in America. Hamilton, Charles V. (Vintage ed.). New York: Vintage Books. ISBN 0679743138. OCLC 26096713.
- ^ Charlie Cobb, "From Stokely Carmichael to Kwame Ture", Hartford , Accessed March 17, 2007.
- ^ Andrew Sinclair, Viva Che!: The Strange Death and Life of Che Guevara, 1968/re-released in 2006, Sutton Publishing, ISBN 0-7509-4310-6, p. 67.
- ^ Fowler, Norman (August 5, 1967). "Carmichael recordings for sale". The Times.
- ^ Risen, Clay (2009). "April 4: U and Fourteenth". A Nation on Fire: America in the Wake of the King Assassination. Hoboken, N.J.: John Wiley & Sons. p. 63. ISBN 978-0-470-17710-5.
Even as he was holding the line in front of Peoples, several young men were inside the pharmacy ransacking it...
- ^ Risen, Clay (2009). "April 5: 'Any Man's Death Diminishes Me'". A Nation on Fire: America in the wake of the King assassination. Hoboken, N.J.: John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-0-470-17710-5.
- ^ Ward Churchill (2002), Agents of Repression: The FBI's Secret Wars Against the Black Panther Party and the American Indian Movement, South End Press, ISBN 978-0896086463, OCLC 50985124, 0896086461
- ^ Robert Weisbrot, "Stokely Speaks" (review of Ready for Revolution), New York Times, November 23, 2003. Accessed March 17, 2007.
- ^ "Miriam Makeba Biography" Archived 2009-07-11 at the Wayback Machine, AllSands.
- ^ Associated Press, "Some Examples of CIA Misconduct", USA Today, June 27, 2007. Accessed January 9, 2014.
- ^ "Life and Career of Kwame Ture". C-SPAN. April 15, 1998. Retrieved September 9, 2016.
- ^ "Social Justice Movements: All-African People's Revolutionary Party", Columbia University website
- ^ "Kwame Nkrumah" at African American Registry.
- ^ ALD History, African Liberation Day.
- ^ "Stokely Carmichael Interview Part 1", KwameTure.com.
- ^ "Kwame Ture's last fire side chat from the Meeca-Howard Univ part 1". YouTube.
- ^ Schaefer, Richard T. (2008). Encyclopedia of Race, Ethnicity and Society. Thousand Oaks California: SAGE Publications. p. 523.
- ^ Matthew C. Whitaker (ed.), Icons of Black America: Breaking Barriers and Crossing Boundaries, Vol. 1, ABC-CLIO, 2011, p. 156.
- ^ "Memorial Service for Kwame Ture". C-SPAN. January 9, 1999. Retrieved September 9, 2016.
- ^ Statement of Kwame Ture, undated, between 1996 diagnosis and 1998 death, Kwame Ture website. Accessed June 27, 2007.
- ^ "Black Panther Leader Dies", BBC News, November 16, 1998. Accessed June 20, 2006.
- ^ Bhavnani, Mirza, Meetoo, Reena, Heidi, Veena (2005). Tackling the Roots of Racism: Lessons for Success. Bristol, England: The Policy Press. p. 235.CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
- ^ Richard W. Race, "Analyzing ethnic education policy-making in England and Wales" Archived 2006-06-18 at the Wayback Machine (pdf), Sheffield Online Papers in Social Research, University of Sheffield, p. 12. Accessed June 20, 2006.
- ^ a b Mike Miller, "Kwame Ture (Stokely Carmichael) - Memories", January 1999.
- ^ Mike Miller (1999), "Kwame Ture (Stokely Carmichael) – Memories", Civil Rights Movement Veterans website.
- ^ Asante, Molefi Kete (2002), 10 Greatest African Americans: A Biographical Encyclopedia. Amherst, New York: Prometheus Books. ISBN 1-57392-963-8.
- ^ Eric J Sundquist (30 June 2009). Strangers in the Land: Blacks, Jews, Post-Holocaust America. Harvard University Press. pp. 315–317. ISBN 978-0-674-04414-2.
- ^ Ferreti, Fred "Carmichael, in 'Objective' View, Sees Hitler as 'Greatest White'", "The New York Times", 14 April 1970. Retrieved 9 March 2017
- ^ Cheryl Lynn Greenberg, "SNCC: Born of the Sit-Ins, Dedicated to Action-Remembrances of Mary Elizabeth King", Veterans of the Civil Rights Movement website.
- ^ Peniel E. Joseph (July 21, 2006). "Black Power's Powerful Legacy". The Chronicle Review. Retrieved July 23, 2014.
- ^ Lewis, John (2016). March: Book Three, Top Shelf Productions (Marietta, Georgia), p. 140.
- ^ Mary E. King, Freedom Song: A Personal Story of the 1960s Civil Rights Movement (William Morrow Co., 1988), pp. 451–52.
- ^ Barbara Ransby, Ella Baker and the Black Freedom Movement: A Radical Democratic Vision, University of North Carolina Press, 2003, pp. 310–11.
- ^ "BlacKkKlansman". imdb. Retrieved 17 January 2019.
- ^ https://www.guinee360.com/25/11/2018/bokar-biro-ture-stokly-est-un-patrimoine-guineen-mais-peu-connu-en-guinee/
Further reading[edit]
- Carmichael, Stokely (Autumn 1966). "Toward Black Liberation". The Massachusetts Review. 7 (4): 639–651.
- Carmichael, Stokely (and Michael Thelwell), Ready for Revolution: The Life and Struggles of Stokely Carmichael (Kwame Ture). New York: Scribner, 2005.
- Carmichael, Stokely (and Charles V. Hamilton), Black Power: The Politics of Liberation. Vintage; reissued 1992.
- Carmichael, Stokely, Stokely Speaks: Black Power Back to Pan-Africanism. Random House, 1971, 292 pages.
- Joseph, Peniel E., Waiting 'Til The Midnight Hour: A Narrative History of Black Power in America. Henry Holt, 2007.
- Joseph, Peniel E. Stokely: A Life. New York: Basic Books, 2014.
External links[edit]
This article's use of external links may not follow Wikipedia's policies or guidelines. (June 2014) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
|Wikimedia Commons has media related to Stokely Carmichael.
|Wikiquote has quotations related to: Stokely Carmichael
- SNCC Digital Gateway: Stokely Carmichael, Documentary website created by the SNCC Legacy Project and Duke University, telling the story of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee & grassroots organizing from the inside-out
- Stokely Carmichael on IMDb
- Stokely Carmichael at Curlie
- Stokely Carmichael
- Stokely Carmichael page. Stokely Carmichael spoke to an enthusiastic crowd at Garfield High School in Seattle, Washington, on April 19, 1967. Audio and slideshow. Retrieved May 3, 2005.
- Stokely Carmichael FBI Records - Stokely Carmichael records at FBI's The Vault Project.
Research resources[edit]
- Stokely Carmichael-Lorna D. Smith Collection, 1964–1972 (5 linear ft.) is housed in the Department of Special Collections and University Archives at Stanford University Libraries
- Montgomey Interview video at The Jack Rabin Collection of Alabama Civil Rights and Southern Activists [1]
- Kwame Ture on Zionism
- February 17, 1968 on PBS.org
- Consciousness and Unconsciousness
- With H. Rap Brown, Oakland, 1968 (longer version of PBS clip)
- From Protest to Resistance: A Critical Look at the New Left. A 1968 TV movie with interviews and footage of Carmichael's speeches, made by Saul Landau
- Appearances on C-SPAN
- University of Nebraska Omaha, 1993
- American pan-Africanists
- 1941 births
- 1998 deaths
- People from Port of Spain
- Members of the Black Panther Party
- Activists for African-American civil rights
- American socialists
- The Bronx High School of Science alumni
- COINTELPRO targets
- American community activists
- Black Power
- Howard University alumni
- Deaths from prostate cancer
- Trinidad and Tobago emigrants to the United States
- Trinidad and Tobago socialists
- Trinidad and Tobago activists
- American people of Trinidad and Tobago descent
- Deaths from cancer in Guinea
- American civil rights activists
- Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee
- Freedom Riders
- American exiles
- American expatriates in Guinea
- Pan-Africanists
- Washington, D.C. socialists


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Kyle has a master's degree in economics and international trade from the University of International Business and Economics, in Beijing, and dual bachelor's degrees in economics and global affairs from George Mason University, in Washington D.C. He has also been a visiting fellow at the University of Oxford and the Beijing Language Culture University.


text:
Ah…the internet…a goldmine of information. Need to know if that lingering chunk of cheese at the back of your fridge is still fit for human consumption? Wondering why your cat suddenly goes bonkers at 2:30 in the morning? Trying to figure out what's causing your headache from hell? You need look no further than that modern-day oracle, the internet, to ensure you don't poison your family with deadly dairy, reassurance that your cat is just being a cat, and that it's probably a sinus infection and not a brain tumor causing your headache (although, seeking medical advice from the internet is always a bad idea).
When I started this blog three years ago, I had no idea what I was doing (I'm still trying to figure it out), so obviously I turned to the internet for help. Through my research, I was able to find useful information on blog hosting, layout/design suggestions, tips for naming a blog, etc. However, when I began researching less "cut and dry" topics, such as content creation and increasing blog traffic, I ran into suggestions that I immediately knew would prove challenging for me. After that, it wasn't long before a familiar, sinking feeling of impending failure began to take hold.
Over and over again, I was confronted with the same two pieces of advice for blogging success: you must study other more successful blogs, and you should seek opportunities to feature as a guest writer on those blogs.
I understand completely the logic behind both of these suggestions, and I think they make a lot of sense. I also understand that it is not the problem of the blogging experts if their advice doesn't fit within my own limitations. Neither is it their responsibility to consider every personality type when they share their expertise; that is an unrealistic expectation. The reality is, however, that these two very sensible and effective suggestions do pose problems for some of us who struggle with certain issues, such as low self-esteem.
For most people, this is probably an innocuous suggestion. However, if you have a tendency to compare yourself constantly to others in nearly everything you do, and then typically conclude you will never measure up , browsing the successful, popular blogs of other people may prove fatal to your determination and motivation.
Reading someone else's awesome, successful blog doesn't usually leave me feeling fired up and thinking, "I can do this!." It usually leaves me thinking:
"Wow, this person is really talented and successful. They have a business and a family, and still they manage to post every day. I can formulate a sentence…but I will never be as talented…successful…organized…determined…interesting as this blogger! I'm going to be terrible at this. I'm going to be a total failure. Who do I think I am? Why should I even bother?"
This is a difficult rabbit hole to claw your way out of, and it has often ended my pursuit of many a dream. Is this a normal reaction? No, it really isn't. But I've been this way my entire life and, I'm fairly certain, I'm not the only person who feels this way. Surely not…right?
Again, this advice makes a lot of sense, but you might as well suggest I go audition for America's Got Talent.
Instead of viewing this suggestion as another avenue to potential success, I see it as a cheeky imposition upon a busy, successful blogger and yet another inevitable encounter with rejection and failure, all of which can be devastating and mentally paralyzing when your supply of self-esteem is already slim.
WHAT'S A SELF unASSURED, unCONFIDENT, GIRL TO DO?
"It's either some kind of electricity or some kind of energy. I don't know what it is, but whatever it is, I've got it."
Katharine Hepburn, when asked about star quality. (IMDB)
Wouldn't it be nice if we could bottle just a tiny bit of other people's self-confidence! Unfortunately, as we all know, there is no such quick fix.
For many years, I have felt guilty for seeking advice, not just for blogging but other ventures as well, and then being unable to follow-up on some of that advice. Today, I'm tired of feeling guilty. I have done the best with what I have, and I will continue to do just that. I have pushed myself, sometimes successfully, sometimes just a bit too far beyond the borders of my personality. There are some who will accuse me of giving into fear. Maybe they're right, but while I believe there are times to push myself beyond my comfort zone, I also want to avoid pushing myself so far that I make life more stressful than before.
Although I experienced some frustration as I researched blogging dos and donts, I did arrive at some positive conclusions about "one-size-fits-all" advice, whether offered via the internet or those around me. At the moment, I am focusing on writing and blogging advice, but perhaps these decisions will help me in other areas of life as well. Here are my not particularly original or profound conclusions:
Before I begin any new venture, I will decide what success looks like for that particular venture and how far I am willing to go to pursue it. For example, is blogging success uploading more than one post a week? Is it an increase in traffic, likes, or views? Do I just want to keep my brain occupied? If I don't know what I want my end result to be, I can't really work on a plan to get there.
I'm going to stop feeling guilty about finding some pieces of advice too unrealistic for me. This doesn't mean I won't push myself, but I will not add to the negativity already in my brain by piling on more guilt.
If possible, I will rework advice to make it more manageable for me. For example, I will continue researching generic blogging principles and, if I want examples of post titles, writing styles, reader engagement ideas, etc. I will look to successful bloggers who are not in my "niche." I know that may sound silly, but I believe there are general principles we can all make use of regardless of our blog focus. Hopefully, this will help me to avoid the quagmire of comparison and will stave off the "I'm useless at this" thinking.
Comparing ourselves to others is one of the most destructive, self-inflicted attacks upon our self-esteem, and I know these solutions belie a bigger issue. But, if I waited until I had all my confidence issues resolved, I'd never do anything. In the meantime, it is up to me to find ways to work around those issues so I can successfully pursue my goals.
Don't get discouraged if the advice you read or suggestions you are given seem completely out of reach for you; there is no such thing as generic, one-size-fits-all advice. What works for me may not work for you and vice versa. You are the only one who knows your limits and how far you are willing to push yourself beyond those limits. Sometimes, those of us who are not blessed with an abundance of self-confidence have to find ways of outwitting our own brains and removing ourselves from the track of negative self-talk so we too can find success in our chosen endeavors. This may mean it takes us longer and our paths to success may have more twists and turns, highs and lows than someone else's but, eventually, we can get to where we are going in our own way.


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I couldn't resist making my kids something fun for snack.
You need an orange, a pretzel stick and a green airhead. Shown here...
Cut the airhead into a large triangle and then wrap around the pretzel. Stick it into the peeled orange.
Look! A pumpkin! We added dried spiced cloves after this to make the eyes nose and mouth.
But before we could do that we had to eat the candy! Haha.
It was a fun after school snack to get us into the Halloween Spirit!


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Book Your Annual Meeting Hotel at a Discount
The 2014 Annual Meeting will take place at the Marriott Wardman Park Hotel and Omni Shoreham Hotel. Both hotels will host scholarly panels and roundtables, special events, and other activities during the week-long conference. AAA has negotiated special rates for AAA attendees at both hotels. Reservations can be made online via the links below. These … Continue reading Book Your Annual Meeting Hotel at a Discount


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Cookie Policy
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3 x 5", acrylic on canvas
I finished this piece last night. I thought I was done before that, but I decided to go back in and work the dish a little more and to add the stem connecting the grapes on the left. You couldn't really see the stem in the set-up, but in the painting, it looked like the grape was floating. Painting grapes is fun.....it also makes me think of harvest time, so I may have to come up with another still life using grapes and a fall theme. Hmmmmmmmm........


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Event detail
Wild Robots: Bodies and Signs
Lecture | March 15 | 5-6 p.m. | Moffitt Undergraduate Library, BCNM Commons, Rm. 340
Ian Ingram
Berkeley Center for New Media
On Wednesday, March 15, Ian Ingram, a Los Angeles-based artist will be a body of his work on the influence of animal behavior in building technology.
Ian Ingram is a Los Angeles-based artist who builds mechatronic and robotic objects that borrow facets from animal morphology and behavior, from the forms and movements of machines, and from our stories about animals. The resulting worksoften intended to cohabitate and interact with animals in the wildexplore the manmade objects future as a willful entity and our relationship with non-human animals and with our technology.
Many of Ingrams works since 2005 have been attempts to create messy webs in the Umwelts of specific non-human species and human beings by creating behavioral objects thatin scale, form, agency and gesturemake signals truly meaningful to the non-human species but often in a playful narrative built from the conceits of the human perspective.
Ingram has exhibited his work internationally, including at the Andy Warhol Museum; the Museum of Modern Art, Toluca; the Yada Gallery in Nagoya; Hasbro, Inc.; Eyelevel Gallery in Halifax; Nikolaj Kunsthal in Copenhagen; and recently the Victoria and Albert Museum. Ingram has a BS and MS from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and an MFA from Carnegie Mellon University.
Videos and photographs of Ingrams work can be found at http://www.ianingram.org.


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I listed them on BGG, but here we can discuss their application to the online game.
1. "Long John" - for 2 players, but with 4-players setting: long round tracker and Forum filled for 4. There is one problem: the Senate. On the long runs players may quickly get to the 8 votes, so my thought was to make "halves": after the first Senate position (2 votes) players advance on 1/2, but their VPs are rounded down. So instead of the regular "0-2-3-4-5-6-7-8" Senate track we receive "0-2-2-3-3-4-4-5-5-6-6-7-7-8-8".
2. "2 vs 2" - for 4 players, but with cooperation. Really, I thought that in live game co-players may exchange Commodities and maybe other things, and in online game it will cause many complications. The easiest variant will be just to organize players in pairs, and in the end the winning pair is that which VP sum is higher: 2 players win (and get equal ELO for the win).
But I'm not aware about the legal side of variants. Do they have to be discussed and agreed with publishers?


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Doctrine as Translation
This post develops a proposal for a role of doctrine in a post-Christendom, global church. It explores writings by George Lindbeck and Kevin Vanhoozer, arguing their contributions restrict the potential for translation through calls to unity. To move forward I engage the function of doctrine, drawing on James H Cone and Ellen T Charry. They show doctrine needs to be transformative, meeting people in their contexts and drawing them into the mission of God. Finally I examine the potential of the role of doctrine as translation; a process empowering both the renewing and rebirth of past expressions of doctrine, and the emergence of entirely new forms built on the endless array of communal and individual experiences of God.
Read More
"Doctrine should do something. It should compel the Christian, drawing them into, or sustaining them through, the struggle for liberation and freedom for the oppressed."


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Harold C. Sox Jr., MD; Benjamin Littenberg, MD; Alan M. Garber, MD, PhD
Purpose: To predict the effects of using exercise testing to screen healthy persons for coronary artery disease.
Data Identification: The publications of the Coronary Artery Surgery Study were the principal sources of data for the cost-effectiveness analysis; we also used data from the Veterans Administration Cooperative Study of stable angina and the publications of the European Coronary Surgery Study Group.
Study Selection: We used studies that provided the data that our decision model required—life expectancy and probabilities of outcomes in persons who have or do not have coronary artery disease.
Data Extraction: We did not use a structured method for abstracting data. We tested the susceptibility of our conclusions to poor quality of data by substituting a wide range of values for a variable in the decision model, and by calculating life expectancy and costs if screening was used routinely or not used.
Results of Data Synthesis: We assumed that persons with an abnormal exercise test would have arteriography and that persons with severe coronary artery disease would have by-pass surgery. When there were no suitable published data for the model, we made assumptions that favored screening. The model predicts that screening would increase the life expectancy of 60-year-old men at average risk by at most 12 days. Sixty-year-old men with no risk factors for coronary artery disease would derive less benefit, as would women and younger men.
Conclusions: The effect of exercise testing is too small to justify doing this procedure routinely in healthy persons. If coronary bypass surgery is found to prolong life in asymptomatic persons as much as it does in angina pectoris, screening older men with risk factors for coronary artery disease may prove to be worthwhile.
Sox HC, Littenberg B, Garber AM. The Role of Exercise Testing in Screening for Coronary Artery Disease. Ann Intern Med. 1989;110:456–469. doi: https://doi.org/10.7326/0003-4819-110-6-456
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Published: Ann Intern Med. 1989;110(6):456-469.
Cardiac Diagnosis and Imaging, Cardiology, Coronary Heart Disease, Pulmonary/Critical Care.
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Print ISSN: 0003-4819 | Online ISSN: 1539-3704
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Item #: FW13107
Cheese and Sausage Combo
Sale Price$29.99
Additional Information
Product Details
Ready for any occasion, this box holds an abundance of good eating. It's packed with our best natural cheeses. Combine the cheese and sausage—and a party awaits!
- Colby, Brick, Sharp Cheddar and Monterey Jack—ready for munching
- Trio of Salami, Original and Garlic All-Beef Sausages
- 2 lbs. 3 oz. net wt.
Additional Information
Ratings & Reviews
Cheese and Sausage Combo is rated out of 5 by 118.
Rated 5 out of 5 by Bill from Great features I bought this a couple weeks ago. The best cheese and sausages I ever ate. Will buy more.
Date published: 2019-07-22
Rated 5 out of 5 by belfast irish from great product above my expectations great cheddar cheese and summer sausage
Date published: 2019-07-03
Rated 4 out of 5 by Momoe from Good Worth every Penny. And would buy again for gifts this year
Date published: 2019-02-04
Rated 5 out of 5 by monmon44 from Meats and Cheeses My mom received this as a gift from my boyfriend and she is in love. She let me try a couple slices of the sausage and cheeses and they are to die for. This gift set is cheaper than other big named cheese/meat sets and is just as good if not better quality. The cheese is perfectly aged and fresh and the different flavored sausages are to die for. Thank you for such a great gift, we will be ordering again.
Date published: 2018-12-27
Rated 3 out of 5 by Kimber from Bought this for a gift... I received this order today and I was disappointed to find there is no gift box of any kind. It's simply the cardboard box with all the shipping labels. I feel like for the price of these smallish items it should come in a decorative box inside the shipping material. I'll just keep this to share then find something similar, locally, to give as a gift.
Date published: 2018-12-08
Rated 1 out of 5 by Maryanne from Cheese was crumbling and was greasy I ordered this as a gift for my sister and we opened the cheese and it crumbled when opening the package on two of the cheeses and all of the cheese was greasy. The meats were okay. Not as good as we remember as children!
Date published: 2018-06-26
Rated 5 out of 5 by john from superb they were delicious, may have to get more.
Date published: 2018-01-13
Rated 5 out of 5 by Melissa Wilt from Delicious This was the best meat and cheese we've ever had.
Date published: 2018-01-10
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Does this come refrigerated?
This would depend on your location. For delivery or shipping information, please email us at email@example.com.
Date published: 2019-05-07
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Arizona judge releases Border Patrol agent's name
TUCSON, Ariz. (AP) — A federal judge on Thursday disclosed the name of a U.S. Border Patrol agent being sued in the fatal shooting of a Mexican teenager during a 2012 rock-throwing incident in Nogales, Sonora.
U.S. District Court Judge Raner C. Collins made the decision after hearing arguments on whether the name of agent Lonnie Swartz should remain confidential as his lawyer had asked.
Collins said the public interest outweighed Swartz's need for anonymity. The judge added, however, that no other information about the agent should be released.
The family of 16-year-old Jose Antonio Elena Rodriguez had been given the name under the condition that it be kept confidential pending the hearing.
The Border Patrol has refused to provide any details about the shooting or the names of the agents involved.
The agency has said the boy was among a group of people throwing rocks at agents across the border. His family contends he was just walking in the neighborhood as he returned home after playing basketball.
The ACLU filed the lawsuit on behalf of the boy's family, which opposed the agent's confidentiality request.
The Arizona Republic newspaper also sought to have the agent's name and other information released.
Sorry we are not currently accepting comments on this article.


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Wine Gift Baskets
Gifting a Bottle of Wine from afar
While the celebration is going on in the restaurant, you might think of bestowing a bottle of wine upon the person. Here are some of the suggestions that will help you in doing so in an efficient manner.
The Appropriate Way
The right manner is just the simplest way. You can give a call to the manager of the particular restaurant where the person you want to gift will be dining. Tell them your credit card number and ask them to give the person whatever he may demand of. When I used to be a restaurant waiter, there was hardly any instance of the receiver asking me to buy the most expensive of all in the wine menu. Rather I was always asked to choose bottle that will best suit the meal. Read the rest of this entry »
Wine: A Tasty Gift
I relish good wines any time but holidays are the times I love them most. While it adds cheer when you enjoy your meals with your family and friends, it also could be used as a good gift. If I get an opportunity do things the way I want, my choice will be champagne and I am going to have lot of it. Often, champagne is not given its due place as an accompaniment for a dinner or as a gift wine but it is able to add value to a holiday meal. Read the rest of this entry »
What to Include in a Wine Gift Basket!
Gift baskets are a wonderful gift with a wide variety of things to pack within them, but wine is one of the choicest selections available. When you add wine to a gift basket, it becomes a refined present that holds good times ahead. Wine is a suitable gift for adults for almost any occasion, and can be given to acquaintances, co-workers, bosses, friends, relatives, etc.
When crafting a wine gift basket ensure that you give everything they will need. The gift will reflect your thoughtfulness with little touches like adding a corkscrew. This is actually a vital addition to wine gift baskets for young couples or adults who do not often drink at home since they may not have one.
Read the rest of this entry »


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Gardens & Villa's Chris Lynch interviewed for their album, Dunes, for Under The Radar:
Gardens & Villa: Just Say No To Gateway Gadgets
Watch part of the performance that captivated Tim Goldsworthy on Wild Honey Pie.


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