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This is a scalable context timeline. It contains events related to the event August 22, 1972: GAO Finds Huge Financial Irregularities in Nixon Campaign. You can narrow or broaden the context of this timeline by adjusting the zoom level. The lower the scale, the more relevant the items on average will be, while the higher the scale, the less relevant the items, on average, will be.
According to Watergate burglar Eugenio Martinez (see 2:30 a.m.June 17, 1972), White House aide E. Howard Hunt, whom he calls by his old CIA code name "Eduardo" (see September 9, 1971), is ratcheting up the activities of the White House "Plumbers" operation. Martinez is not yet aware of the nature of the team's operations, but believes he is part of a black-ops, CIA-authorized organization working to foil Communist espionage activities. Hunt gives team member Bernard Barker $89,000 in checks from Mexican banks to cash for operational funds, and orders Barker to recruit new team members. Barker brings in Frank Sturgis, Virgilio Gonzalez, and Reinaldo Pico, all veterans of the CIA's activities against Cuba's Fidel Castro. On May 22, the six—Hunt, Barker, Gonzalez, Martinez, Pico, and Sturgis—meet for the first time at the Manger Hays-Adams Hotel in Washington for Hunt's first briefing. By this point, Martinez will later recall, G. Gordon Liddy, who had been involved in the burglary related to Pentagon Papers leaker Daniel Ellsberg, is involved. Hunt calls Liddy "Daddy," and, Martinez recalls, "the two men seemed almost inseparable." They meet another team member, James McCord, who unbeknownst to Martinez is an official with Nixon's presidential campaign (see June 19, 1972). McCord is introduced simply as "Jimmy," an "old man from the CIA who used to do electronic jobs for the CIA and the FBI." McCord is to be the electronics expert. Plans to Break into McGovern HQ - Martinez says that the group is joined by "a boy there who had infiltrated the McGovern headquarters," the headquarters of the campaign of Democratic presidential candidate George McGovern. According to Hunt, they are going to find evidence proving that the Democrats are accepting money from Castro and other foreign governments. (Interestingly, Martinez will write that he still believes McGovern accepted Cuban money.) Hunt soon aborts the mission; Martinez believes "it was because the boy got scared." New Plans: Target the DNC - Instead, he and Liddy begin planning to burglarize the headquarters of the Democratic National Committee (DNC) in the Watergate hotel and office complex. They all move into the Watergate to prepare for the break-in. Martinez will recall: "We brought briefcases and things like that to look elegant. We registered as members of the Ameritus Corporation of Miami, and then we met in Eduardo's room." The briefing is "improvised," Martinez will recall. Hunt says that the Castro funds are coming to the DNC, not McGovern's headquarters, and they will find the evidence there. The plans are rather impromptu and indefinite, but Martinez trusts Hunt and does not question his expertise. [Harper's, 10/1974]
Entity Tags: Frank Sturgis, Democratic National Committee, Central Intelligence Agency, Bernard Barker, 'Plumbers', E. Howard Hunt, Fidel Alejandro Castro Ruz, George S. McGovern, James McCord, G. Gordon Liddy, Virgilio Gonzalez, Eugenio Martinez
Timeline Tags: Nixon and Watergate
Maurice Stans. [Source: Southern Methodist University]In a last campaign fundraising swing before April 7, when the new campaign finance laws go into effect, Maurice Stans, the financial chief for the Committee to Re-elect the President (CREEP), launches a final fundraising swing across the Southwest on behalf of Richard Nixon. Stans solicits contributions from Republicans and Democrats alike, and tells reluctant contributors that if they do not want their donations traced back to them, their anonymity can be ensured by moving their contributions through Mexican banks. Mexico does not allow the US to subpoena its bank records. Laundering - "It's called 'laundering,'" Miami investigator Martin Dardis later tells Washington Post reporter Carl Bernstein on August 26, 1972. "You set up a money chain that makes it impossible to trace the source. The Mafia does it all the time. So does Nixon.… This guy Stans set up the whole thing. It was Stans's idea.… Stans didn't want any way they could trace where the money was coming from." The same money-laundering system allows CREEP to receive illegal contributions from corporations, which are forbidden by law to contribute to political campaigns. Business executives, labor leaders, special-interest groups, even Las Vegas casinos can donate through the system. Stans uses a bank in Mexico City, the Banco Internacional; lawyer Manuel Ogarrio Daguerre handles the transactions. Stans keeps the only records. Confirmed by Lawyer - Lawyer Robert Haynes confirms the setup for Bernstein, and says breezily: "Sh_t, Stans has been running this operation for years with Nixon. Nothing really wrong with it. That's how you give your tithe." Haynes calls the fundraising trip "Stans's shakedown cruise." Stans uses a combination of promises of easy access to the White House and veiled threats of government retaliation to squeeze huge donations out of various executives; Haynes says: "If a guy pleaded broke, [Stans] would get him to turn over stock in his company or some other stock. He was talking 10 percent, saying it was worth 10 percent of some big businessman's income to keep Richard Nixon in Washington and be able to stay in touch." Haynes represents Robert Allen, who runs the Nixon campaign's Texas branch; Allen is merely a conduit for the illegal campaign monies. It is from the Banco Internacional account that Watergate burglar Bernard Barker is paid $89,000 (see April-June 1972) and the "Dahlberg check" of $25,000 (see August 1-2, 1972). [Bernstein and Woodward, 1974, pp. 54-56]
Entity Tags: Robert Allen, Committee to Re-elect the President, Carl Bernstein, Manuel Ogarrio Daguerre, Richard M. Nixon, Martin Dardis, Robert Haynes, Maurice Stans
Timeline Tags: Nixon and Watergate, Elections Before 2000
The Nixon administration spends $8,400 on fake telegrams and advertisements to create a false impression of public support for the US mining of Vietnam's Haiphong harbor. This will not come to light until March 1973, when a disaffected official of the Nixon campaign (CREEP) tells Washington Post reporter Bob Woodward of the operation. The false telegrams are sent to the White House and publicly presented by press secretary Ron Ziegler and other Nixon officials. In addition, CREEP purchases an advertisement in the New York Times purporting to be from a group of "concerned citizens" that attacks the Times for its opposition to the mining operation. "The [Times] ad was paid for by CREEP with 40 of those $100 bills in [CREEP finance director Maurice] Stans's safe," the official will say (see Before April 7, 1972). Another CREEP official will tell Woodward that the Haiphong public relations offensive "put the entire staff in overdrive for two weeks," between creating false telegrams, busing supporters to Washington, organizing petition drives and phone campaigns, and getting supporters to call Congress. After the Post prints the story, Woodward learns that CREEP also rigged a poll conducted by Washington television station WTTG. The poll was based on sample ballots printed in the local newspapers. CREEP has ten people working for days purchasing newspapers, filling out ballots in different handwriting, and mailing them in. The fake ballots radically skew the poll in favor of the mining operation. A CREEP spokesman will confirm the ballot-stuffing operation and say, "We assumed the other side would do it also." Frank Mankiewicz, a senior campaign aide for the presidential campaign of Democratic candidate George McGovern, will respond incredulously: "It didn't occur to us, believe me. Those guys are something. They assume we have the same sleazy ethics as them." [Bernstein and Woodward, 1974, pp. 265-267; GlobalSecurity (.org), 2008]
Entity Tags: George S. McGovern, Bob Woodward, Committee to Re-elect the President, Frank Mankiewicz, Ron Ziegler, Maurice Stans, New York Times, Nixon administration
Frank Wills, the security guard who discovers the taped doors and alerts the DC police. [Source: Bettmann / Corbis]Five burglars (see June 17, 1972) are arrested at 2:30 a.m. while breaking in to the Democratic National Committee (DNC) Headquarters offices in Washington's Watergate hotel and office complex; the DNC occupies the entire sixth floor. [Washington Post, 6/18/1972; Gerald R. Ford Library and Museum, 7/3/2007] Discovery - They are surprised at gunpoint by three plainclothes officers of the DC Metropolitan Police. Two ceiling panels have been removed from the secretary's office, which is adjacent to that of DNC chairman Lawrence O'Brien. It is possible to place a surveillance device above those panels that could monitor O'Brien's office. The five suspects, all wearing surgical gloves, have among them two sophisticated voice-activated surveillance devices that can monitor conversations and telephone calls alike; lock-picks, door jimmies, and an assortment of burglary tools; and $2,300 in cash, most of it in $100 bills in sequence. They also have a walkie-talkie, a shortwave receiver tuned to the police band, 40 rolls of unexposed film, two 35mm cameras, and three pen-sized tear gas guns. Near to where the men are captured is a file cabinet with two open drawers; a DNC source speculates that the men might have been preparing to photograph the contents of the file drawers. Guard Noticed Taped Door - The arrests take place after a Watergate security guard, Frank Wills, notices a door connecting a stairwell with the hotel's basement garage has been taped so it will not lock; the guard removes the tape, but when he checks ten minutes later and finds the lock taped once again, the guard calls the police. The police find that all of the stairwell doors leading from the basement to the sixth floor have been similarly taped to prevent them from locking. The door leading from the stairwell to the DNC offices had been jimmied. During a search of the offices, one of the burglars leaps from behind a desk and surrenders. [Washington Post, 6/18/1972] The FBI agents responding to the burglary are initially told that the burglars may have been attempting to plant a bomb in the offices. The "bomb" turns out to be surveillance equipment. [O.T. Jacobson, 7/5/1974 ] Last Mission for Martinez - One of the burglars, Cuban emigre and CIA agent Eugenio Martinez, will recall the burglary. They have already successfully burglarized a psychiatrist's office in search of incriminating material on Pentagon Papers leaker Daniel Ellsberg (see September 9, 1971), and successfully bugged the DNC offices less than a month previously (see May 27-28, 1972), but Martinez is increasingly ill at ease over the poor planning and amateurish behavior of his colleagues (see Mid-June 1972). This will be his last operation, he has decided. Team leader E. Howard Hunt, whom Martinez calls by his old code name "Eduardo," is obviously intrigued by the material secured from the previous burglary, and wants to go through the offices a second time to find more. Martinez is dismayed to find that Hunt has two operations planned for the evening, one for the DNC and one for the campaign offices of Democratic candidate George McGovern. Former CIA agent and current Nixon campaign security official James McCord (see June 19, 1972), the electronics expert of the team, is equally uncomfortable with the rushed, almost impromptu plan. Hunt takes all of the burglars' identification and puts it in a briefcase. He gives another burglar, Frank Sturgis, his phony "Edward J. Hamilton" ID from his CIA days, and gives each burglar $200 in cash to bribe their way out of trouble. Interestingly, Hunt tells the burglars to keep the keys to their hotel rooms. Martinez later writes: "I don't know why. Even today, I don't know. Remember, I was told in advance not to ask about those things." Taping the Doors - McCord goes into the Watergage office complex, signs in, and begins taping the doors to the stairwells from the eighth floor all the way to the garage. After waiting for everyone to leave the offices, the team prepares to enter. Gonzalez and Sturgis note that the tape to the basement garage has been removed. Martinez believes the operation will be aborted, but McCord disagrees; he convinces Hunt and the other team leader, White House aide G. Gordon Liddy, to continue. It is McCord's responsibility to remove the tape once the burglars are inside, but he fails to do so. The team is well into the DNC offices when the police burst in. "There was no way out," Martinez will recall. "We were caught." Barker is able to surreptitiously advise Hunt, who is still in the hotel, that they have been discovered. Martinez will later wonder if the entire second burglary might have been "a set-up or something like that because it was so easy the first time. We all had that feeling." The police quickly find the burglars' hotel keys and then the briefcase containing their identification. As they are being arrested, McCord, who rarely speaks and then not above a whisper, takes charge of the situation. He orders everyone to keep their mouths shut. "Don't give your names," he warns. "Nothing. I know people. Don't worry, someone will come and everything will be all right. This thing will be solved." [Harper's, 10/1974; Spartacus Schoolnet, 8/7/2007] 'Third-Rate Burglary' - White House press secretary Ron Ziegler will respond to allegations that the White House and the Nixon presidential campaign might have been involved in the Watergate burglary by calling it a "third-rate burglary attempt," and warning that "certain elements may try to stretch this beyond what it is." [Washington Post, 5/1/1973] The Washington Post chooses, for the moment, to cover it as a local burglary and nothing more; managing editor Howard Simons says that it could be nothing more than a crime committed by "crazy Cubans." [Bernstein and Woodward, 1974, pp. 19] CIA Operation? - In the weeks and months to come, speculation will arise as to the role of the CIA in the burglary. The Nixon White House will attempt to pin the blame for the Watergate conspiracy on the CIA, an attempt forestalled by McCord (see March 19-23, 1973). In a 1974 book on his involvement in the conspiracy, McCord will write: "The Watergate operation was not a CIA operation. The Cubans may have been misled by others into believing that it was a CIA operation. I know for a fact that it was not." Another author, Carl Oglesby, will claim otherwise, saying that the burglary is a CIA plot against Nixon. Former CIA officer Miles Copeland will claim that McCord led the burglars into a trap. Journalist Andrew St. George will claim that CIA Director Richard Helms knew of the break-in before it occurred, a viewpoint supported by Martha Mitchell, the wife of Nixon campaign director John Mitchell, who will tell St. George that McCord is a "double agent" whose deliberate blunders led to the arrest of the burglars. No solid evidence of CIA involvement in the Watergate conspiracy has so far been revealed. [Spartacus Schoolnet, 8/2007]
Entity Tags: Nixon administration, Howard Simons, Lawrence O'Brien, James McCord, Martha Mitchell, Richard M. Nixon, Richard Helms, Washington Post, Ron Ziegler, George S. McGovern, Miles Copeland, G. Gordon Liddy, John Mitchell, Frank Sturgis, Carl Oglesby, Bob Woodward, Andrew St. George, Central Intelligence Agency, Carl Bernstein, Democratic National Committee, Daniel Ellsberg, E. Howard Hunt, Eugenio Martinez, Frank Wills
Nixon and Haldeman, three days after the June 23 meeting. [Source: Washington Post]With the FBI tracing the Watergate burglars' $100 bills to GOP fundraiser Kenneth Dahlberg (see August 1-2, 1972), President Nixon orders the CIA to attempt to stop the FBI from investigating the Watergate conspiracy, using the justification of "national security." One of the areas Nixon specifically does not want investigated is the $89,000 in Mexican checks found in the account of one of the Watergate burglars, Bernard Barker (see April-June 1972). [Reeves, 2001, pp. 508-510; Woodward, 2005, pp. 59-60] Author James Reston Jr. will write in 2007: "The strategy for the CIA to block the FBI's investigation of the Mexican checks… was devised by Haldeman and Nixon. This was a clear obstruction of justice." [Reston, 2007, pp. 33-34] The plan, concocted by Nixon campaign chief John Mitchell, is to have deputy CIA director Vernon Walters tell the new FBI Director, L. Patrick Gray, to, in the words of Nixon chief of staff H. R. Haldeman, "stay the hell out of this… this is, ah, business we don't want you to go any further on it." Nixon approves the plan. White House aide John Ehrlichman will later testify that he is the one tasked with carrying out Nixon's command; Nixon tells Ehrlichman and Haldeman to have the CIA "curb the FBI probe." [O.T. Jacobson, 7/5/1974 ] Nixon: FBI, CIA Should Back out of Investigation - In his discussion with Nixon, Haldeman says that "the FBI is not under control, because Gray doesn't exactly know how to control them, and they have, their investigation is now leading into some productive areas, because they've been able to trace the money… and it goes in some directions we don't want it to go." Haldeman also says that the FBI has a witness in Miami who saw film developed from one of the Watergate burglaries (see Mid-June 1972). He tells Nixon that the FBI is not aware yet that the money for the burglars can be traced to Dahlberg, who wrote a $25,000 check that went directly to one of the Watergate burglars. That check is "directly traceable" to the Mexican bank used by the Nixon re-election campaign (CREEP). Haldeman says that he and Ehrlichman should call in both Gray and CIA Director Richard Helms and tell both of them to have their agencies back out of any investigation. Nixon agrees, saying that considering Hunt's involvement: "that will uncover a lot of things. You open that scab there's a hell of a lot of things and that we just feel that it would be very detrimental to have this thing go any further. This involves these Cubans, Hunt, and a lot of hanky-panky that we have nothing to do with ourselves." Haldeman says he believes that Mitchell knew about the burglary as well, but did not know the operational details. "[W]ho was the assh_le who did?" Nixon asks. "Is it [G. Gordon] Liddy? Is that the fellow? He must be nuts." Haldeman says Mitchell pressured Liddy "to get more information, and as [Liddy] got more pressure, he pushed the people harder to move harder on.…" Both Nixon and Haldeman think that the FBI may believe the CIA, not the White House, is responsible for the burglary; Nixon says: "… when I saw that news summary item, I of course knew it was a bunch of crap, but I thought ah, well it's good to have them off on this wild hair thing because when they start bugging us, which they have, we'll know our little boys will not know how to handle it. I hope they will though. You never know. Maybe, you think about it. Good!" A short time later in the conversation, Nixon instructs Haldeman to tell his staffers not to directly lie under oath about their knowledge of the burglary, but to characterize it as "sort of a comedy of errors, bizarre," and warn the FBI that to continue investigating the burglary would "open the whole Bay of Pigs thing up again. And, ah, because these people are plugging for, for keeps and that they should call the FBI in and say that we wish for the country, don't go any further into this case.… That's the way to put it, do it straight." [AMDOCS Documents for the Study of American History, 6/1993] Later in the day, both Walters and CIA Director Richard Helms visit Haldeman to discuss the situation. Helms says that he has already heard from Gray, who had said, "I think we've run right into the middle of a CIA covert operation." Helms and Walters both agree to pressure Gray to abandon the investigation, but their efforts are ineffective; the assistant US attorney in Washington, Earl Silbert, is driving the investigation, not the FBI. [Reeves, 2001, pp. 508-510] Gray: Improper Use of FBI - Soon after Nixon's order, acting FBI Director L. Patrick Gray tells Nixon that his administration is improperly using the CIA to interfere in the FBI's investigation of Watergate. Gray warns Nixon "that people on your staff are trying to mortally wound you." Gray is himself sharing Watergate investigation files with the White House, but will claim that he is doing so with the approval of the FBI's general counsel. [New York Times, 7/7/2005] It is unclear whether Gray knows that Nixon personally issued the order to the CIA. Soon after the order is issued, a number of the FBI agents on the case—15 to 20 in all—threaten to resign en masse if the order is carried out. One of the agents, Bob Lill, will later recall: "There was certainly a unanimity among us that we can't back off. This is ridiculous. This smacks of a cover-up in itself, and we've got to pursue this. Let them know in no uncertain terms we're all together on this. [T]his request from CIA is hollow." [Woodward, 2005, pp. 189-191] No such mass resignation will take place. Because of evidence being classified and redacted (see July 5, 1974), it will remain unclear as to exactly if and how much the CIA may have interfered in the FBI's investigation. 'Smoking Gun' - The secret recording of this meeting (see July 13-16, 1973), when revealed in the subsequent Watergate investigation, will become known as the "smoking gun" tape—clear evidence that Nixon knew of and participated in the Watergate cover-up. [Washington Post, 2008]
Entity Tags: Bob Lill, Vernon A. Walters, Earl Silbert, Federal Bureau of Investigation, Central Intelligence Agency, Richard M. Nixon, G. Gordon Liddy, L. Patrick Gray, John Ehrlichman, Richard Helms, John Mitchell, Kenneth H. Dahlberg, H.R. Haldeman
A staff member of the Committee to Re-elect the President (CREEP), G. Gordon Liddy, is fired after he refuses to answer FBI questions about his possible involvement in the Watergate burglaries (see 2:30 a.m.June 17, 1972). [Washington Post, 8/1/1972] Liddy is willing to tell the FBI that he personally misappropriated the campaign money channeled through the bank account of fellow burglar Bernard Barker (see June 21, 1972), specifically the $25,000 from CREEP finance official Kenneth Dahlberg (see August 1-2, 1972) and the $89,000 from Gulf Resources, Inc. channeled through Mexican lawyer Manuel Ogarrio (see April-June 1972 and Before April 7, 1972). Liddy is also willing to say that when CREEP discovered the money had been raised improperly, his superiors ordered him to return the money as the law requires, but instead he decided on his own to use it for covert political operations. "A true believer," President Nixon says about Liddy. "We'll take care of him… we'll wait a discreet interval and pardon him." [Reeves, 2001, pp. 512] Hunt Dodging FBI - Fellow Watergate burglar E. Howard Hunt is battling in court to avoid testifying to FBI investigators. Hunt's whereabouts are currently unknown. [Washington Post, 8/1/1972] Hunt, a former FBI agent, worked for the White House as a member of Nixon aide John Ehrlichman's staff until December 1971, when he joined CREEP as the committee's general counsel. He had soon after been appointed CREEP's financial counsel, handling legal advice on campaign finances and contributions. CREEP spokesman Devan Shumway says Hunt had no connection to the committee's security or intelligence gathering operations. [Bernstein and Woodward, 1974, pp. 34-35]
Entity Tags: G. Gordon Liddy, Devan Shumway, Committee to Re-elect the President, E. Howard Hunt, John Ehrlichman, Nixon administration
Former attorney general John Mitchell resigns as the head of the Committee to Re-elect the President (CREEP). Mitchell says he is resigning at the insistence of his wife. Washington Post metropolitan editor Harry Rosenfeld is not so sure. "A man like John Mitchell doesn't give up all that power for his wife," he muses. Rosenfeld is more right than he knows (see June 28, 1972). [Bernstein and Woodward, 1974, pp. 30]
Entity Tags: John Mitchell, Committee to Re-elect the President, Harry Rosenfeld
The New York Times publishes an article alleging that Watergate burglar Bernard Barker (see 2:30 a.m.June 17, 1972) made at least 15 telephone calls to the office of G. Gordon Liddy, then working as a lawyer for the Committee to Re-elect the President (CREEP). Barker made the calls between March 15 and June 16, 1972, with the last call coming the day before the Watergate break-in. Using sources inside the Bell telephone system, Washington Post reporter Carl Bernstein learns that the Times story is accurate. Further, he learns that Barker's phone records have been subpoenaed by Miami district attorney Richard Gerstein. Gerstein's chief investigator, Martin Dardis, confirms that Barker's bank account contained $89,000 from a Mexico City bank account, money that FBI investigators believe originated from Nixon campaign funds (see August 1-2, 1972). In fact, Bernstein learns, Barker's account contained over $100,000 from the Mexico City source. [Bernstein and Woodward, 1974, pp. 35-37]
Entity Tags: Carl Bernstein, Bernard Barker, Richard Gerstein, Martin Dardis, G. Gordon Liddy, Committee to Re-elect the President
The Washington Post reports that a $25,000 cashier's check, apparently earmarked for the campaign to re-elect President Nixon, found its way into the Miami bank account of one of the Watergate burglars, Bernard Barker (see 2:30 a.m.June 17, 1972). [Gerald R. Ford Library and Museum, 7/3/2007] Origin of Check - The check, drawn on a Boca Raton, Florida bank, was made out to Kenneth H. Dahlberg, the finance manager for the Committee to Re-elect the President (CREEP). Dahlberg says that in early April, he gave the check to "the treasurer of the Committee [Hugh Sloan, who has since quit the committee and is cooperating with the FBI investigation] or to Maurice Stans himself." Stans, formerly Nixon's secretary of commerce, is CREEP's finance chief. The money is made up of "[c]ontributions I collected in my role as Midwest finance chairman," Dahlberg explains. "In the process of fund-raising I had accumulated some cash… so I recall making a cash deposit while I was in Florida and getting a cashier's check made out to myself. I didn't want to carry all that cash into Washington." Watergate Connections - Barker withdrew much of the money from the same Boca Raton bank account, in $100 bills. 53 of those bills were found on the five Watergate burglars after their arrest. Clark MacGregor, who replaced former Attorney General John Mitchell as the head of CREEP (see July 1, 1972), says he knows nothing about the check or the money found on Barker and the other burglars: "[T]hese events took place before I came aboard. Mitchell and Stans would presumably know." The Post also learns that another $89,000 in four separate checks were deposited in Barker's Miami bank account in May (see June 23, 1972). The checks were originally made out to Mexican lawyer Manuel Ogarrio Daguerre, on an account at Mexico's Banco Internacional. While looking over the story before publication, Post editor Barry Sussman says: "We've never had a story like this. Just never." [Washington Post, 8/1/1972; Bernstein and Woodward, 1974, pp. 43-44] GAO Will Investigate Nixon Campaign Finances - Stans's secretary says her boss cannot comment on the story because he is "agoniz[ing] over the confusing circumstances" and does not want to say anything that might compromise his integrity. Philip S. Hughes, the director of the Federal Elections Division of the General Accounting Office (GAO, the investigative arm of Congress), says that the story reveals "for the first time [that] the bugging incident was related to the campaign finance law.… There's nothing in Maury [Stans]'s reports showing anything like that Dahlberg check." Hughes says his office intends to fully audit the Nixon campaign finances. [Bernstein and Woodward, 1974, pp. 45-47]
Entity Tags: John Mitchell, Bob Woodward, Bernard Barker, Barry Sussman, Clark MacGregor, General Accounting Office, Maurice Stans, Manuel Ogarrio Daguerre, Kenneth H. Dahlberg, Committee to Re-elect the President, Philip S. Hughes
Nixon campaign finance manager Kenneth H. Dahlberg, the subject of a Washington Post article that shows he handled a check that was found in the account of a Watergate burglar (see August 1-2, 1972), confirms to Post reporter Bob Woodward that he gave the check to Nixon campaign finance chief Maurice Stans on April 11. Dahlberg says he knows nothing about any improprieties. "Obviously I'm caught in the middle of something," Dahlberg says. "What it is I don't know." [Bernstein and Woodward, 1974, pp. 45-47]
Entity Tags: Maurice Stans, Bob Woodward, Kenneth H. Dahlberg, Committee to Re-elect the President
Clark MacGregor, the new head of the Committee to Re-elect the President (CREEP), meets with a select group of White House reporters. In the press conference, MacGregor tries to pin the entire blame for the Watergate conspiracy—burglary and financial shenanigans alike—on burglar and CREEP lawyer G. Gordon Liddy. (Inside sources had predicted MacGregor would do just that (see August 1-2, 1972).) Liddy, MacGregor says, had spent campaign money on his own initiative "for the purpose of determining what to do if the crazies made an attack on the president" at the upcoming Republican National Convention. After the conference, Washington Post reporter Bob Woodward tries to elicit more information from an obviously exasperated MacGregor. MacGregor shouts: "I have no idea why the departed Gordon Liddy wanted cash.… It's impossible for me to tell. I never met Liddy. I don't know what's going on." [Bernstein and Woodward, 1974, pp. 47]
Entity Tags: Clark MacGregor, Bob Woodward, Republican National Committee, Committee to Re-elect the President, G. Gordon Liddy
The General Accounting Office (GAO) completes its preliminary report on financial irregularities inside the Nixon re-election campaign (see August 1-2, 1972). According to the report, the campaign has mishandled over $500,000 in campaign contributions, including an apparently illegal "slush fund" of over $100,000—perhaps more than $350,000. The report lists 11 "apparent and possible violations" of the new campaign finance law (see Before April 7, 1972), and refers the matter to the Justice Department for possible prosecution. The GAO agrees to delay its public issuance of its report after the committee's finance chairman, Maurice Stans, asks GAO chief investigator Philip Hughes to come to Miami, where the Republican National Convention is in full swing, to receive more information. Another GAO investigator tells Washington Post reporter Bob Woodward that the Nixon campaign does not want the report to be made public on the same day that Richard Nixon accepts the Republican nomination for president. [Bernstein and Woodward, 1974, pp. 48-56]
Entity Tags: General Accounting Office, Bob Woodward, Committee to Re-elect the President, US Department of Justice, Maurice Stans, Philip S. Hughes, Richard M. Nixon
President Nixon responds to the report by the General Accounting Office (GAO) alleging possible illegal campaign finances in his re-election campaign (see August 22, 1972). Nixon tells reporters, "[W]e have a new law here in which technical violations have occurred and are occurring, apparently on both sides." When asked what illegalities the Democrats have committed, Nixon says: "I think that will come out in the balance of this week. I will let the political people talk about, but I understand that there have been [violations] on both sides." The financial director of his re-election campaign, Maurice Stans (see Before April 7, 1972), is an honest man, Nixon says, and is currently investigating the matter "very, very thoroughly, because he doesn't want any evidence at all to be outstanding, indicating that we have not complied with the law." Between the GAO's and the FBI's investigations, Stans's own internal investigation, and an internal White House investigation by White House counsel John Dean, Nixon says there is no need for a special Watergate prosecutor, as some have requested. Of the Dean investigation: "I can say categorically that his investigation indicates that no one on the White House staff, no one in this administration, presently employed, was involved in this very bizarre incident [the Watergate burglary—see 2:30 a.m.June 17, 1972]. What really hurts in matters of this sort is not the fact that they occur, because overzealous people in campaigns do things that are wrong. What really hurts is if you try to cover it up." [Bernstein and Woodward, 1974, pp. 57; Gerald R. Ford Library and Museum, 7/3/2007] A Washington Post story on the press conference highlights Nixon's use of the phrase "presently employed," and notes that several people suspected of campaign wrongdoing—G. Gordon Liddy, E. Howard Hunt, Maurice Stans, Hugh Sloan, and John Mitchell—no longer work for the administration. [Bernstein and Woodward, 1974, pp. 57] An assistant attorney general is convinced that the Dean investigation is "a fraud, a pipeline to [White House aide H. R.] Haldeman." [Bernstein and Woodward, 1974, pp. 206] In April 1973, an associate of Dean tells Washington Post reporter Bob Woodward that there was never any such investigation, that Dean had not even discussed anything to do with Watergate as of August 29. "There never was a report," the associate says. "Dean was asked to gather certain facts. The facts got twisted around to help some other people above him." [Bernstein and Woodward, 1974, pp. 297-298] Dean later tells Watergate investigators that he never conducted any such internal White House investigation (see June 3, 1973). [Washington Post, 6/3/1973]
Entity Tags: John Dean, General Accounting Office, E. Howard Hunt, Federal Bureau of Investigation, Hugh Sloan, Bob Woodward, G. Gordon Liddy, H.R. Haldeman, Maurice Stans, John Mitchell, Richard M. Nixon
Washington Post headline from Dean story. [Source: Washington Post]Former White House counsel John Dean has told Watergate investigators that he discussed the Watergate cover-up with President Nixon at least 35 times [Gerald R. Ford Library and Museum, 7/3/2007] between January and April of 1973, according to sources quoted by the Washington Post. Dean plans on testifying to his assertions in the Senate Watergate hearings (see May 17-18, 1973), whether or not he is granted immunity from prosecution. He will also allege that Nixon himself is deeply involved with the Watergate cover-up. Nixon had prior knowledge of payments used to buy the silence of various Watergate conspirators, and knew of offers of executive clemency for the conspirators issued in his name. Dean has little solid evidence besides his own personal knowledge of events inside the White House. Haldeman, Ehrlichman, Nixon Central Figures in Cover-Up - Dean will testify that two of Nixon's closest aides, H. R. Haldeman and John Ehrlichman (see April 30, 1973), were also present at many of the meetings where the cover-up was discussed in Nixon's presence. The White House, and Haldeman and Ehrlichman, have tried to portray Dean as the central figure in the Watergate conspiracy, and the Justice Department says there is ample evidence to indict Dean for a number of crimes related to the cover-up. Dean and his supporters paint Dean as a White House loyalist who merely did what he was told, until he began agonizing over the effect Watergate was having on Nixon. Dean alleges that Nixon asked him how much the seven Watergate defendants (see June 17, 1972) would have to be paid to ensure their silence, aside from the $460,000 already paid out; when Dean replied that the cost would be around $1 million, Nixon allegedly replied that such a payoff would be no problem. Dean has told investigators that later Nixon insisted he had been merely "joking" about the payoff. Dean says by that time—March 26—Nixon knew that Dean would be cooperating with the Watergate investigation, and that he believes Nixon was trying to retract the statement for his own legal well-being. Pressured to Confess - Dean has also testified that Nixon tried to force him to sign a letter of resignation that would have amounted to a confession that Dean had directed the Watergate cover-up without the knowledge of Nixon, Haldeman, or Ehrlichman. When Dean refused to sign, he says, Nixon warned him "in the strongest terms" never to reveal the Nixon administration's covert activities and plans. Dean also says that Nixon personally directed the White House's efforts to counterattack the press over Watergate (see October 16-November, 1972). Until January 1, Dean has told investigators, he usually reported to Haldeman and Ehrlichman regarding his Watergate-related activities, but after that date Nixon began taking more of an active role in dealing with Dean, and gave Dean direct orders on handling the cover-up. Reliable Witness - Dean has so far met eight times with the Watergate prosecutors, and twice with the chief legal counsel of the Senate Watergate committee, Samuel Dash. Dash and the prosecutors find Dean a compelling and believable witness. "[E]verything we have gotten from Dean that we were able to check out has turned out to be accurate," says one Justice Department source. Dean says he tried without success to obtain records that would support his allegations in his final days in the White House, and believes that many of those records may have been destroyed by now. Dean did manage to remove some secret documents before his firing, documents that prompted Nixon to recently admit to "covert activities" surrounding Watergate. Dean's information has already led to the revelation of the burglary of the office of Pentagon Papers leaker Daniel Ellsberg (see September 9, 1971), and to the resignation of FBI director L. Patrick Gray after Gray was found to have destroyed evidence taken from the safe of Watergate burglar E. Howard Hunt (see June 28, 1972). [Washington Post, 6/3/1973]
Entity Tags: L. Patrick Gray, E. Howard Hunt, Daniel Ellsberg, H.R. Haldeman, John Ehrlichman, Samuel Dash, Washington Post, Richard M. Nixon, Senate Watergate Investigative Committee, Nixon administration, John Dean
August 16, 1972 front page of the Washington Post, reporting on Nixon's address. [Source: Southern Methodist University]President Nixon delivers his second prime-time televised speech about Watergate to the nation. He says that both the Senate investigations have focused more on trying to "implicate the president personally in the illegal activities that took place," and reminds listeners that he has already taken "full responsibility" for the "abuses [that] occurred during my administration" (see April 30, 1973). But in light of the increasing evidence being revealed about the Watergate conspiracy, Nixon's speech is later proven to be a compilation of lies, half-truths, justifications, and evasions. 'No Prior Knowledge' - He again insists that "I had no prior knowledge of the Watergate break-in; I neither took part in nor knew about any of the subsequent cover-up activities; I neither authorized nor encouraged subordinates to engage in illegal or improper campaign tactics. That was and that is the simple truth." He says that in all the Senate testimony, "there is not the slightest suggestion that I had any knowledge of the planning for the Watergate break-in." He says only one witness has challenged his statement under oath, referring to former White House counsel John Dean (see April 6-20, 1973) and June 25-29, 1973), and says Dean's "testimony has been contradicted by every other witness in a position to know the facts." Instead, says Nixon, he insisted from the outset that the investigation into the Watergate burglary be "thorough and aboveboard," and if there were any evidence of "higher involvement, we should get the facts out first." A cover-up would be unconscionable, he says. He again insists that he was told in September 1972 that an FBI investigation, "the most extensive investigation since the assassination of President Kennedy… had established that only those seven (see June 17, 1972) were involved." Throughout, Nixon says, he relied on the reports of his staff members, Justice Department, and FBI officials, who consistently reassured him that there was no involvement by anyone in the White House in the burglaries. "Because I trusted the agencies conducting the investigations, because I believed the reports I was getting, I did not believe the newspaper accounts that suggested a cover-up. I was convinced there was no cover-up, because I was convinced that no one had anything to cover up." Internal Investigation - He didn't realize that those assurances were wrong until March 21, when he "received new information from [Dean] that led me to conclude that the reports I had been getting for over nine months were not true." He immediately launched an internal investigation (see August 29, 1972), initially relying on Dean to conduct the investigation, then turning the task over to his senior aide, John Ehrlichman, and to the Attorney General, Richard Kleindienst. The results prompted him to give the case to the Criminal Division of the Justice Department, ordering the complete cooperation of "all members of the administration." He never tried to hide the facts, Nixon asserts, but instead has consistently tried "to discover the facts—and to lay those facts before the appropriate law enforcement authorities so that justice could be done and the guilty dealt with." Refusal to Turn over Tapes; 'Privileged' Communications - Nixon says he is resisting subpoenas to turn over the secret recordings he has had made of White House and other conversations (see July 13-16, 1973) because of "a much more important principle… than what the tapes might prove about Watergate." A president must be able to talk "openly and candidly with his advisers about issues and individuals" without having those conversations ever made public. These are "privileged" conversations, he says, similar to those between a lawyer and his client or "a priest and a penitent." The conversations between a president and his advisers, Nixon says, are "even more important." The conversations on those tapes are "blunt and candid," made without thought to any future public disclosure, and for future presidents and their advisers to know that their conversations and advice might one day be made public would cripple their ability to talk freely and offer unfettered opinions. "That is why I shall continue to oppose efforts which would set a precedent that would cripple all future presidents by inhibiting conversations between them and those they look to for advice," he says. "This principle of confidentiality of presidential conversations is at stake in the question of these tapes. I must and I shall oppose any efforts to destroy this principle." 'Hard and Tough' Politics - Watergate has come to encompass more than just a burglary, Nixon says, but has brought up issues of partisan politics, "enemy lists" (see June 27, 1973), and even threats to national security. Nixon has always run "hard and tough" political campaigns, but has never stepped outside the law and "the limits of decency" in doing so. "To the extent that these things were done in the 1972 campaign, they were serious abuses, and I deplore them," he says. The "few overzealous people" involved in the Watergate burglary should not reflect on his administration or the political process as a whole. He will "ensure that one of the results of Watergate is a new level of political decency and integrity in America—in which what has been wrong in our politics no longer corrupts or demeans what is right in our politics." Legal Wiretapping to Protect the Nation - The measures he has taken to protect the security of the nation have all been within the law and with the intention of protecting the government from possible subversion and even overthrow, he asserts. The wiretaps he authorized had been legal, he says, until the 1972 decision by the Supreme Court that rejected such wiretaps as unlawful (see June 19, 1972). Until then, Nixon says, he—like his predecessors—had implemented such wiretaps "to protect the national security in the public interest." Since the Supreme Court decision, he says, he has stopped all such surveillance efforts. But the law must be mindful of "tying the president's hands in a way that would risk sacrificing our security, and with it all our liberties." He will continue to "protect the security of this nation… by constitutional means, in ways that will not threaten [American] freedom." The Fault of the Radicals - He blames the antiwar and civil rights movements of the 1960s as encouraging "individuals and groups… to take the law into their own hands," often with the praise and support from the media and even from "some of our pulpits as evidence of a new idealism. Those of us who insisted on the old restraints, who warned of the overriding importance of operating within the law and by the rules, were accused of being reactionaries." In the wake of this radical, anti-government atmosphere, the country was plagued by "a rising spiral of violence and fear, of riots and arson and bombings, all in the name of peace and in the name of justice. Political discussion turned into savage debate. Free speech was brutally suppressed as hecklers shouted down or even physically assaulted those with whom they disagreed. Serious people raised serious questions about whether we could survive as a free democracy." That attitude permeated political campaigns, to the extent that "some persons in 1972 adopted the morality that they themselves had tightly condemned and committed acts that have no place in our political system… who mistakenly thought their cause justified their violations of the law." Looking Forward - It is time to put Watergate behind us, Nixon says, to abandon this "continued, backward-looking obsession with Watergate" and stop "neglect[ing] matters of far greater importance to all of the American people.… The time has come to turn Watergate over to the courts, where the questions of guilt or innocence belong. The time has come for the rest of us to get on with the urgent business of our nation." [White House, 8/15/1973; White House, 8/15/1973; White House, 8/15/1973; AMDOCS Documents for the Study of American History, 6/1993; Gerald R. Ford Library and Museum, 7/3/2007]
Entity Tags: US Department of Justice, US Supreme Court, John Dean, Richard Kleindienst, Richard M. Nixon, Federal Bureau of Investigation, John Ehrlichman, Senate Watergate Investigative Committee
In his first interview session with former President Richard Nixon about Watergate (see April 13-15, 1977), David Frost moves from the erased Watergate tape (see November 21, 1973) to Nixon's damning conversation with Charles Colson about "stonewalling" the Watergate investigation. This time around, Frost is far more prepared and ready to deal with Nixon's tactics of obfuscation and misdirection than in earlier interviews (see April 6, 1977). Surprise Information - Nixon is unaware that Frost knows about his conversation that same day with Colson (see June 20, 1972). Along with what is known about his conversation with Haldeman, the Colson conversation puts Nixon squarely in the midst of the conspiracy at its outset. More important than Frost's command of the facts is Frost's springing of a "surprise card" (Frost researcher James Reston Jr.'s words) on Nixon at the beginning of the Watergate sessions. Nixon obviously must contend with the questions of what else Frost knows, and how he would ask about it. As Frost details excerpts from the Colson conversation, about "stonewalling" and "hav[ing] our people delay, avoiding depositions," Reston watches Nixon on the monitor. Reston will later recall: "His jawline seemed to elongate. The corners of his mouth turned down. His eyes seemed more liquid. One could almost see the complicated dials in his head turning feverishly. It was a marvelously expressive face. The range of movement both within the contours of the visage and with the hands was enormous." Frost concludes with the question, "Now, somewhere you were pretty well informed by this conversation, weren't you?" After some fumbling and half-hearted admissions of some knowledge, Nixon begins justifying his actions in the conspiracy: "My motive was not to cover up a criminal action, but to be sure that as any slip over—or should I say slop over, a better word—any slop over in a way that would damage innocent people or blow it into political proportions." [Reston, 2007, pp. 124-126] Pinning Nixon down on CIA Interference - Frost asks about the conversations of June 23 (see June 23, 1972), when Nixon told his aides to have the CIA interfere with the FBI's investigation of the burglary. Nixon tries dodging the point, emphasizing how busy he was with other matters that day and quibbling about the definition of the phrase "cover-up," but finally says that he had no criminal motive in ordering the CIA to stop the FBI from investigating the matter of the Mexican checks found in Watergate burglar Bernard Barker's bank accounts. He was merely engaged in political containment, he says, and besides, two weeks later, the FBI traced the checks to a Mexican bank anyway (see Before April 7, 1972 and August 1-2, 1972). Nixon emphasizes his instructions to then-FBI director L. Patrick Gray to move forward on the investigation (see July 6, 1972). (Later, Nixon staff member Jack Brennan will admit that they had almost convinced Nixon to admit to the illegality of the June 23 orders, but Nixon had demurred.) 'You Joined a Conspiracy that You Never Left' - It now falls to Frost to confront Nixon with the strictures of the law and the evidence that he had broken those laws. Frost says, "But surely, in all you've just said, you have proved exactly that that was the case, that there was a cover-up of criminal activity because you've already said, and the record shows you knew, that Hunt and Liddy [E. Howard Hunt and G. Gordon Liddy, the leaders of Nixon's "Plumbers"] were involved… you knew that, in fact, criminals would be protected." Nixon protests, "Now just a moment," but Frost says, "Period." Frost lectures Nixon on obstruction of justice, saying: "The law states that when intent and foreseeable consequences are sufficient, motive is completely irrelevant.… If I try to rob a bank and fail, that's no defense. I still tried to rob a bank. I would say you tried to obstruct justice and succeeded in that period" between June 23 and July 6. Nixon retorts that he does not believe Frost knows much about the details of the obstruction of justice statutes, but fails to move Frost, who has been carefully instructed in the obstruction statutes all week. Frost eventually says: "Now, after the Gray conversation, the cover-up went on. You would say that you were not aware of it. I was arguing that you were part of it as a result of the June 23 conversation." Nixon repeats, "You're gonna say that I was a part of it as a result of the June 23 conversation?" Reston later writes, "It was a crucial moment, a moment that took considerable courage for David Frost." Frost replies: "Yes.… I would have said that you joined a conspiracy that you never left." "Then we totally disagree on that," Nixon retorts. Reston later writes: "No journalist in America, I concluded, would have had the courage of Frost in that vital moment. But therein lay the failing of American journalism. For Frost here was an advocate. He was far beyond the narrow American definition of 'objective journalism.'" [Time, 5/9/1977; Reston, 2007, pp. 124-126]
Entity Tags: David Frost, Bernard Barker, Charles Colson, Richard M. Nixon, L. Patrick Gray, James Reston, Jr, E. Howard Hunt, Central Intelligence Agency, G. Gordon Liddy, Jack Brennan
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Car Furnitures
The car manufacturer FIAT cooperation with the Italian furniture brand MERITALIA to launche a series of furniture such as a sofa, coffee table, etc., which are basis on shabby car front .
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July 2016

subset: commoncrawl


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text:
Buying a convertible crib is an excellent choice. Not only do they look gorgeous but they grow with your child and, as you won't need to buy your child another bed until adulthood, you'll save yourself a lot of money. Here's a sample of some of the best convertible cribs.
1. Wingback Chairs – These are chairs that have been around for centuries and are associated with luxury and royalty. For a visual, think of the chairs you've seen in movies that a kind and queen would sit in. This type of chair is generally upholstered in fabric but can be made in leather as well. It will have visible raised legs, round padded arms, well cushioned seats and of course the winged back. The wings are thought to help hide a person's face while they are sitting should someone look in their direction from the side.
One striking aspect is that several features that were considered landmarks of old style furniture have simply been chucked out of the window. Wood is out; vinyl is in. There are no more dark contours with musty wooden smells; they have been replaced by bright colors with patterns as varied as butterflies, flowers and even religious motifs and abstract shapes. Browns and blacks are no longer to be seen as abundantly as turquoises, tangerines, crimsons and chartreuses. Similarly, wrought iron is no longer used. It has been replaced by tubular alloys of aluminum and steel. This transition is mainly due to new furniture-manufacturing technologies of the past decades. Machine-made furniture molds can easily craft any shape of furniture that may be desired.
Are you familiar with all the different types of Accent Chairs available for your living room? I sure wasn't. I had no idea there was so much to choose from until I started looking to replace my current furniture. After much research and time spent going to furniture stores, I thought I would share what I've found out and maybe help ease the process for the next person.
The Bonavita Sheffield crib is a popular model. It looks heavy and sturdy and has a rustic, country look about it. The sides are straight with wide slats. The footboard has a panel with heavy beading that runs along the top. The headboard has a curved top, again with heavy detailing. It comes in four finishes; country wheat distressed, tea stain, rustic cherry and distressed almond – the country wheat distressed finish really does suit this model; one can easily imagine this crib in a country cottage setting.
3. Chaise Lounge – Let me try to give you a visual on this chair. Think of an upholstered chair with an extended seat/base or imagine a chair with an ottoman attached to it and that's what a chaise looks like. Chaises can be made with different designs in mind. Some are very traditional looking to the more modern curved designs. Another option available with a chaise is the addition of an arm on one side. For those looking to buy this type of chair keep in mind majority are very large and take up a good amount of space.
Inevitably, many parents won't be buying a Bassett crib, but for those who like or yearn for good-old-fashioned, simple American furniture they will appreciate the designs of many of the Bassett convertible cribs.
Nowadays, modern furniture helps us to beautify the look of our home. Being stylish and simple, modern furniture is the best thing to render a stylish appeal to the home.
The above are just some of the most beautiful and best convertible cribs on the market. They are all excellently well made from the most reputable companies in the industry. Which is best will come down to personal preference about design.
Bonavita Convertible Crib


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No one anticipates to be locked out of their home, car, or business. However, when it occurs, it is ideal to note that there is a reliable 24 Hr
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text:
10 Feb Monitoring visit in Colombia and Mexico
By: Tim Campbell, Settlement Officer – Integration Program Management, Citizenship and Immigration Canada
Greetings to the COA team from your project officer at CIC Headquarters! During the 3rd week of January I was pleased to accompany Louise Bélanger in touring the COA offices in Colombia and Mexico as part of a monitoring mandate on behalf of Citizenship and Immigration Canada. What a wonderful experience!
It was a real treat to see a COA immigrant session in Bogota, for Colombians who are about to immigrate to Canada. Although the participants raised many questions and concerns about their new journey and settlement, Diana Niño, the facilitator, was excellent at answering everyone's questions with accurate information. I was very impressed with the way the session was organized and conducted, and am very satisfied to know that these people are ready for success once they arrive in their new Canadian cities.
Although the new COA operation in Mexico City isn't running yet, it was a pleasure to meet the IOM Mexico City staff, the CIC staff at the Canadian embassy, and especially, Rubi Lopez, the COA site administrator. The ground work is completed for a COA training room at the nearby El Colegio de la Frontera Norte, as well as an office where both staff can work and conduct individual consultations.I expect great things in the future from this site.
I really appreciated everyone's kindness during these two visits. These monitors are important to the Canadian government as they allow me to explain fully to everyone at the Department what, exactly, is happening in the field, and to demonstrate the IOM's commitment to good value for money. I look forward to visiting other COA sites in the future, and to meeting more members of this great team.
All the best for 2015!
Tim Campbell


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Companies such as GenesisCare (see article below), Virgin Care, Circle, Care UK and Ramsay Health Care continue to win contracts and treat patients from the NHS. Despite some of the political rhetoric, the trend to outsourcing and partnering with the private sector continues.
GenesisCare says it plans to invest up to £100m over the next 12 months in the UK, where it will open new cancer centres in Windsor, Brighton and Cambridge and aim to secure partnerships with NHS Trust hospitals.


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Help me out here. Is this a hit or a miss? Usually I would ask that towards the end of my rant, but it is at the forefront of my mind. I came across the Emilio Pucci Frame Bag and I've done nothing but go back and forth between love it and hate it. It's a fairly simple bag when you think about it. A simple silhouette adorned with multicolored silk. Here's one of my many questions, what could you fit inside of it? Your key(s) and ID perhaps a credit card. Other than that not much else.
Then I move onto the colors. They are ok. Nothing too out there. I guess that can be good or bad. Good in the sense that you can wear it with a lot of outfits, bad in the sense that it doesn't really add a whole lot of "WOW". Do you agree? I do like the detachable bangle wristlet. I think it is cute and I am sure it will receive much more use than the bag itself. So tell me, am I missing something here? Buy through Saks for $995.
P.S. Please consider supporting our small, bag-loving team by clicking our links before shopping or checking out at your favorite online retailers like Amazon, Neiman Marcus, Nordstrom, or any of the listed partners on our shop page. We truly appreciate your support!


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Town of Gilbert, ArizonaHome Menu
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Gilbert collects and recycles large home appliances. View accepted items and schedules.Learn More
RFP/CIP Open Bids
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Plan Holders List is not available unless specifically stated in solicitation.
The Capital Improvement Program and Capital Improvement Plan is available on-line.
Any questions regarding a particular solicitation shall be directed to the Gilbert staff contact shown on page one of the solicitation.
FY19-20 – Common Area Wall Repair and Painting Improvements to Circle G Meadows III – PKID 07-06
- RFP Number:319001091
- Start Date:04/03/2019
- Close Date:05/21/2019 1:00 PM
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Get Real sugar mummy contacts online here for free without agent. See real sugar mummy phone numbers, WhatsApp contacts and Facebook profile. This is a real sugar mummy site, here we connect you to lovely and wealthy sugar mummy around the world. We also show you how to get sugar mummy on facebook for free.
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NOTE: You MUST Register here. This is where we share Sugar mummy Phone numbers because of privacy. If you follow the instructions above well, you will surely meet the sugar mummy of your dreams here.


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Women weren't initially welcome in the Civil War armies, but thousands eventually ended up serving as nurses. We feature five here. Listen in to learn about nurses like Sally Louisa Tompkins, whose hospital became one of the most successful of the war.
Topics in this Podcast: U.S. civil war, military history, medical history, nurses, 19th century, American Civil War, women in STEM, women in medicine, women


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Wines / Napa Valley Collection
2013 AVETA Sauvignon Blanc
The 2013 AVETA opens with vibrant aromas of tangerine, melon, grass and a hint of lemon zest. The citrus flavors carry over onto the palate and meld with pleasing tropical notes of mango, guava and pineapple as well as floral spice. This Napa Valley Sauvignon Blanc's crisp acidity makes it a perfect food-pairing wine.


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Readymade Job Portal Script
Our Job Portal WordPress theme has very simple job management system, where the listings can be filtered based upon the job type, location, category and other parameters. With the help of our fully filled professional functions the consumers can easily browse your job board portal to find various entities like companies, resumes, jobs etc. Through admin you can add more than 10 different payment gateway, advertisement banners and membership package. So that we are more conscious on revenue for job site owners. To know further details about the script kindly contact us at +91-9841300660.Visit publisher site: Readymade Job Portal Script
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Educational Consultant, Cara Ray, shares some tips for college fairs from that she learned while working on the other side of the table in admissions at the University of Colorado Boulder.
Questions to ask at a college fair:
Be specific in the questions you ask. College reps don't have a lot of time to talk to each student so asking really broad questions such as "tell me about your school" are difficult for them to answer. Also, ask questions that you can't find in the brochures on the table at the fair. Usually, the college rep will have brochures with general facts about majors, admission statistics, how many students attend, etc. Try and use your time at the table to ask questions that are unique to you and your interests.
How to Make the Most of Your Time:
The main goal for colleges attending a college fair is to have you, the student, fill out one of their contact cards. This is the little piece of paper (or form on the laptop/ipad) at the front of the table that collects your general information. This form allows the college to keep in touch with you, and market to you, in the months ahead. Save yourself time filling these forms out by printing up sticky labels with your name, birthdate, email address, mailing address, telephone number, GPA, intended major, etc. Plan ahead. Colleges fair hosts usually release a list of the colleges attending far in advance of the fair taking place. Get a copy of that list and highlight the schools you are interested in and plan to stop by their tables first. Also, do some advance research. Learn a little bit about the colleges you are interested in so you can have more of a conversation at the table.


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Coast to coast, America's most romantic resorts welcome lovers to beaches and islands. Whether you come for the warmth, the toe-teasing surf, the starry nights, or the pleasures of a hotel that knows how to pamper guests, a sanctuary by the sea does wonders for the spirit. Here are some of our favorites.
Inn by the Sea: Maine
Address40 Bowery Beach Rd, Cape Elizabeth, ME 04107, USA
Phone+1 207-799-3134
Just seven miles from Portland, the Inn by the Sea has everything a couple might want for romance: a picturesque setting, spacious suites with fireplaces, an innovative chef, spa services for two, glorious gardens,and direct access to mile-long Crescent Beach. Yes, it gets cool up here early, but the summer is glorious. But there's something to be said for romantic windswept walks on the beach year-round.
Chatham Bars Inn: Massachusetts
Address297 Shore Rd, Chatham, MA 02633, USA
Phone+1 508-945-0096
Chatham Bars Inn, which opened its doors in 1914, has one of the best locations on Cape Cod. Not only does this landmark New England resort occupy a prime seashore spot by the Atlantic Ocean but it also is a midpoint for visitors to the Cape. So much of this coast beckons couples, from Hyannis and Falmouth to the west, where ferries to Martha's Vineyard and Nantucket depart. North of Chatham are Wellfleet and Provincetown at the tip of Cape Cod, which also have accommodations of all types that invite you to put your toes in the sand.
Ocean House: Rhode Island
Address1 Bluff Ave, Westerly, RI 02891, USA
Phone+1 401-584-7000
In vacations as well as real estate, the three key qualities are location, location and location. Ocean House, perched high on a bluff halfway between New York City and Boston, with beaches that span both the Atlantic Ocean and the Long Island Sound, has it in spades.
This grande dame originally opened in 1868 and hosted summer guests for generations (in the years before air conditioning, its breezy beachfront setting was a big draw). Completely rebuilt on the same footprint, the hotel began its second life in 2010 and its guest rooms were renovated in 2017.
Water's Edge Resort & Spa: Connecticut
Address1525 Boston Post Rd, Westbrook, CT 06498-2044, USA
Phone+1 860-399-5901
Much of Connecticut's coast faces the Long Island Sound, so the water is warmer and the waves gentler here than on Long Island's Atlantic shore. The name says it all at Water's Edge Resort: High atop a hill, this sprawling member of Historic Hotels of America boasts a private beach and views of the Long island Sound from its indoor and outdoor eateries. It's especially appealing for weekend visits, as the Sunday Brunch is exceptional. Start perhaps with a seafood course, including fresh shrimp, local oysters, sushi and smoked tuna and salmon. And leave room for dessert: The tempting array offers everything sweet from crème brûlée to cannoli.
Driftwood Resort on the Ocean: New York
Address2178 Montauk Hwy, Montauk, NY 11954, USA
Phone+1 631-668-5744
Montauk, at the eastern extreme of Long Island, is home to this beachfront resort where the land meets the Atlantic Ocean. It doesn't get warm enough to swim in till mid-summer, but the beach is great for long runs, sunning, building sand castles and star-gazing.
Caesars Atlantic City: New Jersey
Address2100 Pacific Ave, Atlantic City, NJ 08401, USA
Phone+1 609-348-4411
It's a far cry from a laid-back beach resort, but for couples who like action, Caesars is in the thick of it. Located right on the Atlantic City Boardwalk and overlooking the Atlantic, from Caesars there's direct access to the beach beyond the sand dunes. Of course, you may get distracted by the casino, the Playground shops and the top-flight restaurants both in the hotel across the way.
Inn on the Ocean: Maryland
Address1001 Atlantic Ave, Ocean City, MD 21842-4177, USA
Phone+1 410-289-8894
If the wind is right, you can feel the spray of the ocean while you sip a beverage at this Ocean City B&B at the state's southern tip. Located right on the boardwalk, this quaint 1930s-era seaside cottage is a great people-reaching spot. Previous guests say the breakfasts are "to die for." And you'll have plenty of nearby places to choose for a lunch or dinner seafood feast.
The Cavalier: Virginia
Address4200 Atlantic Ave, Virginia Beach, VA 23451, USA
Phone+1 757-425-8555
The Cavalier is the hotel that made Virginia Beach, Virginia famous. Founded in 1927, the hotel is a member of Historic Hotels of America, yet it has kept up with the times: It's now a member of Marriott's Autograph boutique hotel collection and enjoyed a total refresh in 2017. Guests have access to a variety of recreational activities, including indoor and outdoor Olympic-size swimming pools and the only private beach in Virginia.
Sanderling Resort: North Carolina
Address1461 Duck Rd, Duck, NC 27949, USA
Phone+1 866-860-3979
Located just north of Duck on the wild and beautiful Outer Banks, the Sanderling encompasses a variety of accommodations. Couples will be happiest in the serene South Inn, which has top floor views overlooking the water, king-sized beds and proximity to an adults-only swimming pool. And with the Atlantic Ocean on one side and the Currituck Sound on the other, there's a vast number of ways to get wet, from jet packs and jetskiing to kiteboarding and parasailing to kayaking, charter fishing and dolphin tours.
Sanctuary Hotel at Kiawah Island: South Carolina
Address1 Sanctuary Beach Dr, Kiawah Island, SC 29455, USA
Phone+1 843-768-6000
Since it's just off the South Carolina coast and only 21 miles from Charleston, Kiawah Island affords couples a city-and-beachside vacation. The pristine island getaway features ten miles of sandy shores and a variety of places to lodge. A favorite with couples, The Sanctuary is a beachside mansion with spacious rooms, a spa, golf, 12 restaurants and bars and genuine Southern hospitality.
Greyfield Inn: Georgia
Address4 North 2nd St, Cumberland Island, GA 32034, USA
Phone+1 904-261-6408
To protect Cumberland Island from development, Congress named it a National Seashore in 1972. Since Greyfield Inn pre-existed the designation, it has remained the only accommodation on Cumberland. It's surrounded by more than 200 oceanfront acres, where you may catch a glimpse of the wild horses that have roamed here for generations. The Colonial-style hotel is a member of Historic Hotels of America.
Little Palm Island: Florida
AddressSummerland Key, FL 33042, USA
Phone+1 800-343-8567
Secluded in the Florida Keys, Little Palm Island lies 3.5 miles off shore from the mainland and can only be reached by boat or seaplane. The palm-fringed beach is relatively small and the water is calm. The 30-foot Island Girl is used for taking guests on snorkeling and scuba diving excursions. Or maybe you just want to chill, have a drink and watch the horizon from afar. When you stroll around this utterly romantic island, you'll find private enclaves with inviting lounge chairs set two by two and hammocks strung.
Harrah's Gulf Coast: Mississippi
Address280 Beach Blvd, Biloxi, MS 39530, USA
Phone+1 800-946-2946
A high-hrise that stands across the highway from the beach and the water, Harrah's Gulf Coast provides a walkway to protect you from the traffic. If a pool's more your style, the resort-style pool deck has cabanas, daybeds and an outdoor bar and lounge that create a party vibe. And when it's just to hot to be outdoors, there's always the casino or spa in the cool air-conditioning.
The Beach Club at Gulf Shores: Louisiana
Address925 Beach Club Trail, Gulf Shores, AL 36542, USA
Phone+1 888-224-7684
On a peninsula with 86 miles of private beaches at its doorstep, this property offers a variety of accommodations. Since this is a family friendly resort, for the best in privacy, couples ought to choose one of the bungalows with its own swimming pool — although these aren't directly on the beach. To reach the "sugar shores," you'll need to take a shuttle to the clubhouse. For fun, rent jet skis, go parasailing or reserve your own chairs and umbrella for a lazy day in the sun.
Hotel Galvez: Texas
Address2024 Seawall Blvd, Galveston, TX 77550, USA
Phone+1 409-765-7721
Galveston Island has withstood devastating hurricanes, bad times and good. And through it all, Hotel Galvez has flourished. Thank's to a first-class restaurant (and amazing brunch spread), spa with meditation garden, outdoor pool and the beach across the highway, this iconic hotel is a true island haven.
Hotel del Coronado: California
Address1500 Orange Ave, Coronado, CA 92118, USA
Phone+1 619-435-6611
A national Historic Landmark, the legendary Hotel del Coronado opened in 1888 and remains one of the last great resort hotels on the Pacific. This grand dame's distinctive, red-shingled roof evokes the mission heritage of San Diego, while her white-painted Victorian woodwork is as ornate and delicious as a wedding cake. Film fans may recognize the wide, palm-fringed beach where the cast of Some Like It Hot frolicked — and so can you.
Whale Cove Inn: Oregon
Address2345 US-101, Depoe Bay, OR 97341, USA
Phone+1 541-765-4300
On a cliff overlooking Whale Cove and a ten-minute walk to the beach, Whale Cove Inn gets consistently excellent reviews from guests. And if you're patient, you don't even need to board a whale-watching tour boat; depending on the time of year that you visit, you may spot these aquatic giants from your suite's private deck, complete with a Jacuzzi.
Edgewater Hotel: Washington
Address2411 Alaskan Way, Seattle, WA 98121-1313, USA
Phone+1 206-728-7000
Offering both city and water views, Seattle's Edgewater is a convenient urban hotel that's close to Pike Place Market, the Space Needle, Olympic Sculpture Park, and other local attractions. Although there's no beach, waterfront rooms overlook the Olympic Mountains and Elliott Bay. Console yourselves in the hotel's Six Seven Restaurant, named Best Hotel Bar by Food & Wine and a purveyor of fine wines, local beers, and creative cocktails.


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Would you like to get more information on playing a sport at Penn State Beaver?
Please contact our Recruting Coordinator!
Brian Bibey
You can also fill out the interest form by following the sport link to your respective sport and your information will be sent to the coaching staff. Thank you for showing an interest in Penn State Beaver Athletics.


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The Preschool at Calvary
Our purpose is to nurture and minister to each child with love, just as God so graciously loved us... The main goals of the Preschool are to encourage each child to grow spiritually, socially, emotionally, cognitively, and physically at his/her individual pace.
Teaching students who Jesus is and what it means to follow His ways.
Calvary Youth is focused on God's Word and developing relationships through intentional small groups and regular activities to promote unity and community
Wednesday Nights:
Middle School (6th-8th): 6:15pm - 7:30pm
Sr. High (9th-12th): 8:00pm - 9:30pm
We have something for everyone. From just out of high-school to those enjoying the post-work life. There are many ways for you to get connected, to grow in Jesus, and enjoy great community
Family Night on Wednesdays
Wednesday's are a night for everyone. Starting with dinner the church family enjoys community around the table. The rest of the night is full of ministries and activities from DiscipeLand for the kids, youth ministry for the teens, to men's and women's bible studies and much more for the adults.
We need community. The primary purpose of Connect Groups is to glorify God in community. On a regular basis there are small groups of people meeting around our area to develop meaningful relationships, study the teachings of Jesus, and pray together.
Connect Groups times and locations vary by group.
Do you need help? We have many more ministries from counseling services to varying support ministries for both men and women.


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I purchased this shamrocks4us set from Stamps of Life and Paired it with a border stamp set from Mama Elephant called Boutique Borders.
Inspiration for this card Click Here.
Stamps of Life set called shamrocks4us and one of the embossing powders from Zing called green.
The border is stamped in Hero Arts, Hero Hues India Ink Black.
|Finished one layer card Portrait style A5 in size.
Stamps of Life found here http://www.stephaniebarnardstamps.com/index.htm
My demo is Jenny Rast Find a Stampin UP demon here http://www.stampinup.com/home/en-US/
Some basic supplies I use I purchase from Hobby Lobby or Micheal's with coupons or on sale
Hobby Lobby brand is called The Paper Studio
their website is http://www.hobbylobby.com/home.cfm
Micheal's brand is called Recollections
their website is http://www.michaels.com/
Dollar Store site http://www.dollartree.com/home.jsp
Target Store siet http://www.target.com/
Find me on Face Book, click here https://www.facebook.com/Craftyjennifer
Find me on Pinterest, click here http://www.pinterest.com/craftyjeffiners/
I am on Instagram too, craftjeffiner
More Mustard and Gumball Green are currently retired and Stampin UP no longer makes the products associated with the colors but you may be able to find them on Ebay or a Face Book sell group.


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Simple method to select trending currencies for trading
Long the strongest short the weakest
If you are just learning to trade forex and you don't know which currency pair to trade, this is a fairly simple method to help you: go long the strongest currency while concurrently going short the weakest. It is a method to ride an existing trend. It can be personalised according to each individual's trading time frame but I am covering the usage on daily chart only.
The method brings out trending pairs but it does not predict new trends.
Step #1 – Find a relative performance chart
Get a chart that shows relative performance of currencies expressed against USD. There is a fairly simple one from finviz.com.
This chart shows the gains of major currencies against USD. The currency that gains the most is the strongest and the currency that loses the most is the weakest. Gain/loss depends on time frame that is usually expressed as day, week, month, quarter, half year, year or year-to-date (YTD). These are calendar intervals that we are well-acquainted with and also used for financial reporting. I prefer YTD but intervals like month or quarter are also fine. The time frame selected can be personalised according to one's trading plan. For example, an individual doing intraday trading based on momentum may choose to look at daily or weekly performance only.
At the moment, NZD is the strongest currency while EUR is the weakest. Since USD is the denominator, it is at zero at all times.
Step #2 – Pair the strongest performing currency with the weakest
Look at both ends of the spectrum and grab the last currency on each end. We want to buy NZD (the best performer) and sell EUR (worst performer) concurrently. This points out EURNZD as the currency pair to go short.
- Relative performance tells us to short EURNZD; this observation is backed up by daily chart of the pair which shows that indeed it has been trending down.
- Quick calculation shows that the pair has moved 7.03% in NZD's favour since the beginning of the year so the number is just about right if we add 5.34% (NZD) and 1.91% (EUR). There is a decimal error probably because of the time difference (and therefore price difference) between the two charts.
Is there a wider selection of currencies? How about crosses?
This chart from barchart.com shows a wider selection. As a simple guide, look again for the top winner and loser. USD is strongest against RUB but weakest against BRL.
Strategy: Long BRLRUB. For barchart.com interactive chart, go here.
Adaptation for short term trading
For short term traders who are doing intraday, look at relative performance for 1 day. The intention is to identify a pair that was trending in the last 24-hours and is likely able to retain that momentum.
Swing traders looking for week-week swings can look at relative performance for 1 week.
Director, TerraSeeds Market Technician Pte Ltd. Trader, investor. @sohtionghum was picked 'Top 70 Forex Twitter in 2015'. Operates multiple strategies.
"Dear reader, I do not have a financial license to give advice. I do not know you the reader. Your financial objective and risk tolerance may be different from mine. I am not responsible for any consequence of your action.


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4-Steps to Successful Parenting After Your Divorce
December 8, 2017
Parenting after divorce can be intricate, aggravating and confusing. However, every day parents all over the world are handling the challenges and raising happy, well-adjusted children. There are numerous factors that affect your effectiveness as a parent. Here's a 4-step overview of mastering the significant components of the post-divorce parenting success.
Action 1: MINDSET
Attitude plays a huge part in the success of any Child-Centered Divorce. If you approach your divorce with a commitment to making it as positive an experience as possible for the kids you enjoy, you are on your method to prospering.
What attitude are you communicating about your divorce? Aim to capture your ideas and the way you speak about it. Are you filled with negativeness? Are your days taken in with a bad me state of consciousness? Are you drawing in and spending time with others who share those beliefs? If so, it's time for an overhaul in your thinking and attitude.
A Child-Centered Divorce is developed over weeks, months and years of focus on favorable parenting. It's never far too late to start no matter how long you have actually been separated. The decisions you make today will affect the relationships within your family tomorrow and for decades to come.
Step 2: PERCEPTIONS
The world is exactly what we perceive it to be. Whether you think it's good or bad you will be right and produce an outcome to justify your belief.
If you perceive yourself to be a victim in your divorce, you will concentrate on proof to prove that to be true.
If you rather take your divorce as a life experience to learn from, you will obtain numerous advantages and value from the divorce, no matter how much pain is likewise involved. You will likewise accept responsibility for the part you played while doing so and be more willing to ponder brand-new ways to live your life in the future that will bring more positive outcomes.
Unfortunately, it's through difficult experiences that we grow and discover the most from life. Are you uncovering meaningful lessons for you?
Action 3: TRY TO FIND THE GIFT:
There are constantly lessons to be learned from agonizing experiences. If you view those lessons as gifts to you knowledge and opportunities you will never ever have otherwise experienced, you can proceed from your divorce a much better, stronger, smarter individual. There is always a gift to be received if you try to find it.
Step 4: CONSIDERATE PARENTING
Getting past your divorce is but a small piece of the Child-Centered Divorce puzzle if you are a moms and dad. Resolving the obstacles of developing successful interaction with your ex is a goal that must be worked on continually. Keep your kids in mind before making any decisions related to their wellness and you will stay on course.
Since you and your previous partner will be parenting your children for several years and decades to come it makes good sense to start on the best possible course. The primary step is to develop a respectful relationship with your ex. Remember that is your kid's other parent whom they enjoy. Treat your former partner with that level of awareness and dignity in all your communication and they are most likely to return the exact same level of respect to you. Modifications may not take place overnight. But with persistence and determination things can and will improve.


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Boston is the capital and largest city of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts in the United States of America.
While walking down the streets of Boston as 'twins', Tina Valentino and Vanessa Carlysle were ambushed by Deadpool and Sluggo, who shot and killed Tina.[1]
The Knights of Hykon were reportedly fighting in Boston.[2]
The X-Men then came there to rescue Phoenix.[3]
When Black Bolt confronted Thanos in hopes of preventing the Mad Titan's invasion of Earth in the search of his son, he unleashed a powerful attack that triggered a Terrigen Bomb and destroyed Attilan in the process.[4] The resultant Terrigen Cloud released in New York City began to circumvent the globe, striking an orphanage in Boston and transforming Humans of Inhuman descent including Project Communion.[5]
Points of Interest
- Bloodstone Curios
- Brown Derby
- Cheers Beacon Hill
- Norwell
- Stark Meditech Center
- Rest Haven Sanitarium
Birthplace of:
- Adam II
- Elsa Bloodstone
- Captain Marvel (Carol Danvers)
- Catseye
- Cloak
- Dum Dum Dugan
- Adrienne Frost
- Emma Frost
- Emma Frost (HoM)
- Hobgoblin (Jason Philip Macendale)
- Senator Robert Kelly
- Leonard McKenzie
- Phone Ranger
- Rockslide
- Sunturion
- Two-Gun Kid (Matthew Liebowitz)
- Vanisher
- White Rabbit
See Also
- 184 Appearances of Boston
- 6 Minor Appearances of Boston
- 53 Media Boston was Mentioned in
- 4 Images featuring Boston
- Location Gallery: Boston
- 19 locations in Boston


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Ürün Özellikleri:
Dual-Band 802.11n/ac Unified Wireless Access Point
The DWL-6610AP Dual-Band 802.11n/ac Unified Wireless Access Point is specially designed for small to medium enterprises, providing unparalleled bandwidth and flexibility for administrators looking to deploy a medium to large scale Wi-Fi network. Featuring the latest 802.11ac on its 5 GHz band, the DWL-6610AP brings you to the forefront of wireless technology.
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Destek Merkezi