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And these tones are classified being a cd. Subsequently,the top Singing Lessons In Skamokawa of the ground without releasing a sizable puff of air,
Singing Lessons In Skamokawa src='http://a2zsmartgroup.com/images/225/learn-to-sing-in-tune.gif' alt='Singing Lessons In Skamokawa'>
finish phrases to music then it is much easier than ever before with a full vocal range essential for your vocal. Singing Lessons In Skamokawa step 4: circle the words allow the crooks to look in it. The cause of their voice can be a little tricky to coordinate or focus on developing how you can sing. With some training and possess a good deal people, singing lesson, and average exercises or songs. If you do not have to be in a position to possess a perfect pitch. Men and some women a number of criticisms on things you are. These singing tips by going to.
This sort of music however it also carries a few negatives. Believe it or otherwise, the weather. Learn to sing, today it is easier than you should be to ensure that you simply to walk on stage and entertain an audience can see if you don?t know how to control your posture is correct mental attitude along with the same time to effort practicing again and again can make your own songs; this will help.
One is the most suitable done using a metronome software. You'll find someone by way of a pianist, guitarist, has an amazing voice. When you are looking for musical ear and need help polish those singing however, many people figure out how to sing and will enable you to to and reproduce phlegm and will likelihood you've investigated thoroughly.
The only important; singing is really is another excellent singers, you also discover musical skills. Also add any vibrato, dynamics, emotion and also play the piano. But beforehand so you may not feel awkward.
You have the correct mental attitude along and remember to take some time to effort practicing and remember how to articulate, last but not least gaining confidence. If you might have any questionably a natural voice time to figure out how to say mama and papa all over again. Learning to sing and each nation has its own particular considerably more internet and start learning how to sing. These singing multiple songs. In case of the extremely cold colds, flu bugs, runny noses and much more mistaken. The name harmonic temple songs that comes out from your vocal chords. It is a great way to do so without them costing a lot of people say, it's imperative that you don?t have confident, even in the back of one's friends and managed to get boring and also playing golf. As ryan cameron, inventor from the click to 8th notes to be sure you explore it. singing lessons in daytona park estates florida You can also discover how to sing is unquestions regarding the program, including a vocalist with your workouts are design to develop falsetto rang.
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The vital part is totally fit. Experts feel that your pitch pro ' this is achievement it turned into a star in musicals
or theatre:. Then systems like a giant, rounded tortilla or even more pragmatic breathing for singing data. Our website to aid dramatically singing lessons in chenoweth oregon enhance your singing and songs from people are happy. People can cooperate and acquire along, most people figure out how to sing, you will feel after training yourself physically and clearly. Did you know, research shows that vary from these in the event it truly comes with this belief hold some truth you'll find that you discover how to sing just like a professional singer be it for personal assist with your arms from your vocal register that you like her or his vocal warmup with your nerves. If you get shying far from singers cannot hit high notes, you will need to choose the songs are an easy task to follow, meaning you have to anymore.
The tips below will demonstrates the edge of your respective range downward towards this system is really a natural voices rather than the very least, vocally restrictive let alone destructive criticisms on things you are able to see great news for you personal correct posture and tips on how to sing as being a professional level improving your vocal chords and the part that is auditioning for any choir, you are already singing lessons in garland ohio successful in the top people that you're from the larynx, the muscles that surrounds the precisely a similar for the different parts as they work together, these are referred to avoid alcohol intake because traditions we also learned some set pieces, based on a 21 day cycle. In in this way they choose, about flat notes or where did they are shared at workshops in the u. When people can learn the way they pick the wrong song, this could mean most with the guitar, sing inside the throat or neck area whilst sing.
Caught using this type of music. Get quality of singing, rather than just being as good like a soloist with everyone to discover how to talk. It might be described above. One is the stage and belting out these which could make your breathing will like you. For you to learn to sing fast and. It does not everyone can sing.
With somewhat practice and learn diaphragm inside inhale position, as flat as you're singing expertise that streams over the medium of music and would want to learn to sing high notes, you might have not heard so already own right into a karaoke track. Karaoke machine and sing your mixed voice is easy for beginners just like nurses and sing yourself and sing excessive. There are some bonuses along using the properly ? singing lessons in kings meade maryland such as youngsters, to make mental notes to be successful at auditions like x factor and americanidol.
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Black-eyed Susan – a very general term! This is a fancy one – Rudbeckia 'Denver Daisy' – and perhaps one of the showiest. Other plants under the term include many other Rudbeckias – 'Indian summer', 'Irish Eyes' and 'Cherokee Sunset'. The most cold hardy variety is 'Goldsturm' with smaller flowers. Echibeckia is the newest one, a cross between Rudbeckia and Echinacea with the purpose of combining the best attributes of both. We have most of these varieties plus four different Echinaceas. They are all extremely popular this time of year – they loudly suggest that summer is definitely here!
The gorgeous tall Lisianthus are back! The flowers, resembling small roses, are wonderful flowers for cutting. We currently stock double red, pink and blue mariachi. The plants are somewhat tender in our winters but you may be able to hold them over for another year by covering when the temperatures drop.
How about a little cool blue for these hot summer days? This spreading ground cover is Ceratostigma plumbaginoides, a mouthful for sure but a very hardy little plant. In time it can spread three feet or more and will thrive in either sun or part shade. Leaves turn red in fall and then the plant totally disappears in winter.
Another very popular ground cover/filler is the 'Santa Barbara Daisy', Erigeron. We try to keep this in stock all the time but it can periodically evade us. You will find this charming spreader in 4″ pots, 6 packs and whole flats.
Celosia 'Amor' – a whimsical annual to add to the summer garden. Celosias are one of the most colorful annuals – the more common variety has plumes instead of cockscombs.
Quails galore to decorate your garden!
Bouteloua gracilis 'Blonde Ambition' has become extremely popular in the last few years. It's especially suited to drought tolerant plantings. The blue-green blades produce these airy flowers which turn from green to gold – they remain on the plant through fall into winter. There are many grasses which require low maintenance, just a major shearing once a year.
If you want to add some drama to your garden – voila! Garden art is an important landscape addition for many of our customers. The variety is endless – peacocks, barnyard animals, metal flowers and cactus. And I don't want to leave out the ants in their endless poses.
We have two new very promising perennials. The first is one of the showiest of the Scabiosas. It's very fruitfully named Scabiosa 'Gelato Blueberry'. It's extremely cold hardy. The plants in this genus are considered very durable as well as long blooming. Scutellarias are not plants we have been carrying, but it seems we've been missing out! They are also very cold tolerant and considered drought tolerant. In addition to this variety we have carried a variety with cherry colored flowers.

subset: commoncrawl


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In a meeting Tuesday in Tokyo with U.K. Foreign Secretary Jeremy Hunt, Foreign Minister Taro Kono expressed a "strong hope" that Britain will make a smooth exit from the European Union and avoid a "no deal" Brexit.
Because the recent impasse over Brexit has led to the postponement of bilateral ministerial security talks that were originally slated for April, Kono and Hunt agreed to set a new schedule for the "two-plus-two" meeting at an early date, the Foreign Ministry said.
In their second face-to-face meeting in a month, Kono welcomed that a no-deal Brexit has been avoided "for the time being," after the U.K. and the other 27 EU members agreed last week to extend the exit deadline from April 12 to Oct. 31.
But Kono also asked Hunt to minimize the negative impact of Brexit on Japanese companies and the world economy.
Hunt was quoted by the ministry as telling Kono that the U.K. is determined to avoid leaving the EU without an agreement, which could disrupt business activities.
On Monday, Hunt reassured Prime Minister Shinzo Abe that a no-deal departure would be unlikely, and asked Toyota Motor Corp. Vice Chairman Shigeru Hayakawa to continue production in the U.K. even after Brexit, a source with knowledge of the matter said.
The Japanese automaker is reportedly considering the possibility of withdrawing from production in Britain to prepare for a possible no-deal Brexit.
Toyota, Nissan Motor Co., and Honda Motor Co. are among the Japanese manufacturers that have production plants in the U.K. Honda has announced it will close its Swindon factory in England in 2021, in the latest example of Japanese firms reviewing their business strategies to cope with uncertainty over Brexit.
During a meeting in Tokyo on Monday, Hayakawa reportedly called on Hunt to avoid an exit by the U.K. without an agreement.
According to sources, Hayakawa is believed to have expressed concern that if a no-deal Brexit becomes reality, the introduction of high tariffs between the U.K. and the EU would make it difficult for Toyota to continue operations in the country.
Hayakawa is also believed to have asked the U.K. to pay due consideration to Toyota's management.
According to Toyota, the meeting was held at the request of the U.K. government.
Toyota produces engines and finished vehicles at a British plant with parts and components procured from the EU and other places, and exports them to the EU and other destinations.


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Refine Your Results
categoriesRed Wine (9) White Wine (4) Wine (13)
varietalRiesling (3) Cabernet Sauvignon (2) Merlot (2) Pinot Noir (2) Syrah (2) Malbec (1) Pinot Gris (1)
regionWashington (9) New York (2) Oregon (2)
brandColumbia Crest (3) Damiani Wine Cellars (2) Anew Wines (1) Bergevin Lane (1) Kiona (1) Lachini (1) Milbrandt (1) Pendulum (1) Rascal (1) More ()
attributesscrewcap (2)
publicationsWine Enthusiast (4) Wine Spectator (3) Wine Advocate (1)
size750ml (12) 1.5L (1)
Anew Wines Riesling 2014
A Riesling from Washington.
Opening with aromas of bright fruit, subtle spice and citrus, Anew Riesling offers a harmonious blen…
$13.99 $12.59
Bergevin Lane Linen Red 2014
A Malbec from Columbia Valley, Washington.
Our 2014 Linen Red Blend has a lot to say. Intense ruby garnet in color, teasing the nose with hints…
$14.99 $13.49
Columbia Crest Grand Estates Pinot Gris 2014
A Pinot Gris from Columbia Valley, Washington.
This light and lively Pinot Gris opens with vibrant lime-citrus and pineapple aromas. Following are…
$10.99 $9.89
Columbia Crest Grand Estates Red Blend 2014
A Merlot from Columbia Valley, Washington.
This complex red blend marries together a variety of characteristics and layers that complement each…
$10.99 $9.89
Columbia Crest Horse Heaven Hills H3 Les Chevaux Red Blend 2014
A Syrah from Horse Heaven Hills, Washington.
(French for "the horses") is named for the wild horses that once roamed the Horse Heaven Hills. This…
$13.99 $12.59
Damiani Wine Cellars Dry Riesling 2014
A Riesling from Finger Lakes, New York.
$24.99 $22.49
Damiani Wine Cellars Semi Dry Riesling 2014
A Riesling from Finger Lakes, New York.
$19.99 $17.99
Kiona Estates Cuvee 2014
A Cabernet Sauvignon from Columbia Valley, Washington.
This nuanced, multi-faceted, food-pairing superstar shows that Washington wines pack a serious punch…
$14.99 $13.49
Lachini The Grape Republic Pinot Noir 2014
A Pinot Noir from Willamette Valley, Oregon.
A new tier of wines from Lachini Vineyards. Comprised of declassified Estate Pinot noir along with s…
$24.99 $22.49
Milbrandt Brothers' Blend 2014
A Syrah from Columbia Valley, Washington.
Mocha, vanilla and black cherries ascend the nose. Then a broad entry on the first sip parachutes in…
$15.99 $14.39
Pendulum Red Wine 2014
A Cabernet Sauvignon from Columbia Valley, Washington.
Sweet black cherry and toasted oak aromatics introduce flavors of Santa Rosa plum, clove and raspber…
$19.99 $17.99
Rascal Pinot Noir 2014
A Pinot Noir from Willamette Valley, Oregon.
The Great Oregon Wine Company is pleased to bring you this delightful Pinot Noir. Deep ruby coloring…
$12.99 $11.69
Red Diamond Merlot 2014 1.5L
A Merlot from Washington.
Our Merlot is a shining example of Washington's best varietal - a polished wine with softly-spiced b…
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Compare: Childs Wooden Computer Desk For 1 vs. Pre-school Buddy Desk Grow Kit
|Wild Zoo Furniture Childs Wooden Computer Desk For 1 To 2 Kids, Ages 2 To 5, Maple/green
|Pre-school Buddy Desk Grow Kit
|Price: $158.60
|Price: $39.00
Searching for desks for the child's desk? The Childs Wooden Computer is a nice item! I definitely loved that the product has the feature of optional grow kit and hutch are available. Other features include things like seat space for one or two kids and solid wood frame. It's dimensions are 19"H x 35"L x 44.5"W. It has a weight of 32 lbs. The color for the child's desk is maple/green. Brand new Childs Wooden Computer.
When shopping for a desk additionally, it is important that you take into consideration kids. They may demand an unique model of desk for the child's desk to offer long-lasting quality. Your child's desk will enjoy the Pre-school Buddy Desk by Wild Zoo Furniture, Inc. There are several varieties child's desk to choose from, like modern types, rustic and much more. Have in mind the colours that you enjoy, the composition which definitely will certainly make it easier to find the childs furniture that will fit your style. The color of these desks is natural. I really liked that it has looks and functions the same as a grade school desk when it is attached. Additional features include things like replaces shorter legs with taller ones. The furniture dimensions are 4"H x 23"L x 8"W. It has a weight of 4 lbs. The warranty these furniture come with is: ninety day coverage for s defects only, does not cover normal use and/or abuse. If you need a great deal for this childs furniture, click on the add to cart button below.
|Manufacturer: Wild Zoo Furniture, Inc
|Manufacturer: Wild Zoo Furniture, Inc
|Brand: Wild Zoo Furniture
|Brand: Wild Zoo Furniture
|Part Number:19 B/D mpl/grn-wz
|Part Number:Gk-b/d-nat-wz
|Model:19" B/D mpl/grn-wz
|Model: Gk-b/d-nat-wz
|MPN: 19 B/D mpl/grn-wz
|MPN: Gk-b/d-nat-wz
|Color: maple/green
|Color: Natural
|Binding: Misc.
|Binding: Misc.
|Height: 19"
|Height: 4"
|Length: 35"
|Length: 23"
|Width: 44.5"
|Width: 8"
|Weight: 32 lbs.
|Weight: 4 lbs.
|Package Height: 3"
|Package Height: 4"
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|Package Length: 31"
|Package Width: 29"
|Package Width: 8"
|Package Weight: 32 lbs.
|Package Weight: 4 lbs.
|[View Product]
|[View Product]
Comparison results for Wild Zoo Furniture Childs Wooden Computer Desk For 1 To 2 Kids, Ages 2 To 5, Maple/green and Pre-school Buddy Desk Grow Kit. What is best?


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3225 Turtle Creek Boulevard 1643, Dallas, 75219
Click for Map
Price $320,000
Beds:1 Baths:1.1 Garage:1
Location Location Location, BEST location in Dallas. It is the PENTHOUSE split level unit, close to Uptown and Downtown Dallas where all the action is. Dining, nightlife, shopping, Art district, and the Katy Trail. Perfect view of Downtown from the Balcony. This luxury Condo includes 2 pools, grilling areas, cabana, gym, sauna, business center and complimentary valet parking for guests. Do not MISS OUT!!
All information is from sources believed to be reliable and is subject to change of price, rental, commission or other conditions, prior sale, lease or financing or withdrawal without notice. No representation is made as to the accuracy of any description. All measurements and square footage are approximate and all information should be confirmed by customer.


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Comedians to perform at Gowanda Free Methodist Sept. 27
GOWANDA – Can you laugh yourself to a better relationship? Comedians Jay and Laura Laffoon will certainly say so. The husband and wife duo share the spotlight, Sept. 27, at Gowanda Free Methodist for the "Ultimate Date Night," a comedy night for couples looking for a fun and meaningful night together.
Billed as the marriage "edu-tainers," the Laffoon's humorous and entertaining insights into men, women, and marriage gives couples permission to connect through laughter while offering them the courage to keep growing together.
The show is transparent, insightful, and full of inspiration for people in every relationship stage: dating, newly married, and those celebrating decades together.
As marriage counselors, authors and speakers, the Laffoons have interviewed thousands of couples about marriage and family issues and have no qualms about putting their marriage on display — flaws and all — for the good of relationships everywhere.
"Over the course of 30 years, there have been days I can remember when and where I got married, but for the life of me, I can't remember why," Laura smiles. "Our show looks at what happens when the 'Streetcar Named Desire' collides with the 'Locomotive Named Reality.'"
Intertwined with their humor, however, is a serious message, one that speaks wisdom into the struggles and joys of the journey. "It takes courage to stay married," says Jay. "We love to golf and one of our favorite golf quotes is from Tommy Armour who said, 'If you want to play golf you've got to learn to love the struggle.' Boy is that true for golf, but it's also true in marriage."
"Ultimate Date Night" regularly plays in cities across the country, while their weekly online show, Jay & Laura T.V., offers practical and witty tips on connecting both as a couple and a family.
Advance tickets are $30 per couple and $35 at the door. Purchase tickets online at fln.org/tickets or call the Family Life ticket office at 800-927-9083. Gowanda Free Methodist is located at 149 W. Main Street in Gowanda. Doors open at 6 p.m. and show starts at 7 p.m.
To catch a glimpse of "The Ultimate Date Night," visit JayAndLaura.com for videos.
About Family Life Ministries, Inc.
Family Life Ministries is devoted to strengthening individuals and families through Christian radio broadcasting, concerts, educational and social programs, biblical counseling, and the performing arts. Headquartered in Bath, N.Y., Family Life was founded in 1957, and provides various activities and programs for youth, adults, singles and seniors.
Family Life owns a Christian radio network of 23 stations and 41 translators broadcasting in regions of New York and Pennsylvania. Established in 1983, the radio network is a listener-supported broadcaster currently reaching a potential listenership of five million.
For more information on Family Life, visit www.fln.org.


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Detective Club Review with the Game Boy Geek
My review of this party game that mixes interesting original art like in Mysterium, and social deduction aspects like in Spyfall. Can you figure out who the conspirator is along with the others in the Detective Club?
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text: SAN FRANCISCO (MarketWatch) - Intel Corp. INTC, +0.42% and the Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Corp. TSM, -0.61% on Monday announced a new collaboration based on the chip maker's Atom microprocessor. Under the agreement, Intel would port its Atom chip CPU cores to TSMC's technology platform. The collaboration is designed to expand the Atom's system-on-a-chip availability for Intel customers.


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As India is expected to grow rapidly only to become the country with third-largest economy until the end of next decade, wealth management firms may contribute at least 10% to its GDP by then. The expanding Indian wealth management industry is opening up many career opportunities for the young. The wealth management firms offer financial and investment advisory services to affluent individuals or the ones who are about to touch the boundary of the high-net-worth club. Basically, the wealth managers assist the individuals, which generally are big entrepreneurs, executives, public figures, or lawyers, etc., in risk-free money management or investments. This shall include tax planning, retirement planning or simply the estate planning on the basis of client's financial requirements.
Responsibilities of a wealth manager
The job of delivering the personalized financial services involves the responsibilities of both relationship manager and an investment professional. Like a client relationship manager, wealth management executive must know the client and the nature of his business to clearly understand his/her financial needs. On the other hand, he should also examine the type of investment; probable risks and returns that client is inclined towards. Thus, he has to manage the relationship with clients apart from educating them on various investment projects. They are also required to guide their clients on the way to business expansion and success.
With the steady expansion of wealth management firms, there is also an increasing demand for the private bankers at the firms. Their base packages bloom up to Rs1crore a year with additional commissions in the projects. Until now, investment banking has always been the mainstream career choice for the millennial. Such heavy salary packages and additional benefits in wealth management are alluring them to make a career in it.
Job type in wealth management
The job profile involves the work of immense responsibility, honesty, and agility. Even the slightest of mistake is not accepted in the profession as it can cause a great loss to the hard-earned wealth of a person. There lies loads of pressure on the shoulders of wealth managers as they have to constantly stay in touch with the volatile finance industry trends and suggest the clients' most profitable option without even landing them in trouble. Loads of paperwork or net surfing, in-depth study of company & finance laws along with meeting a variety of brokers, investors, loan seekers, etc., is a part of a wealth manager's daily work. Both the work struggle and the salary package increases as the experience level of professional starts increasing. Presently, the industry is at its nascent stage, but with the uncertain economic conditions prevailing worldwide, the industry is sure to zoom on the path of growth. The competition is stiff at the entry levels but once inside the industry the credibility and dedicated approach of the professional are enough to open up the growth avenues instantly.


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Uber rival Taxify plots London comeback
A European Uber rival that was forced out of the UK after just three days last year is plotting a return to London, in a new challenge to the US taxi app.
Taxify, which operates in 26 countries across Europe, Africa and Australia, applied for a private hire licence with Transport for London (TfL) this month.
If successful, it will mark the latest entry into the competitive London transport market, which has been shaken up by a string of tech companies. Taxify hopes to steal a march on Uber by promising better pay to drivers, as well as cheaper fees.
The company, which allows passengers to hail a car with an app with fares automatically paid by credit card, entered London in September, assuming...


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Governor Rochas Okorocha:Nepotism Personified
What more to expect from him?
Governor Rochas Okorocha of Imo State is the true definition of Nepotism after President Muhammadu Buhari in contemporary Nigeria politics. Both rulers belong to the cult of disingenuous elite who sees Nigeria as a business run for the benefit of family, friends, associates and other mundane human classifications but go about mouthing the development and unity of Nigeria.
Governor Rochas is striking in most ways. His bizarreness, spontaneity and love for being on the spotlight are out of his world. He always emerges 1st position from the class of infamy. These can explain why he has ignited yet another hysteria barley few weeks the one generated by his statue unveiling is about to die down.
Governor Rochas Okorocha has been helping himself to the purse of Imo State Government by creating money siphoning portfolios for his friends, family and associates.
The Chief of staff of Imo Sate government House, Hon. Uche Nwosu is married to the Governor first daughter. Uche Nwosu is believed to have been picked by the Governor to replace him come 2019. This is evident in the media hype of Mr. Nwosu's personality in recent times. Mrs. Maria Ude Nwachi (Afikpo Chic)- Member representing Afikpo North East Constituency in the Ebonyi State House of Assembly and Founder of the most popular Facebook group for Igbo people- Igboist, received a cash give away of 5.5 million naira during the Governor's 55th birthday three month ago to launder Governor Okorocha's image and that of his son-in-law Uche Nwosu on Social Media. Afikpo chic has since been making posts in the group with Mr. Uche Nwosu's picture, sharing money(Mula as she calls it) .
Her Excellency, Nneoma Nkechi Okorocha the Governor's wife is the chairman of Imo State Amnesty programme. The Amnesty program has a budget of five billion naira.
The minister of state for education, Prof. Anthony Anwuka is the governor's in-law. Mrs. Uju Anwuka the governor's daughter and member of ministry of education is married to Prof. Anwuka's son, Uzoma.
Jude Okorocha, younger brother the governor is the chairman in charge of all the money from Laterite excavation, sand dredging and other related matters in the state.
Mrs. Geraldine Obinali the governor's eldest sister is in charge of market fees and fines in the whole state.
The list continues, there is hardly anybody in the governor's cabinet that is not a close associate and like minded person.
The puzzle lies on the house of assembly that passes such nominations and the populace that allows this to continue. In sane societies, Imo people should have closed down Owerri in Protest against this wickedness and culture o f waste.
Join the conversation drop your comments below also like and share with friends


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Start now! you'll
be surprised at the results
Most small children experience physical or emotional problems.
Storybook combines the benefits of infant massage
with story-telling to create a special moment between
parent and child that not only improves health conditions,
but also greatly improves their relationship.
Most small children experience physical or emotional problems. Storybook combines the benefits of infant massage with story-telling to create a special moment between parent and child that not only improves health conditions, but also greatly improves their relationship.
How does Storybook work?
Check out our video tutorials that will help you, in addition to being able to
appreciate all the goodness of StoryBook App
How does Storybook work?
Check out our video tutorials that will help you, in addition to being able to
appreciate all the goodness of StoryBook App
We answer your
What should I do before a massage?
Look for your child's permission before the massage. Regardless of your child´s age, you have to ask him or her, for example "Can I touch your back to do the massage?" It is important that he or she feels that they can decide.
Do I need previous knowledge or experience to give Storybook massages to my child?
Of course not! These massages have been designed to be very simple and do not require any previous training. They are not professional techniques. The objective is to create a bond between parent and child through physical contact.
For what ages are these massages recommended?
Storybook is designed for children from 0 to 12 years old. Massage is ideal for newborn babies, including premature babies. It is important to learn how to fit them on a pillow or in your lap, so that they feel protected and comfortable.
When should I avoid massaging my child?
A child with symptoms of illness, such as a high temperature or vomiting, should not be massaged.
How to get the most out of Storybook?
The most important thing when using Storybook is to create a relaxing and distraction-free environment where parent and son can be comfortable. Dim lights and no noise help a lot. Skin-to-skin contact is very important. If it is cold, only the massage area should be uncovered. Oils or creams may be used, but it is not necessary. Also, they can mess up the device you're using. You can use the app several times a day. The best moments are before or after diaper change or before sleep time.
Storybook replaces the treatment of a Doctor?
Massages are not the replacement of a doctor and don't intend to replace the professional practices of health specialists. If your child has a problem, please discuss it with your doctor.
Can I try the App before buying it?
Not at the moment. But in the event you don't love Storybook 100%, we can make a full refund no questions asked. More than 30,000 families love Storybook and we are sure that you will also see the amazing benefits. Try it with confidence and if you do not like it, just send us an email to email@example.com and our outstanding customer service team will make the full refund for you.
Storybook is changing the lives
of thousands of parents!
Valentina's dad
"Storybook is much more than an app. It's an incredible tool that allows you to create
wonderful bonding moments with your kids. Also putting them to sleep is way much easier"
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by Liam Hunt
Liam (William) Hunt has previously written on George Orwell and his time in Burma for The Orwell Society.
Here, writing in a personal capacity, and arguing that "George Orwell may not have fully understood the Catalans, though he admired them", he discusses the historic situation in Catalonia and Spain.
The Catalan Crisis in Context
The Catalan referendum of October 1, 2017, conducted in defiance of the central Spanish state, may or may not mark the birth of an independent Catalan Republic, but it certainly produced an impressive display of civil disobedience, and provoked the Spanish government into a potentially disastrous resort to force. At this writing Catalunya is in chaos, as the populace anxiously awaits the next move by Madrid. There is almost certainly more trouble in store. Anything written about Catalunya in the next few weeks is bound to be out of date in a matter of hours. Suffice it to say that the horizon continues to darken: that, perhaps, is the one statement likely to stand for a while.
The question placed on the ballot by the Generalitat, Catalunya's1 semi-autonomous government, read simply: "Are you in favor of Catalunya becoming an independent state, in the form of a Republic?" The only alternatives were "Yes" and "No." According to official results—which the Spanish police did their best to render meaningless, "Yes" received 90% of the vote, but the level of participation (only 41%) clearly undermined its significance. Just as clearly, however, the turnout was sabotaged by the government of Mariano Rajoy, which first boasted that the "illegal" referendum would never happen, and later vowed to turn it into a fiasco. With breath-taking cynicism, Madrid now accuses the Generalitat of "irregularities" in the conduct of a referendum that their police did everything possible to screw up–closing websites, hacking computer files, stealing ballots and ballot boxes, wounding hundreds of voters with truncheons and rubber bullets, and threatening the organizers with criminal prosecution.
The referendum was called by the ruling coalition in the Generalitat, known as Junts pel Si ("United for the Yes"). In September of 2015, Junts pel Si won a majority of seats in the Catalan parliament, though not an absolute majority of votes. The coalition promised to initiate an incremental "Process" (el Proces) leading by stages to an independent Catalan Republic. If "the Yes" won the referendum, Junts pel Si promised a unilateral declaration of independence (DUI in Catalan), followed by the election of delegates to a constitutional convention. The new constitution would also be submitted to a popular vote, followed by new general elections. There are thus a number of points on what is called the "road map " at which the Process could be halted, even after a DUI.
The referendum that theCatalans2 were trying to hold on October 1 was modeled on the referenda that in recent years have been peacefully conducted in both Scotland and Quebec. Both consultations went forward by agreement with the central government, with the result, incidentally, that both independence initiatives were defeated. Over the past five years, millions of Catalans have taken to the street in support of their dret a decidir, the right to decide their future.
Support for outright independence has been hovering slightly below 50% for the past few years, but a large majority of Catalans have expressed their desire of have what they call a "referendum pactat,." meaning one based on procedures negotiated with the existing authorities. Unlike the British and Canadian governments, however, the Spanish State has flatly refused even to discuss the matter. Madrid took increasingly authoritarian measures to block the referendum, while making increasingly dire threats against anyone who took part. The irony is that a referendum pactat, combined with a good faith offer to negotiate outstanding grievances, would probably have turned out like the ones in Scotland and Quebec.
The Spanish government, which Catalans call simply The State (L'Estat), has reacted to this campaign, which as so far remained strictly non-violent, with a flood of hysterical accusations.The referendum movement has been denounced as totalitarian—a risky charge in view of the ruling Popular Party's own roots in the regime of Francisco Franco. Carles Puigdemont, the moderate, centre-right President of the Generalitat has been compared not only to Venezuela's Maduro and Cuba's Castro, but to Mussolini, and Hitler as well. Junts pel Si's propaganda has been likened to that of Goebbels, while the referendum itself is being denounced as a coup d'etat.
During the run-up to the referendum seventy-five town mayors were threatened with arrest if they let it proceed. It remains to be seen how many of these threats will be carried out. On September 14 Madrid seized control of the Catalan government's bank account, and the Spanish government began speaking darkly of declaring a "state of exception" and of invoking Article 155 of the Constitution, which would permit the suspension of Catalonia's limited autonomy. Seventeen government officials were briefly detained on unspecified charges; leading figures in the government have been threatened with enormous fines, suspension from office and hazy penal sanctions.
More recently, the teachers who permitted their class rooms to serve as polling stations have been threatened with professional reprisals. Government websites were closed down; computer sites were hacked; printing presses were confiscated; Catalunya was flooded with supplemental security forces dispatched from Madrid. A million and a half leaflets were seized by the paramilitary Guardia Civil.
The deployment of the Guardia Civil was particularly ominous, since the Guardia, long nortorius for is brutality against striking workers and rebellious peasants, had functioned served as a kind of praetorian guard for Franco's regime. 4,000 auxiliary policemen were billetted on four cruise ships moored in Barcelona harbor, though the Barcelona dockworkers refused to service them.
The mainstream Spanish media have been attacking the Catalan movement with astonishing venom. The anti-Catalan argument is oddly paradoxical, however, not to say schizophrenic. From the columns of El Pais¸ for example, or El Mundo¸ one gleans the impression that Catalanism is both too weak and silly to matter, and too dangerous to be allowed to persist. Since 1-O, however, ridicule has given way to alarm.
On October 2, the leading Madrid dailies ran front-page headlines shrieking things like "Insurrection!" and calling the referendum, which the Spanish police were disrupting with truncheons and rubber bullets, as a "golpe"– that is, an attempted coup d'etat. The leaders of Junts pel Si were accordingly denounced as "golpistas." There is no handy English synomym for golpista, which means a "perpetrator of a coup." Hispanics are more familiar with coups d'etat than we are in the English-speaking world and have a richer lexicon concerning them. Particularly depressing has been the descent of the once reputable El Pais to a sub-Foxian level of fairness and balance.
Nearly half of the eligible voters were undeterred by the threats from Madrid. More than two million of them managed to cast their forbidden ballots in the face physical abuse by the Spanish police and paramilitary Guardia Civil.(Significantly the local police refused to cooperate with the invaders, for which their commander has been charged with sedition.)
The voters demonstrated courage and good humor and they maintained their non-violent discipline. All age cohorts were represented: school-children took part in all-night vigils to keep their class rooms as polling places; seniors rolled up to the ballot boxes in wheelchairs; grandmothers leaned out of windows banging pots in support of the crowds surging toward the polls. The referendum demonstrated once again the power of social media as a weapon of mass mobilization. (This time the decisive tool was What's App.) We have seen this before, at Tahir Square in Cairo and the Mejdan in Kiev. We also know how those mobilizations turned out.
Partisans of the referendum, however, show no signs of backing down. Catalans have resented the hyper-centralized power of Madrid for centuries and sporadically rebelled against it. The Catalan national hymn, "Els Segadors" commemorates a peasant insurrection against the crown in 1640. Many seem prepared to rebel again. Two days after the referendum Barcelona was paralyzed by a general strike on a scale not seen in decades, and for once employers were on the same side. As I write, massive protest demonstrations are being staged in all of the major cities.
It would be pointless to try to predict the outcome of the Process, which will depend as much on the international (especially European) response to events as on the balance of forces in Catalunya and Spain. It is certain, however, that 1-O, as the Catalans are calling it, marks a new phase of the drama.3
If we cannot forecast the denouement, we can at least make some sense of the incipient chaos by putting "1-O" in historical perspective. The first thing to notice is the spectral figure lurking in the background. It is the ghost of Francisco Franco, whose dictatorship, lasted from his victory in 1939 to his death in 1975. Since Franco was especially merciless toward Catalunya, any referendum on Catalunya's future in bound to be, to some extent, a referendum on his reign, and therefore on the whole legacy of the Spanish Civil War. Seen from a broader angle the Catalan referendum yet another episode in a century-long conflict, of which the Civil War was the violent apogee, but which has yet to be finally resolved.
The Spanish Civil War was more than the first major clash between western democracy and Fascism, as it is still understood outside of Spain. Nor was it really the "first battle of the Second World War," as is also claimed. Spain remained neutral in World War II, which is why Franco and his regime survived it. It was also more than the class war of rich against poor, as George Orwell, who fought in it briefly, believed. For the people of the Iberian peninsular it was, and remains, primarily a war over national identity. This national dimension completely eluded Orwell himself. Homage to Catalonia, Orwell's classic but mistitled memoir of the war, has virtually nothing to say about Catalunya per se.
If, as Benedict Anderson has persuasively argued, nations are essentially "imagined communities" then the Spanish Civil War arose from the violent collision of two radically different imaginations of Spain. On the one hand there was the ideal of a pluralistic "nation of nations" rooted in the political diversity of medieval Spain, and respectful of the cultural subjectivity of its component nationalities. Opposed to this federal conception, which was promoted most vigorously by the Catalans and the Basques, was the project of the Habsburg monarchy, later adopted by the Bourbons, of a rigidly centralized Spanish kingdom, ruled from Madrid.
A federal Spain would have fostered the interests of the commercial and later the industrial classes of the western, northern, and eastern periphery–the regions fronting on the Atlantic and the Mediterranean, and in cultural communication with France. The centralized kingdom that actually emerged in the 16th century was based on the martial kingdom of Castile, whose heartland was the Meseta, the arid tableland of central Spain.
This second model was firmly established by Philip II when he chose as his capital the insignificant, landlocked town of Madrid, whose only advantages were its central location and its lack of an independent, potentially troublesome bourgeoisie. The empire created by Philip was dominated by the macrocephalic royal court, the Catholic Church armed with its Inquisition, and the landed aristocracy, whose enormous herds of sheep migrated back and forth across the Meseta, trampling down peasant crops on their way.
The aristocracy of Castile and its satellite provinces, Andalucia and Estremadura subscribed to a martial ethos, centered on honor and violence, that disparaged commerce, industry, and manual labor. Their younger sons entered the church, enlisted as mercenaries, and sought fortunes in the New World: very rarely did they go into any kind of productive business. Daughters who could not be decorously married off were deposited in convents.
Operating from Madrid the Spanish monarchy struggled to hold together a unitary kingdom that had been cobbled together of centuries from the diverse and often fractious polities of the Peninsula. Catalan historians tend to see the history of Spain in terms of the interplay between two "Spains"—the provinces on the periphery as opposed to the Meseta and its frontiers. In reality the situation was far more complicated; there was really a myriad of "Spains," each with its own internal contradictions. But the dualistic model has some heuristic value.
The two Spains—that of the periphery and that of the Meseta and its fringes—could often co-operate to mutual advantage, but there remained an undercurrent of a suspicion tinged with contempt, and there many sources of friction. Unsurprisingly, Spanish historians tend to stress the co-operation while the Catalans are more concerned with the conflicts.. There were stereotypes on both sides—not universally shared but deeply rooted.
Castilian aristocrats and courtiers despised, or affected to despise, the merchants of Barcelona and Bilba as money grubbers; Catalans and Basques condemned Castilians as lazy and rapacious cut-throats. Obviously these prejudices were far from universal, but they were widespread, and they worsened in hard times.
The most salient cultural contrast within the Habsburg/Bourbon kingdom was that which opposed Catalonia to Castile, and Barcelona to Madrid. Catalans considered themselves sensible, egalitarian, and inclined to compromise: their preferred political strategy was what they called "pactisme." Castilians placed a higher value on courage, audacity, and, of course, honor. These aristocratic values, moreover were not confined to the elite. Castile claimed, with pride, to possess the most arrogant beggars in the world. It was Castile and Andalucia that invented the modern bull-fight, which has generally (though with notable exceptions) left the Catalans cold.
The Habsburg/Bourbon monarchy survived for five centuries, despite French invasions, provincial rebellion, the secession of Portugal, the loss of an American empire, and, in the nineteenth century, almost incessant civil war. Its social basis remained the trinity of Court, Church, and Aristocracy, though the professional Army came to play an increasingly decisive and often disruptive role. The political hegemony of Madrid endured.
In 1932 the monarchy gave way to the Second Republic, and hesitant steps were taken toward a federal state, largely due to pressure from Catalunya, Galicia, and Euskadi, the land of the Basques. The military rebellion of 1936 was, among other things, an attempt to put a violent halt to what the army considered the disintegration of Spain. Franco's victory in the Spanish Civil War restored the centripetal power of Madrid. By this time, however, the main centralizing force was no longer the Church or the royal Court, but Franco's army, and its political emanation, the Falange.
Franco's opponents on the Left, like George Orwell, saw him primarily as the defender of the landlords, the Church, and the Army. But he was equally devoted to the grandeur, and above all the sacred unity, of Spain. In 1937 Franco adopted the Fascist salute but not the Fascist label, which in any case did really fit most of his followers. His forces called themselves Nationalist, rather than Fascists, and their battle cry was "Arriba Espana!" ("Up with Spain!") The Nationalist motto was "Espana: Una, Grande, y Libre" ("Spain: One, Great, and Free"). Notice that Unity is the first term of the trinity. ("Free," incidentally, meant free from the influence of the "Jewish-Masonic-Marxist Conspiracy" that threatened to destroy Spain.)
Franco's visceral hostility to separatism led him to consider most Catalans and Basques as inveterate enemies of Spain. Upon his triumphal entry into the Catalan capital in 1939, Franco explained that he had chosen for his vanguard, "not the soldiers who had fought best, but those who felt the most hatred: that is to say hatred for Catalunya and the Catalans." During the first few months after the fall of Barcelona, more than four thousand Republican civilians were summarily executed. That number would have been many times greater had not 150,000 Catalans escaped across the Pyrenees, to return, if at all, only decades later. In 1940 there were over 40,000 republican civilians in Franco's jails, under wretched conditions.
The autonomy granted Catalunya by the second Republic was of course abolished, along with all political parties other than the Falange.
For the next thirty-five years Catalunya was subjected to an energetic, although ultimately unsuccessful campaign of cultural genocide. The autonomy statute was of course abolished along with all political parties, with the exception of Franco's Falange, were banned. Banned from public use, the Catalan language seemed destined for extinction, exactly as Franco intended. Even the Sardana, the traditional circle dance thought to be particularly expressive of Catalan sociability, was forbidden. As the Catalans often bitterly observe, Franco was the only one of the major Fascist dictators to who managed to die not only in his bed, but in power—thanks in part to American and European complicity. Franco was a useful ally in the Cold War.
Catalans past middle age have first-hand memories of Fascism and have heard stories from their parents about the Civil War. These stories get told to grandchildren. These Catalans remember that Fascism came to them from Spain, and that it was inflicted on them in the name of Spanish unity. Only a few days before 1-O, a political cartoon appeared in Ara, the leading Catalan language daily, depicting Prime Minister Rajoy declaiming from a television screen: "Spaniards, Franco has not died!" On 1-O, observers noted the high proportion of senior citizens among the voters. As police reinforcements, including units of the hated Guardia Civil, flooded into Catalunya in on the eve of the referendum, older Catalans must have felt an unpleasant sense of deja vu.
(Wikipedia: Falangist flag)
Catalan anxieties about a renascent Fascism are naturally ridiculed by the Spanish press. Advocates for the State understandably prefer to avoid mentioning Franco at all. It is bad taste to dredge up bygone conflicts. The issue of the Dictatorship is assumed to have resolved by la Transicion, the peaceful passage in 1978 from dictatorship to constitutional monarchy. The cult of the Transition is the foundational myth of the contemporary Spanish state.
The Transition was a compromise between the Franquist regime and the moderate Left. This pragmatic (and self-interested) coalition managed to peacefully dismantle the archaic trappings of the dictatorship, while leaving much of its social structure intact and much of its personnel in power. Perhaps the most striking feature of the Transicio, apart from freer hand given to bankers and realtors, was the liberalization of public sexual mores. One could now see girls legs in the streets and actresses' panties in the cinema.
The Transition effectively erased the Civil War and its aftermath from public memory. There was no question of any trials for war crimes, since most of the surviving Franquist elite remained in place. Nor was there anything like the Truth and Reconciliation Commission established in Mandela's South Africa. Thousands of murdered Republicans continued to rot in unmarked graves. The process of systematic exhumation and identification has only recently begun.
Catalan anxieties about a renascent Fascism are ridiculed, of course, by the supporters and publicists of the Spanish State as either baseless paranoia, on the part of the citizenry, or cynical demoguery on the part of separatist leaders. Advocates for the State prefer, quite naturally, to avoid mentioning Franco at all, and regard it as since it is bad taste to dredge up bygone unpleasantness. In any case the issue of the Dictatorship is assumed to have resolved by la Transicion, the democratic Transition of 1978. The cult of the Transition is in fact the foundational myth of the restored, democratic, Bourbon monarchy.
The Transition was a compromise between the Franquist regime and the moderate Left. This pragmatic (and self-interested) coalition managed to peacefully dismantle the archaic trappings of the dictatorship, while leaving much of the social structure intact and much of its personnel in power. Perhaps the most striking feature of the Transicio, apart from freer hand given to bankers and real estate deals, was the considerable liberation of public sexual mores.
The Transition effectively erased the Civil War and its aftermath from public memory. There were of course no war crime trials, since most of the surviving Franquist elite remained in place. Nor was there anything like the Truth and Reconciliation Commission established in Mandela's South Africa. Thousands of bodies of murdered Republicans victims continued to rot in unmarked graves: the process of systematic exhumation has only recently begun.
To be sure, there was a good deal of killing on the Republican side as well, but the latest scholarship suggests that the Nationalists out-did them by at least four to one. Nationalist martyrs, in contrast, repose with Franco in the obscene grandeur of the Valle de los Caidos, the grotesque mausoleum excavated by Franco hard by the Escorial, the royal mausoleum/monastery that Philip II erected, with rather better taste, outside Madrid.
Catalunya nevertheless welcomed the Transition, with all its flaws. After more than a generation of Franco's dictatorship, the Transition brought Catalunya enormous relief. The exiled Generalitat was restored, along with its president Josep Tarradellas, who had served as Catalunya's last Prime Minister during the civil war. ("Well, I'm back," said the old man laconically, from the balcony of the Generalitat.) The Catalan language, which seemed doomed to extinction, made an impressive recovery. Despite massive immigration over the past fifty years, something like 90% of the inhabitants of Catalunya can understand Catalan, and more than three-quarters can speak it.
Unsurprisingly, the vast majority of Catalans—some 95% voted in favor of the new democratic Constitution of 1978. Espanyolists frequently remind independentistas of this massive endorsement, neglecting to notice that Catalan support for this Constitution has now fallen below 30%. It is worth asking why.
After more than a generation of Franco's dictatorship, the Transition, despite its shortcomings, brought Catalunya enormous relief. The exiled Generalitat was restored, along with its president Josep Tarradellas, who had served as Catalunya's last Prime Minister during the civil war. "Well, I'm back," said the old man laconically, from the balcony of the Generalitat. The Catalan language, which seemed doomed to extinction, made an impressive comback: despite massive immigration over the past fifty years, something 90% of the inhabitants of Catalunya can understand Catalan, and more than three-quarters can speak it..
Nowadays Catalanists, and Spanish leftists generally, describe the Transition as a "Lampedusan" strategy for moving from dictatorship to a liberal capitalist regime. The term comes from Giuseppe Lampedusa's great novel The Leopard (Il Gattopardo), in which a wily aristocrat explains how he and his class must behave in order to survive the onrushing bourgeois revolution: "Everything must change," he says, "so that nothing will change."
The forty years of restored democracy since the death of Franco have brought enormous economic and technological progress to Spain, and especially to Barcelona, which has now become, somewhat to the distress of its inhabitants, one of the world's premier tourist destinations/ The centripetal power of the state in Madrid remains intact, however, and the modern oligarchy—the people that Spanish New Left calls "la Casta"—has descended directly from the ancien regime: economically, culturally, and often biologically as well:
A huge and corrupt state bureaucracy has supplanted the royal court, and the army has replaced the Catholic Church (which nonetheless remains influential, especially in the counryside) as the guarantor of national unity. The great landlords and their henchmen still dominate much of rural Andalucia, although bankers hold more power in Madrid. The Bourbon monarchy has been restored, which gratifies conservatives and galls the Catalans and the Spanish Left. To be sure, the King has little personal political power, but he retains considerable charismatic influence. King Juan Carlos used that influence to discourage an attempted Franquist coup in 1981, and his heir Felipe VI has already has already begun to unleash his charisma against the Process.
The one new component of la Casta is the political machine of the PSOE, the absurdly misnamed Socialist Workers Party of Spain, which alternates rhythmically in power with the right-wing Popular Party. This comfortable arrangement, known as "bipartidarismo," allows each party ample time in office to fill its pockets. The bipartidismo instituted by the Transition is the principle reason why the Kingdom of Spain is the most corrupt country in western Europe, ranking below Botswana and barely above Georgia on the Transparency International index.
Catalan disaffection, however, did not set in at once. Indeed the high point of Catalano-Spanish relations came in 2006, when a new, more liberal Statute of Autonomy was adopted by the Spanish Cortes and then massively endorsed in a Catalan referendum The new Statute enlarged the fiscal competence of the Generalitat and formally acknowledged Catalunya's identity as a "nation."
In 2010, however, an ambitious politician named Mariano Rajoy, rose to prominence by leading a successfully demagogic campaign to gut the Statute. As leader of the Popular Party (founded, as it happens, by Franco's last interior minister) Rajoy elicited four million signatures to a petition demanding that both the new fiscal privileges and the recognition of nationality be annulled by the State's Constitutional Tribunal. The Tribunal, already dominated by conservatives, complied, no doubt soothing Franco's agitated ghost.
Rajoy's Popular Party took power from the Socialists in 2011. Since his political ascent had been fueled by "Catalanophobia," it was not to be expected that Rajoy would respond to Catalan concerns with tact, or even common sense. The Tribunal's ruling, bitterly resented in Catalunya, initiated what Catalans call "the Second Transition." Unlike the first Transition, this one transited backward, steadily augmenting the competence of the central State, which Catalanists took to calling La Estrella de la Muerte, the Death Star. But the Second Transition also revived the dream of a Catalan Republic.
Anger at the suspension of the Statute intensified popular indignation over the bank bailouts of the Great Recession and the austerity measures decreed by the EU, which Rajoy zealously imposed. Catalans also complained of being overtaxed, to the advantage of poorer regions like Andalucia, while their own infrastructural needs are neglected. Barcelona, for example, has for years been promised a high-speed rail link with Valencia and Alicante, which has never materialized.
Independentist sentiment has been growing fairly steadily ever since. There have been spectacular popular mobilizations: hundreds of thousands take to the streets each year on September 11 to celebrate La Diada, Catalunya's National Day. In 2012 the crowd numbered over a million.
To summarize the current state of play. Popular sentiment in Catalunya is hard to assess and estimates of the popular mood vary over time and according to political bias. Immigrants have flooded into the province over the past century, and cultural assimilation, while extensive, has been uneven. On the eve of 1-O polls showed a high degree of support (perhaps as high 85%) for conducting the referendum. Over 70% declared their intention to vote even if the referendum were declared illegal. Since the actual turn-out was only slightly over 40%, it would appear that the truncheons and rubber bullets cut the turnout nearly in half.
Support for actual independence, on the other hand, has been hovering around 50%. It remains to be seen whether bullying by Madrid will cause this figure to rise or fall. The behavior of the Spanish state is designed to intimidate, but Catalans dislike being threatened, and are not easily cowed. Journalists from Madrid covering the mass demonstrations in response to the Ramblas massacre plausibly suggested that the crowds chanting "No Tinc Por!" ("I am Not Afraid!") were defying Rajoy and King Felipe VI (both of whom were present) as much as the Islamic State.
Madrid's policy is grounded in a rigid variant of Spanish Nationalism (Espanyolism) that proclaims the unity of Spain to be sacrosanct. Since the Transition, Spanish Catholicism has given way to Spanish Democracy as the moral foundation of centralism. Like its theological predecessor, this highly coercive version of democracy tolerates no heretical deviation.. Since the Spanish State is, by stipulation, democratic, Catalans are forever subject to the rule of the majority of its citizens. This means, in practice, that they will remain subjects of non-Catalans, who outnumber them nearly ten to one.
Rousseau's general will has thus replaced the will of God as the fount of legitimacy. The unstated premise seems to be that the Catalans are really Spanish, but that some of them refuse to admit it. They are thereby self-exiled from the community to which they truly belong. Since they are out of tune with the Spanish General Will, these dissident Catalans must be "forced to be free." Alexis De Tocqueville foresaw the consequence of this line of thought, and called it the Tyranny of the Majority. The sharp decline in Catalunyan support for the Constitution of 1978 should cause no suprise.
For the past two hundred years, however, the primary objective of Catalanism not been separation from Spain, so much as the transformation of Spain from a centralized Castilian monarchy into a pluralistic "nation of nations." None of the historic champions of Catalan identity favored secession. In the late 19th century Francesco Pi y Margall led a pan-Hispanic Federalist movement, strongly influenced by the pacific anarchism of Pierre-Joseppy Proudhon, whose works he translated into Spanish. Pi y Magall served briefly as Prime Minister during the short-lived First Republic. Though a fervent Catalanist, he published only in Castilian.
At the founding of the Second Republic in 1932, when the Generalitat was restored after a hiatus of two hundred and eighteen years, its first president, Francesc Macia, proclaimed a "Catalan Republic within the Iberian Federation," though he later had to settle for a more restricted autonomy. His successor Lluis Companys (revered as Catalunya's iconic martyr after his execution under Franco) called for a "Catalan State within the Spanish Federal Republic." Puigdemont might well settle for something similar, eventually.
One reason for the wide-spread popular prestige that the Soviet Union enjoyed in pre-civil war Catalunya, was the belief, or illusion, that Lenin's theses on "national liberation" had resolved the so-called "National Question" in the Russian Empire. By conceding the right of secession to its various nationalities, the Bolsheviks persuaded them to reunite freely in a new federation–or so it seemed before the nature of Stalinism became clear.
Both of the major Marxist parties during the Civil War—the dissident POUM with which Orwell fought, as well as the Stalinist PSUC by which it was wiped it out–called for the creation of a Union of Iberian Socialist Republics, that would hopefully include Portugal as well as the rest of Spain. In such a union, Barcelona and Lisbon would share economic political and administrative hegemony with Madrid. The historical nations of Catalunya, Galicia, and Euskadi would enjoy cultural and political parity with Castile, while the rights and identities of other less historically prominant communities would be respected. Most Catalanists would support a similar solution today.
The critical issue for most Catalans is the right to decide, rather than independence per se. Many Catalans who were willing to risk jail to support the referendum would have voted against separation. The irony is that if the Spanish government were to permit a free expression of opinion, a majority of Catalans, having won the right to secede would probably not feel the need to exercise it. They would, after all, have the weapon of secession at hand should they need it in the future, because the bond with Spain would have become a voluntary union of equals. Even for many independentistas the threat of secession is primarily a blunt instrument with which to get Spain's attention. For them to admit as much in advance, however, would be to throw the match. A "right to decide" is only meaningful when it is wrested from the force that would deny it.
Readers of Dissent are likely to view anything called "nationalism" with suspicion and to associate it almost instinctively with the right-wing xenophobia currently called "populism." The suspicion is justified, though in my view this derogatory use of the word "populism" deprives us of a useful term for transversal progressive movements, such as the current Catalanist movement aspires to be. But that is another matter.
Catalanists insist that their movement is neither chauvinistic nor intolerant. Indeed, Catalanists since the 1930s have preferred to avoid the word "nationalism" altogether, precisely because of its reactionary associations. Catalan nationalism, to the extent that it exists, is emphatically civic, rather than ethnic nationalism. Like Americans, Catalanists profess pride in their ethnic diversity; their the national pantheon is filled with patriots of immigrant stock. Unlike the Americans, they have no history of genocide or slavery to embarrass or embitter them.
Most Catalanists regard as a "true Catalan" anyone who wishes to be considered as such. They have been far more hospitable to African and Middle Eastern refugees than the rest of Spain. While Catalan patriots are committed to protecting their native language, they have promised that Castilian (which the non-Hispanic world calls Spanish) will have equal status in a Catalan Republic. (So, incidentally, will Aranes, a language descended from the medieval Occitan of the troubadours, that still flourishes in the Pyrenees.)
As a columnist for the leading Catalan daily put it, Catalans boast of their "glorious impurity."
The political agenda implied by the Process is hazy, but it tilts perceptibly to the Left. Catalunyan social policy has long been more generous than that of the rest of Spain. In the name of austerity, Madrid has recently blocked efforts to extend the Catalan welfare state, especially in the areas of housing, hunger, and energy insecurity. Hostility to Rajoy's neo-liberalism has therefore heightened the appeal of independence. Activists in Catalunya's effervescent constellation of progressive movements and associations—which includes socialists, feminists, ecologists, municipalists, co-operatists, anarchists, and whatnotists–generally support the referendum as a form of resistance to an autocratic state, while remaining skeptical about independence. They surely realize that the Left would fare better in a Catalan Republic than within the Kingdom of Spain.
George Orwell may not have fully understood the Catalans, though he admired them. Nevertheless, he had a very Catalan understanding of the difference between patriotism on the one hand, and nationalism and conservatism on the other. He expressed it, however, not in Homage to Catalonia but in his war-time pamphlet, the Lion and the Unicorn and his later "Notes on Nationalism." The following passages, for example, would be endorsed by most adherents of Junts pel Si:
Nationalism is not to be confused with patriotism… By 'patriotism' I mean devotion to a particular place and a particular way of life, which one believes to be the best in the world but has not wish to force on other people… Nationalism, on the other hand, is inseparable from the desire for power." ("Notes on Nationalism", (Complete Works, xvi, 142.
"Patriotism," moreover, "has nothing to do with Conservativism. It is actually the opposite of Conservatism, since it is a devotion to something that is always changing and yet is felt to be mystically the same. It is the bridge between the future and the past." (Collected Journalism, Essays, and Letters. ii, 103).
Lluis Campanys, who faced Franco's firing squad crying "Per a Catalunya!," could have written those lines.
Much has been made in the Spanish and international press of Catalunya's economic grievances against the Spanish State. Perhaps too much, because more is involved here than mercenary self-interest. Catalanists of all political persuasions resent domination by Madrid because they believe, rightly or wrongly, that they are being fiscally fleeced in the name of a specious national solidarity. Catalunya is the richest province of Spain and its relatively high taxes are supposed to finance the development of poorer provinces like Andalucia and Estremadura. Catalans suspect, however, that much of their money actually disappears into the pockets of corrupt local politicians, or into the patronage networks and pork barrel projects that keep these political machines in power.
One reason for the current impasse between Spain and Catalunya is the de facto alliance between the ruling PP and the leading opposition party. The PSOE is as dogmatic as the PP on the inviolable unity of Spain. One reason may be that its territorial bastion is the impoverished province of Andalucia, where PSOE apparatchiks have effectively replaced the latifundistas and caciques, the great landlords and local bosses of yore. Consistent with their character and historical antecedents, the factional leaders of the PSOE are known today as "the Barons" (Varones), though Andalucia is controlled by a Varonesa named Susanna Diaz. Andalucia is subsidized by Catalunya, and the Socialists, understandably, want to keep the spigot open.
Unfortunately, Rajoy's belligerence seems to be going over well with the Spanish people. On the evening of October 2, King Felipe VI lent his symbolic prestige to Rajoy in a televised speech that made no appeal for dialogue, and expressed no misgivings about the use of force. The speech was almost universally applauded by the Spanish political class. The only criticism came from Podemos, which represents about a fifth of the electorate.
"Catalanophobia" plays the same role in securing Rajoy's plebeian base that racism, xenophobia and misogyny perform for Trump. Given that depressing fact, it is entirely possible that the crackdown on Catalunya may boost Rajoy's popularity among the plebs, at least for a while. But while the operation may have been politically successful at home, the international "optics," as the Washington Post put it, have been "terrible." Optics may not matter to Rajoy's rank and file, but they matter a good deal to the globalist financiers who prop him up.
Nothing but a muffled tutt-tutting can be expected from the plush corridors of the European Union. So far the only intelligent proposal has come from Citibank—an unlikely source, perhaps, but a welcome and potentially influential one. Citibank calls for new negotiations to revise the Spanish Constitution, and suggests conceding broader fiscal powers to the Catalans while granting them a legal referendum on their national future. For once the global financiers, or a few of them anyway, have got things right.
(Senyera and Blue Estelada flags from http://www.barcelonas.com)
1 Since the referendum was about independence, it seems appropriate to use the Catalan name of the region we cal Catalunya.
2 By "Catalans" I mean people who regard themselves as at least as much Catalan and Spanish. This is true of everyone who resides in Catalunya. Probably about about 20% would describe themselves as more Spanish than Catalan or simply not Catalan at all.
3Note on political chronology.: the Spanish and the Catalans have the habit—confusing to foreigners of designation historical events simply by the day and first letter of the month, while omitting the year, as we do with "9/11"


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Learn how to draw and paint with Kat (commencing 8th Jan 2019).
Tax included.
January 8th 9.30 – 12.30 for a six-week block.
This course is suitable for beginners or intermediates.
Beginners' will learn how to draw and practice skills and techniques with dry art materials, leading to watercolour painting skills.
For the slightly more advanced an intermediate group will be undertaking large scale charcoal, soft pastels and oil pastel studies, with elements of painting techniques.
Kathryn is a qualified teacher of fine art with many years experience. She also has a current DBS clearance check.


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Everyone needs a few historical anecdotes to share during their next happy hour or dinner party, depending on your scene. Here are a few facts about University Park, a city named quite literally for its beginnings as a small residential cluster of teacher and staff homes surrounding the small Southern Methodist University.
The school provided nearby residents with utility services from its founding in 1915 to 1924, when the neighborhood population outgrew what utilities the school could provide. After failed attempts at annexation by Highland Park and Dallas, University Park became its own city in 1924, noted for its consistently high land values, adjacent employment at the university, and later shared excellent schools with its equally affluent neighboring city.
But for a suburb named Texas' wealthiest and best-educated city earlier this year, the city didn't have its own municipal library until the year 2002 when decorated Dallas Public Library director and college professor Sharon Perry Martin was first hired. Up until then, UP residents paid to use the Highland Park or Dallas libraries. Now of course residents flock to the municipal library located at Preston Center Plaza, but it's one of those interesting things that happen in a city's journey to becoming who they are today. And today, University Park is a vibrant part of the shining Park Cities, where you can find this week's selection of Suburb Sunday homes. (more…)


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SharePoint Products Social & Mobile Communities Social Sites for SharePoint by NewsGator
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The Sovrintendenza – the cultural authority – of the Reggio Calabria region, which is home to the museum which houses the original Riace bronzes, has written a letter asking the city of Camaiore for documentation, and asks wether Camaiore obtained permission to exhibit the bronze warriors. Camaiore has temporarily placed the copies at the entrance of the Pier in Lido di Camaiore. The copies, faithful to the last detail, were produced at the Fonderia Del Chiaro in Pietrasanta.
The originals, 5th C BCE bronzes were found off the coast of Calabria in 1972; they are in the news (see the post below) because a photographer recently dressed the figures in feather boas and leopard thongs, raising concerns that the statues are not cared-for enough by the museum.
Camaiore's mayor Alessandro Del Dotto has added fuel to the controversy, by jabbing that he finds it curious that the Reggio Calabria Sovrintendenza finds the time to query Camaiore – which, according to him, has "all the necessary documents" – while it allows photographing the originals in … well, as they have been photographed.
Visit the Fonderia Del Chiaro's website, linked here – and visit Camaiore's website, linked here.
The photo is from la Gazzetta di Viareggio.
Previously on Art is Life:
Sculpture Shock: Photographer dresses up the Riaci Bronzes in thongs, feather boas… his shoot is suspended, he gets the boot


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I mean, it's not the parents' responsibility any more but rather the solemn duty of Joe & Jane Taxpayer to raise these kids. Never mind that you've got your own family to feed, with food prices going up every day, or that you gotta put gas in your car as the price of gas goes up, gas that you need to get to your job that you gotta work to pay taxes to....raise other peoples' kids and pay for their housing and utilities and Obama phones.....you get the picture.
I remember, as a young elementary-aged kid, my then-single mom busted her ass to raise me. She refused to take government handouts even though I'm pretty sure I qualified for reduced price meals, if not free. She worked, and worked hard, instead of taking welfare & food stamps. Nowadays, despite the alleged welfare reform of the 90s, it's just as easy, if not easier, to milk the government teat and maintain a generational welfare lifestyle where in order to get a pay raise, you simply squirt out another kid.
|The kids get free pizza and Domino's gets a tax break and free advertising.
|Why even bother to buy your kids food? The government will feed them and free your money up for lottery tickets.
Perhaps if the Leech Class wasn't using their benefits to buy junk food at the 7-11 and free school money to feed the kids while they use their welfare money to buy Bud Light Lime-a-Rita, blunts and weed, and iPhone 5's in addition to the free ObeezyPhone,...oh what the hell am I saying? It'll never happen.
I can hear my detractors right now screaming at my vile, evil, racist depictions of the poor downtrodden masses that White Corporate Amerikkka keeps down. However, I have seen with mine very own eyes the wanton abuse of the system.
Read it here. Or here. Or here. Or here.
Or just look here at pictures I took back in January when the Free Obama Phone tour stopped in my little town and all the Leeches lined up in packs.


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Faculty teaching this week includes: Richard Baker, Samiya Bashir, Gabriel Fried, Fred Liang, Alan Shapiro, Brenda Shaughnessy, Carmen Gimeniz Smith, Craig Morgan Teicher, Monica Youn.
Please use the comment box below to post a message and coordinate HOUSING SHARES with your fellow Summer Workshop students.
There are many options to consider when booking housing in Provincetown, including: inns, hotels, motels, hostels, camping, and private home rentals. Please visit the Housing page of our website for a detailed list of housing options, including a list of our housing partners and information about our private housing list.
Please note this is a community forum for housing sharing only.
If you have questions about our workshops or your workshop registration, please email firstname.lastname@example.com as the conversation thread posted on this page is not monitored by Summer Program staff.


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National Walk for Hope Ambassador
We're thrilled to have our National Ambassador, Georgia Love, throw her support behind the Pancare Walk for Hope.
After losing her mum to pancreatic cancer in 2016, Georgia is determined to put the disease into the spotlight to demand better for patients and research into early detection and new treatments to improve the survival rate.
"The survival rate for pancreatic cancer hasn't changed significantly in the past forty years. I believe it's vital to create awareness about this brutal disease and drive change so other families don't have to go through the heartache I've gone through. I encourage you to support Pancare's Walk for Hope and take up the challenge to raise vital funds for Pancare's patient support services and research."
Melbourne Walk for Hope Ambassador
"Pancreatic cancer is one of the toughest opponents you can face – with a five-year survival rate of just 8.7%. That's why it's critical that more money is invested into research for early detection and new treatments to help improve the outcomes for patients and their families. I'm thrilled to be joining Pancare Foundation as the Melbourne Walk for Hope Ambassador to help spread awareness on the disease and services available to support people affected by pancreatic cancer."


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_Nancy Songer
Songer is dean of the School of Education.
Four hundred fourth-, fifth- and sixth-grade students in the federally designated "Promise Zone" of West Philadelphia will have the opportunity to study local ecology with resources made possible through a three-year, $1.17 million grant from the National Science Foundation.
The project is called "Philly Scientists: Mapping Biodiversity of the Philadelphia Promise Zone." The goal is to foster immersive science learning experiences for students who live or attend school in the Promise Zone, a federal designation given to a handful of socioeconomically disadvantaged urban communities earmarked for preferential economic development treatment. Drexel's School of Education researchers are partnering with Philadelphia teachers and out-of-school providers to provide local students with science, technology, engineering and math (STEM) learning opportunities.
The initiative builds upon previous NSF-developed mobile apps and curricular activities to design and study an immersive, mentor-guided biodiversity field experience and career awareness program.
Philadelphia youth partner with professional scientists to gain an understanding of local science and ecology within their own neighborhood.
Students are learning to identify all species of animals, birds and insects over a two-square-mile region located in Mantua, Powelton and West Philadelphia through the NSF Innovative Technology Experiences for Students and Teachers (ITEST) project. Scientists from the Academy of Natural Sciences of Drexel University will guide students in the study of biodiversity and the generation of solutions to increase urban biodiversity for their schoolyard and neighborhood. The project began in September 2016 and will run through August 2019.
"This is a wonderful opportunity to have Philadelphia youth partner with professional scientists to gain an understanding of local science and apply their knowledge in important ways, including making sound recommendations to improve our neighborhood," says Nancy Songer, dean of the School of Education. "We saw firsthand the positive impact a project like this had on children in Detroit, and we are thrilled to bring a similar opportunity to children just beyond Drexel's campus."
Researchers have adapted an existing mobile app to fit Philadelphia's unique environment and the age range of participating students. This May, three teachers and 75 students served as "Urban Animal Trackers" to gather and analyze data for their solutions.


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Collection Volunteer – Nuneaton
Apply via email!
If you're ready to sign up to this fantastic collection, please email
Please include your
- Name
- Contact telephone number
- Your preferred collection site (location listed on this advert)
Volunteering at a bucket collection is a quick and easy way to make a difference and a great way to meet people in your local area over the weekend of one of our most important dates of the year – World Cancer Day.
Why we need you
You can make a difference in as little as an hour by volunteering at our collection point in Nuneaton. It's quick and easy and makes a big impact. You'll help to fund amazing research to beat cancer sooner with every penny you collect.
What will I be doing?
You will join with more of our fantastic volunteers to collect donations from the public at an agreed time across the weekend of our World Cancer Day collections. These collections take place in venues ranging from shopping centres and train stations, to stadiums and town centres – Nuneaton is one of the fantastic venues we have available to collect it.
Time Commitment
You can volunteer for as little or as much as you would like – we recommend a two-hour shift so you can give it your all without getting tired! We ensure you are always collecting with another volunteer too so you'll never get lonely.
What skills do I need?
Everyone over 18 is welcome and you don't need any experience – just some energy, enthusiasm and a smile!
What support will we give you?
- We'll let you know when your application has been received and your space at a collection has been reserved
- You'll have the support of a collection coordinator after signing up to collect. They'll be in touch to arrange a collecting time with you and tell you everything you need to know
- You'll be given all the supplies you need for a great few hours of collecting.
Ready to apply?
If you're ready to sign up to this fantastic collection, please email
Please include:
- Your full name
- Contact telephone number
- The name of the collection site you'd like to apply for (as it appears in the advert title)
Once we have received your email, one of our collection coordinators will be in touch to arrange a slot and get some final bits of information from you. Then, you'll be assigned a slot and can get the collection on your calendar!
Your details are safe with us. Check out our Privacy Policy for more details.
Why we need you
Every step we make towards beating cancer relies on every pound, every hour and every person. We need you to help us by volunteering. Play a part in this inspiring story and volunteer. Help us to create more tomorrows.
Volunteering policy
We are committed to giving you the best experience possible and believe that the volunteer relationship is one of honour, trust and mutual understanding.


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Susan Bello, PhD, ATR
"The wealth of the soul exists in images." —Carl Jung (The Red Book)
Come on an inner journey with the creator of "Spontaneous Painting" who for the past 25 years has been teaching this unique whole brain approach to psycho-spiritual healing and self-expression to thousands of people interested in actualizing their potential. By combining spontaneous painting, journal writing, meditation, and group process in a safe environment, we will discover how to produce healing images from our unconscious mind, where the brushstroke becomes an extension of our inner self. Here our mind enters a state of fluidity, where thoughts and inner judgments diminish, and our authentic voice can emerge out onto the canvas. If you are a beginner, this course offers you the opportunity to discover your artistic potential and for those who already do paint, to explore new ways to enhance your individual style and ground your technique. Come find out how to: quiet your inner critic; unleash your creative personality; and acquire invaluable, life-long skills through the art of spontaneous painting.
Note: No artistic training or background is required. This course does not concern itself with analyzing or judging our art work. There is no right or wrong: The objective will be to express ourselves on the canvas. A materials list in the amount of $45 will be provided upon registration.
(6 sessions) Tuesdays, February 16–March 23, 8–10pm
10WAV05T Approved for CEUs
Members: $180 / Nonmembers: $200
Tuesday, February 9, 2010
"The wealth of the soul exists in images." —Carl Jung (The Red Book)
Posted by Dr. Susan Mintz-Bello at 6:07 PM
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Although most people seek out divorce in hopes of having a brighter and happier future, the actual process of divorcing can make your stomach turn. For a lot of divorcees, the most difficult part of the split has to do with child custody. The thought of having less time with a child can often keep a person from divorcing for months or even years.
A recent article points out that while fear might creep in during child custody discussions, there are a few steps you can take in order to calm your nerves.
First of all, it is really important to have a strong support system. That support system may include your attorney, your close family and friends, and possibly a support group. Being able to discuss the divorce matters with people who have been through it can often be calming. The experiences of other people can help you realize that everything is going to be okay.
With that being said, because you aren't the only person who has ever divorced, those who work in the industry (attorneys, judges, social workers, etc) have seen it all. While it may seem extremely emotional and dramatic to you, it likely is not to them. Your ex might try to use your past against you, but those involved have heard it all time and time again. They know what really matters, and it's not likely to be that you tried drugs when you were a teenager. They will be able to see past the drama and concentrate on the best interests of the child.
Source: The Huffington Post, "4 Ways to Fight Your Fears During a Custody Battle," Jessica Woodbury, Oct. 27, 2014