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Topic Page: Sons of Liberty
The Sons of Liberty were various groups of colonists who organized resistance to Great Britain between 1765 and 1775. Operating in all the 13 colonies, these groups of intellectuals, small merchants, and artisans formed the nucleus of resistance movements and were instrumental in organizing and coordinating protests. They served as an important link between elite colonial politicians and lower-class mobs by transforming intellectual arguments into visible demonstrations of discontent. Although these groups sometimes condoned and even encouraged violence, they often tried to moderate more explosive mobs and channel popular enthusiasm into organized political events. Though popular mythology portrays the Sons of Liberty as a monolithic and highly organized American underground resistance movement, these groups were much more autonomous and dependent upon the local circumstances for their origins, goals, and composition while creating connections with like-minded groups across the colonies.
"Sons of Liberty" was a term with significance for eighteenth-century Americans, who viewed English liberties as their birthright as British subjects. It was often used in the 1750s and 1760s to denote any inheritor of British liberties and then generally any resistor to oppressive British policies. A speech against the Stamp Act delivered by Col. Isaac Barré, a member of Parliament sympathetic to the American cause, highlighted this idea and galvanized a common sentiment into a collective identity. Beginning with the resistance to the Stamp Act of 1765, the term came to denote organized groups opposed to British policy. The Stamp Act was a radical departure from previous British taxation and colonial administration efforts that had left the colonists to govern themselves. Opponents from New Hampshire to South Carolina formed themselves into resistance groups in at least 15 localities. One major center was New York, where quick organization united groups from Long Island to Albany between January and April 1766 and linked them to places such as Connecticut and Boston and beyond through a system of correspondence. Resistance to the Stamp Act spawned the first significant and organized resistance to British policies and created intertwined webs of support and communication among colonial groups.
In their various forms, the Sons of Liberty arose from dissatisfaction with the British Empire, not just over taxation but also over the status of what contemporaries would describe as "middling men" such as artisans. Several groups included members of the elite, such as the wealthy Boston merchant John Hancock and the prominent physician Dr. Joseph Warren, but they were only one part of the diversity of groups included in the movement, which featured members of the middle and upper classes. Artisans, small merchants, and intellectuals made up the core of the Sons of Liberty movement and formed these groups not only as a means of protest against England but also as a way to secure a political voice for themselves within the colonial system. People like Paul Revere, a prosperous Boston silversmith, and Alexander McDougall, a small merchant from New York, as well as intellectuals and middle-level colonial officials like Samuel Adams, occupied a middle place on the spectrum of colonial society. Despite their prosperity or intellectual and political acumen, they were not part of the wealthy and connected political elites like the Franklins and Hutchinsons, nor were they part of the lower-class mob so often employed by the Sons of Liberty. They served as a bridge between two worlds, able to interact with the upper echelons of society and walk the halls of power, but also able to connect with the lower classes and translate lofty political rhetoric into actionable ideas. Complicated arguments about taxation policy or the unconstitutionality of British trade enforcement measures could be turned into visible examples of colonial resistance through events such as the Boston Tea Party.
These people were used to leadership roles. In Connecticut, the Sons were led by men like Israel Putnam and John Durkee, respectively a colonel and captain in the colonial militia. Samuel Adams held a number of civic offices in Massachusetts and was a skilled political operative. Paul Revere, as the manager of a highly successful silversmith shop with a penchant for self-improvement and social climbing, could move between artisan and intellectual circles with relative ease. It was Revere whose name appeared on the greatest number of membership lists for the various resistance groups in Boston and who often served as a link between many of the different groups. These men were not the most influential politicians or the wealthiest elites, but they had practical experience in organizing. Elites did participate in the Sons of Liberty, especially in the South, where resistance was led by the planter classes, but widespread participation was encouraged, to demonstrate broad discontent with British policies. Through carefully staged events and mass meetings, the Sons of Liberty could receive the widest support while retaining control of their message. The combination of massive numbers and a skilled and dedicated leadership would prove highly effective.
As news of the proposed Stamp Act circulated through the colonies in autumn 1764, concerned colonists gathered to discuss their options and demonstrate their opposition. The tax on nearly all printed materials was a novelty in America, requiring that specially stamped paper from England be distributed by royal officials. The Sons of Liberty took the lead in organizing resistance. The large number of related groups and the diffusion of leadership meant that resistance efforts were widespread and any crackdowns on leaders would be ineffectual. For example, the Loyal Nine, whose members were the nucleus of the Sons of Liberty in Boston, was supplemented by at least six other groups in that city by 1775 with different and sometimes overlapping membership. Sons of Liberty groups organized their campaigns along two fronts: political resistance in the form of petitions and other legal actions to show their displeasure, and violent intimidation of Crown officials and supporters. The former coincided with attempts to organize across the 13 colonies. The Stamp Act Congress of 1766 epitomized these legal protests by gathering colonial representatives to debate a course of collective action. It was the coordination efforts of individual groups that spawned the meeting. This significant step in colonial unity helped create a shared political consciousness through collective action and the call for boycotts of British goods. Colonists also continued to conduct routine business without stamped documents in order to erode the legitimacy of the act, often at the urging of local leaders of the Sons of Liberty.
The latter form of protest, violent intimidation and vandalism, was more dependent upon circumstance and the convictions of local officials. Threats of violence and intimidation often accompanied more formal legal protests. Many regions tried to prevent the landing of stamped paper or strongly encouraged stamp distributors to resign. In Georgia, by contrast, the opposition movement was so internally divided as to pose little threat to the royal establishment. In many locations, large meetings under liberty trees or around liberty poles served as potent visual aids that underscored the popularity of the anti-Stamp Act movement. Sons of Liberty groups organized these mass events as political theater to rouse support among the populace as highly visible demonstrations of popular sentiment. Many events were peaceful and were simply large gatherings with speeches, demonstrations, and the occasional effigy burning. Occasionally, though, such gatherings turned into mobs, as happened in Newport, where the homes of two royal officials were destroyed. Other stamp distributors faced the threat of violent coercion if they did not resign their posts or refuse to distribute stamps. Mobs, inflamed by the rhetoric of mass meetings and their own pent-up frustrations, could easily get out of hand during and after rallies. Among those Crown officials who ran afoul of the resistance movement was Thomas Hutchinson, a member of New England's elite and a high-ranking colonial official, and his brother-in-law Andrew Oliver, who was appointed a stamp distributor. A protest on August 14, 1765, in which effigies of Oliver appeared sparked further riots later in the month when a mob ransacked the homes of both Oliver and Hutchinson. Even the press in New England began to suggest that violent coercion was acceptable if officials did not listen to popular demands. Though initially limited, the underlying violent streak of protestors would become more common as the rift between Britain and America grew.
Throughout the Stamp Act crisis, the Sons of Liberty were careful to make clear their views on revolution. Resistance to the Stamp Act was merely an effort to uphold traditional English constitutional values (representation and no taxation without such representation) and the status quo of the colonies within the imperial framework. Government functions unrelated to the Stamp Act were supposed to be undisturbed. Colonial resistance to Britain remained limited to specific policies and had not evolved into a rebellion against the British Empire itself. With the repeal of the Stamp Act in 1766, tensions eased, albeit temporarily.
The passage of the Townshend Acts in 1767 placed new taxes on imported items like glass, paper, and tea, as well as tightened enforcement measures. Searches and seizures were made easier for royal officials, and colonists faced trials in Admiralty courts without sympathetic colonial juries. Colonists again organized to protest the measures, and the Sons of Liberty would be instrumental in coordinating these efforts. This second period of resistance also witnessed an evolution of tactics and a rise in the use of force and violent political intimidation on the part of the colonists. Resistance was taking on a more radical form.
Sons of Liberty took direct and tacit control of the continued resistance movement. Boycotts and mass meetings allowed the colonists to demonstrate their support in a public forum, and boycotts had been a successful form of protest against the Stamp Act. These public demonstrations had the added benefit of allowing resistance organizers to see who was a staunchally, who was a moderate, and who was siding with the British. To enforce the protest measures and ensure greater compliance, parts of the resistance movement began resorting to violent coercive measures designed to silence opposition. Though most leading members of the Sons of Liberty shied away from outright violence, the political atmosphere they created encouraged an escalation of both rhetoric and action against British policy and control. Tarring and feathering, in which the unfortunate victim was stripped, coated in hot tar and feathers, and often paraded about on a fence rail, became a popular form of retributive action, so much so that committees for tarring and feathering appeared in some locales to coordinate the activity. Other measures like riding fence rails, committing minor vandalism, forcing customs officers to drink boiling hot tea, and assaulting Loyalists in the streets served as constant motivators to reluctant colonists to join with the radical cause. Popular British cartoons depicted these criminal actions as the work of street thugs and the dregs of society, which they largely were. Leaders of the resistance were careful to distance themselves from these events and were more than happy to let the dirty work be done by street thugs, lower-class workers, and less-respectable elements of society.
Such threats to civic order had the effect of escalating tensions between the colonists and the government of the Crown, often with explosive and far-reaching consequences. For example, unrest fomented by supporters of John Hancock during his trial on smuggling charges in 1768 created such a disturbance in Boston that the British government sent troops to the city to restore order. The soldiers were unwelcome and made to feel so. It was common for the locals to throw snowballs or rocks at the sentries or small groups of soldiers, or simply to trade insults with them. One such incident in March 1770 outside the Customs House led to serious bloodshed. A mob surrounded a British sentry and began threatening him. Reinforcements led by Captain Preston arrived, but the mob kept up its barrage. Confusion resulted in the accidental discharge of weapons, and several colonists were killed and wounded. The American resistance used the so-called Boston Massacre as a propaganda coup, but the event was incited by the mob, a fact John Adams relied upon during his successful defense of the troops at their murder trial. In another incident, a group of colonists organized by the Sons of Liberty in Rhode Island captured a British customs ship, the Gaspée, looted the vessel, and then burned it to prevent its anti-smuggling work. These activities, if not expressly organized by the Sons of Liberty, grew out of the volatile political climate created by their resistance efforts. Pent-up feelings of resentment over disfranchisement in the colonial system, British economic policies, and a general economic downturn helped fuel the growing violence beyond the direct control of the Sons of Liberty. By 1772, violent unrest had reached dangerous levels, and it took concerted efforts by British authorities and moderate colonial leaders to calm the situation. These efforts were aided by the partial repeal of the Townshend Acts in 1770, though the tax on tea remained to assert Parliament's authority.
This British cartoon from 1774 shows two American men forcing a tarred and feathered customs officer with a noose around his neck to drink from a large teapot. The large bow on the hat of the man on the right suggests his membership in the Sons of Liberty. His companion's identification with the 1745 Jacobite rising in Scotland (the "45" on his hat) was meant to evoke fear of disorder and revolution. Most leading members of the Sons of Liberty did not themselves participate in outright violence; however, they were more than willing to foment anger among lower-class people and to use this anger to encourage retributive action that would push the resistance movement forward. (Library of Congress)
The tax on tea, indeed, became a test case in Parliament's ability to tax the colonists. The British East India Company had a theoretical monopoly on tea sales to the colonies, but smuggled tea was usually cheaper. In 1773, in an effort to reduce the company's surplus of tea and win colonial acceptance of taxation, Parliament artificially lowered the price of East India Company tea to make it cheaper than smuggled tea, tax included. When colonists realized the ramifications of accepting taxed tea upon American shores, the Sons of Liberty organized efforts to prevent its delivery. In ports like New York, tea ships were either turned away or prevented from landing their cargo. Boston, where Thomas Hutchinson was serving as the royal governor, faced a more difficult problem. His standoff with the colonial resistance leaders increased his determination to land the tea sitting on ships in the harbor. Before that could happen, however, a large group of Sons of Liberty, crudely disguised as Mohawk Indians, boarded the ships and threw the tea into the harbor. In an effort to demonstrate that their displeasure was only with the Tea Act, and to maintain an aura of legitimate protest, the Sons of Liberty went so far as to replace a number of broken locks and to punish a raider caught stealing tea by parading him naked through the streets. As an act of political theater, it was a crowning achievement for the Boston Sons of Liberty, demonstrating their daring and skill at organizing as well as their ability to carry out peaceful protest. The British government, however, was not amused.
In the aftermath of the Tea Party, resistance turned from protest to preparations for war. British reactions to the tea dumping were swift and severe: military government replaced civilian control in Massachusetts, the port was closed, and a large garrison set up permanent residence. The "Intolerable Acts," as they were known in America, closed the port of Boston and replaced civilian government with military rule, among other steps. This further strained relations between Britain and the colonies. The Sons of Liberty had already branched into different organizations, but with the army patrolling the streets of Boston, and many of its leaders and a significant portion of the population taking refuge outside the city, visible radical activity was somewhat limited. With tensions high, focus shifted toward military preparations. Former Sons of Liberty began organizing Committees of Correspondence and Committees of Safety that took the lessons of earlier resistance and applied them to military preparations. Networks of communication, both for intelligence gathering and as warning systems of British machinations, emerged from the old Sons of Liberty groups. Militia units began training, and local groups began stockpiling munitions in the event of hostilities. Of these, it was the strong communications networks that would prove to be crucial between 1774 and the outbreak of war in April 1775. Paul Revere, a prominent figure in resistance groups during the 1760s, continued his work by coordinating an intelligence network in Boston to monitor the British and by personally assuming the role of courier to disseminate information throughout Massachusetts and New England. Previously arranged networks of couriers meant that news of the British move to seize munitions at Concord in April 1775 arrived in New Hampshire and Rhode Island within one day of the event. The response of thousands of New England militia descending on Boston was the military equivalent of mass protests organized in the 1760s and testified to the ability of leaders to build upon their experience organizing the Sons of Liberty.
The growing American resistance movement provided common Americans with diverse avenues by which to enter the political discourse. Their participation in riots and demonstrations as well as petition drives and boycott movements created a shared political identity among the various colonial social classes and promoted a more broadly democratic and participatory society. The Sons of Liberty, in all their incarnations, were yet another forum for political activism on the part of people heretofore given limited voice in the public discourse. The sometimes-violent actions taken between 1765 and 1775, however, were as much expressions of mob anger as carefully staged political theater that unified radicals and disheartened Loyalists. In many colonies, it was the Sons of Liberty who organized latent frustration into political action. Coordinating the political rhetoric of the colonial elites with the threat of violence and intimidation of opponents gave the American resistance movement tremendous political power. Sons of Liberty created new forms of political action and unity, linking highbrow politics with lowbrow demonstrations that pushed America closer toward revolution. These groups formed the basis of the Committees of Correspondence and Committees of Safety that would take charge of more militant resistance on the eve of the Revolution using the lessons learned about organization and communication. The Sons of Liberty laid the organizational foundations of the American resistance movement and helped to transform political organizing and participation on the continent.
- The American Revolution. New York: Hill & Wang, 1985. .
- Paul Revere's Ride. New York: Oxford University Press, 1994. .
- Divided Loyalties: How the American Revolution Came to New York. New York: Henry Holt, 2002. .
- From Resistance to Revolution: Colonial Radicals and the Development of American Opposition to Britain, 1765-1776. New York: W. W. Norton, 1991. .
- The Old Revolutionaries: Political Lives in the Age of Samuel Adams. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1980. .
- The Urban Crucible: Social Change, Political Consciousness, and the Origins of the American Revolution. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1979. .
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Full text Article SONS OF LIBERTY
The Sons of Liberty was a secret organization that came into being in 1765. Their membership and principles varied considerably from place to place,
Full text Article Tea Act of 1773
After the French-Indian War, the British Crown enacted the Proclamation of 1763. This proclamation created a line intended to protect the colonists
Full text Article Townshend Acts of 1767
The Townshend Acts of 1767 are a combination of four independent acts passed by the British parliament under Chancellor of the Exchequer Charles Tow


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subset: commoncrawl


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Maxfort Greenwood City hotel is an exquisitely designed boutique business hotel in Gurgaon Greenwood City. Located in a quiet neighborhood, this hotel is near to corporate offices of Gurgaon. With friendly service and elegantly designed rooms it offers a comfortable and relaxed stay for both the on-the-go business traveler and long stay guests.
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Maxfort Greenwood City hotel is located for a businessman who sought to offer guests and travellers a 'stay' with a difference.


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so replace
in line 493 with:
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$mti_GEN_diffuse += "\t\t<random_triangle_colours>"//true
+ mti_GEN_boolToString($randomTris)
+ "</random_triangle_colours>\r\n";
that is what was in previous version.
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$mti_GEN_diffuse += "\t\t<random_triangle_colours>true</random_triangle_colours>\r\n";
Maybe CTZn placed that middle code by mistake, I do not know, do you?
EDIT: I forgot to tell the file name->mti_GEN_.mel


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Crossway Church
Hope For All
The Crossway family....
Crossway Church is made up of people of different ages and from many different backgrounds and walks of life.
We are an international church with many native Londoners as well as people from Ghana, Jamaica, South Africa, Zimbabwe, Korea, Brazil, Eastern Europe and the United States of America! But the Crossway family is always changing as new people move into the area and old friends move on to new opportunities. There are about 12 people who have been in the family for over 10 years but many are much more transient.
The feel of the church is vibrant and lively. As the church grows, there are always opportunities to get involved, meet new people and develop community projects.
Our mission is 'to deepen our relationships with God and each other and participate in God's transformation of our individual lives and of our community' and is based upon the 'great commandment' that Jesus gave to his first followers in whose footsteps we follow today: "Love the Lord your God with all your heart and love your neighbour as yourself" (John 3v5).
Artwork by Donna Godwin© Used by Permission.http://godw1nz.wordpress.com/
This was a recent email received from an American University visit to our church....
Dear Dr. Stevenson:
Thank you so much for introducing our students to the Elephant and Castle neighborhood and to your efforts as pastor of Crossway Church to advocate for the economically marginalized and to empower the diverse peoples of the community. It was an eye-opening visit for our students. It got them very engaged in what is going on in the neighborhood and caused them to draw from the topics and places we had been studying in our two courses.
Students drew parallels between Elephant and Castle and the dislocation of families and economic disparities we saw in South Africa. Thanks to your encouragement to explore the art on the buildings many of them recognized "This place was home to many people and they want to continue to make it their own." The students pondered the enormous challenge that you have been working to meet, e.g., "How are you supposed to run a church and build a community when people are constantly coming and going?" They also recognized the immense impact the congregation is having in the community.
Students connected your presentation and our walk in the neighborhood to our class discussions on globalization, contextual theology, diversity, and the role of the church in social transformation. As one student observed "Crossway Church is an excellent example of utilizing contextualized theology. Rev. Stevenson caters to his congregation and surrounding community well because he has familiarized himself and immersed himself there."
The Crossway Church neighborhood is not on the typical London tourist itinerary but you caught our students' attention and curiosity. Many of them wrote in their journals how glad they were to see this side of London. You also caught their imagination and their hopes. "This blew my mind. Churches getting together, worshiping in their own tradition but being joined in mission is such a great idea. I…never thought anybody was crazy enough to put it into…reality. I cannot wait to see how this turns out and the continual ministry of Pastor Stevenson."
Thank you for all of your efforts on our behalf. We join with our students in wishing you success in your efforts, and hope we might bring other students in the future to witness it.
With gratitude and best wishes,
Nicholas R. Ellig, Ph.D. Professor, Department of Sociology and Social Work
Jan H. Pranger, Ph.D. Assistant Professor of Religion
Elna K. Solvang, Ph.D. Associate Professor of Religion
Concordia College
901 8th Street SMoorhead, MN 56562


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Berkeley's Public Schools
On September 10, 1968, the first day of a new school year, the buses rolled in Berkeley.
These thirty yellow school buses took on great significance within Berkeley, and as a headline in a larger national story about school desegregation. Martin Luther King Jr. even testified that, when it came to the project of school desegregation, it was only through the example of Berkeley that "Hope returned to my soul and spirit."
As many observers noted, the Berkeley buses represented a historical watershed: for the first time, an American city had voluntarily adopted a two-way busing scheme involving the interchange of both white and black students.
The busing scheme, however, was only part of a much broader program—driven by the activism of Berkeley's NAACP chapter—to make good on the constitutional rights of black children and desegregate Berkeley's schools on all levels. School curricula, from history and English to languages and math, had to be adjusted or overhauled; the old tracking system, which tended to separate white students from black students, would be dismantled. The school system itself would need to desegregate its workforce, especially the largely white ranks of its teachers, as well as address inequities of pay on the lines of gender and race.
The project of desegregating Berkeley's public schools intersected, consequentially, with another project in Berkeley educational circles in the late-'60s: the questioning of traditional models of education in favor of approaches that would be more student- and community-oriented, and more democratic in method. Inspired often by the "free schools" movement, educators launched a fleet of new schools, some oriented toward particular areas of the curriculum (the arts, reading), some oriented toward projects of ethnic or racial uplift and engagement, some oriented toward both at once.
These schools—consolidated under the Berkeley Experimental Schools Project (BESP)—expanded through $6 million in funds from a federal government that, in the early 1970s, was aiming to seed innovative approaches to education. As a consequence, they were also vulnerable to federal cutbacks and conservative resistance to both educational experimentation and desegregation.
Throughout the early-to-mid-'70s, the larger Berkeley community was roiled over how to adjust to a new age of enforced austerity, part of a turbulent battle over the meaning of equitable education. By 1973, the school board made a point of distancing itself from the experimental spirit of previous years. In 1975 a protracted teacher's strike—the first in Berkeley city history—put new pressure on the relationship between teachers and parents of color.
The legacy of Berkeley's desegregation initiatives remains profound—evident in the shape of Berkeley's schools today, as well as the buses that continue to roll between Berkeley's wealthiest neighborhoods and its poorest.
Putting the Buses in Motion (1968)
Practically, Berkeley's desegregation plan meant that the youngest black students from the working-class 'flats' (kindergarten through 3rd grade) were bused to the predominantly white schools of the more affluent 'hills', while the slightly older white children from the hills (4th through 6th grade) were bused to the predominantly black schools of the flats.
Those school buses were significant for extending the project of desegregation to elementary school-age children who had before attended 'neighborhood schools' that reflected residential patterns of segregation. This was a hard-won victory for the local chapters of the NAACP, CORE, and a larger interracial progressive coalition that formed around the issue — one that beat back a 1964 effort to recall desegregation advocates on the school board.
Community preparations for the start of the 1968 school year were intense, as the many partners in that interracial coalition invested energy in a successful outcome. Teachers from the flats partnered in an exchange with teachers from the hills; almost all of the city's 1100 fifth graders went to an outdoor education camp for two days; and many Berkeley community organizations—churches, synagogues, scouting groups, the YWCA—sponsored discussions and outreach efforts.
According to many observers at the time, the busing program itself was successful on its own terms — successful, most importantly, in redistributing educational resources more fairly, but also successful in launching a new experiment in crosscultural learning, where classrooms were marked not by demographic homogeneity and single-mindedness of approach but rather by diversity and flexibility of teaching method. While not free of tension, the newly integrated elementary schools allowed new relationships to form and new teaching strategies—strategies that recognized differentiated learning—to develop.
An Age of Educational Experiment Is Launched (1969-1971)
In January 1969, six hundred of Berkeley High's 1054 tenth graders applied for 108 spots in a newly formed "Community High"—a sign of the great initial interest, among students, for alternatives to traditional educational curricula, structures, and teaching methods.
Over the next several years, this interest on the part of students was met by a flurry of new "schools within a school" designed by local educators, and realized financially by seed money from private foundations (the Ford Foundation, the Carnegie Foundation) and later by grants from the federal government. In all, twenty-three schools were launched under the umbrella of the Berkeley Experimental Schools Project (BESP).
Community High (later Genesis) was conceived as a small-scale radical alternative to the impersonal, large urban high school. Grades were to be deprioritized; students were supposed to engage in cooperative learning with teachers, rather than simply be instructed by them, and were given substantive channels of input into school planning. It was, in short, an educational experiment in tune with the larger countercultural critique of American bureaucracy and American democracy.
It was also largely white. White students made up 70 percent of its original class, even though whites were only around half of Berkeley's larger school population. In its first year of operations, its staff considered how to boost the representation of students of color, lest it become merely a 'white hippie school'.
Simultaneously, Buddy Jackson—a Black Studies instructor-consultant at Community High—engaged in discussions with black students there about the need for another new school: one that would combine targeted instruction in basic skills with instruction that was oriented around black history, black culture, and the black experience. (Berkeley High, it should be noted, had already pioneered in developing a Black Studies curriculum.) Out of these discussions was born Black House: a school where education would be seen as "more than something 'the man' says one has to go through."
From its inception, Black House was surrounded by controversy. As the authors of an in-depth study of Berkeley's experimental schools suggested, it sounded "a discordant note amid the still-resounding echoes of self-congratulation" about Berkeley's desegregation efforts. In a striking act of resistance to the project, Berkeley High's counselors at first refused to hold counseling conversations with Black House students.
At the same time, Black House was aligned with several like-minded experimental public schools that opened in Berkeley in the coming years. Casa de la Raza, Agora, Kilimanjaro, College Prep, and Yoga/Reading all attempted to model a curriculum and pedagogy that would respond to the specific concerns and needs of minority students.
The push to develop 'experimental schools' within Berkeley received a huge boost when, in June 1971, the United States Office of Education (USOE) awarded Berkeley $3.6 million to fund the BESP for thirty months.
Controversial Once More: Federal and Local Pushback to Berkeley's Experiments (1971-1975)
The same month that the BESP received its multi-million dollar grant, it ran into strong political resistance in the form of seventy-five year-old Senator John L. McClellan (D-Arkansas), who questioned whether Black House and Casa de la Raza were promoting a new form of school segregation. This was an ironic accusation coming from a politician who had publicly denounced Brown v. Board of Education and resisted the desegregation of Arkansas schools: segregation, it seemed, was fine when imposed upon black communities but, in McClellan's view, against the law when tied to a black community's attempt at self-organization.
Spurred by McClellan, the federal Department of Housing, Education, and Welfare (HEW) launched an investigation to determine whether Berkeley's Experimental Schools were promoting a form of segregation. Neither Black House nor Casa de la Raza were, in their rules of admission, excluding white students—but was this a form of de facto segregation? Berkeley educators noted, in defense of the projects, that white students simply chose not to participate in such schools, whether out of either personal discomfort, disinterest, or some combination of the two. One legal scholar intricately parsed the issues at stake.
The BUSD line of argument did not carry the day. HEW decided that Black House and Casa de la Raza were "in probable non-compliance" with civil rights law, and threatened federal grant funding—not just for all BESP projects, but for federally sponsored literacy programs too—if the schools were not shuttered. When, in response to HEW's objections, a local group fashioned an "Alliance Proposal" that would give students more curricular pathways by bringing several different experimental schools together—a project that had the flavor of the curriculum designed by the Third World Liberation Front at Cal—HEW rejected that plan as well.
Meanwhile the BUSD struggled to find its way. An accreditation board raised questions about the alternative sub-schools housed within Berkeley High. In April 1972, the school superintendent who had sponsored the BESP announced his intent to resign, effective at the end of the 1972-73 school year. When the BUSD authored a large-scale federal grant proposal to address minority underachievement in the spring of 1973, members of the School Board were skeptical: one board member declared "This district is not really interested in grantsmanship anymore."
In Berkeley city politics, a center-right coalition proposed a telling amendment to how the city council would be elected. Through "Amendment M," they called for runoff elections as a way to ensure the rule of the majority. This procedural change was clearly aimed at the rising class of black and female progressive politicians in Berkeley. As the partisans of Amendment M proclaimed in all-caps, "BERKELEY VOTERS HAVE GIVEN A MAJORITY [OF CITY COUNCIL POSITIONS] TO BLACKS AND WOMEN IN THE PAST AND UNDER MEASURE M WILL HAVE A BETTER OPPORTUNITY TO SUPPORT RESPONSIBLE CANDIDATES OF ANY AGE, SEX, OR RACE. YOUR VOTE FOR MEASURE M WILL GIVEN AN EQUAL OPPORTUNITY TO EVERYONE."
The supporters of Amendment M tried to harness the language of 'equal opportunity' to limit minority representation. Their gambit failed in the short term: in November 1972, voters rejected the measure. But the campaign foreshadowed a larger pushback against the desegregation initiatives that had been incubated in the late-'60s and early-'70s.
In April 1973, just five months after Amendment M was defeated, Berkeley voters elected a coalition of moderate Democrats to both the Berkeley city council and school board while rejecting a more radical slate. The center of political gravity of the school board would be held by figures like Gene Roh, a probation officer who proclaimed the cause of "quality education"; Marc Monheimer, a school board veteran who viewed the early 1970s as a time of "chaos and disarray"; and Louise Stoll, who recommended that the Board stop rubber-stamping new programs. This power bloc on the school board would continue to spark resistance from black parents and activists, who questioned the withdrawal of support from the BESP as well as the new board's perceived lack of interest in community input in general. Nonetheless, the new center would hold.
School Workers and Labor Struggles in an Age of Cutbacks (1973-1976)
While Berkeley's thirty yellow school buses were the central symbols of Berkeley's desegregation efforts, not much attention was paid to the actual people driving those buses—a group of predominantly black women who were underpaid compared to the truck drivers, overwhelmingly male, who handled school maintenance and deliveries. For two school days in mid-September 1973, those women refused to be invisible. In an impressive show of unity, all 32 bus drivers called in sick to protest their unequal pay and the district's defunding of field trips. They quickly won concessions from the school board.
The bus drivers' 'sick-in' speaks to a relatively untold story within the larger history of Berkeley school desegregation: the desegregation of Berkeley's school workforce and the labor activism, across its ranks, that pushed back against cuts to the public sector made in the name of austerity.
The demographics of Berkeley's school workforce spoke to the class stratifications of the larger East Bay. Older teachers were largely white. Between the late-60s and mid-70s, affirmative action policies—themselves disputed—helped recruit people of color into roles as both "certified" employees (credentialed teachers) and "non-certified" employees (the educators who often filled out the ranks of the experimental schools and taught in new programs like Ethnic Studies). Bus drivers and cafeteria and custodial staff—"classified employees"—were often people of color.
The teachers' strike of 1975 put the solidarity of the full school workforce to the test, and at first it was weakened by fractures between teaching staff and classified employees. The strike itself had been touched off when the School Board, after discovering a ballooning deficit, had defaulted on an earlier agreement (one that protected the jobs of non-certified educators) and had instead insisted on a 2.5% cut to teacher salaries. Teachers voted by a large margin to strike and put up picket lines. Meanwhile, classified employees voted by a small margin not to strike, which allowed the schools to run with the help of non-union teachers imported from elsewhere.
The teachers remained on the picket lines for a full 33 days. Most students did not cross them: two weeks into the strike, less than 2,000 of Berkeley's 14,000 students were attending school. In order to appeal to working-class parents of color especially, the union set up alternative classrooms in local parks: parents who needed to work could drop off their children for the day.
The outcome of the strike was, depending on one's perspective, either a modest victory or a draw for the teachers, with teachers staving off salary cuts and layoffs but making little headway on non-salary issues. Observers came to different conclusions about whether the strike had knit together teachers and parents, or teachers and classified employees, in a new sense of alliance. (One data point: Berkeley public school enrollments declined by 809 students the following year.) As with the larger project of desegregation, there were some promising signs of progress along with a continuing sense of structural difficulties.
Through the 1970s, Berkeley's school workforce would continue to negotiate the terms of its employment under conditions of fiscal austerity—conditions that worsened structurally after 1978, with the passage of Prop 13, which undercut the amount raised for public education through local property taxes.
Eight Years Later, Divergent Views on Desegregation
The spring of 1976 became a flashpoint for reassessment of Berkeley's desegregation efforts when — just in advance of a visit from the California Advisory Committee to the US Commission on Civil Rights, with the purpose of investigating school desegregation in the city — superintendent Laval Wilson offered a sobering assessment of how far Berkeley remained from achieving the goal of full educational equality.
Wilson's assessment, it should be noted, was made in the context of an application for a federal grant of $463,000 to continue the sorts of special academic and multicultural programs which were at the center of the city's desegregation efforts.
Wilson's analysis was picked up and framed in a number of ways. The Berkeley Gazette — a publication that had long criticized desegregation efforts — underlined its darker strains, blasting a banner headline of "Desegregation is failing to meet education goals." The Los Angeles Times ran a long piece investigating the struggles of the district, which ended with the older voice of white liberal Carol Sibley, decrying black separatism and militancy.
Meanwhile the Oakland Post, which served the East Bay's black community, took Wilson's analysis to suggest a different conclusion: that the journey to racial justice was long, and that it made sense to stay the course.
When the US Commission on Civil Rights—whose main brief was to investigate equality of education—released its report a year after its hearings in Berkeley, the commission largely echoed the point-of-view of the Post. Its report carried a tone of qualified optimism about the gains made in minority test scores and minority hiring.
These divergent takes on Berkeley's desegregation efforts suggest how much the evaluation of the project depended on the eyes of the beholder. Was busing necessary to remedy the violation of black children's civil rights? To achieve a beloved community? To raise test scores? All or some or none of the above?
In his book Why Busing Failed (2016), historian Matthew Delmont has suggested that media organizations played a large role in the 'failure' of busing because they mis-framed the issue: on a national scale, the debate over busing came to revolve around the feelings and opinions of white people, rather than around the constitutional rights of black children to an equal education.
Likewise, in reports on Berkeley's desegregation initiatives, the concerns of black children, black parents, and black community members were often not at the center of the narrative — even though it was impossible to understand the need for these initiatives without their perspectives.
Mary Jane Johnson, a President of the Berkeley chapter of the NAACP as well as longtime Berkeley School Board member, offered this reflection on the distance between 1968, when the buses first rolled, and the mid-1970s: "The desegregation fight was a mechanical problem that involved logistical information and the temper of the community at the time. To desegregate, you simply put kids in buses and watched them roll. What we're fighting now is institutional racism, which is a more complex problem and requires more complex solutions." She added, "I don't know that this community will ever come to grips with any problem with the same energy and intensity and group spirit that it did with desegregation."
We hope that the documents curated here allow others to delve into this important episode in the history of Berkeley, in the history of desegregation in the US, and in the history of educational experimentation in the US.
— Linda Barghi, Scott Saul, and Kristen Wilson
Additional Reading
Susan Frelich Appleton, "Alternative Schools for Minority Students: The Constitution, the Civil Rights Act and the Berkeley Experiment", California Law Review, 61:3 (May 1973).
Robert Coles, with photographs by Carol Baldwin and Peter T. Whitney, The Buses Roll (New York: W.W. Norton, 1974).
Matthew F. Delmont, Why Busing Failed: Race, Media, and the National Resistance to School Desegregation (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2016). (digital companion)
David Kirp, Just Schools: The Idea of Racial Equality in American Education (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982).
Daniel H. Perlstein, Justice, Justice School Politics and the Eclipse of Liberalism (New York: Peter Lang, 2004).
Russell Rickford, We Are an African People: Independent Education, Black Power, and the Radical Imagination (New York: Oxford University Press, 2016).
Neil V. Sullivan, Now Is the Time: Integration in the Berkeley Schools (foreword by Martin Luther King, Jr.) (1969)
Other Resources Online
Berkeley Unified School District Minutes (1970s)
Berkeley High Yearbooks (all digitally available)
Mapping Inequality; Redlining in New Deal America (East Bay housing segregation)


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Sage 50 Error: "43 in [File]" When Opening a Sage Drive Company
Sage Drive service enables the user to store an existing copy of the company database in the cloud. This database can then be accessed using any computer provided it has Sage 50 and internet connection. Sage Drive is incorporated in all Sage 50 versions. The main focus of this feature is to provide facility to business owners to have access to the business data from home and office. And as well provide accountant the ability to enter all accounting information for small business.
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Sage 50 user sometimes encounters the "Sage 50 Error: "43 in [File]" when opening a Sage Drive Company." When this error occurs, the user is unable to open and access the company file. Basically, there are three reasons for the cause of this error.
Sage 50 Error: "43 in [File]" when opening a Sage Drive Company, occurs when:
- The company is required to be re-downloaded
- The company is required to be re-shared
- The company is required to be rebased
Resolution Sage 50 Error: "43 in [File]" when opening a Sage Drive Company.
Follow the sections of resolution provided below to fix "Sage 50 Error: "43 in [File]" when opening a Sage Drive Company."
Note: Before you follow the resolution it is important that you use a strong wired connection to access the Sage Drive Company.
Section I: Re-download Sage Drive Company.
- Right-click your mouse on the company directory, and click on Cut
- Right-click your mouse on the desktop, and then click on Paste
- Open Sage 50 and choose File, and click on Download a Sage Drive Company
- Log in using your Sage ID
- Re-download the company
Section II: Restart the Pervasive
- Click on the Windows + Rkeys
- Type in msc next press OK.
- Right-click your mouse on the Pervasive PSQL V11 Workgroup Engine,and click on Stop
- When the Pervasive stopped, right-click again on the Pervasive, and click on Start
- Open the computer from where the company was currently accessed.
- Create a company's backup
- Click on File>Sage Drive>Stop Sharing>Yes
- Then click on File>Sage Drive>Share Company
- Log in again, and click on Share Company
- Click on Next then Finish.
- Choose File> Open Company and make a note
- Double-click your mouse on the Automatic Backup icon
- Select Browse next to Company directory, and choose the company noted created in Step 1
- Select Browse next to Save Backup and set Desktop as the destination
- Click on Save, and type in the File Name in the given box, and select Save
- Click on Run Backup
- Confirm that the backup is on desktop
- Remove the problem company from the data path
- Reset the backup as a new company
- Delete the problem company from Sage Drive Management Center
- Re-share the company to Sage Drive
Contact Our Sage 50 Technical Support Team for more information. You can call us on ✆+1-800-796-0471 or email us. We are also available via Live Chat Support on our website. Our team of expert is available 24/7 to guide and assist you with any Sage 50 related problems.


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Eva Kor was 10 years old when she arrived at Auschwitz, the Nazi death camp in Poland where 1.1 million people, nearly all of them Jews, perished in the Holocaust. On the selection platform, her mother held on tightly to Eva and her twin sister, Miriam, as their father and two older sisters disappeared into the masses.
"Twins?" an SS guard called out. "Twins?"
"Is that good," Kor remembered her mother inquiring, if her daughters are twins? The guard said yes, and the sisters were taken away. They would never see their mother or the rest of their family again.
Eva and Miriam were among 1 500 sets of twins subjected to medical experiments by the infamous Nazi doctor Josef Mengele. Fewer than 200 of those victims are thought to have lived.
Decades later, after making a new life for herself in Terre Haute, Indiana, Kor helped draw international attention to the suffering that the victims of the medical experiments had endured, as she preached a philosophy of forgiveness that she said unburdened her of her anger toward her persecutors.
Kor died July 4 at a hospital in Krakow, Poland, about an hour's drive east of Auschwitz, where she was traveling with the CANDLES Holocaust Museum and Education Center, which she founded in Terre Haute in 1995. She had visited Auschwitz roughly 30 times in recent decades with students, teachers, the news media and other groups, according to her son, Alex Kor, who said the probable cause of death was a heart or lung ailment. She was 85.
Kor was one of the more visible members of the ever-dwindling group of survivors delivering firsthand testimony of the atrocities of the Holocaust. She was the subject of several documentaries, including "Forgiving Dr. Mengele" (2006) and "Eva: A-7063" (2018). She drew admiration - as well as criticism from some fellow survivors - for her public expressions of forgiveness of the Nazis.
"For the life of me I will never understand why anger is preferable to a goodwill gesture," she once said. "Nothing good ever comes from anger."
She was born Eva Mozes on Jan. 31, 1934, in Portz, a Romanian community that briefly became part of Hungary during World War II. She and her religiously observant family of farmers were the only Jews in town. Speaking to the National Catholic Reporter in 1999, she recalled math problems at school that asked, "If you have five Jews and kill three, how many are left?"
In 1944, her family was placed in a ghetto and then deported to Auschwitz.
The medical experiments conducted there and at other Nazi camps had three purposes, according to the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum: to improve medical treatment for German troops, to test new medical procedures and drugs, and to confirm Nazi views of the supremacy of the Aryan race.
Victims were subjected to extreme altitudes and temperatures, injected with pathogens and sterilized. They endured bone-grafting procedures and injections in their eyes to change their eye color. Many victims were permanently disfigured, sickened or weakened. Many more died.
"Everything in the world was done to me that would have killed me," Kor said years later in an interview, "and here I am alive."
She recalled being stripped of her clothes and tied down by her arms as she endured repeated examinations lasting as long as eight hours. From one arm, her tormentors took blood. "They wanted to know how much blood a person can lose and still live," Kor said. In the other arm, she received injections, sometimes five at a time.
Once, she said, the experiments brought on a dangerously high fever.
"I was trembling," Kor told ABC News in 1999. "My arms and my legs were swollen, huge size," with red patches. Mengele examined her, she said, and pronounced that she had two weeks to live.
Her sister, Miriam, sustained kidney damage so severe that her kidneys stopped growing; in 1987, Kor donated a kidney to her.
After their liberation from Auschwitz on Jan. 27, 1945, the sisters stayed in an orphanage before making their way back to Romania, where they lived with an aunt. In 1950, they migrated to Israel, where Kor lived on a kibbutz and served in the Israeli army before marrying Michael Kor, a Latvian-born Holocaust survivor, in 1960.
Later that year, she settled with her husband in Terre Haute. He survives, as do their two children, Alex Kor of Carmel, Indiana, and Rina Kor, of Terre Haute. Her twin sister died in 1993.
For years, Kor said, she fought feelings of anger and bitterness.
"If childhood is the foundation of a human being's life," she once told The New York Times, "then what kind of foundation can we have if our memories are filled with the smell of burning flesh and chimneys belching the black smoke of our families?"
After the miniseries "Holocaust" aired on television in 1978, inviting some Americans to reckon for the first time with a history they might have preferred not to confront, Kor began speaking publicly about her experience in the camps.
In 1984, she and her sister founded CANDLES (Children of Auschwitz Nazi Deadly Lab Experiments Survivors) in an effort to locate other survivors of the medical experiments. To date, according to the organization, they have found 122 individual Mengele twins in 10 countries.
Kor returned to Auschwitz for the first time in 1985. A decade later, on the 50th anniversary of the liberation, she visited the camp with Hans Münch, a former Nazi doctor who agreed to offer a testimony of what had transpired at the camp. In an emotional ceremony, Kor announced that she forgave the Nazis.
"It was a life-changing experience," she later said. "I realized I had power over my life. I had the power to heal the pain imposed on me in Auschwitz by forgiving the people who imposed that pain."
Critics argued that it was not Kor's place to offer such a pardon and that perhaps none was even possible. She emphasized that she spoke only for herself and that forgiveness was for her benefit, not for that of the Nazis.
In 2015, Kor appeared in Germany at the trial of 93-year-old Oskar Groening, a Nazi official dubbed the "bookkeeper of Auschwitz" who was charged with 300,000 counts of accessory to murder for his part in the operation of the camp. Even as she testified against him, she called for him not to be imprisoned, but rather for him to speak to youths about the tragedy of Nazism. They hugged, and she received a kiss from him on the cheek.
Other survivors who acted as plaintiffs in the case angrily distanced themselves from Kor's actions, saying in a statement that "we cannot forgive Mr. Groening his participation in the murder of our relatives and another 299 000 people - especially since he feels free from any legal guilt."
Groening was convicted and sentenced to four years in prison. He died in 2018 without serving any of his sentence.
In the United States, Kor did drafting work before becoming a real estate agent. She received a bachelor's degree from Indiana State University in 1990.
Her museum in Terre Haute was destroyed by arson in 2003 but reopened in 2005 after receiving donations of almost $300 000 - a response, Kor noted, that brought even greater attention to her cause.
"What I tell everybody is that you - any victim, any person hurt - you have the same power," she told the Indianapolis Star. "You have the power to forgive. And what it does, forgiveness, has nothing to do with the perpetrator. It has everything to do with the way the victim feels."
The Washington Post


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March 19, 2012 at 11:16am
With my personal pub name Dairy Queen, I proceeded to fulfill my position as Queen of the Stragglers of the Weekly Volcano Pub Crawl through downtown Olympia. With this title I photographed the bar attendees and doted on those participants who could not help but dilly-dally in the rain, hopping on crutches and puffin on cigs. With "Sitting on the Dock of the Bay" coming from a rumbling band of sweet blues in Charlie's Sports Bar & Grill, I guided the newly arrived pub-crawlers on to McCoy's Tavern.Struck by the ceiling lighting, I attempted to capture the new, increasingly energized setting. As I aimed my lens toward a cross-shot of the bar, I became engaged in a bar-eyed staredown with a stunning Olympian. After concise introductions, I recognized the Olympia legend before me, the 2011 Best of Olympia "Best Olympian" Jerry Ziegler. Oh, what a presence. Another soon-to-be-bar mate approached me, questioning, "Could it be a high school reunion?" But, alas, it was the Weekly Volcano Pub Crawl and we were moving to the Eastside Club.
As you may or may not know, the Weekly Volcano has a Street Team of 20-somethings who attend events in the South Sound, take photos, blog and distributes flyers and posters for future events. We host events, such as the Street Team Olympia Pub Crawl, which went down Friday, March 9. The Team and I led a crowd through six downtown Olympia bars. I brought up the rear.
At the 4th Ave. Tavern we hit the jackpot of door prizes. Guests of the Pub Crawl proudly inflated their alcoholic props and sporting goods. The awards seemed endless.
The night deepened and developed significantly as I wove through the rainy alleyways from The Clipper toward the BroHo with stragglers Okie Dokie, Bill Cosby, Mustard, the Mexican and Kevin. I became one with these precious few.
The Brotherhood was rockin' with its usual splendor and redness when we came in from the rain. The Stragglers arrived just in time to hear Street Team leader Brandon announce the winner of the oversized blow-up Jagermeister bottle - with door prizes a continued theme throughout the Pub Crawl. Lively, vibrant guests filled their glasses and clustered around booths and bars.
When I moved from the BroHo to Hannahs's I came across a very personal, perhaps character-defining (or defiling) moment. Circa 9:09 p.m. on Fourth Avenue, I happened upon a shivering Chihuahua lost in the rain. It was undoubtedly alone, cold, wet and running into the oncoming traffic. A benign instinct from within pulled me toward the traffic and - low and behold - I saved a Chihuahua. In a rainy parking lot, I discussed the circumstances of the lonely Chihuahua with some other concerned female Olympians. Earlier in the evening, when making confirmations with the bars, I realized that Hannah's could use an additional door prize. Again, against my character, I volunteered my services as nocturnal chaperone of the Mexicana babe, hoping to designate the next raffle winner as a proud owner of new Chihuahuan love. When I arrived upon the threshold of Hannah's I was proud of my find and sincerely surprised by my additional load. Weekly Volcano Marketing Director Chrystal and I considered whether this dog would truly suit our needs as an eligible prize. Just then, a girl I met in the rainy parking lot ran up and took the dog back to its owner, one of her clients. Somewhat relieved and still excited, I entered Hannah's and quickly realized that I had become not only the dog's savior, but also THE jukebox hero!
By now the communal energy of the Pub Crawl had reached its peak, everyone had become a jovial vocalists at Hannah's karaoke, and the music only accelerated as we proceeded to crawl.
Our final stop landed our crew deep in the heart of the Wild West, and perhaps deeply doused in whiskey -- Big Whisky. Nothing gets my Dairy Queen South Texas blood flowing like line dancing, bull riding and large-scale projections of country singers. I immediately slipped into the swing of things and witnessed some serious bull riders; belt buckles sparkling the whole ride through.
With a final gaze around the perimeters of Big Whisky, my straggler responsibilities subsided and I submerged myself into the vast sea of crawlers.
What a night for the Weekly Volcano Street Team.
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Somers Town
An engaging tale of adolescent friendship and love amongst London's lower social echelons, Shane Meadow's Somers Town, follow-up to his acclaimed 2006 social drama This is England, shows that there is a level of optimism in this director's view of life in today's England.
Named for the London suburb in which it is set and filmed, Somers Town follows the fortunes of 16 year old Tomo (the second feature role for Thomas Turgoose, the non-professional star of This is England) who has travelled down from the midlands to get away from his nothing life up there. Without much, in terms of both worldly goods and a plan, Tomo finds himself living on the streets of Somers Town and is soon set upon by a group of older boys who relieve him of what little money and clothing he possessed. He gains temporary relief from the generosity and compassion of a Scottish woman Jane (Kate dickie – Red Road) who he met on the train trip to London. The meat of the film really begins when Jane buys Tomo breakfast at a café where he later stumbles upon young Polish immigrant Marek (Piotr Jagiello) who has limited English and a penchant for taking photographs with his beaten old SLR camera.
After a slightly shaky start – Tomo acts aggressively and runs off with Marek's photographs – the boys strike up an unlikely friendship which sees Marek hiding Tomo in his bedroom (so that he has a place to stay) and the both of them falling for the beautiful and affable young Parisian waitress Maria (Elisa Lasowski – Eastern Promises) who works in the café where they met. The relatively brief feature (only 71mins long) sees the boys experience a series of adventures, and firsts, as they journey through their adolescence.
Like Gus Van Sant (My Own Private Idaho, Elephant, Paranoid Park), director Shane Meadows has a deft touch for telling stories of adolescence (A Room for Romeo Brass, This is England) and shooting young people in a way that captures the fluid essence of youth without feeling patronising or forced. Somers Town illustrates the strength and beauty of friendship as well as its often illogical development. Marek and Tomo are certainly not two peas in a pod but their cultural differences matter less than their shared sense of isolation and the unique challenges they are facing, living in the cusp between childhood and adulthood. The adults in the film are not demonised but are given rich characters in their working class context. Marek's father, Mariusz (Ireneusz Czop) is hard working and loves his son, but struggles to be a single working dad and sometimes prioritises drinking with his work buddies over time with his boy. Graham (Perry Benson – The Black Adder, This is England) a local working class opportunist – in the mould of 'Del Boy' from Only Fools and Horses – lives in the same block of flats as Marek and his father. He both exploits the boys by getting them to work for him at atrocious rates but when crunch time comes he gives Tomo a place to stay and food to eat when he finds himself back on the street.
Despite being shot in HD digital Meadow's film feels as gritty and dirty as the subjects that he follows and the place where they live. He and long-time writing partner, Paul Fraser (A Room for Romeo Brass, Dead Man's Shoes) once again display their innate ability to imbue realism in both their characters and plotlines. These people may be characters but they are true to life, and true to their context. Take the character of Graham: he is that uniquely working-class London blend of silver-tongued entrepreneur and classless cretin. Meadows ensure that the details are spot on, from the Arsenal T-Shirt Graham 'gives' Marek which is emblazoned with the player name "Terry Henry" (the French footballer's name is actually Thierry Henry) to the fact that Graham keeps his money in the front pouch of his tiger patterned G-string?!
Somers Town doesn't dull the effects of relative poverty but evidences the joy of young lads growing up despite their hardships. A film that is both moving and honest, it is also unexpectedly uplifting and optimistic. If you can get to this film then I would make the effort. If not at the festival, then when it returns – which it should undoubtedly do – sometime over the coming year.
Reviewed by: Jacob Powell
Duration: 71 mins
Genre: Social realist drama/comedy (black & white)
Director: Shane Meadows (2008)
Actors: Thomas Turgoose, Piotr Jagiello, Perry Benson, Ireneusz Czop, Elisa Lasowski, and Kate Dickie.
Country: UK


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My company that I worked for over 2 years as direct deposit, recently changed my status to 10-99. Its been one month and I will receive my first 10-99 payment on 11/22. They informed me that I would be laid off on 11/18 but have asked me to stay on board until the team is fully transitioned – time line not established yet. Will I be eligible for unemployment since it was accounted for on all my paychecks for the last 2 years.
California Unemployment Eligibility
Updated : June 18th, 2019
An individual who files for unemployment insurance (UI) benefits must meet specific eligibility requirements before benefits can be paid.
Monetary Eligibility
- The minimum weekly benefit amount is $40 and the maximum weekly benefit amount is $450 depending on the claimant's quarterly earnings
- To qualify for the maximum amount each week ($450) an individual must earn at least $11,674.01 in a calendar quarter during the base period
Non Monetary Eligibility
- Be totally or partially unemployed.
- Be unemployed through no fault of own
- Be physically able to work.
- Be available for work which means to be ready and willing to immediately accept work.
- Be actively looking for work each week benefits are claimed.
- Quit work voluntarily
- Fired for misconduct
- Be approved for training before training benefits can be paid.
Eligibility Questions
I was fired from my last positing, can I avail unemployment benefits?
In case you were fired for cause, you generally can't receive jobless benefits in California. The unemployment compensation laws reserve benefits for those who are jobless through no fault of their own. In an effort to implement this regulation, the California Employment Department (EDD) confirms the reason for your job separation with your ex-employer.
If the previous employer can't provide proof you were fired for cause or you can provide proof you weren't fired for cause, you may be able to obtain benefits.
How will getting laid off affect my eligibility status?
If you have been laid off from your job in California, you must directly file for unemployment. When you get laid-off, it is not your fault.
Getting laid-off doesn't mean that you were fired. Getting laid-off doesn't mean that you did something incorrect. Getting laid-off means that the company that you worked for did not have adequate work for you to do, and could no longer afford to pay you to do your job.
If I quit my job, will I be eligible?
In California, the Employment Development Department is liable for managing unemployment benefits. California's jobless workers can obtain unemployment benefits of they were released involuntarily through no fault of their own or jobs for good cause (unsafe working conditions, not being paid, change in job duties, health risks on job, family emergencies).
Employees who willingly end their employment must show they had justified reasons to terminate employment. The California Employment Development Department performs individual investigations to decide whether an individual's reasons for termination were justified for unemployment benefits.
Want to know more about eligibility requirements? Click here.
Use our calculator to determine your benefit amount.
Got questions? Check our Eligibility Q&A section.
My current manager and I have decided that after 5 months of employment we are not a good fit for each other. I'd like to stay with the company but there are currently no other open positions that meet my qualifications. My manager is suggesting I seek other employment while fulfilling my current duties which I believe will not be conducive to a healthy work environment. After our discussion on Friday I believe she expected me to quit. If I quit will I be eligible for unemployment benefits?
I have a family member who was recently on CA UI. She went back to work this past monday and she immediately realised that the job was not right for her. Is there a "grace" period, or whatever it might be called, in CA UI where the employee goes back to work and then quits within the first week, but can return to UI to look for a better employment situation?
My job will only allow me to work until I turn 57 years old. Because of my age, my agency has to let me go. Can I file unemployment then?
You can also file a lawsuit if you are in the U.S. You are considered part of the protected class and cannot be terminated due to age.
I was out of USA and moved back home to Los Angeles and looking for job, am I eligible for unemployment while I am searching?
My husband and I are currently over seas because of the Navy. I have a full time job but we have new orders and are moving back to my home state CA. I am having to quit because of him leaving and I will not be able to have a visa without his presence. Can I file for unemployment? I will be working until the day I leave.
My employer goes on hiatus for the holidays. One week for Thanksgiving and two weeks for Christmas. I need the work that week to make money but they do not offer it nor do they pay for that time forced off. Can I reopen a claim in CA for the week(s) forced off? I am eligible to be paid unemployment due to this lack of work?
I worked at my current organization in New York for 2.5 years and I am getting laid off. I am planning to relocate to CA where I lived up until 6 years ago. Will I be able to collect unemployment in CA?
I was working shortened hours (32 rather than 40 per week) for my company while they were participating in a work sharing plan administered by the California EDD. I was paid $90 dollars for each of the first two weeks of 2017 to cover the 20% reduction in hours. After the second week I left my employment at full retirement age of 66 to begin retirement under Social Security. Now, more than a year later the EDD is demanding that I pay the $180 back as they say I was not eligible due to "quitting my job without good cause". I don't understand this since I was working during the weeks I was eligible for participation in the work sharing. Is it more the matter of being paid for the month of January 2017 by Social Security? I have read that Social Security earnings do not matter in some states but may in others. I really did not consider retiring after 31+ years as "quitting my job". I see it more as a reward for years of good service. My mistake I guess. Any advice on whether this is appealable or should I just pay it back?
My husband worked for a small start up company, he got got told today, 2/22/18, that he wasn't a fit for the company, meaning not enough to do for what they hired him for, they said they would have to let him go or he could choose to resign, he chose to resign, is he eligible for unemployment, we are in California
My company just did a mass reorganization and I was affected by it. My termination date is 12/13/17. When should I apply for Unemployment? On that day or 1/1/18?
My husband is expanding his business out of State which will require us to move and I will have to leave my employment. Will I be eligible to receive unemployment until I find a new job where we move?
I was honorable discharged from the navy 2yrs ago and I claimed unemployment then, I then went to school and wasn't working and now I'm out of school and I still have no job, can I fil for unemployment still?
the company I worked for over 30 years is merging with another company 34 miles away from my house if I quit due to the distance will I be eligiable to collect unemployment
The company I manage was bought out. The new owner wants me to take a demotion and pay cut. After being laid off for the transition, if I don't take the demotion am I eligible for EDF
I work in California jam a full time employee been there about 4 years
My boss says there is no work for me and he would let me know if something comes up
Can I file for unemployment?
I have worked 3 days a week as FLSA exempt for 10 years. My boss is reclassify me as non-exempt and cutting my pay over 50% per hour. I am 73 years old and hold 2 work related diplomas. I am most senior employee and most elderly. Reason for pay cut is wage compression. Will I be eligible?
My boss cut my hours as of the next work day by half (full time to 4 hours a day). She also demoted me from human resources recruiter to lunch period phone coverage. She gave my job duties to a woman half my age. And all this has come after she failed to pay me on time last pay check. And she has begun selecting what days I'll be paid for on which pay check (some checks are for 10 work days, some are for 7 days, some some for 11 days…). In comparing the checks to actual hours worked, the pay is correct, but I'm never sure how much my 2 week pay check will have. Also, earlier this week (3 days prior to my demotion) she harassed me for responding and attending to a Superior Court Jury Service Summons. She actually told me I should do what she does and just ignore it. Can I quit for good cause and recieve unemployment compensation while I find a more stable source of income?
If I quit my job because I am moving to a different state due to a recent divorce, will I qualify for unemployment benefits until I find a new job in the new state?
If I get released from my present job after 38 years with no fault of my own and recieve severance package how would this effect my UI?
If I take IRA funds out to pay off credit cards will that affect income requirements and reduce benefit payments?
I was layed off from my job in Nov 2014. I received UI benefits for 26 weeks (beginning Nov 2014). Filed an extension request after the 26 weeks ran out, which was denied, and was told to file a new claim in November 2015. I have had no employment since I was layed off. Will I receive new UI benefits beginning in Nov 2015? Assuming I do not find employment before then?
i started my first job in the usa working at a farm on dec 27 2013. on friday dec 12 2014 i was laid off by my employer because of lack of work. my question is, am i still elegible for unemployment benefits even if it hasnt been a full year of me working.
I'm in California and I may be laid off this month. I've worked for the company since November 2013. I feel like I understand the calculations. What I haven't seen an answer for and am not sure if it applies is:
Would I have had to be employed for ALL FOUR of the quarters to receive benefits? I was only employed full time for two of the quarters (Oct-Dec 2013 & Jan-Mar 2014)
I was employed April – June part time but quit because we were moving to a new city and I'm not sure if I can even include that.
I was laid off a week ago. I don't know where to turn. In need of health insurance as well as I am diabetic and depend on insulin.
La Habra CA
I work for an exclusive hotel in san diego as an elevator operator. The elevator broke down five days ago. They agreed to pay me for the first day as I was at my workplace. I was scheduled to work the last five days but they haven't fixed the elevator and aren't paying me. Can I receive Unemployment Insurance for days I'm scheduled to work?
Can I claim UI if I earned $1250.00 from a private party for moving their residence?
i officially started working for a car company om 12/10/13. the company closed, i lost my job due to them closing > last day was 3/4/14. do i qualify for benefits?
I have been working as a hair styelest fulltime at the same shop in Dana Point CA. for many years. The shop may close in the near future, and I may be laid off. I am 69 years old and also draw Social Security Ins. If I am laid off, will I be eligible to draw CA unemployment insurance? If so, How much for how long? Thank You
I was hired for a temp job; only three months. As a temp i don't get any benefits and no paid time off. I was offered to extend my postion for the rest of the year. But I have no assurance of being hired on as a permanent employee. If I don't accept this offer do I loose my chance at unemployment benefits?
A car heading in opposite direction turned left in heavy fog in front of my son and they collided. My son was driving a company vehicle. The company has zero tolerance policy on automobile accidents and he was fired. Is he eligible for unemployment insurance?
I have worked last 9 months of past 18 months. Got unemployed due to ending the contract. Can I collect unemployment insurance in California?
i have worked in Kosovo for nearly four years. I was hired and have apt in California. I got laid off and I am returning to California. Can I file for unemployment in California. I was paid by company in Virginia and international organization.
You could start with the California unemployment office to find out what wages have been reported for you. Do they seem accurate? If not, you may have to submit pay stubs. They are interested in the first 4 quarters of the last 5 COMPLETED quarters.
I live in New Hampshire and was employed by a company in San Diego, California as the sales manager for the United States. On September 6th my employment was terminated. Do I file for unemployment with the state of New Hampshire or California?
The unemployment office in either state can check to see which state the wages were reported to.
My husband is active duty military and got orders to move to Texas. I've been working in California for 8 months. Am I eligible for unemployment due to a military move? Which state would I file with? And do I need to work a certain amount of time in California?
If I get a military retirement 50% rated disabled but am unemployed do I qualify. I get a month.
This is not the unemployment office – this is a public office – please do not post personal information. If you are able to work at something you may qualify.


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After a summer of wearing sandals, flip flops or no shoes at all, your feet might be a little banged up. Before you switch to your fall shoes and boots, make sure you take care of any foot troubles so they don't get worse.
"Injuries do occur more in the summer," says Dr. Arnie Herbstman, a board-certified orthopedic surgeon and Blue Cross and Blue Shield Plan medical director. "People are more active, and flip flops aren't the safest things to wear. Good support shoes are best, but in the summer, people tend to wear what they want or what they think looks good."
There are many different foot problems, some serious and some that are easy to treat at home, he says. The main thing is to take care of any problems before they get worse.
These are a few of the most common foot issues.
Plantar Fasciitis
What is it: Plantar fasciitis is inflammation of a thick band of tissue from the heel bone to the arch of the foot. It's very common in people who run, dance or even walk a lot on hard surfaces. The pain begins in the heel and often is worse when getting out of bed in the morning.
How to treat it: Rest, use a shoe insert that cushions the heel, and don't try to "play through the pain." Skip long walks on hard surfaces and don't do any impact activities such as jumping or running until the pain is gone. Ice the area and take ibuprofen or naproxen as directed. When you can exercise comfortably again, wear shoes that aren't worn out. Take frequent stretch breaks.
When to see the doctor: If the pain does not get better with over-the-counter pain medicine or if you can't get around like normal within a week because of the pain, see your doctor. Start with your primary care doctor, who can refer you to an orthopedist or podiatrist if needed.
Ankle Sprain
What is it: An ankle sprain is an injury to the ligaments when the ankle rolls, twists or turns awkwardly. It's a common injury, especially in the summer when people tend to be more active and wear unstable shoes like flip flops and sandals, Herbstman says.
How to treat it: Take weight off the injured ankle right away. Then follow the rules of RICE — rest, ice, elevation and compression. Take over-the-counter pain relievers as directed. Once the sprain is healed, physical therapy can strengthen the ankle and help prevent future injuries.
When to see the doctor: See a doctor as soon as possible if you cannot put weight on the foot. Herbstman says it's hard to tell without X-rays if the ankle is broken or sprained. See your doctor or go to an urgent care facility as soon as you are able so you can get the right treatment.
What is it: A bunion is a painful, bony bump that forms at the base of the big toe. They mostly occur in women, Herbstman says. That's because they are caused by tight shoes and aggravated by high heels, along with heredity.
How to treat it: Soak your feet in warm water, wear extra-wide shoes and avoid high heels. If the shoe feels too wide, wear an extra sock, which can provide an extra cushion. Sometimes surgery is needed, especially if there is a noticeable bump.
When to see the doctor: If the pain persists and doesn't improve with home treatment, see your primary care physician. You may need to see a specialist to discuss surgery.
Ingrown Toenail
What is it: An ingrown toenail is usually found in the big toe. It occurs when the corner of the nail grows into the skin of the toe. It can be very painful to the touch, especially if it is deep in the skin, and can lead to infection if not treated. It can be caused by several things — heredity, shoes that fit too tight in the toe, trimming the edges of the toenails too short, nails that are too curved, or sustaining an injury to the toe.
How to treat it: Many ingrown toenails can be treated at home at first. Soak your feet in warm water for 15 minutes three times a day. After soaking, put fresh bits of cotton or waxed dental floss under the ingrown edge. This helps the nail grow above that area. You also can put antibiotic ointment and a bandage on the sore area. When possible, wear sandals so the toe isn't squeezed. Take over-the-counter pain relievers as directed.
When to see the doctor: If your toe is very painful or the redness is spreading, see your doctor. There could be an infection that must be treated before it spreads.
What is it: Arthritis is inflammation in your joints. Arthritis in the feet often feels like a dull ache in the middle of the foot or ankle, Herbstman says. It's different from the sudden pain of an injury.
How to treat it: Most cases can be managed with lifestyle changes, over-the-counter medicine and possibly a brace. But sometimes physical therapy or surgery is needed.
When to see the doctor: See your primary care doctor if you are experiencing foot pain or swelling with no obvious cause. Herbstman says the best way to confirm arthritis is with an X-ray.
If you have diabetes, take special care.
People with diabetes have special needs when it comes to foot pain. If you have diabetes, it's important to not go barefoot. People with diabetes often have numbness in their feet, so they may not feel an injury. See your doctor for any kind of cut to your foot or an ingrown toenail that won't heal. You also should let your doctor know about any other swelling, redness or pain in the feet.
Sources: Foot pain: When to see the doctor, Plantar fasciitis, Ingrown toenails, Diabetic neuropathy, Sprained ankle, Mayo Clinic, 2018; Bunions, Mayo Clinic, 2017; Arthritis of the Foot and Ankle, American Academy of Orthopaedic Surgeons, 2015


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