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All reviews
Read independant reviews, consumer experiences, feedback and complaints right here! Get to know the best shop place your (online) order. Everybody together now decides which shops are worthy and which aren't!
Food is one of the things in life that come back every single day. What's more, professionals are convinced that you need to eat at least 3-5 times a day. But where can you find the best food available? One of the companies that sell food is Buy Whole Foods Online. But how fresh will their specialty foods and dried vegetables be? Will their condiments and superfoods be nutritious? Will their aromatherapy help you to feel more relaxed? How long will it take for Buy Whole Foods Online to deliver your purchase? And what kind of customer service do they provide for their customers? The best way to investigate all of these things is by reading reviews left by real customers of Buy Whole Foods Online. Their opinions, complaints, compliments, experiences and ratings can help you to get an idea of what Buy Whole Foods Online is all about.
Buy Whole Foods, of BWSF for intimi, is a company that sells food. They are, at heart, a family business. The company was founded by cousins Arthur Martin and Joe Cooper. They established Buy Whole Foods Online in 2007. At first, they worked from a small back-garden shed owned by Joe's parents. Because of the success of their superfoods, herbs, fruits and vegetables, the shed quickly turned into a mini-warehouse. In 2011, the company had grown enough to move into a commercial warehouse and, in 2014 a warehouse for bulk-order packing machines. In 2016, they yet again occupied a new warehouse in Ramsgate, one that is 25,000 square feet.
Their Story.
At Buy Whole Foods Online, you can find all kinds of foods. They offer wholefoods, nuts, seeds, homecare, dried vegetables, herbs, spices, healthy snacks, cleaning supplies, baby products, coffee, tea, healthy treats, drinks, baking mixes, cooking supplies, personal care products, baby products, empty bottles, empty jars, selection packs, sports proteins, sports drinks, sports supplements, candles, incenses, flower water, salts, seasoning, pepper, chocolate coconut oil, flour, cereal grains, pet food, Japanese food, alternative therapies and more. There is even a special range of Christmas foods. Their supplies include Carley's, Artisan Grains, Pukka, Rude Health, Lucy Bee, 9Nine, Yogi Tea, Nicks, Dr Bronner's, Chocqlate etc.
Their herbs, spices, alternative therapies and other supplies can be ordered online. If you enter your email address, you will have the chance of winning a wholefoods hamper worth over £120. They will automatically enter your email address in the prize draw. There is also a customer service department to help you when you need some assistance.
Do you have any experience with Buy Whole Foods Online ?Can you tell us more about this company? We value every opinion and are happy with every review, so please share your opinion with us, potential customers of this company and the rest of the world and tell everyone what you think about this food supplier.
What will the food from Buy Whole Foods Online taste like? Read customer reviews about their superfoods, cleaning supplies, alternative therapies etc.
Read independant reviews, consumer experiences, feedback and complaints right here! Get to know the best shop place your (online) order. Everybody together now decides which shops are worthy and which aren't!
I always book whole food, super food, fruits and all other requirements of the house from here only. It has been around a year now. They also provide great discounts. Quality, Availability and range of products is unmatcable.


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New Delhi, Jan 18 : Bio-pharmaceuticals firm Biocon today announced a global partnership with Sandoz, a Novartis division, to develop, manufacture and commercialise multiple biosimilars in immunology and oncology for patients worldwide.
Under the terms of the agreement, both companies will share responsibility for end-to-end development, manufacturing and global regulatory approvals for a number of products and will have a cost and profit share arrangement globally, Biocon said in a statement.
Worldwide commercialisation responsibilities will be divided and each company's strengths will be leveraged within specific geographies, it added.
Sandoz will lead commercialisation in North America (US and Canada) and the EU including European Free Trade Association and Balkan states, while Biocon will lead commercialisation in Rest of the World including India, Russia and Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), Biocon said.
Biocon Chairperson and MD Kiran Mazumdar-Shaw said: "We are pleased to announce our collaboration with Sandoz for developing a set of next generation biosimilar products."
This synergistic partnership will enable us to scale up our capabilities for an 'end to end' play in the global biosimilars space, she added.
Sandoz is committed to increasing patient access to high-quality biosimilars and has five biosimilars currently marketed worldwide, as well as a rich global pipeline, Biocon said."Biocon's collaboration with Sandoz addresses some of the biosimilar opportunities beyond the near term opportunities being addressed by Biocon's existing successful global partnership with Mylan," it added. AKT SBT

subset: commoncrawl


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We're here with answers.
Here are some frequently asked questions about Compassion Sunday and Compassion International.
We're here for you. We have resources that you can give to your pastor. You can also direct him to our special For Pastors and Leaders page.
While we encourage you to host in your home church, sometimes that's not a possibility. Compassion Sunday can work well in other settings like Bible studies, small group meetings, Sunday school classes, school classrooms, book clubs or any other group.
No problem. You can choose a date that's right for you and your church. Talk to your pastor about what weekend would work best for your church and then register your event.
As many as you can! Of course, it depends on the size of your church, but we've found that on average 5 children get sponsored at an event. The main thing to remember is to leave all the results up to God. We need to do our best, but be willing to allow Him to work.
The Event Kit has everything you need to run a successful Compassion Sunday at your church. It includes posters, a tabletop display, information sheets, sign-up forms and an instruction guide with a helpful event checklist. It will also include one of our new T-shirts.
Place the acceptance forms and payments in the prepaid FedEx envelope supplied with the Event Kit. Fill out the address label and contact fedex.com for a pickup, or drop the package off at the nearest FedEx location as soon as you can after the event.
Choose a child that shares a birthday with you or a loved one. Choose a child that's the same age as your child. Or choose a child from a country you've visited or would like to visit.
Sponsorship begins when the first payment is processed at Compassion (approximately 10 days after the forms are mailed back to Compassion).
Usually through the school year in which the child reaches the ages of 18 to 22 (varies by country).
Yes, your child will write to you at least two times a year, and up to six times, depending on how often you write.
Two to four months after sponsorship begins.
You will receive a monthly statement from Compassion.
You can send letters to your child as often as you like, through the mail, or using our online letter writing tool or mobile app.
Yes, each child has just one sponsor.
Yes, you can send gifts anytime, including Christmas, birthdays, gifts for family, etc. You can read more information about specifics of giving gifts here.
"I believe in Compassion because I've seen what they do with my own eyes. These children are real people, and Compassion helps them from infancy all the way to university."— Candace Cameron Bure, actress, author, mom and Compassion advocate


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Hello! We'd like to introduce you to the Universal Gaming Club in Richmond BC.
Universal Gaming Club is a place for people to go to and enjoy video games all around.
We welcome anyone that joins us – it does not matter how anyone identifies themselves, because nobody cares about it – we're all weird! You can identify yourself as a toaster and we will accept you – as long as you make toast… and play games.
The Universal Gaming Club is currently a small group of young and independent people who enjoy playing video games and hope to make new friends who like the same things.
We meet in the afternoon, weekly in Richmond at eSpot arcade to play computer games, billiards, pool and Wii U games! We also occasionally participate in other fun geeky events together such as: FanExpo, ExpBar and more.
We encourage participants to play host their own community events as well! We are looking forward to hosting a Pokémon Sun and Moon event, where players can trade and battle Pokémon!
If you are interested in joining us, please Like our Facebook page and message us on Facebook
for more information: https://www.facebook.com/BC.UGC/
We are an inclusive space: there are no restrictions on age, place of birth, language, ability level, race, religion, gender expression or sexual orientation.
The group is led by self-advocates and supported by a facilitator from Richmond Society for Community Living.
If there are questions or accessibility concerns, please message us on Facebook.
We hope to meet you soon!
Universal Gaming Club


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Q: Where the products are manufactured?
A: All Incharger products are designed and manufactured by us in our manufacturing facility, which is located in Vilnius, Lithuania (EU).
Q: Can I return a product that I bought from you if I don't like it?
A: Yes, you can return your product within 30 days from the purchase. You can find out about our returns and warranty policy here: https://incharger-parts.com/returns-warranty-policy.
Q: Can you make me a customized product with different finish or engraved text?
A: Absolutely! Please share your vision with us at email@example.com and we will make it happen.
Q: What are my payment options?
A: You can process your purchase using Paypal or credit and debit card (MasterCard, Maestro, Visa).
Q: Can I order by phone or e-mail?
A: Yes, you can reach us by phone or e-mail and we will send you a pro forma invoice to initiate the order.
Q: I'm a bike builder and would like to use your products for my business. Can you offer me business to business terms?
A: Yes, we are always looking for business partners worldwide. Please contact us at email@example.com for additional information.
Q: How long does it take for my order to arrive?
A: If the product is on stock, we will ship it the next business day after receiving your order. If the product is out of stock, it may take up to 3-5 days to ship it. We ship with UPS, so it will take 3-5 working days to deliver to EU countries and 5-7 days to deliver to USA. If you need express shipping of 1-2 days, write us e-mail at email@example.com.
Q: What countries do you ship your products to?
A: We ship our products world wide, but have in mind that if you are located outside of European Union, you may be subject to additional taxes.
Q: Does the price include VAT?
A: Yes, prices shown in the shop include VAT (21%). If you are located outside of European Union, the VAT will be automatically excluded when checking out at the shopping cart.
Q: I drive a different bike than Harley Davidson, will your parts fit my bike?
A: We cannot assure that our parts will fit any other motorcycles than stated in the product description. On the other hand, we can make custom product adjustments if needed. Please write us e-mail at email@example.com with custom part specification and we will reach out to you.
Q: I'm building my dream bike and I need something completely custom. Can you make it?
A: We are not only personalizing current products but also accept completely custom part orders. Reach out to us at email@example.com and we will see how can we help to achieve your dream.


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- This event has passed.
The Austin Flea at Whole Foods Arbor Trails
November 10, 2018 @ 10:00 AM - 4:00 PMFree
We're excited to continue our 2nd Saturday Series with this fantastic company for The Austin Flea at Whole Foods Arbor Trails (4301 W. William Cannon) on Saturday, November 10th from 10 a.m. until 4 p.m.!
The Flea features all local handmade items and vintage wares from some of Austin's most amazing and talented vendors. Find one-of-a-kind gifts for the Holidays for any occasion including jewelry, bath/body products, vintage, original artwork, paper goods, textiles and so much more!
Entrance to the event is Free and open to all ages!
Handmade. Vintage. Local.
Featured Artists Include: Bitchin' Treats, Chaos Card Company, Sam Wish, Garden Gizmos, The Six of Cups, Chiki Buttah Products, Daisy Metalworks, Bee Delightful, Audrey's Jewelry, Roots Botanical & more!


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FANtastic Creations |
Interviews |
The Today Show |
Other Links
WARNING: SethPark the Trilogy - Part I contains vulgar language. Not recommended for children under 17.
WARNING: SethPark the Holiday Special contains one bad word ('F' word). Parental discretion is advised.
WARNING: SethPark Christmas Classics contains a sexual reference. Parental discretion is advised.
SethPark is based on the cartoon South Park, produced by the Cartoon Network.
Audio from South Park has been edited to fit the content of SethPark.


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Vivo V11 features an in-display fingerprint scanner
Today, the upcoming Vivo V11 makes its way outside of China. These renders and specifications are quite interesting.
Last week, Vivo gave us a peek of X23 at IFA 2018, Berlin. That device too features an in-display fingerprint scanner. Now we also know that a second phone will also come out. This device is Vico V11. The V11 packs quite interesting features.
The device will come with Halo FullView Display, that will look like Essential PH-1 but, not that much tall. It will have a notch for the camera only. This time Vivo will go with 1080p Super AMOLED display panels, instead of traditional LCD panels.
The Vivo V11 will come with Snapdragon 660 SoC onboard, with 6GB RAM and 128GB storage. The front camera will feature a massive 25MP lens with aperture f/2.0. Whereas the rear camera will feature a 12MP lens with an aperture of f/1.8 and a secondary lens of 5MP.
The V11 will feature Dual-engine Fast charging as well and might come with Type-C port here. Vivo has included their custom skin FunTouch OS 4.5 on Android 8.1 Oreo.
Good thing to notice here is that Vivo is keeping the all-time favorite 3.5-mm headphone jack as well.
Source: Neowin
Also, Read: Samsung will no longer update S6 Edge Plus and Note 5


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I've a credit card applicatoin where I have to search in a variety of text-based fields. The applying is developed using NHibernate being an ORM.
I must implement Porter Stemming in searches, to be able to have the ability to return relevant results even if the keyword matches an identical word, for instance the description of the product consists of
memories as the search keyword is
Can anybody suggest the very best practices for such kinds of searches? The very first concept that involves thoughts are to keep two version of the identical area in database, for instance:
Description column will be the text as joined through the website administrator, and it is the written text visible around the frontend.
Description_Search would come with exactly the same text, but passed via a Porter-Stemming formula. Search queries would then be in line with the
Description_Search area, instead of
Performs this seem sensible? Could it be a total waste of space needing to store two version of just about exactly the same text?
Also, would
Lucene.Net help in this situation? I'm also considering integrating Lucene.Internet for full-text based searches but have not yet investigated it at length.
Thanks ahead of time!


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Every week I get asked what products & treatments can help cure acne. Moreso during the hot & humid wet season when your skin produces more oils.
Messages come through Instagram, Facebook and email from girls telling us they've tried every product on the market to no avail and asking what they should do next.
If this is you, perhaps you've even resorted to taking the contraceptive pill but rather than cure acne, the only difference you've noticed is weight gain and changes to mood.
If there's one thing that's prominent when you look through my inbox it's that acne is a battle being fought by many and nothing seems to cure confidence-knocking pimples, scarring and acne-ridden skin.
If you live with acne or suffer from frequent breakouts, you'll know that there's a lot of conflicting advice out there regarding the treatment of acne.
Skincare manufacturers have jumped on the bandwagon and formulated products with harsh alcohols that do little more than damage healthy skin cells. Combined with smart marketing messages, girls are spending lots of money and seeing little results.
My message today is as clear as your skin can be.
Put the products down. The honest truth is that it's very unlikely that acne is a skincare problem that can be solved externally.
There's one area that's being grossly overlooked in the quest for acne-free skin.
And that's your gut.
Gut health is a complex topic, but we're going to keep it as simple as possible.
While there may appear to be no connection between your gut and your face, extensive research has displayed links between a healthy gut and skin.
Let's simplify that even further.
The gut is made up of millions and millions of species of bacteria known as microflora. Some are good (probiotics), and some are bad.
The good bacteria help to control the bad bacteria to promote a balanced digestive system. When the good and bad bacteria are working in sync, your digestive system breaks food down, processes nutrients from food and delivers them through the body leading to efficient function of all cells.
When there's a bacteria imbalance however, and the bad bacteria starts to overrun the good bacteria, this can lead to a condition known as SIBO (small intestinal bacterial overgrowth).
SIBO compromises the gut wall that protects toxins from entering the body. When this happens, toxins enter the body (including your skin cells) leading to a range of problems such as food intolerance or allergies, inflammation, hormone imbalances and skin conditions…yes, including acne.
Some causes of bacteria imbalance
- ·Antibiotics (while they're designed to kill the bad bacteria that causes infection, they can't tell the difference between good and bad and can also wipe out whole species of good bacteria)
- ·Stress & lack of exercise
- ·Lack of nutrients in the diet including excess sugar, overgrowth of yeast and gluten (known causes of inflammation)
- ·Lack of probiotics , digestive enzymes , fermented foods, supplements & omega 3 fatty acids
- ·Toxins – pesticides, anti-inflamatory medications
Unfortunately, while it may seem as simple as 'good bacteria versus bad bacteria', the gut is made up of millions of different types of microflora and identifying where any potential imbalance stems from is often a complex and lengthy process.
What can you do?
If you're prone to acne, I can't recommend highly enough that you try our DoTERRA 30 day renewing & body cleanse using
Detoxifiers & cleansers
Probiotics & prebiotics
Enzymes and Antioxidants.
You can also consult with a dietician, nutritionist, or a healthcare professional who can test your gut and potentially identify any illnesses or imbalances that may have caused your acne.
Everyone is different, so it makes sense to get professional testing.
How to treat acne externally
If you don't identify and treat the internal causes of acne, treatments on the outside of your skin will be fruitless. The process may act as a band-aid, but it won't ever cure acne, and any product that claims to do so isn't being truthful.
Here are our recommended tips to reduce the visible effects of acne while working in conjunction with a professional to heal any internal balances that may stem from the gut.
Regularly exfoliate
The tartaric acid in Bd serum acts as a gentle enzyme exfoliator as it clears away excess oil from the pores. In addition, manually exfoliating with a gentle scrub two to three times a week will help remove dirt and dead skin cells from the pores to reduce the likelihood of blockages that lead to pimples and zits.
Thoroughly cleanse
One of the contributing factors of spots and blemishes is dirt and bacteria that mixes with excess sebum and gets trapped in pores causing blockages. Follow a daily cleanse with Bk serum which contains ellagic acid, an antioxidant that will flush out toxins to keep your skin clear.
Avoid harsh scrubs and cleansers
Products containing harsh alcohols may claim to treat acne from the outside, but they also damage healthy skin cells and strip skin of its natural oils leaving it prone to dryness, irritation and appearing flaky and dull.
Natural products like DoTERRA HD Clear serum, cream and face wash which don't contain harsh ingredients will hydrate your skin from the inside out and work with your skins natural hydrating processes to keep the skin not affected by pimples smooth and clear.
Using DoTERRA HD Clear on skin that has acne may help to reduce the external symptoms, but it's not a cure. You must address the internal imbalances that cause acne, and your gut is the best place to start.
We love helping our clients address their skin concerns so please email [email protected] with your skin concerns so our skin & wellness therapist, Marii can address your concerns individually.


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The Universal Offensive of Financial Feudalism in the Contemporary World: From Russia to the U.S.A.
By: Vladimir Shlapentokh
In his recent article, "Velvet Revolution: The Prospects" (The New York Review of Books, December 3, 2009) Timothy Garton Ash muses about the regime changes that occurred throughout a variety of countries. He tries to distinguish the differences between two types of revolutions: the class revolutions — or CR — which were violent in nature, and encompass revolutions such as those that occurred during 1789, the Russian Revolution of 1917, and the Mao's Chinese Revolution of 1949. The second category of revolution, the Velvet Revolutions — or VR — share the same characteristics as those that occurred in Czechoslovakia in 1989, Ukraine in 2003, and in Russia in 1991. While Ash devoted his articles only to the countries which experienced VRs, his piece reveals eye-opening global trends in post-Communist countries which are quite salient.
For reasons unknown, the Russian anti-Communist revolution primed by perestroika was not mentioned by Ash even though the developments in Moscow during 1991 fit perfectly into Ash's definition of the Velvet Revolutions. Is Yeltsin so different from Voji-slav Kostunica from Serbia, or Viktor Yushchenko from Ukraine, who were both VR leaders mentioned by Ash? This "discrimination" of Russia (though Burma and Iran were not ignored in his discussion) is particularly amusing because Ash began his list of VR countries with three Baltic republics that had regime changes at the same time as Russia. It is also remarkable that Ash's analysis of VRs in East Europe completely overlooked the crucial impact of Gorbachev's perestroika and Moscow's refusal to use its own forces, or the aid of the satellite governments, to crush the rebellion, which was also the case in Hungary in 1956 and in Czechoslovakia in 1968.
In his article, Ash tries to construct a Velvet Revolution model by demarcating several of its elements, which he compared to the class and violent revolutions of the past. Of course, this model encompassed not only "the giddy days" of the revolution, but also the following period when the revolution led to the creation of a new social order. Indeed, several of his observations are valid and reasonable. However, it is in my opinion that Ash does not pay due attention to two crucial elements of the Velvet Revolution and of the processes which they immediately engender: the role of property in its liquid or non liquid forms, and the omnipresent corruption. It is remarkable that even in such an involved article, Ash only briefly refers this issue surrounding property in a single sentence regarding "the privatization of nomenclature," and talks even less about the role that corruption plays in the VRs, refusing to elaborate on the enormous political and social consequences of new property relations and corruption in Velvet Revolution countries.
Property and Class Revolutions
Ash sticks to the idea that the three CRs of the past were moved by utopian ideology while VRs were engendered by an anti-utopian program. In fact, this distinction is essentially wrong. The Russian and Chinese leaders of the CRs that were mentioned by Ash, and which were often labeled as "utopian" by Russian authors like Alexander Nekrich and Mikhail Heller, as well as by Americans like Martin Malia, aimed for the creation of a very realistic and well functioning society and achieved their goals. In support of Ash's position, Malia asserted in 1994 that the Soviet Union was a utopian construction built like a house of cards by dreamers and lunatics, and referred to Athe fantastic and surreal Soviet experience,@ he depicted the Soviet society as: Awrong from the start,@ Aa social theater of absurdity,@ Agrim mistake of Columbus,@ and Athe greatest triumph of ideology over real life.@ However, as a result of the revolution, the Soviet Union and the Chinese People's Republic emerged as powerful states whose ideology effectively combined nationalist and socialist (or statist, or authoritarian ) principles. By 1985, the Soviet Union with all its chronic diseases was another superpower whose society would have continued to vex the world had perestroika, with the intentions to cure these diseases, had not happened. Communist China, which still celebrates Mao's "utopian" revolution every year on October 1, is currently prospering, and has the ambition to become another superpower in the near future. Even the French Revolution could hardly be named a utopian enterprise because it managed to seriously change society, the country, and to create a strong Napoleonic authoritarian regime which lasted quite some time, rivaling the endurance of the Hitler regime, even though there were no grounds to suspect that Napoleon and his heirs would not reign much longer. Yet, France's government was defeated by the Nazi regime, and not overthrown from the inside as a result of a people's revolt.
As a crucial feature of all three CRs was the declaration of war on the big property owners in their society. In the cases of Russia and China, the revolution aimed at the destruction of almost all types of private property, big and small. People's personal apartments were taken possession of, and any other personal assets were seized (as what happened during the Russian Revolution to the housing facility of my grandfather who was considered to be a part of the middle bourgeois). France was a more complicated and ambivalent case. The French Revolution, along with the Constitution of 1793, supported bourgeois property; however it still had a strong egalitarian tendency which was inspired by Rousseau, and later by revolutionary radicals like Jacques Hebert. Under various pretexts, either because of their crimes against the revolution or because of their flee from France, the domain of the king, the estates of nobles, and particularly ecclesiastical property (which occurred during the quelling of the Vendee rebellion in 1793 with a special vengeance), were confiscated en mass during the revolution while all landlords lost their right to receive rent from their peasant-tenants. Marx was absolutely right when he insisted that "the property relations" was the central issue of the French Revolution, and the protection of the peasants with their free property were the basis of the Napoleonic regime.
The confiscation of big private property during the mass revolutions of France, Russia, and China split the respective societies into victors and victims, into those who enhanced their social status and those who became paupers with the loss of property (Russian princes worked as taxi drivers in Paris during the 1920s), and who with their hatred of the revolution were mostly considered, and with good reason, as the unswerving "enemies of the people," i.e., dissenters of the new regime.
Big Property and Velvet Revolutions
The Velvet Revolutions denigrated state property as being deeply ineffective, and praised private property and the market as ways to attain instant prosperity in each country that they occurred in. As a matter of fact, the Reagan-Thatcher ideology, with its glorification of the market economy and privatization (which looked in the 1980-1990s as alluring for the whole world as the various socialist ideologies had in the previous historical period) had a tremendous impact on the leaders of the VRs. Hardly any VR, if they had happened in the current climate of financial and economic turmoil, would have advanced such leaders as Egor Gaidar in Russia, or Václav Klaus in the Czech Republic (or as Ash says, a "no-holds-barred Czech privatizer and free marketer"). It is very unlikely that the advisers from Harvard or the University of Chicago would have been invited to elaborate the economic programs for the new governments during the 1980s-1990s.
Indeed, everywhere the new elites passionately commended private property in general and existing private enterprises regardless of their origin. In 1990-1991 Russian economist Larisa Piasheva, who was extremely popular at that time, demanded the immediate privatization of everything including universities, research institutes, and prisons. The underground big property in Russia, which in many cases was indeed of criminal origin (mostly it was a product of black-market enterprises and illegal commerce), was almost instantly legalized.
At the same time, in a post-Communist society that radically altered property relations despite what happened after the previous class revolutions, there were no actions taken against the wealth of the old elites. We do not know a single fact about public dispossessions of the old nomenclature after the anti-Communist revolutions. Even if the apparatchiks were not owners of big property, we should not underestimate the wealth which was under personal control of these people: their luxury apartments – considered a major asset even for those in America — which they considered as their own (though later they were officially privatized by them ), their cars for themselves and their children, valuable jewels, paintings, foreign electronics, clothes, as well as expensive furniture and crystal (see excerpts about the wealth of apparatchiks in the diary of Central Committee high official, Alexander Cherniaev, "Sovmestnyi pokhod" p.643). Indeed, we do not know of a single instance of a mob engaging in open confiscation or plundering of a regional party secretary or minister's apartment which was inspired by revenge and envy of their nomenclature privileges. Compare this financial and material security held by the nomenclature in 1991-1992 with the vivid scenes of the expropriation of everything that the soldiers and peasants found in the houses of the Russian aristocracy during the reckless days of the revolution, which was described so colorfully by famous Russian writers Ivan Bunin and Maxim Gorky, in addition to being portrayed in many Soviet movies, usually sympathizing with the people's ire against the exploiters.
The radical differences in the fates of the old classes in both types of revolutions has to be attributed to the acceptance of big private property by the new elites in VRs, and their decision to transfer state property to private holders in order for anybody to have access. This was quite the contrast to the fate of the Russian and Chinese nobles and bourgeois. Indeed, the members of the former Communist nomenclature were not excluded as the potential recipients of these chunks of state property. It is now known that not a single law existed which restricted the rights of the former apparatchiks to participate in the process of privatization, even in countries where the attitudes toward Communists was not as mild as in Russia. How differently the developments would have been after a class revolution if the members of the aristocracy got the highest positions in the state and party apparatus! Instead, there were vast restrictions which were imposed on the members of the former ruling class and their families — assuming that they were not killed or sent to the Gulag after the CR.
Meanwhile, in the aftermath of VR, the members of the ruling elite and their children immediately understood that their position in the ancient regime put them in a much more advantageous position in grabbing state property in comparison with ordinary people. Indeed, who had more chance to get for a low price a chunk of oil and Gas Company, the former apparatchiks with their numerous strategic ties in the new government, or a humble citizen with his almost worthless voucher which was often sold for a bottle of vodka in the province? Again, compare this situation with the results of the class revolutions: the chances of a former landowner or the tsarist bureaucrats and their children were infinitely lower than an ordinary worker or landless peasant in attaining a lucrative niche in a new regime.
However, among the richest people in Russia already in their early 90s, we see not only Yeltsin, former member of the Politburo, but also Viktor Chernomyrdin, a former Soviet minister. In Russia according to the computation of Olga Kryshtanovskaia, a leading Russian expert on the elite, 24 percent of the new business elite were former apparatchiks, and under Putin's reign, this figure reached 29. If one is to talk about the ruling elite as a whole, 70 percent of those in the new elites had previously held positions under the old regime. It is also true that in this process of incorporating a new class of rich people, the apparatchiks of the middle level surpassed the highest officials.
The negotiation between the old and new elite in the VR countries discussed by Ash was only possible because the members of the old ruling class were not deprived of their personal wealth, as what happened during the violent revolutions, and thus there were not staunch opponents of the new regime like the French nobles or Russian landlords. A political genius who lived three centuries before the developments which we discuss here — it was Niccolo Machiavelli — understood perfectly the connection between property and politics when advising Italian princes he wrote that " men will sooner forget the death of their father than the loss of their patrimony" .
Each member of the previous elite, if he was not involved personally in the direct repressions, could hope in VR countries (with the exception of Russia) to get a nice position in a new regime. As Ash aptly notes, "Louis XVI gets to keep a nice little palace in Versailles, and Marie Antoinette starts a successful line in upmarket lingerie." He correctly writes that "instead of losing their heads on the guillotine, or ending up hanging from lampposts, transition-ready members of an ancient régime, from a president such as F.W. de Klerk all the way down to local apparatchiks and secret policemen, see a bearable, even a rosier future for themselves under a new dispensation." He continues "Not merely will they get away with their lives; not only will they remain at liberty; they will also get to retain some of their social position and wealth, or to convert their former political power into economic power (the 'privatization of the nomenklatura'), which sometimes helps them to make startling returns to political power under more democratic rules (as, for example, have post-communists all over post-communist Europe)." Ash only neglected to indicate "a small thing," that the radical differences between the fate of the old elites in CR and VR countries should be attributed to the differences in the changes in the property relations.
There was also another radical difference between two types of revolutions: the attitudes of the leaders towards material wealth. Those who were destroying the ancient regime during the class revolution did not even remotely think to use their high position in the new elite to gain any personal assets. Robespierre, Lenin, and Mao were all a million light years away from this thought and practice. But most activists of the VR immediately started to seize state property using tricks that fell under various shades of legality.
Yeltsin is now a textbook example of a leader of a VR who immediately began to create his personal domain and enrich the members of his family. With the slogan "enrich themselves," which justified his own behavior and with his yearning for the protection of the family's fortune, he could only open the gate for the old nomenclature to join him in the class of rich people. But even more important was his encouragement of criminal privatization and the emergence of new oligarchs from scratch. In fact, Yeltsin created in Russia the oligarchic, or feudal ideology, which justified the illegal transfer of state property into the hands of but a few oligarchs who by the end of 1990s were not scared to proclaim in person to Boris Berezovsky, a major theorist of Russian oligarchy in the 1990s, that now it was they, the smart guys, who had control of not only Russia's economy, but also its politics.
The cases of those in the KGB, as well as people from the army and the police force, is a particularly interesting demonstration of how the establishment of big private property enabled the transformation of on old elite into a new one. Indeed, the KGB members that were directly involved in the repressive activity not only were deprived of the possibility to enrich themselves, but were forced to turn to the vanguard of new proprietors of lucrative positions that had access to substantial legal and illegal income. From the very beginning, former KGB members adjusted to the new reality of post-Soviet Russia much better and faster than the intellectuals and Party apparatchiks. During the final decade of the KGB's operation, one of the more sinister figures within the organization, Philipp Bobkov, was put in charge of the persecution of dissidents. After 1991, he quite effortlessly became the head of security in the empire of oligarch Vladimir Gusinsky, one of the most despicable men in the eyes of Russian patriots. The irony of the connection between the two lays in the fact that Bobkov was the creator of the Anti-Zionist Committee of the Soviet Public only a few years before Perestroika in 1983, still, that had in no way prevented him from serving directly under Gusinsky who was vice president of the World Jewish Congress. Let us add that KGB General Alexei Kondaurov became the head of security in Khodorkovsky's Menatep bank. Not to mention that during Putin's reign, the Chekists easily became the leading stock holders of major Russian companies. Putin, Nikolai Patrushev, Viktor Cherkesov, Sergei Ivanov, and Viktor Ivanov, were all leading figures in the political arena under Yeltsin. And as Olga Kryshtanovskaia mentioned, the people from within the 'power institutions' are present in the board of directors of all leading companies. One can also reasonably assume that in addition to their generous bonuses, they also received stocks. At best, the members of the former ruling class in revolutionary Russia could hope that even if their ideology is betrayed, they could still manage to secure a humble position in the state apparatus (though there were some exceptions done only for the military).
The Contempt for Equality as a Basis for Blending the Old and New Elites
The glorification of private property by the new elites helped immensely in creating a bridge between the old and new elites. Another factor which helped to make a smooth transition between the Communist and post-Communist regime was the negative attitudes of the new elite toward equality. Indeed, the ideology of VRs implicitly and often even explicitly condemned egalitarian ideas. The disdainful attitudes towards egalitarianism from 1990-1995 was in vogue among liberals in post-Communist countries, a great contrast to all three CRs, including the French revolution, which were animated by the ideas of political and social equality. The enmity toward egalitarianism blunted the hostility toward the old dominant class with all their perks which aroused such an anger of the population. The Bolsheviks looked at the style of life of the Russian nobles and rich people with disgust, and in the aftermath of the revolution introduced the "party maximum," a salary cap which punished those who indulged in the bourgeois "extravaganza." The egalitarian spirit of the post-revolutionary time was not diminished by the fact that few leaders like Lenin enjoyed a relatively good life. The new elites in the VR countries were not all opposed to the privileges of the communist elites, especially if the new leaders belonged to the nomenclature. In the very beginning of his "democratic" career, Yeltsin flirted with egalitarianism, once even using a street car instead of personal limousine, but then he moved toward the direction of the opposition, toward the most luxurious lifestyle.
The new elites along with the old nomenclature became obsessed about the possibility for a lavish life, and introduced the glamorous lifestyle with its ostensible consumption.
Private Property and Corruption in VR Countries
The victory of big private property in VR countries not only accounted for the bloodless transition to the new regime, but also explains why VR paved the way for a phenomenon of cosmic proportions for these countries: corruption. Yet despite the pervasiveness of this phenomenon, it was almost totally neglected by Ash in his analysis. To be clear, when referring to corruption, I am alluding to activities which insist on the extrication of privileges from the holders of political power in exchange for material benefits of various types.
It is necessary to make the distinction between two types of radically different corruption: corruption of the officials at the highest echelons of power (big corruption –BC), and the corruption of petty functionaries like traffic police, people in commerce, teachers, or doctors (small corruption—SC). Of course, both types of corruption are correlated with one another; however the social importance of BG is exceptionally higher than of SC. What more, the size of SC is rather a function of the size of BC: if leading politicians take bribes in any capacity, clerks get the green light to take bribes without the fear of punishment. What more, BC is possible only with existence of big private property, regardless of whether it is owned by an individuals or corporation.
The Lack of Political Corruption in Totalitarian Societies
The transformation of private property into state property during the Russian and Chinese revolutions, in addition to the installment of a totalitarian regime in other countries, made BC almost impossible. During the Jacobin dictatorship, corruption was practically unfeasible, and it was Robespierre who had the nickname, "Incorruptible." Even after the demise of the Jacobins during the Directory, the regime which emerged after the end the revolutionary terror which in some way is reminiscent of Khrushchev's "thaw," the level of corruption was quite high but was seemingly much lower than in the contemporary world. Corruption was relatively low in the Napoleonic Empire as well. Dubbed "the rotten plank" for his shameless profiteering, Paul Barras, the leader of the Directory, was held in contempt by Napoleon and exiled from the country. The first empire was certainly not free from corruption, particularly among Napoleon's marshals in the conquered countries. Still, the corruption was much lower than in the subsequent regimes, which suffered from a weaker state after Napoleon's defeat.
To be sure, the Soviet leaders were always hostile to big money, and not only for ideological reasons (big money increases social inequality by a lot, which they tried to keep in check), but rather because the accumulation of money makes the corruption of apparatchiks possible. In the early 1920s, Lenin's New Economic Policy generated much hostility among Bolsheviks due to the fact that the fast emerging private business began to corrupt the civil war heroes with great ease; a truth described in many Soviet novels in the 1920s and 1930s. The ferocious fight of the Soviet authorities against underground businesses from the end of the NEP until Perestroika was also dictated largely by fear of party and state apparatus corruption. The Soviet system could not eliminate or even diminish small corruption which had become widespread in the previous decades of the USSR, particularly in Central Asia and the Caucasian republics. However, the Soviet system undeniably won the fight against big corruption within the country's political spheres. Big money had no part in the decision making process in the Kremlin and its cadre policy, regardless of the allegations – which were never proved – regarding the bribery of some Politburo members during, and perhaps even before, the period of Perestroika. (There were rumors that Politburo member Frol Kozlov kept some (!) money in a friend's safe. The gifts which Brezhnev or his daughter did receive were in fact insignificant and without any political impact.)
The Emergence of the Common Network of Political Power Holders and Owners of Big Property
As soon as big money, big property, and the contempt for social equality entered the Russian scene, big corruption made a radical jump. A single fundamental fact explains why BC made such gigantic strides during the first years of any regime in post-Communist countries after VR: the weakness of the post-Communist state.
It was Gorbachev's Perestroika which delivered a powerful strike not only to the Soviet totalitarian state but against the Russian statehood. With Yeltsin's rise to power, the decline of a central administration continued. Putin's regime stopped the disintegration of the state as an institution, though only achieving political stability for the ruling elite, which is what guaranteed his personal power. However, under Putin the central administration became quite able to garner the loyalty of major political players, such as oligarchs and governors, but it continued to be weak in running the country, and was unable to control its law enforcement agencies and local authorities, which all became totally corrupted. The master of the Kremlin, a feudal king, asked only the individual loyalty necessary for the maintenance of his personal power. With a weak state and the emergence of high fortunes, the conditions for BC became ideal. From the leaders of the country down to any official with some power, all bureaucrats became involved in the exchange of privileges for various material benefits with those who had big property, including stocks in companies.
Almost all the activists of Perestroika, Yeltsin's staff, local governments, the State and local Duma, as well as the old nomenclature that was still well connected, began to sell political services almost immediately after the victory of the VR to those who had money as well to those who promised the exchange of money and stocks for privileges which allowed them to enrich themselves. In fact, the scheme was as follows: officials provided their friends and relatives with chunks of state property at low prices or provided them with loans from state banks in order to buy big property. In turn, as soon as their disposed money or stocks were paid, the new owners immediately backed their benefactors with cash and stocks. People with various positions in society, managers of companies, research institutes, and new business people from all groups of the educated class, started using their social capital to amass wealth by a number of ways, from renting the space in their enterprises and research institutes, to selling the equipment and their products at dumping prices abroad. The initial period of privatization ended with the creation of the close interaction between political power and big private property at the national and local levels. There was not a single village or small city that did not speak about the significant corruption in the capital and regional centers in Russia where the intertwining between power and money was absent. The society turned into a common network of officials and owners of big private property, all united by mutual corruption and all having criminal records; a circumstance which made them afraid of a regime change, which could easily send them to prison based on their records.
The existing network of corrupted political and economic actors made a free and honest election practically impossible. Even regional elections needed big money. Further political developments showed that rich people were often deeply hostile toward true democracy. They had no objections against the violation of the democratic rules created by Yeltsin, and helped him to win the crucial presidential election in 1996, which was marred by offensive violations of election procedures. During Yeltsin's time as the Russian oligarch, the owners of big money showed that they were clearly enemies of the totalitarian state, and that they did not like to be treated as Middle Age docile vassals who were obliged to kiss the hand of the king. (Tycoons behave exactly in this way with respect to the leader of any country.) Their ideal was a feudal-esque society with only a few people who control the country, as opposed to having only one ruler, tsar, general secretary, or powerful president. They were also opposed to — in their parlance — the democracy of mobs and lay people who do not understand even their own interests, let alone what is best for the country.
Indeed, wealthy Russians have ambivalent attitudes toward Putin. They are furious how he often treats them almost as servants, but at the same time they highly appreciate that he does not interfere in their businesses on an everyday basis, which permits the business owners to blend with the corrupted officials, protect their property against the threat of renationalization, and shield them against the unfriendly masses. At the time of the 2008 financial crisis, the Kremlin protected the interests of tycoons. The Kremlin seemingly ignored the ties of some Russian corporations with criminal organizations crime.
In return, as good vassals of a strong feudal monarch, Russian oligarchs fully obeyed Putin, and refused to defend one of their own, Mikhail Khodorkovsky, who was incarcerated (indeed, they are very far from having their own Magna Carta). At any moment the Russian oligarchs are ready to "voluntarily" finance the Kremlin or local boss's election campaigns or any governmental projects. Without complaining, the oligarchs even accepted the role of whipping boy on television. In return, they can continue to increase their fortune and indulge in a luxurious life both in Russia and abroad.
Big Property and Democracy in America
Big property as a source of corruption as well as its negative impact on the democratic process is not, of course, a unique feature of the post-Communist society. It is a universal phenomenon. We can find the same kinds of corruptive developments in each democratic society. The real root of the problem lies in the fundamental fact that big property, including financial corporations, is necessary for economic progress and the Jeffersonian idea about society which is based on small owners creating a pure utopia. However, the Jeffersonian fear of big property is very well founded. Big property, with its tremendous positive effect on the economy, also generates corruption and tremendously hurts the democratic process with donors' activities. While the Bolsheviks were afraid of big property primarily because of the danger of apparatchik corruption, true democrats have reason to be concerned about both the direct dependence of politicians on corporations, and about the reliance on government for the personal relations with the wealthy and the managers of corporations. The democrats should be troubled about the impact of big money on the election process, which makes the argument about the equality of one vote to another a ludicrous statement. At the same time, big property has played a positive role under some circumstances toward authoritarianism, particularly in sustaining the freedom of the media if, of course, leaders of corporations were not in collusion with each other in supporting the same ideology and the same regime. Having said this, we must insist that oligarchs are not sincere admirers of real democracy. The dangerous impact of big property on the functioning of the political system in the USA is a well known issue, even if mainstream social scholars tend to see all these developments as a deviation from the normal liberal society and refuse to deal with this issue as an organic part of America. The harsh critique of the political activity of corporations and their role in corruption, which occurred in the media as a rule, missed the point because these developments are treated as unfortunate and abnormal deviations from a usually well functioning democratic society, but not as a normal part of America and other Western societies.
The financial crisis of 2008 fully revealed the political role of financial corporations, and their ability to exert a tremendous influence on Washington. The crisis exposed that a small number of feudal players, the heads of big financial corporations (or as prominent economist Simon Johnson called them — "the princes of the financial world"), had become so big that the fate of the nation depended on their survival. As Johnson noted, the political balance of power, as it stood before the crisis, gave the financial sector veto power over public policy. CEOs received their bonuses like the feudal lords earned their spoils of war. The size of their incomes was not determined by market value, but by the monopoly of power, given the fact that the board of directors were submissive and endorsed their bonuses.
The Theoretical Conclusion
The developments in post-Communist countries led to the emergence of a weak state due to the spread of big property which unexpectedly opened the gate to strong feudal tendencies, to a corrupted bureaucracy, and a façade democracy with elections which were often controlled by the union of the current administration and big corporations. These developments have highlighted the necessity of new theoretical approaches which should be applied to the political processes in the contemporary world.
Indeed, the role of big property and of the corporations in the United States does not fit the dominant liberal model which claims to explain all of the major economic and political processes in American society. Yet these developments also do not fit the various versions of Marxist critiques, with its focus on class relations and disregard of the crucial role of several centers with quasi feudal power and their conflicts with one another in America. Corporations, with their interaction with individual legislators and the government in general, where money is exchanged for privileges (a so-called 'rent seeking' activity) radically trample on the principles of free competition and diminish the role that merit plays in the selection of cadres for the highest positions in government. Corporate activity in election campaigns makes an honest election difficult, and eventually weakens the role of ordinary people in the political process. The cases when the masses overcome the dictate of big donors and successfully confront the establishment are indeed perceived as political miracles. However, the leading political role that corporations fulfill does not completely fit the ideal totalitarian model either (totalitarianism being the extreme form of the authoritarian model). In fact, the role of corporations in contemporary society demands the use of the feudal model which supposes their existence alongside the electorate and government centers of power. Criminal organizations also come up as a serious political and economic player in many societies like Mexico, and can compete on the level of corporations in their impact on the government, national and local election process, as well as on the general life of the population. Indeed, some corporations maintain close ties with criminal organizations.
In fact, the pure liberal model presumes the political equality and the freedom of activity to all members of society, i.e. the total sovereignty of the people, "freedom to all." The totalitarian model with absolute control over all members of society under his rule encompasses the motto "freedom to nobody." The feudal (or oligarchic) model, to use the famous Aristotle's typology of political regime, describes a society which combines the freedom of a few actors (the government, various corporations, local administration, and mafias) with the subordination of the rest of the population to their leaders, thus, "freedom to few."
Nearly each society, past and present, is segmented and combines the elements of all three types of organizations. These organizations interact with each other in a unique cultural and historical context which makes the democratic and totalitarian regimes very specific in each country. The in-depth analysis of any society demands the refusal of a "one system" approach and the employment of all three models simultaneously. A society is never wholly democratic, authoritarian, feudal, or bourgeois. America and Russia are not the only contemporary societies that refute the one system model, but it is evident that countries such as Italy, Mexico, Japan, and Iran combine elements of all three types of categorical organization.
By all accounts, feudal tendencies throughout the world have intensified. The main reason for its expansion is due to the increase in the concentration of money to the limited few in power. The growing role of financial institutions, the expansion of multinational corporations, the tremendous revenues from oil, in addition to the revenue from drugs and the increasing power of criminal organizations and certain individuals who can influence the course of history in various countries and throughout the world in general. As The New York Times columnist David Brooks noted in his article published on January 5, 2009, the masses "believe big government, big business, big media and the affluent professionals are merging to form a self-serving oligarchy — with bloated government, unsustainable deficits, high taxes and intrusive regulation."
As it seems to me, restraining the interference of big money in politics is one of the major problems of the democratic societies in the world. For the first time in history the international community has been undertaking various efforts to stem corruption. The American society has always been aware of the impact of controversial big money on the political process, and particularly on elections. Among other things, it has taken a long time to seek out the compromise between Freedom of Speech, which encompasses and demands the unrestricted use of money for legal political purpose (equating the corporation with the individual), and the intervention of big money, which undermines the honesty of the election campaign, the meritocratic principle, as well as the free competition between the political and economic markets.
A post scriptum
The last decision of the Supreme Court (January 20, 2010) is an appropriate epilogue to this text. The court, to my great sorrow, declared that the government may not ban political spending by corporations in candidate elections. It was a victory for the feudal tendencies in the country. However, it was remarkable that the court was bitterly split: 5 members of the court voted for this decision, and 4 were against. As The New York Times informs, the five opinions in the decision ran to more than 180 pages, with Justice John Paul Stevens contributing a passionate 90-page dissent. Those who voted for the decision talked about the triumph of the First Amendment, those who voted against insisted that allowing corporate money to flood the political marketplace would corrupt democracy. It is also remarkable that the American public is also split between supporting the freedom of speech, and the restrictions on the contribution of corporations. However, a larger percentage of the public supports the dissenters in the court, rather than the majority. In the aftermath of the historical decision of the Supreme Court. According to Gallup, 52 percent voted for placing the limits on campaign contributions, and 41 percent voted for protecting the rights of large corporations to support political campaigns.
I have published several books and articles in the last 15 years on feudal tendencies in the world whose titles the reader can find in my CV, which resides on my personal website: https://www.msu.edu/~shlapent/.


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If you haven't already heard,Linsanity is headed to Houston,, the Knicks choose not to match the Houston Rockets offer for the break out star. As a big Knicks fan, I felt they should of signed Lin back, the kid has a lot of potential, he was great marketing for NYC, and his game takes pressure off Carmelo and Amar'e.James Dolan and the Knicks made a tough decision. Today Lin was introduced to the Houston media as the newest member of the Rockets organization. Lin dressed to impress as he addressed the media in a swanky pinstripe suit polished with spread collar shirt and solid skinny necktie, you can't go wrong with black and white. How do you think Jeremy Lin will preform in Houston??
photos via houstonrockets.com


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How To Manage Your Traditional Automotive Restoration Storage
18 Jan 2018 17:33
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10' x 8' Forest Overlap Apex Pressure Treated Wooden Double Door Shed (3.10m x 2.46m)
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This 10x8 Double Door Pressure Treated Overlap Shed is ideal for use as a hobby or workshop space or for storing large garden items
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Other than our fence panels (which are delivered fully constructed), all of our products are delivered flat packed, direct to your home and are supplied with a set of instructions to support assembly.


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Ceylon cinnamon sticks are made like cigars – fine layers dried and rolled together. It comes as a surprise to many, but cinnamon is made from the inner bark of a cinnamon tree. So the craft in the producing the spice doesn't just come from successfully cultivating it, there is also skilled preparation, drying and grading to go through before the cinnamon sticks are ready for the market.
We found a great little documentary that takes you from harvesting the crop through to making cinnamon sticks.
How Ceylon Cinnamon Sticks Are Made
Grow Your Own Cinnamon
It sounds like a challenge, but growing your own cinnamon can be possible in a green house. Cinnamon's leaves look beautiful too as the fade from green to riper pinks. We've also seen seedlings available for sale on eBay. The seedlings are sent straight from Sri Lanka and saves the most challenging part of growing a plant, germination.
Cinnamon is generally harvested from branches that are at least 2 years old… doesn't sound too long at all for the patient among us.
So much goes into the making of Ceylon cinnamon that you can see why it's such a premium spice. It's also got a fantastic history and full with incredible benefits.


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World Media
Hope fades for dozens trapped in Itogon landslides
Mangkhut was moving northwestward at a speed of 26 km per hour at 8 am, about 1,000 km away from the city of Yangjiang, Guangdong Province, said China's National Meteorological Centre. He expressed sadness that the villagers, many of them poor, had few options to survive in a region where big corporations have profited immensely from gold mines.
World Media
India approves ban on instant divorce
Zakia Soman, founder of a Mumbai-based women's rights group called Bharatiya Muslim Mahila Andolan, told Al Jazeera , "We welcome this". Responding to a question by ANI on Congress stonewalling the Triple Talaq Bill in courts and in the Parliament, Congress President Rahul Gandhi, at an event in London, had said "We have an issue with the criminalisation (part of the Bill) but we have not stonewalled anything".
World Media
Brett Kavanaugh's friend Mark Judge declines to testify about alleged sexual assault
Prof Ford's legal team say they have written to Senate Judiciary Committee declining its offer to testify. Ford is a professor, so some of Kavanaugh's online defenders made a decision to dig up student reviews of her classes. "I really would want to see what she has to say", Mr Trump said Wednesday. "If she shows up, that would be wonderful", he said of Monday's planned hearing.
World Media
We're ready to come up with a better backstop proposal — European Union negotiator
The next few days will be crucial for the eventual Brexit outcome and the future of the Prime Minister, with the EU's chief Brexit negotiator, Michel Barnier , expected to update ministers on the state of Article 50 negotiations with the European Union during an General Affairs Council meeting on Tuesday.
World Media
Trump orders 'immediate' declassification of FISA documents, DOJ-FBI texts
It's also unclear if the multi-agency review now underway might find ways to try to withhold certain information or limit whatever damage, such as outing sources or scaring off would-be ones, that may arise from the release . Freedom Caucus Chair Rep. Mark Meadows added that with the president's action, "transparency wins". The Department of Justice released a redacted version of the FISA earlier this year, but lawmakers said it was not enough to show the American people what had ...
World Media
Kavanaugh, Ford to testify at US Senate hearing on Monday
Senate Judiciary Chairman Chuck Grassley had invited Blasey Ford, as well as Kavanaugh , to a hearing slated for next Monday for both of them to publicly testify. Hill, in a New York Times op-ed , joined Democratic lawmakers and advocacy groups calling for " a thorough and transparent investigation " into Dr.


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BTS Wins AMA 2018 Favorite Social Artist Award; Jungkook Breaks Down In Tears On Stage
BTS took home another award, a few days after the septet was bestowed as the youngest recipient of Order of Cultural Merit from the Korean government. The Bangtan Boys won the American Music Awards' 2018 Favorite Social Artist trophy Tuesday night against other well-known international artists.
BTS's latest milestone doesn't come as a surprise though as the group has been known to have a very strong fan base called the Army. Unfortunately, the K-pop group wasn't able to accept their latest award personally as Jin, Suga, J-Hope, RM, Jimin, V, and Jungkook are currently in London for their two-night concert in the city. Instead, the boys expressed their gratitude to the AMA and most importantly to their Army. Check out BTS's video below.
Other nominees for the AMAs Favorite Social Artist award this year are Cardi B, Ariana Grande, Demi Lovato, and Shawn Mendes. This is the first award the "IDOL" singers received from AMA. Last year, the group performed their hit song "DNA" at the music awards show. In May, BTS also won the Top Social Artist Award at the 2018 Billboard Music Awards against top pop artists such as Justin Bieber and Selena Gomez.
BTS had concluded the U.S. leg of their Love Yourself concert tour at the Citi Field stadium in New York over the weekend. The septet is currently in Europe for the continuation of the tour. A new award could have been the best way to kick off the Europe leg however, it started with a little hiccup.
BTS's lead vocalist Jungkook remained seated during the first night of the band's concert in London due to a minor injury. The band's agency Bit Hit Entertainment released a statement minutes before the show starts that Jungkook will be joining his bandmates on stage but will not be able to perform choreography due to an injury earlier in the day. Bit Hit explained that during the rehearsal of the band, Jungkook is doing some stretching in the waiting room when he hit floor furnishings and suffered an injury to his heel.
"The opinion of the medical team is that while the injury is not serious, performing choreography may do further damage to the injured area. Following the advice of the medical staff, Jung Kook will take part in the performance tonight but remain seated without choreography," the agency noted.
Fans flooded the band and Big Hit's social media accounts with their support for the BTS's maknae. A video of Jungkook broke down on stage while explaining his situation and asking for the audience's understanding also went viral. BTS will come back at the O2 Arena in London on October 10 before heading to Amsterdam, Berlin, and Paris.
Congratulations to @BTS_twt! They just won Favorite Social Artist presented by @Xfinity on the #AMAs red carpet. pic.twitter.com/6LOyIldIx1 — American Music Awards (@AMAs) October 9, 2018


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Discussion Paper
Sound Analysis; Perspectives on Compositional Modes of Listening
In this discussion paper I will be situating my methods of listening to and understanding sound material in relation to several composers affiliated with electroacoustic music. I will also discuss how these various perspectives on analyzing sonic behaviour can be used to form meaningful relationships between sounds, and how this compares with my own compositional approaches and methodologies. I have chosen to focus on composers associated with electroacoustic music because I share with them a common belief in 'the inherent musicality in all sounds.' (Smalley. 1986: 61) At the heart of the genre's oeuvre lies a questioning of the traditions of Western music; a vernacular dominated by 'metrically organized harmonic and melodic relationships.' (Smalley. 1986: 61) This questioning arose in conjunction with the advent of new technologies, which not only expanded the palette of sound made readily available to composers, but also provided them with different means of manipulating this sonic material. (Teruggi. 2007) Technology became a catalyst for the development of new methods of listening, analyzing and composing with sound, and it is these methods that I will discuss in this paper, beginning with French composer Pierre Schaeffer.
Pierre Schaeffer, founder of musique concrete, was interested in developing ways of perceiving sound once it had been removed from its context via recording and playback over the loudspeaker. He used the term sound-object to describe his approach of apprehending sound 'without seeing the causes behind it.' (Schaeffer 1966: 91). This method, which he called reduced listening, sought to draw the listener's attention to the intrinsic properties of a particular sonority (e.g. its texture, timbre and temporal transformation). (Wishart. 1996)
Reduced listening is an extremely useful technique that I've learnt to incorporate into my compositional practise. There are simple ways to initiate this mode of listening, such as closing ones eyes and auditioning a sound numerous times until any imagined connection to its source disappears. For me, reduced listening is a method that strives towards a more objective way of perceiving sonic behaviour; away from causality one can really focus on the inner detail of a sound and begin to form links between different sound-objects based on these intrinsic qualities. Whilst linking materials in this way is certainly a valid approach to the creation of a coherent sonic discourse, I feel that disregarding the source of a sound completely can eliminate the possibilities of utilizing the potential meanings inherent within its extrinsic features (e.g. the representational, associative and symbolic). In addition to this, a sole focus on the intrinsic features of a sound perhaps ignores the way people naturally respond to sound, since 'studies of behaviour and aural physiology would suggest that our mental apparatus is predisposed to allocate sounds to their sources.' (Wishart. 1996: 129)
Trevor Wishart developed a compositional aesthetic that integrated the Schaefferian analysis of the sound-object, as well as bringing the extrinsic features of a sound into play. He used the term sound-image to explain one of his methods of composition: transforming the visualization of a sound in the minds eye and making use of its extrinsic features to form symbolic links between these evoked images. In his piece Red Bird (1978) he transformed the voice of someone saying 'Liss….' (from the word listen) into birdsong (a metaphor for flight), allowing the voice to 'take flight' and suggesting a 'metaphorical link with the concept of 'imagination''. (Wishart. 1996: 166)
I try to use a combination of intrinsic and extrinsic methods of understanding sounds when I begin working on a composition. In my piece Window Music (2008), I was initially drawn to the intrinsic qualities of the sound of construction work taking place across the road from my house; rich metallic timbres randomly struck in isolation, accentuating the acoustic character of street. Once I had spliced the recording into singular 'strikes', I began thinking about how to approach the material from an extrinsic point of view. The thunderous clanging of pipes and girders were the result of scaffolding being constructed, sonic signifiers of a new material structure forming piece-by-piece. I tried to reflect this in my additive approach to building a rhythmic structure with the construction strikes.
Whilst the sound-object and sound-image are both useful perceptual techniques, my compositional thinking integrates a sense of sound as being specific to a location as well. R Murray Schafer coined the term sound-event to describe this perspective: a sound that 'occurs in a certain place during a particular interval of time.' (Schafer. 1994: 131) Schafer was the founder of the World Soundscape Project, a collective of sound artists and composers who 'drew attention to the sonic environment through location recordings and environmental advocacy.' (Cox & Warner. 2004: 29) Together they defined an area of study called Acoustic Ecology, which was concerned with how the acoustic environment (or soundscape) impacts the behaviour of the creatures living within it. (Schafer. 1994: 271)
My practise incorporates the locational aspect of studying sound from a fixed position (as in Window Music), but also the transitional, by journeying through an urban environment in order to study the soundscape. The latter could be seen as a sonic interpretation of the Situationist ideas of Psychogeography and Dérive, an approach to understanding urban space through physical exploration, whereby the individual lets himself be 'drawn by the attractions of the terrain and the encounters they find there.' (Debord, 2006: 50) In my Big Ben Composition (2008) I used a combination of fixed and transitional approaches, making two separate studies of the soundscape around Westminster Bridge, before finally amalgamating them both within a single composition. For the transitional study, I developed certain rules for my journey around the area, based on the sonic activity of Big Ben over the course of an hour. This dictated what material I collected, as well as the way I organized the sounds when composing. With the fixed study, I recorded 30 minutes of activity from one position (the bank opposite Big Ben), later analyzing and selecting the three key sounds present in the soundscape to compose with.
As I began working on different mutations of these three key sounds (seagulls, police siren and Big Ben's gongs), some interesting concerns arose regarding how much I should manipulate them. I used two stages of processing on the three sounds. The first stage involved subtle shaping of the sounds using EQ and re-sampling techniques in Logic, leaving them relatively 'raw' and still recognizable in terms of their source and behaviour. The second stage involved random pitch and amplitude manipulation in MaxMSP, which on occasion removed them quite far from their causality. Since I was trying to retain a sense of place, I had to reassess the degree of processing at the second stage; it obscured the source of the sound beyond recognition and hence severed the connection to location as well. Pierre Schaeffer highlighted the perceptual ambiguity a particular sound can take on through technological manipulation in Trois Microsillons d'Examples Sonores (1967), stating that one sounding body '"may supply a great variety of [sound] objects whose disparity cannot be reconciled by their common origin."' (Cited in Schafer. 1994: 130)
If listened to in isolation, the various forms taken by the seagulls, police sirens & Big Ben's gongs in the final version of my composition, lie somewhere in between having ambiguous and recognizable sources. However, since the variations of these sounds are repeated at regular intervals in the composition and occur at the same time through layering techniques, I believe a sense of their source is still conveyed, and thus location as well. The repetition breeds a familiarity with the individual sounds in their different guises, whilst the layering allows them to establish a link to a certain place through the contextual recognition of their source; though one particular sound might initially be perceived as an unrecognizable form, its source may obtain clarity through its juxtaposition against the other two sounds and the setting implied by their synchronized occurrence. (Wishart. 1996: 150)
In this paper I have situated some of my compositional modes of listening in relation to three alternate perspectives on studying sound: the sound-object (intrinsic), the sound-image (extrinsic) and the sound-event (specific to time and place). I have explained how these three ways of understanding sonic behaviour can lay the conceptual foundations from which to build meaningful relationships between sounds, and how this compares with my own approaches to composition. Whilst these various perceptual methods and compositional strategies are certainly important to the electroacoustic composer, articulating their use is sometimes problematic. For example, creating the sense of location sonically in my Big Ben Composition is not only reliant on the apprehension of source, but also the familiarity the audience may have with this material. A Londoner may be able to link these three sounds to Westminster Bridge and grasp the symbolic associations with the material, whilst someone who's new to the City may not. That said, perhaps the visual element accompanying transitional study in this piece perhaps counteracts this problem, as well as the use of repetition and contextual recognition in the sonic element of the locational study.
When implementing the three perceptual methods discussed in this paper, I must bare in mind that I can only obtain relative objectivity towards sound because of the gap between my perception and that of my potential audience. In addition to this, I must consider that these compositional methodologies may be slightly flawed, since 'Sound-objects do not suggest their own montage in an objective way! There lies, above the process of aural choice advocated in this approach, a set of beliefs as to what it is that 'sounds right' in any given situation.' (Emmerson. 1986: 21) To some artists, such as Francis Bacon, these instinctive reactions to material are paramount in regards to composition; '"If you manage to do something following your instinct as closely as possible, then you have succeeded…"' (Archimbaud. 1999: 80) I feel I must endeavour to find a balance between my instinctual reactions to sound and more analytical strategies to perceive it. In this way I can form a dialectical approach towards composition that allows the various electroacoustic notions of sonic behaviour to play off my own individual understanding of sound and its compositional possibilities.
Archimbaud, M. (1999) Francis Bacon in Conversation with Michel Archimbaud, London: Phaidon Press Limited
Brougher, K. Mattis, M. Strick, J. & Zilcher, J. (2005) Visual Music: Synaesthesia in Art and Music Since 1900, London: Thames & Hudson
Cox, C. & Warner D. (2004) Audio Culture: Readings in Modern Music London: Continuum
Dann, T. (1998) Bright Colours Falsely Seen: Synaesthesia and the Search for Transcendental Knowledge, New Haven: Yale University Press
Debord, G. (2006) Introduction to a Critique of Urban Geography, In: Knabb, K. Situationist National Anthology (Revised and Expanded Edition, AK Press
Emmerson, S. (1986) The Language of Electroacoustic Music, London: Macmillan Press
Harrison, J. (2001) Synaesthesia: The Strangest Thing, Oxford University Press
Nyman, M. (1999) Experimental Music: Cage and Beyond, 2nd Edition Cambridge University Press
Schaeffer, P. (1966) Traité des Objets Musicaux, Paris: Le Seuil
Schafer, R. M. (1977) The Soundscape: Our Sonic Environment & the Tuning of the World, Vermont: Destiny Books
Smalley, D. (1997) Organising Sound, Cambridge University Press
Teruggi, D. (2007) Technology and Musique Concrete: the Technical Developments of the Groupe de Recherches Musicales and their Implication in Musical Composition, Cambridge University Press.
Wishart, T. (1996) On Sonic Art, London: Routledge
Music / CDs
Wishart, T. (1996) On Sonic Art: Accompanying CD, London: Routledge
1 Comment
Artist's Statement & Reflection Paper « Zai Tang said,
[…] visual element to a minimum and focusing on sound as the main carrier of meaning. My research in to electroacoustic music and synaesthesia in art has informed my approach to soundscape composition, which I view as an […]