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(Enuresis; Primary Nocturnal Enuresis; PNE)
Bed-wetting is involuntary urination during sleep in children. Typically, children become able to sleep through the night without wetting around ages 3 to 5 years.
Enuresis is bed-wetting at least twice a week. There are 2 types of enuresis:
- Primary nocturnal enuresis (PNE)—no periods of nighttime dryness
- Secondary nocturnal enuresis (SNE)—periods of nighttime dryness longer than 6 months followed by bed-wetting
|Urinary System in Child
|Copyright © Nucleus Medical Media, Inc.
Bed-wetting is common and not usually related to a medical condition.
Some factors that may contribute to bed-wetting include:
- Bladder control that develops more slowly than normal
- Greater than average urine production at night
- A tendency for deep sleep
- Overactive bladder
In rare cases, bed-wetting may be a symptom of a health condition. These conditions may cause excess urine or prevent the bladder from completely emptying. They include:
- Kidney or bladder infections
- Kidney disease
- Diabetes
- Diabetes insipidus —a rare disorder in which sugar is normal but excess water is excreted by the kidney
- Congenital bladder, kidney, or neurological abnormality
- A sleep disorder, sometimes related to enlarged tonsils or adenoids
Risk Factors
Factors that increase the chance of bed-wetting include:
- Family members with a history of bed-wetting
Significant psychosocial stressors, such as:
- Family difficulties
- Moving to a new home
- Loss of a loved one
- A new baby in the home
- Initial toilet training that was too stressful
- Physical or sexual abuse
- Chronic constipation
- Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder
The child wakes up and finds the bed wet from urine.
When Should I Call My Doctor?
Most children will have bladder control at night by about 5 years of age. Talk to your doctor if your child is about 5 years old and is still wetting the bed. Your doctor can help determine if the bed-wetting is just a normal part of your child's development or is caused by a condition that may need treatment.
Also call your doctor if your child:
- Wets his or her pants in the daytime
- Has pain during urination
- Has to go to the bathroom often
- Has blood in the urine
- Has fever or chills
You will be asked about your child's symptoms and medical history. A physical exam will be done. Your doctor will ask about:
- Family history of bed-wetting
- Daytime urinary patterns
- Problems urinating, such as pain or weak stream
- Usual intake of fluids
- Type of fluids consumed
- Presence of blood in the urine
- Strained family dynamics around the issue of bed-wetting
- Child's emotional response to the behavior
- Recent psychological trauma
Your child's bodily fluids may be tested. This can be done with a urine test.
Images may be taken of your child's bodily structures. This can be done with:
If an underlying problem in the urinary tract is suspected, your child may be referred to a specialist.
Most children will stop bed-wetting by the time they reach puberty. However, bed-wetting can remain a problem for up to 1% of adults.
Most treatment aims to gradually reduce the number of bed-wettings until the child grows out of it. Treatment is rarely appropriate before age 6.
If bed-wetting is caused by an infection or physical abnormality, a treatment plan will be created for that issue. Since this is uncommon, most children may be treated with one or more of these ways:
Motivation and Family Support
Bed-wetting is rarely an intentional act. Children are usually upset and ashamed when it happens. Do not punish the child. It is important that parents offer encouragement. The bed-wetting will stop with time. Do not let siblings tease the child who wets the bed.
Keep careful records of the child's progress. Offer consistent support. A simple motivational method is the use of positive feedback, such as a star chart.
Avoid giving the child anything to drink after 6:00-7:00 PM in the evening. Have the child urinate before going to bed. Sugar and caffeine should also be avoided after late afternoon.
Behavioral Conditioning
A conditioning device may be recommended. One example is a pad with a buzzer that sounds when wet. The pad is worn in the child's underwear. The alarm will wake the child up to use the toilet. Parents may need to help the child get to the bathroom and reset the alarm.
Dry bed training is another type of therapy. With this training, a scheduled is followed where the child is woken up during the night to use the bathroom.
Bladder Training
Some doctors suggest bladder-stretching exercises. While awake, the child gradually increases the amount of time between urinations. Do not try this method without talking to the doctor. Holding in urine can lead to daytime wetting and urinary tract infections.
Medication is rarely given. However, it may be used for short-term situations like a sleepover or vacation. Some medications include:
- A hormone that decreases the amount of urine that is made
- An antidepressant that lightens the level of sleep and may also decrease how often the child urinates
- A medication to reduce bladder overactivity and frequency of nighttime wetting
Excess intake of fluid is rarely the cause of bed-wetting. Restricting fluids prior to bed does not help all the time. Still, it is reasonable to have all children empty their bladders prior to bed. Some parents wake their children every few hours to urinate.
American Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry
Healthy Children—American Academy of Pediatrics
About Kids Health—The Hospital for Sick Children
Alberta Health and Wellness
Bedwetting. Healthy Children—American Academy of Pediatrics website. Available at: https://www.healthychildren.org/English/ages-stages/toddler/toilet-training/Pages/Bedwetting.aspx. Updated November 21, 2015. Accessed September 21, 2017.
Enuresis. EBSCO DynaMed Plus website. Available at: http://www.dynamed.com/topics/dmp~AN~T116161/Enuresis . Updated August 10, 2017. Accessed September 21, 2017.
Facts for families: bed wetting. American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry website. Available at: http://www.aacap.org/AACAP/Families%5Fand%5FYouth/Facts%5Ffor%5FFamilies/Facts%5Ffor%5Ffamilies%5FPages/Bedwetting%5F18.aspx. Updated December 2014. Accessed September 21, 2017.
Lee T, Suh HJ, et al. Comparison of effects of treatment of primary nocturnal enuresis with oxybutynin plus desmopressin, desmopressin alone, or imipramine alone: a randomized controlled clinical trial. J Urol. 2005;174:1084-1087.
Robson WL. Clinical practice. Evaluation and management of enuresis. N Engl J Med. 2009 Apr 2;360(14):1429-1436.
Robson WL, Leung AK, et al. Primary and secondary nocturnal enuresis: similarities in presentation. Pediatrics. 2005 Apr;115(4):956-959.
12/13/2007 DynaMed Plus Systematic Literature Surveillance http://www.dynamed.com/topics/dmp~AN~T116161/Enuresis : 2007 Safety Alerts for Drugs, Biologics, Medical Devices, and Dietary Supplements: Desmopressin acetate (marketed as DDAVP Nasal Spray, DDAVP Rhinal Tube, DDAVP, DDVP, Minirin, and Stimate Nasal Spray). US Food and Drug Administration website. Available at: http://www.fda.gov/medwatch/safety/2007/safety07.htm#Desmopressin. 2007 Dec 4.
9/23/2008 DynaMed Plus Systematic Literature Surveillance http://www.dynamed.com/topics/dmp~AN~T116161/Enuresis : Glazener C, Evans J, Peto RE. Complex behavioural and educational interventions for nocturnal enuresis in children. Cochrane Database of Systematic Reviews. 2004(1). CD004668. DOI: 10.1002/14651858.CD004668.
10/10/2013 DynaMed Plus Systematic Literature Surveillance http://www.dynamed.com/topics/dmp~AN~T116161/Enuresis : Mellon M, Natchey B, Katusic S, et al. Incidence of enuresis and encopresis among children with attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder in a population-based cohort. Acad Pediatr. 2013 Jul-Aug;13(4):322-327.
Revision Information
- Reviewer: EBSCO Medical Review Board Kari Kassir, MD
- Review Date: 09/2018
- Update Date: 09/03/2014


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subset: commoncrawl


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Where I come from, Mexican food is considered as quite exotic (we probably have maximum one Mexican restaurant in all of Luxembourg). So you can only imagine how exotic Mexican food mixed with American BBQ flavors tastes to me! If the idea of such a culinary mix makes you long for it, check out Mexicue, positioned every Monday from 11 am to 3 pm in front of the Public Library at Bryant Park for Food Trucks on Fifth.
Mexicue was founded by a couple Brooklynites with a special affection for mixing the spicy flavors of Mexico and the smokiness that barbecue has to offer. There are a variety of choices for you at Mexicue and you will be able to design your personal perfect lunch; you can go with a rice bowl, a salad bowl, a burrito, 3 tacos or 3 sliders that you can then pair with the filler of your choice. Between brisket, BBQ chicken, BBQ beef, pulled pork or different types of beans, you will feel like a child in the candy store. Your composition will then be topped with a choice of slaw, BBQ crispy strips, jalapenos, pickled red onions or cheese. Finally, you can add a sauce if you desire (Bama BBQ is my personal favorite!).
Today I tried a sampler of rice bowl, taco and sliders. Let's start with the brown rice bowl topped with black beans, jalapeno peppers and a creamy chipotle dressing. The soft beans and the lightly crunchy rice mix amazingly with their complementary textures and the spiciness of the jalapenos gives the dish an extra kick to it.
To continue, I had a succulent BBQ pinto bean slider. Pinto beans, rather than black beans, are usually used for refried dishes. This slider made me truly recognize the fusion of American BBQ flavors and Mexican cuisine. The beans, almost reduced to a mash like consistency, were cooked in a creamy and sweet dark brown BBQ sauce. They were served on a golden-colored baby potato roll, that almost reminds me a little of French brioche. The spicy sauce on top of this creation, completed the overall sweetness of the dish.
Finally I tried the black bean soft shell tacos. The bean filling was very similar to the one that I had as a topping of the rice bowl, but if you prefer a lighter snack, then definitely go with a couple tacos instead.
Meat-eaters, don't worry, the pulled pork and BBQ chicken both look and smell amazing. The only thing I did not have a chance to try, was the guacamole. A good reason to go back…
Food Trucks on Fifth Schedule
Weekdays, 11am-3pm
Monday: Mexicue
Tuesday: Milk Truck
Wednesday: Nuchas
Thursday: Chinese Mirch
Friday: Souvlaki GR
By Isabelle Steichen


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The road from Cairo through the Nile Delta is uneven and choked with traffic. The roads leading off it become soft silt tracks, winding through villages that are strung along the ridges of levees, amid a maze of tributaries and irrigation canals. During the thirty years of Hosni Mubarak's rule, the population of Egypt doubled, to eighty million, and the hastily built towns have a makeshift, unfinished feel. Steel rebar pokes out from the flat roofs of many houses, in preparation for whenever there is money to build another story.
I had come to Banha, a university town an hour or so north of Cairo, with some eighty thousand students—among them Hend Badawi, the woman I hoped to meet. A friend of hers met me on the outskirts of town, and told me that Badawi was taking an exam. It was June and she was completing a master's degree in education. We waited for her in the Rock, a trendy café on the corniche along the river. Inside, it was dimly lit and lined with faux stone. The menu advertised fried calamari and Chinese chicken. Students sat at the tables in groups, drinking cappuccinos and working on laptops. I noticed a few couples sitting very close to each other, hands entwined over untouched cups of coffee.
Badawi arrived, apologizing; her exam had lasted longer than expected. She is twenty-three years old and was dressed in the fashionable but conservative manner common among young Egyptian women, with black trousers and a black-and-white blouse over a tight black turtleneck. She wore a voluminous head scarf in the Egyptian style, framing her face like that of a Russian doll. She was supposed to be at home—her family had placed her under a curfew—but she was eager to tell her story.
Last December, Badawi was accosted by soldiers while she was on Tahrir Square, protesting against the interim military government. They pulled off her head scarf and dragged her several hundred metres by her hair, punching and slapping her, groping her breasts and her behind, and cursing at her. "One told me, 'If my sister went to Tahrir, I would shoot her,' " she said. Badawi was taken to a room inside a parliament building, where she was beaten again, Tasered, and interrogated. Twelve hours later, she was taken to a military hospital, where she required twenty-five stitches in her head. Her left wrist and fingers had been broken, and her feet were so badly lacerated from being dragged across the rubble of Tahrir that she couldn't stand.
The following day, Field Marshal Mohamed Tantawi, at that time the leader of Egypt's Military Council and the country's de-facto ruler, paid a visit to the hospital with a state-TV camera crew. It was a photo op intended to show concern, but Badawi screamed at him, "We don't want your visit! We are not the ones who are the thugs! You've beaten us and ruined us! Shame on you! Get out!" Badawi grinned at the memory. "Everyone panicked," she said, and Tantawi and his entourage backed out of her room. "Inside, I felt serenity. I felt I was much stronger than he was."
The story of the girl who had yelled at Tantawi spread through the activist community on Twitter and Facebook. A couple of days later, when Badawi was moved to a civilian hospital—she was shackled to the bed—some of her friends managed to smuggle in a video camera to take her testimony. In the video, Badawi's hand is bandaged and she has a crescent-shaped bruise under one eye. The pain is apparent in her voice as she whispers what the Army did to her. The video went viral, and Egypt's independent TV stations used it to refute government claims that there had been no Army violence against civilians. After a few days in the hospital, Badawi was taken to court and arraigned on eight charges, including assaulting security forces, throwing Molotov cocktails, and destroying public property. Then she was released.
Badawi's troubles did not end there. When a relative who is a former general came to see her at the military hospital, he told her, "You have shamed all the family. I cannot even look people in the eyes." Her family is sympathetic to the old regime. They were appalled that a young woman would draw attention to herself in this way. She hadn't told them that she had been going to protests, and they blamed her for what had happened. Her grandfather, who occupied a mayoral position as head of the village, told her that her actions reflected badly on the entire family: how could he now command the respect he needed to mediate disputes? The best thing she could do was to be quiet and forget the whole thing. Her family locked her in her room. Friends and activists were turned away. Her aunt, with whom she had lived since the death of her mother, a few years ago, scolded her frequently, and her brother, Ahmed, hit her. Maintaining contact with the outside world became a matter of strategy: Badawi hid her cell phone in the cast on her arm.
I saw Badawi several times over the summer. We usually met after her exams, because her family let her out only to go to the university. In the short spells we had available, she spoke quickly and urgently. I would ask when her curfew was, and she'd say that it had already passed: "It's only another beating. I can take it."
Badawi felt that fighting the regime was only half the battle. As a woman, she had been struggling against the control and the constraints her family imposed on her since her teens. "When January 25th happened," she told me, referring to the beginning of the protests that brought down Mubarak, last year, "I had the opportunity to mix my inner revolution with the revolution of my country." For women like Badawi, Mubarak's fall has ushered in a transition full of paradox. On Tahrir Square, women protested alongside men, and many Egyptian women have been at the forefront of the struggle for democracy. Yet, so far, the revolution has not advanced the cause of women and may even endanger it. The Islamist movement the Muslim Brotherhood has dominated politics since the revolution. Its political arm, the Freedom and Justice Party, along with the more radical Nour Party of the Salafis, gained a parliamentary majority in the first elections, and, in June, the Brotherhood candidate, Mohamed Morsi, won the Presidency. There are worries that the Islamist ascendancy could curb women's freedoms. Furthermore, although Egyptian women tend to be educated and professionally active, society at large is overwhelmingly conservative. Mona Eltahawy, a feminist writer who caused uproar earlier this year with an essay in Foreign Policy about discrimination against women in Arab societies, told me, "The regime oppresses everyone, but society represses only women."
In Egypt, social class, religious observance, and the differences between city life and village life lead to enormous divergences of experience among the country's women. The professional, well-travelled young woman from an upper-middle-class Cairo family and the illiterate country girl from a conservative family seem to inhabit different countries—indeed, different centuries. Statistics underscore these contrasts. The literacy rate among female youth is relatively high, at eighty-two per cent, and in the past generation the fertility rate has fallen significantly, from 5.05 children per mother in 1985 to 2.73 in 2010. Yet, before female circumcision was made illegal, in 2008, up to ninety per cent of Egyptian married women are thought to have undergone genital mutilation. According to one recent survey, sixty-six per cent of women under thirty believe that husbands are justified in beating their wives if they are talking to other men.
In recent generations, as living standards have risen, more women have completed high school, gone on to university, and entered the workforce. Egyptian women run businesses, work as doctors, and serve as government ministers. A woman is the Vice-President of the Supreme Constitutional Court. But, in the same period, the social atmosphere has become more visibly conservative. Thirty years ago, at the start of Mubarak's rule, many women in Cairo went bareheaded and wore knee-length skirts and open-necked blouses. Now almost all women wear head scarves, and it is not uncommon to see the billowing black of the niqab, a robe that leaves only a narrow slit for the eyes.
In the last decade of Mubarak's rule, after years of lobbying by women's advocacy groups, several amendments were made to what are known as "personal-status laws." For the first time, women were allowed to initiate no-fault divorce, and were given enhanced child-custody rights. The minimum marriage age was raised from sixteen to eighteen, and female circumcision was outlawed. These changes were championed by Suzanne Mubarak, Egypt's First Lady. Since the revolution, her involvement has threatened to discredit the reforms. It is common for Islamists to decry the recent legislation as "Suzanne's laws."
I visited Nehad Abou el Komsan, who, in 1996, co-founded the Egyptian Center for Women's Rights, an N.G.O. She was recently elected secretary-general of the National Council for Women, which had previously been chaired by Suzanne Mubarak. Abou el Komsan's offices are in Maadi, a well-to-do suburb in the south of Cairo, and she met me in a suite of rooms with stacks of leaflets and posters awaiting distribution. She wore black trousers and a bright-yellow patterned jacket, and had a yellow scarf tied at the back of her neck. A trained lawyer, she has worked on women's issues for more than twenty years, and tried to distance her cause from Suzanne Mubarak. "The issue of women for the government was just a negotiating position," she said. "If they wanted to show the international community a human face, they made some changes in women's rights." She noted that improving the lot of women was less onerous for the regime than adopting other kinds of liberalization, such as guaranteeing freedom of expression or abjuring torture. She went on, "Women's issues were only a tool for the government. I see that there were no real gains and that now women are paying a high price for the image of Suzanne Mubarak."
Abou el Komsan said that Suzanne Mubarak's real views were fairly conservative and that she became a human-rights advocate only in 2007. "Everything was very cosmetic," she said. Public-relations considerations, she felt, had greatly compromised the efficacy of the legal amendments. "We wanted a totally new law, and she aborted this effort," she said. "She made it impossible to have a discussion about a new law."
Abou el Komsan was fearful of what would happen under an Islamist-dominated government. "Women's issues are at the core of the Islamist movement," she said. "Like the Taliban closing schools for girls. It's why the first thing Khomeini did in Iran was to make women wear the hijab." This past spring, she had been aghast at talk among Islamist M.P.s of lowering the age of marriage for girls to twelve, undoing the divorce-law reforms, and rescinding the ban on female genital mutilation. Just as liberalization was once useful for the Mubarak regime's image, rolling back the reforms could now help an Islamist government put its imprint on a new era, bolstering the country's widespread social conservatism. Abou el Komsan pointed out, "Women are an area where you can plant a visible flag. Making women wear the hijab, for example, is easier than dealing with health insurance. It's a very quick change and it has a clear impact. In the longer term, they control society by controlling women."
Hend Badawi told me about the moment that she had first begun to feel that life was unfair for women. A boy in her class slipped her a love letter. She was unsure what to do, but when she got home she showed it to her aunt. "Her reaction was to beat me," she said. "I was sincere, and she reacted with violence and aggression. I never showed her anything like that again."
Badawi grew up circumscribed by "customs and traditions"—a familiar phrase in Arabic, which she used sarcastically. She was taught that good girls were demure and veiled and never talked to boys, that they went to school and got married and obeyed their husbands. She was beaten by her brother, she said, because the culture "gives him the need to declare his authority over me."
Badawi's family worried that the Internet is a bad influence and would liberalize youth, and she got access to it at home only a few months before the revolution. She watched American TV shows, but her attitude remains one of modesty. Western women's lives on TV, she told me, seemed somewhat extreme. "According to Islam, these things are a bit out there," she said. "I do dream about the space and freedom they have, but within the context of my religion."
A few weeks after her arrest, Badawi wanted to return to Tahrir, to celebrate the first anniversary of the revolution. Her family kept her locked in her room, so she began a hunger strike, refusing all food and water for two days. At first, her aunt and her brother were unmoved. "So I began to escalate," Badawi told me, laughing a little. "I decided to have a revolution in my house, just as there was one in the square." She made placards and banners that read, "Hend wants to topple the siege! Down with Ahmed!" Her family asked the lawyer who had handled Badawi's case to reason with her, but she refused to hear his arguments for compromise. Finally, she agreed to eat, and she was allowed to return to the university. On her first day back, she tried to organize a protest in support of a general strike that revolutionary groups had called in Cairo. When her family found out, she was locked up again.
Mona Eltahawy, the author of the controversial Foreign Policy essay, told me that the revolution had made many women like Badawi question the strictures of their lives: "They realize that, if they can stand up to Mubarak, they can stand up to their fathers and their mothers and their brothers." She characterized this realization as a "double revolution." "They realize that there's a Mubarak in every home," she said. "They realize that we fight against the state, and we also fight against the culture and society."
Like so many other Egyptians, Badawi seemed simply to have stopped being afraid of authority. Still, living in a community so inculcated with obedience, she was constantly reminded of the price of her principles. Some people in her village had tried to prevent young women from talking to her, "as if I would infect them."
If the cause of women in Egypt has an immediately recognizable face, it is that of Samira Ibrahim. In March, 2011, Ibrahim, who is now twenty-six, was one of seven female protesters who were arrested, beaten, electrocuted, and forced to submit to virginity tests. Their hymens were inspected by a male Army doctor who left the door of his examination room open, exposing the women to the leers of the guards outside. Of the seven, only Ibrahim was willing to bring a lawsuit against the Army. The response of the generals echoed the typical chauvinism of mainstream Egypt. The Army did its best to discredit her story, initially denying that the incident had occurred, and then casting aspersions on the morals of the women involved. "The girls who were detained were not decent girls like your daughter or my daughter," one senior general told a CNN reporter, and asserted that not all of them had been virgins. Ibrahim was taunted in the street and vilified online. But, last December, she won her case, and a court ruled that virginity tests were unlawful. Graffiti portraits of her started to appear all around Tahrir Square, and, a few months later, Time named her one of the world's hundred most influential people.
I met Ibrahim earlier this year, at Groppi's, a café in downtown Cairo. Groppi's was once at the heart of cosmopolitan Cairo and was famous for its French pastries; now it is owned by a conservative businessman, and is distinctly down at heel. Ibrahim was wearing jeans, a T-shirt, a cardigan, and a frilly pink head scarf fastened with a diamanté pin. Under each eye was a bright stripe of aqua eyeliner. As we started talking, she overheard a man at the next table mutter something to his companion. "Samira Virginity," she said, repeating the gibe. "Virginity has become my surname."
Ibrahim spoke with an insouciance that belied the scale of the task she had undertaken. Like Badawi, she comes from a conservative rural background, but, whereas Badawi's family supported the military regime, Ibrahim's father is a member of Al-Gama'a al-Islamiyya, a militant Islamist group. He had been arrested and tortured many times under Mubarak, and she told me that, when he came to see her in the hospital after her ordeal, he said, "So history is repeating itself."
The support of Ibrahim's family enabled her to publicly take on the Army. Ahmed Hossam, a prominent human-rights lawyer who has advised Ibrahim, told me that he was not surprised that the other women had been reluctant to do likewise. "The girls fear to take legal proceedings for anything to do with sex," he said. He mentioned the case of the woman who came to be known as Blue Bra Girl. She was dragged and beaten by troops on Tahrir, who pulled at her clothes, exposing her bare midriff and sky-blue bra. A photograph of the incident, last December, appeared on front pages around the world. Hossam said that he knew who the woman was—a conservative, hijab-wearing student from Cairo was all that he would divulge—and that he could see why she had not come forward to sue her assailants. For one thing, she had never told her family that she was going to protests on Tahrir. "She fears the bad reputation," he said. "And she was exposed." In the weeks after the photograph was published, there was much debate about whether Blue Bra Girl was to blame for wearing insufficient undergarments.
Ibrahim was proud of the stand she had taken but exhausted by the public profile it had brought her. She understood that she would continue to pay a high personal price for her defiance. "Even now, they attack me when I walk in the streets," she said, and she pulled out her cell phone to show me a stream of invective against her on Twitter. She said that some of the younger generation support her, but that general opinion was mixed: "A lot of people trust me. Others don't want to even see my face. Most of the people who attack me are men."
Two months earlier, in a military trial, the doctor who had performed the virginity tests was acquitted of any wrongdoing. Ibrahim said that she had expected the verdict: "The trial was in front of the military judiciary; it was a natural outcome." Her new plan was to take her case to the African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights, but she was having trouble getting the Egyptian government to release the paperwork she needed. She shrugged off such setbacks, though, and felt that she had shown that personal rights could no longer be traduced with impunity. "In the end, the military will think a thousand times before doing something like this again," she said.
This spring, Mohamed Morsi's Presidential-campaign platform gave a commitment to reviewing legislation—including laws pertaining to women's rights—to insure that it was "in accordance with Islamic Sharia." Along with calls by Salafi members of parliament to roll back the Mubarak reforms relating to women, this was a cause for considerable alarm among liberals, and there was a storm of protest when Azza Al Garf, a female M.P. from the Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party, appeared to defend the practice of female circumcision in an interview.
One day, I drove out to meet Al Garf, at a Muslim Brotherhood office in Sixth of October, a satellite city in the desert near Cairo. (Its name commemorates the 1973 war with Israel.) Al Garf is forty-seven, with a heavy, rumpled face. She wore a white head scarf that reached her waist, a gold watch, and gold rings on her fingers. At the start of our conversation, a man set up a video camera to record us. Her controversial comments on female circumcision had embarrassed the Brotherhood, and she was careful not to repeat them or to stray from the party line. She spoke forcefully, thumping the table for emphasis. I asked her to explain her position and that of the Brotherhood on female circumcision. She said that it is illegal and, when pressed, yelled, "It's a shame that you are asking these questions when you see what this country is going through! I don't want to talk about it anymore."
Al Garf became involved in the Muslim Brotherhood when she was fifteen, attracted, she said, by its "total framework for life," which did not distinguish between religious and social matters. She studied sociology at university; after getting married and graduating, she did social work and wrote magazine articles, while bringing up seven children. She first ran for office in the 2010 elections—which she called "the forged elections," because Mubarak's party, the N.D.P., had, among other electoral abuses, mandated a quota for female M.P.s and, she said, "practically appointed" sixty-four women to these seats. By contrast, in the parliamentary elections at the start of this year, only nine women were elected, but, Al Garf said proudly, the women "won by their own personal efforts, in the same way a man would win."
Al Garf maintained the standard Muslim Brotherhood line that proposed changes to the personal-status laws were "all rumors." So far, the Brotherhood's default position has been to refer contentious legal matters to the Islamic Research Center at Al Azhar University; scholars at Al Azhar have ruled on Islamic jurisprudence for centuries and the institution is considered a model of moderate Sunni doctrine. In the spring, Al Azhar asserted that Mubarak's reforms did not conflict with Sharia, and Islamists stopped talking about the subject. Just days before the Presidential runoff between Morsi and Ahmed Shafik, a former commander of the Air Force, Morsi told a press conference that nothing would be changed. "Laws protecting women are already in place," he said. "I am not going to make any modifications."
This shifting stance seems at odds with the Brotherhood's conservatism, and it may owe as much to political caution as to a real evolution of belief. When I talked to Islamists about the issue, their arguments often lacked clarity. Some told me that although female circumcision is not a religious obligation and is illegal, its use should be left up to a girl's parents, or to her doctor, or to the girl herself.
The issue of legislation is in abeyance, pending new parliamentary elections. (Parliament was dissolved after the Supreme Constitutional Court ruled that elections had been partially invalid.) In the meantime, battle lines are being drawn over the place of women's rights in the drafting of a new constitution for the country. The constitution has long deferred to Sharia law, though usually in a way that allows considerable latitude of interpretation. For instance, Article 2 of the existing constitution, from 1971, states that "principles of Sharia are the principal source of legislation," and it seems likely that this wording will remain in the new constitution. But activists are concerned about Article 68, the current draft of which reads, "The state shall take all measures to establish the equality of women and men in the areas of political, cultural, economic, and social life, as well as all other areas, insofar as this does not conflict with the rulings of Islamic Sharia." According to Heba Morayef, the head of Human Rights Watch in Egypt, the choice of the term "rulings" leaves little room for the judiciary to interpret the law in a progressive way. "It's one of the issues where the liberals on one side and the Salafis on the other have the widest gulf," she said. "I'm not sure how much space there is for compromise." The Brotherhood has not taken a public position on the matter. Morayef told me, "My sense is that the Brotherhood are treading very carefully because they are trying to negotiate between the Salafis and the liberals." She was worried about Islamist family law becoming enshrined in the constitution.
Many activists I spoke to feared that the Muslim Brotherhood would use Morsi's Presidency to install its own people in public office, setting up a new Islamist political élite that would erode women's choices and impose more conservative strictures in schools, in universities, and throughout public institutions. Dr. Iman Bibars, the founder of an N.G.O. promoting women's rights, warned about a takeover by Islamists. "They will repeal our laws," she said. "They will keep us at home. People say this will never happen in Egypt, but they will not do it like Iran. They will not force us to veil, but they will allow people to harass us in the street if we are not veiled." She said that, since the revolution, her assistant, a Christian who lives in a poor neighborhood, has covered her hair every night on the bus home. Bibars went on, "I know of an incident when a microbus was stopped and two girls who were not veiled were beaten up. This is the way. If the fundamentalists continue to rule alone, then the situation will become worse and worse." Ibrahim and Badawi, too, worried about an Islamist rollback. Ibrahim told me that although she is committed to wearing the head scarf, as a token "of something religious inside me," she would strongly oppose any move to make head scarves compulsory: "If there is a law to impose the hijab on women, I would take off my veil."
Throughout what Egyptians now call the "eighteen days"—from the first demonstrations, on January 25, 2011, until Mubarak's fall, on February 11th—Tahrir Square appeared to be a mixed and tolerant utopia. Cosmopolitan girls wearing Dolce & Gabbana sunglasses stood next to bearded Muslim Brotherhood men and to women in full niqab. People marvelled that women slept each night on the square and that there was not a single reported instance of sexual harassment. But things soon changed. The night that Mubarak fell, Lara Logan, a CBS News reporter, was sexually assaulted by a mob on Tahrir, and many women reported similar experiences. Heba Morayef, who was groped on the square at the time, told me, "From that moment, the square was not safe in the same way, and you saw, over the following year, a deterioration in terms of risk for women."
Sexual harassment is endemic in Egypt. According to a 2008 survey, sixty per cent of Egyptian men admit to having sexually harassed a woman, and every Egyptian woman I met had a harassment story. I asked each woman I talked to how she dealt with it. Morayef said, "If I'm on my own, I don't confront it. I've seen how situations in the square can get tricky." Bibars told me that she didn't walk down the street anymore. Some fifteen years ago, she reported having been harassed to a police officer, and the officer said that it had happened only because she was beautiful.
Engy Ghozlan keeps a tally of sexual-harassment incidents through an interactive Web site, HarassMap. She couldn't tell me what it was about contemporary Egyptian society that made harassment so prevalent. "You talk to researchers, psychologists, women's groups—well, no one really has any answer why," she said. "It's a power dynamic. I don't think it's about sex; I don't think it's about economics." She dissented from the common theory that young men, unable to afford marriage, are left full of sexual frustration.
Under a corrupt and brutal regime, corruption and brutality can spread by example through society. Many activists pointed to an incident in 2005, which became known as Black Wednesday, as the moment when the state's violence against women seemed to sanction similar behavior in society as a whole. On Black Wednesday, plainclothes police beat and sexually assaulted female protesters on the steps of the journalists' syndicate. Similar incidents followed. In 2006, on the night before the Eid festival, there was a spate of mob attacks on lone women in downtown Cairo. In the protests and demonstrations since Mubarak's fall, women have often been sexually harassed and jeered at by security forces. This past June, several female demonstrators and a British journalist were assaulted on Tahrir Square: men ripped their clothes off and raped them with their hands. Anti-harassment marches have themselves been attacked.
Last November, during a protest, Mona Eltahawy was sexually assaulted by riot police and her left arm and right hand were broken. She told me, "When the state sexually assaults women, it gives a green light that women's bodies are fair game." She said that harassment on Tahrir discouraged women from political expression. She rejected the view that is sometimes put forward, that men harassed women who dressed immodestly. "I think the more women cover up, the more men harass them," she said. "Women blame themselves for being dressed wrong. Men blame them for being dressed wrong. And yet the majority of women are covered! Then they say, 'Oh, that wasn't proper hijab—it's tight, it's orange, it's red.' We have taken the responsibility, not them."
Some weeks after Morsi was elected, Badawi, still suffering beatings, left home. She went to Cairo and found an apartment in a poor neighborhood, which she shared with a friend. Her family did not know where she was. For several weeks, she lived in dread of being discovered. She began working at the Hisham Mubarak Law Center, a collective of human-rights lawyers and activists, where she helped put together a campaign against torture by the police and the security services. In October, she went on Egyptian television to tell her story. She appealed for the prosecution not just of the officers who had beaten and humiliated civilians in demonstrations but also of their leaders, the generals who sat on the Military Council. Her family tracked her down and insisted that she come home. She refused but was relieved to be back in touch.
The last time I saw Badawi was a few weeks before she left home. We were in the Rock café with a few of her friends. Samar, a young women studying chemistry at the university, had gone to Tahrir a few times with friends but had stopped after her father told her that it was becoming too dangerous. Hana, a woman in her thirties, had approached Badawi after her story spread online. "I thought, This is a girl from my town!" she told me. "I thought she was an example to be proud of."
We talked about women in society and women in the revolution. Then Ahmed Taha, a Muslim Brotherhood student, arrived. As Brotherhood members invariably do, he reiterated sentiments about respect for women's role in society, but he was conciliatory when Hana challenged him over the possible repeal of the no-fault divorce law. "We have had positions that might have been unjust to women," he said. "We're trying to fix mistakes and improve our performance." The conversation turned to female circumcision, and Taha prevaricated while Badawi and Hana tried to pin him down. It seemed that perhaps what the Egyptian revolution has so far delivered most successfully is an atmosphere of open discussion, something that was unthinkable under Mubarak.
I asked the group if they thought that women's participation in the revolution had changed women's position in society as a whole.
Hana replied carefully, "We showed society through the revolution that we exist, that we are here. They didn't know that before. Our role was known as 'home, cook, kids.' Yes, we were educated, we have jobs in certain fields, but there are social limits that have contained our role. But now, with the revolution, there is no such thing as its being shameful for a woman to go to a protest."
I asked them if they thought that the revolution had helped women in Egypt. Hana said, "Yes."
Samar said, "Not yet."
Badawi said, "Absolutely not."
Badawi had been offered the opportunity to study in Australia, but she was torn. "Constraints and traditions of the countryside forbid a woman to travel and live alone in a foreign country," she said. She hesitated to broach the subject with her family. She knew that there was legally nothing they could do to stop her, but she was loath to leave without their permission. Besides, her role in Egypt's double revolution made her reluctant to abandon the struggle. "I am not leaving Egypt without fighting for my rights," she said. "I can't just leave the path halfway through. I am fighting a bigger battle. My mind tells me to go, but my heart tells me to stay." ♦


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MUNICH (Reuters) - U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry asked Russia's foreign minister on Friday to put pressure on the Syrian government to accelerate the removal of chemical weapons, which Kerry said is not happening quickly enough.
Kerry met Russia's Sergei Lavrov on the sidelines of the Munich Security Conference to discuss what Washington considered to be "unacceptable" progress in moving Syrian chemical weapons, said a senior U.S. State Department official who spoke on condition of anonymity.
"Secretary Kerry pressed Foreign Minister Lavrov to push the regime for more progress on moving the remaining chemical weapons within Syria to the port in Latakia," the official said.
Reuters reported this week that Syria has given up less than 5 percent of its chemical weapons arsenal of roughly 1,300 tonnes of toxic agents and will miss next week's deadline to send all toxic agents abroad for destruction.
The State Department confirmed on Thursday that just 4 percent of Syria's deadliest chemical agents had been shipped out of the country for destruction at sea.
Under a deal agreed by Russia and the United States after a sarin gas attack last August which killed hundreds of people, Syria promised to give up its stockpile by mid-2014. The operation, overseen by a joint mission with the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons and the United Nations, is six to eight weeks behind schedule.
Failure to eliminate its chemical weapons could expose Syria to sanctions, although these would have to be supported in the U.N. Security Council by Russia and China, which have so far refused to back such measures against President Bashar al-Assad.
Parallel to Kerry's meeting with Lavrov, the White House said it was working with partners to ratchet up pressure on the Assad government on the chemical weapons.
Russia earlier rejected U.S. claims that Syria is dragging its feet on giving up chemical weapons, saying that a June 30 deadline to destroy Assad's arsenal of toxic agents remains viable despite delays.
Syria, where civil war has killed more than 100,000 people and forced millions to flee, blames delays on security obstacles.
Kerry and Lavrov also met in Munich with U.N. chief Ban Ki Moon and U.N. mediator Lakhdar Brahimi, who later told a panel on Syria at the conference that the first public talks between the Syrian government and opposition in Geneva this week had made "no progress.
"We have failed somewhere. We can say it is an intractable problem, it is difficult. But somewhere there is a failure," he said, adding that he hoped the talks would resume in Geneva on February 10 in a "more constructive" mood.
Additional reporting by Lesley Wroughton in Washington; Editing by Amanda Kwan


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Wedding Invitations: Inviting a Sick Relative to Your Wedding
If you know someone can't attend your wedding, should you still send an invite?
(page 1 of 2)
Sometimes in an attempt to do the right thing, we overthink a situation. And sometimes the simplest solution is the right one.
A Hudson Valley bride asks: "We're going over our guest list before ordering invitations; unfortunately, one of my cousins is quite ill and I'm sure that she won't be able to attend. I don't want it to look like I'm asking for a gift, so even though I know she can't attend, do we send an invitation anyway?"
» More about wedding invitations
» More from The Wedding Guru
» Submit a question to the Wedding Guru
» Hudson Valley Weddings 2013
(Continued on next page)


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Other Massey students, just like you, have experienced the world beyond the Pacific at one of our world-class partner universities in Europe, North America, South America, Africa, Asia and Australia.
Student exchange allows you to:
Student Exchange is open to domestic, international and distance students from all Massey subject areas except for Construction, Engineering, Nursing, Social Work and Veterinary Science due to the structure of these degrees.
To be considered for the Exchange Programme, undergraduate students must:
At least 30 credits at the 300 level in your major and 15 credits at the 300 level in your minor must be completed at Massey. Your other 300 level credits can be earned while on exchange.
Your grade point average must continue to meet the minimum requirement until you depart for your exchange.
Master's students are limited to one semester of exchange. You must complete the exchange during the first year of the programme.
Like the Massey University Student Exchange Facebook page to connect with other Massey students who have been or are considering going on exchange, receive programme updates, and see posts from our overseas partner institutions.
If you are an overseas student interested in studying at Massey University on exchange, please visit our Study Abroad website.
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(CNN) -- Reports of rapes, killings and other horrors are growing in the Central African Republic. Rights groups accuse security forces and militia gangs of torturing civilians as world leaders warn that the nation is on the verge of genocide.
Here's a quick primer to get you up to speed on the escalating situation.
1. First things first: Tell me about the Central African Republic
The landlocked nation in central Africa is home to about 5 million people. It declared independence from France in 1960, and has since been under the leadership of Presidents or Emperors. Despite vast resources, including gold, timber, diamonds and uranium, it's among the poorest nations in the world. Lack of good governance does not help.
2. So why all the chaos?
It started as anti-government resentment.
A coalition of rebels named Seleka ousted President Francois Bozize in March, the latest in a series of coups since the nation gained independence.
They accused the President of reneging on a peace deal and demanded that he step down. Months before his ouster, both sides had brokered a deal to form a unity government led by the President.
But that deal fell apart as the rebel coalition pushed its way from the north toward the capital of Bangui, seizing towns along the way.
Rebels infiltrated the capital in March, sending Bozize fleeing to Cameroon.
3. What happened after the President left?
The nation plunged into chaos.
Political turmoil raged. Looters hit the main cities. Violence became the order of the day. Aid agencies warned of a humanitarian crisis as fear of the rebels prevented critically injured patients from going to health facilities. An unknown number of people have been killed in remote rural areas that are too risky to access. Others have fled into forests. More than 400,000 people have been internally displaced, according to the United Nations. That's nearly 10% of the population.
4. Who's in charge of the nation now?
After the President fled, Seleka named its commander, Michel Djotodia, as the new leader. He took over and integrated some of the rebel fighters into the army, analysts say.
5. Was this the nation's first instance of instability?
Political turmoil is nothing new for the Central African Republic.
About a decade ago, Bozize led a coup that deposed his predecessor. Though he later won elections in 2005 and 2011, he did not have full control of the nation. Rebel groups ran amok for years, especially in rural areas.
In fact, four of the nation's five Presidents since independence have been ousted through unconstitutional means.
6. OK, the President left and the rebels got their wish. Why's the fighting ongoing?
Some say greed is a factor. Ousted government officials have long accused Seleka of going after the country's vast minerals.
Then there's the reprisal aspect.
When the President fled, the poorly trained national army didn't stand a chance against the rebels. Rebels capitalized on the army's weakness and went on a rampage, human rights groups say. The list of horrors is endless: rape, torture, kidnappings, looting.
To counter the attacks, vigilante groups formed. Reprisals led to more mayhem. The country descended into anarchy, and the United Nations warned that "the seeds of a genocide are being sown."
7. What role does religion play in the tensions?
Good question.
Seleka is a predominantly Muslim coalition, and as history has shown over and over, religious loyalties can breed contempt and escalate conflicts.
In addition, the conflict has exposed years of marginalization and discrimination against the northern, predominantly Muslim population, the United Nations says. Left uncontrolled, militia groups are uniting along religious lines. Most of the vigilante groups fighting back are Christian, leading to sectarian violence.
United Nations officials have warned that the violence between the Christian majority and Muslim minority now in power could lead to genocide.
8. All this is happening a world away. Why should I care?
The Central African Republic is surrounded by countries struggling to emerge from years of conflict. South Sudan, Sudan's Darfur region, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Chad are barely stable.
Any instability is sure to have ripple effects that'll be hard to ignore worldwide.
The CAR is also believed to be one of Joseph Kony's hideouts. The United States sent special forces to the region last year to help hunt down Kony, the brutal leader of the Lord Resistance Army. In a sign of a potentially expanded role, the Pentagon recently said it's considering sending aircraft to assault the Kony militia.
The chaos not only risks destabilizing the region; it could complicate the Kony mission.
9. What's the current government doing?
The current President has tried to distance himself by disbanding Seleka, Human Rights Watch says. Djotodia, the President, has denied that his country is on the brink of genocide.
"I don't think there's a genocide, there's not even a religious war, all of this is made up, it's to manipulate, to manipulate the opinion of the international community," he told Reuters.
He accused the former regime of fueling the rebellion.
"They want to create a religious war by all means possible," he says. "That's what Bozize wants."
10. What is the international community doing?
Though world leaders have warned of mass atrocities if nothing is done, the response has been limited.
Last month, France pledged to send 1,000 more troops to add to the 400 it already has there. The current troops in the nation, it says, are there in a noncombat mission to protect French nationals and help secure the airport in the capital.
An African Union force is already in the nation. The United Nations has suggested its peacekeeping force should eventually replace the African-led mission known as MISCA. That potential force could number about 6,000 troops and 1,700 police personnel, the U.N. says. The U.N. Security Council meets Thursday to discuss sending peacekeeping forces to the nation.


text: feeling good; my sister is driving an 8 hour round trip to pick up one of her daughters, so when they get back very late tonight, everyone who is coming for Christmas will be here; there are 9 of us. also, tree is all done, gifts all wrapped and under/around the tree. just some cleaning to do and some baking.


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text:
A rough sequence for Matt Besler led to Belgium's goal early in extra time. He got run through by just-subbed-in Romelu Lukaku, then over-committed while trying to help out on Kevin De Bruyne. Tim Howard can't save 'em all; but there's plenty of time left.
(Update: 2-0. A fresh Lukaku seems unstoppable.)


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The Cameron University Alumni Association (CUAA) has donated $10,000 to the Cameron University Foundation to establish an endowed scholarship that will benefit Cameron students for generations. In addition, the CUAA Board of Directors has pledged to continue raising funds for the endowment.
"On behalf of the membership of the Cameron University Alumni Association, the CUAA Board of Directors is pleased to provide an endowed scholarship for deserving Cameron students," says Becky Holland, President, CUAA Board of Directors. "It is our plan to add to the endowment in order to make more scholarship dollars available. We understand that financial assistance plays a vital role in each student's ability to focus on their academic pursuits.
The Cameron University Alumni Association Endowed Scholarship will be awarded to juniors or seniors who are enrolled full-time and who have a cumulative GPA of 3.0 or better. For complete details about the CUAA Endowed Scholarship and other scholarships, contact the Office of Financial Assistance at 580-581-2293 or online at www.cameron.edu/financial_aid.
The Cameron University Alumni Association assists in the promotion of the goals and purpose of Cameron University, encourages a continuing and increasing interest in the University among graduates, former students and friends, and fosters acquaintance and good fellowship through information, education and service. The association is a generous supporter of the Cameron University Foundation. In the past 20 years, contributions have totaled more than $250,000, which includes a $60,000 gift for the construction of Veterans Grove, a $75,000 gift to the Centennial "Changing Lives" Campaign and almost $60,000 to fund student scholarships. The association has also supported student activities, athletics, KCCU and building renovations.
Endowed scholarships managed by the Cameron University Foundation provide financial assistance to deserving students in perpetuity. To learn more about establishing an endowment or donating to an existing endowment, contact the Office of University Advancement at 580-581-2999.
April 22, 2014


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Home > News > Manhattan Office Leasing Posts Solid Year With 23.2 Million Square Feet Leased
Cushman & Wakefield today released fourth quarter statistics for the Manhattan commercial real estate market that show a total of 6.4 million square feet of leasing activity, the highest quarterly leasing level this year. The year closed with a total of 23.2 million square feet leased and a vacancy rate of 9.4 percent.
The solid leasing year follows a year in which Manhattan office leasing reached the highest total since 2000, with 30.1 million square feet of new leasing activity. At year-end, the overall average asking rent in Manhattan increased 4.0 percent year-over-year to $59.54 per square foot from $57.23 per square foot. The Manhattan class-A direct asking rent, which totaled $70.15 per square foot at the end of the quarter, surpassed the $70 per square foot mark for the first time since July 2009.
The Midtown South market still ranks as the tightest Central Business District in the nation, leading the way with a 7.1 percent vacancy rate, up 0.6 percent year-over-year. Manhattan is the largest CBD in the nation, with a total of 393 million square feet and based on the space tracked by Cushman & Wakefield, it accounts for more than 25 percent of all the CBD office space in the nation.
Manhattan continues to be a safe haven for investors despite uncertainties in the global economy. Glenn Rufrano, Cushman & Wakefield President & CEO commented, "Global investment volume has almost doubled from a low of $402 billion in 2009 to $762 billion in 2012. The volume in New York City grew eight-fold during the same time period."
This lack of clarity with the economy will continue into 2013, according to Ken McCarthy, Chief Economist. "Slow growth remains the norm nationally and locally," he said.
While 2012 was a year of uncertainty, the popularity of the Midtown South market contributed to a solid leasing year. The market had the largest increase in average asking rent year-over-year, which can be attributed to the more than 360,000 square feet of space that came into C&W's statistical sample in the second half of the year (space available within a six-month time frame), including space at 770 Broadway, 110 Fifth Avenue, 401 Park Avenue South, and 350 Hudson Street. At the close of the quarter, the average asking rent in the Midtown South market totaled $49.69 per square foot, up 8.3 percent year-over-year.
"Given the explosion in asking rents combined with vacancy rates below equilibrium, tenants have started looking for value beyond the traditional boundaries of Midtown South," said Andrew Sachs, a Cushman & Wakefield Executive Director.
The Downtown market is the only Manhattan submarket that had a year-over-year decrease in the vacancy rate. At the end of the fourth quarter, the Downtown vacancy rate was 8.8 percent, which is down 0.7 percent or 9.5 percent from a year ago. The average asking rent has also decreased, dropping 0.8 percentage points to $39.58 per square foot from $39.88 per square foot a year ago. The class-A asking rent totaled $45.16 per square foot, up 1.8 percent year-over-year.
"Evolving demographics combined with the completion of the highest quality new product in the country have elevated Downtown's status to a 'destination' office market," said Robert Constable, a Cushman & Wakefield Executive Director.
The Midtown market had the largest increase in the vacancy rate from last year, with an increase of 0.7 percent. At the end of the quarter, the vacancy rate was 10.3 percent, up from 9.6 percent a year ago. The average asking rent closed at $67.36 per square foot, up 3.0 percent year-over-year and the class-A asking rent closed at $72.54 per square foot, up 1.9 percent year-over-year.
"As the political and economic environment gains clarity, we will see the re-emergence of large corporate and financial service occupiers in the market in the second half of 2013," said Sachs, who also presented the Midtown market at C&W's fourth quarter press conference.
The retail market across Manhattan, and in particular Fifth Avenue, continues to be vibrant.
"The continuous transition along Fifth Avenue from 57th Street to 34th Street tells a tale of the chic Upper Fifth Avenue corridor extending south," said Joanne Podell, a Cushman & Wakefield Executive Vice President.
The Fifth Avenue corridor above 49th Street is a tight market, where availability remains low and asking rents remain high, according to Podell. The span below 49th Street has seen several new additions of space to the market with an obvious rise in asking rents. From last year, the region between 42nd and 49th Streets has seen a 12.6 percent increase in rents, with the average asking rent closing the year above $1,000 per square foot.
Steve Kohn, President, Equity, Debt & Structured Finance, discussed Manhattan sales volume and cited a flurry of activity occurring in the fourth quarter. "Thank goodness for the fourth quarter," he said. "42 percent of the total volume in 2012 occurred in the fourth quarter, and as a result the total sales volume this year surpassed the 2011 total."
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How Real is Spike Jonze's 'Her'? Artificial Intelligence Experts Weigh In
In Spike Jonze's Oscar-nominated, futuristic film "Her," computers compose music, carry on seamless conversations with humans, organize emails instantaneously, and even fall in love. But what appears to be pure sci-fi has more grounding in actual science than the casual viewer might believe.
Stephen Wolfram, whose Wolfram Alpha drives the artificial intelligence-like component of Siri on the iPhone, thinks that an operating system like Samantha as depicted in the film is not only possible, the technology behind it isn't that far off. "The mechanics of getting the AI to work—I don't think that's the most challenging part," he said in an interview with Speakeasy. "The challenging part is, in a sense: Define the meaningful product."
Whether that means a companionship machine or a personal assistant device, the resulting interface will hinge on its purpose—rather than a general AI with no objective. "We will have better personal assistant-systems quite soon that read our email and can tell us things about it," said Wolfram. "Realistically what's going to happen is it's going to be this nice information presentation of the different emails, and a stack of ones that are about this, and a stack of ones that are about that." Indeed, services like SaneBox and even Gmail's filtering tabs have already moved in that direction.


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TITLE: "The amazing Dr. Clitterhouse" by Barre Lyndon CALL NUMBER: POS - WPA - CA .01 .A55, no. 1 (B size) [P&P] REPRODUCTION NUMBER: LC-USZC2-1155 (color film copy slide) RIGHTS INFORMATION: No known restrictions on publication. SUMMARY: Poster for Federal Theatre Project presentation of "The Amazing Dr. Clitterhouse" at the Hollywood Playhouse, showing light from a suspended lamp. MEDIUM: 1 print (poster) : silkscreen, color. CREATED/PUBLISHED: [California : Federal Art Project, between 1936 and 1938] RELATED NAMES: Lyndon, Barré, 1896-1972. Federal Theatre Project (U.S.), sponsor. NOTES: Work Projects Administration Poster Collection (Library of Congress). SUBJECTS: Theatrical productions--California--1930-1940. FORMAT: Theatrical posters 1930-1940.Screen prints Color 1930-1940. REPOSITORY: Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division Washington, D.C. 20540 USA DIGITAL ID: (color film copy slide) cph 3b49055 http://hdl.loc.gov/loc.pnp/cph.3b49055 VIDEO FRAME ID: LCPP003B-49055 (from color film copy slide) CONTROL #: 98507342
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Randy Rogers Band Offers Fans a Preview of 'Homemade Tamales'
Randy Rogers Band is set to headline our first-ever Red Dirt BBQ and Music Festival, on May 3rd, in downtown Tyler, TX. Two weeks before that, on April 15th, their new album "Homemade Tamales" hits stores.
The live album, recorded at Floore's Country Store, features two new studio tracks -- their new radio single "Satellite," and "She's Gonna Run." Yesterday Brady Black of the RRB gave fans a lil preview of the new project.
Video of the day! Everybody needs a little Brady on a Monday. These clips are from the forthcoming CD/DVD combo Homemade Tamales – recorded live at Floore's Country Store last October.


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CANNES, France - The director of a movie based on the Malaysian Airlines plane disappearance is apologizing for a trailer that suggests a love triangle among members of its crew.
Rupesh Paul announced "The Vanishing Act" at the Cannes Film Festival. A brief trailer for the film, which has not yet been cast, shows two crew members kissing as a third looks at them angrily.
In a statement to The Associated Press, Rupesh Paul Productions said he was removing that element of the teaser trailer soon "so as not to hurt sentiments" of the families of those on the plane.
He also offered "an unconditional apology to the families of the missing MH 370 passengers" and said he never "meant to hurt any of the grieving friends and families of the passengers in the missing plane nor make profit over the missing passengers."
In a previous interview with the AP, the film's associate director, Sritama Dutta, said the movie would not follow any facts of the tragedy. Paul said the plot will revolve around an investigative report by a Malaysian journalist which the teaser trailer does not reflect. The clip, which also shows someone with a gun and commotion and horror on the plane, has garnered more than 300,000 views on YouTube.
Authorities still have not been able to locate the plane, which was carrying 239 people from Kuala Lumpur to Beijing on March 8 when it went missing.
Dutta said Paul is aiming for a September release.


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Jason Lewis Gossip
Jason Lewis gossip, latest news, photos, and video.
Duana loved Popular. Still does. Did you watch Popular? Carly Pope! She's in a new movie. A Canadian movie. Written by a Canadian Liam Card (who hosted the first ever Smut Soiree – what's up Liam!) co-starring another Canadian Eric McCormack and Smith Jerrod himself Jason Lewis. Lewis hit up the Marilyn Denis Show this morning to promote Textuality. Full Story
Two lights in the dark
Remember when Carrie Bradshaw, who writes a SEX COLUMN, refused to talk about her sex life with her 3 closest friends in the Sex & the City Movie? Yeah, I rag on that sh-t a lot. Because it was sh-t. And the 2nd one will be sh-t too. Except for Samantha Jones. And… Smith Jerrod? Jason Lewis appeared on set in New York today looking REALLY good. Full Story
Hitting Hot Harry's Hot Seconds
Remember last year Hot Harry on a Horse was doing some army training in Calgary and he hooked up with a few tarty skanks at Cowboys? It's the establishment where women who work there shove their titties in mens' faces for extra tips. Anyway… turns out life is kinda the sh*ts for Smith Jerrod, even after the success of the Sex & the City movie because Jason Lewis has resorted to getting paid for low budget appearances AFTER the release of the film. Full Story
Bug-eyed and bushy tailed
Jason Lewis is a hot quivering beast. SO hot. But word is, last night his eyes were buggin' outta his head and according to more than a few people watching him navigate that carpet, he was "cranked up on something". Indeed…I can barely see his pupils. He was supposedly also very … tactile. Full Story
What Jason Says About Jen
They SHOULD be together. But are they together? Were they ever together? According to Jason Lewis … no. Not. But never say never. These things have a way of working themselves out. Full Story
Dinner on Jen!
Jennifer Aniston has completed work on the set of Travelling in Vancouver. As the production does not officially end for another 3 weeks, Jen will be missing the traditional wrap party with cast and crew. Instead, on Saturday, my sources say she treated everyone, including Aaron Eckhart and the film's director, to dinner at the Teahouse in Stanley Park – a lovely gesture. Full Story
Sex & the City Sin City Quiver
The Venetian opened a new tower last night in Vegas and celebrities were on hand to commemorate the occasion. Hottest among them? Jason Lewis… Fresh off shooting in Malibu for the Sex & The City movie with Kim Cattrall, here's Jason with Willie Garson on the carpet. As usual, he is gorgeous. Full Story
Dolce Quiver
Aside from Sean Avery, most of the attendees at the D&G opening today were total quivers including a scruffy Josh Lucas, the aforementioned hotness Jason Lewis, and Rufus Sewell who does not get enough love because he is always, always the bad guy. But seriously…he is pure sex, non? Pure, pure sex. Full Story
It's Almost Unfair
How hot Jason Lewis is. SO hot. Here he is last night at the Atonement screening in New York – and no one thought to ask him to clarify those rumours he's dating Jennifer Aniston. Tabloids have reported they shared a few secret dates and she fell fast and hard, though they were never seen. Full Story
Break Up/Hook Up
Word is Jen and BFF Courteney Cox are on the outs – something about Jen wanting Courteney to visit her on the set of her new movie and Courteney refusing to jump. Poor Courteney's been letting her shoulder get wet for over 2 years. The girl probably needed a break, if only to let her bitch out on her staff. Full Story
Who Needs a Boyfriend?
Jennifer Aniston? Hell nah. Way too insecure for a man this beautiful – it almost destroyed her the first time. And if Gwyneth's shadow was too daunting then, can you imagine Rosario Dawson's? Aside from the wardrobe, Jason Lewis is the only other good thing about that Sex & The City movie. Full Story


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The NMC Horizon Report > 2017 Higher Education Edition is a collaborative effort between the NMC and the EDUCAUSE Learning Initiative (ELI). This 14th edition describes annual findings from the NMC Horizon Project, an ongoing research project designed to identify and describe emerging technologies likely to have an impact on learning, teaching, and creative inquiry in education. Six key trends, six significant challenges, and six important developments in educational technology are placed directly in the context of their likely impact on the core missions of universities and colleges. The three key sections of this report constitute a reference and straightforward technology-planning guide for educators, higher education leaders, administrators, policymakers, and technologists. It is our hope that this research will help to inform the choices that institutions are making about technology to improve, support, or extend teaching, learning, and creative inquiry in higher education across the globe. All of the topics were selected by an expert panel that represented a range of backgrounds and perspectives.
Published By
- Copyright 2017, The New Media Consortium
Document Type
This web page is marked up with Schema.org microdata and formatted for machine-reading. Here's why that matters. Have a peek at what a machine sees here .Title: NMC Horizon Report: 2017 Higher Education Edition
Publication date 2017-06-12
Publication Year 2017
Copyright holder(s) NMC , EDUCAUSE Learning Initiative
Keywords learning , higher education , adaptive learning , org , EDUCAUSE
Document type Report/Whitepaper
Language English
URL: https://www.issuelab.org/resource/nmc-horizon-report-2017-higher-education-edition.html
Resource provided by IssueLab


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Neapolitan Cheesecake
Total TimePrep: 35 min. Bake: 70 min. + chilling
Makes14 servings
- 1 cup chocolate wafer crumbs (18 wafers)
- 3 tablespoons butter, melted
- 3 packages (8 ounces each) cream cheese, softened
- 3/4 cup sugar
- 1/4 cup heavy whipping cream
- 3 large eggs, lightly beaten
- 1 teaspoon vanilla extract
- 2 ounces semisweet chocolate, melted and cooled
- 2 ounces white baking chocolate, melted and cooled
- 1/3 cup mashed frozen sweetened sliced strawberries, well-drained
- Red liquid food coloring, optional
- 3 ounces semisweet chocolate, chopped
- 2 tablespoons butter
- 2 teaspoons shortening, divided
- 1 ounce white baking chocolate
- In a small bowl, combine wafer crumbs and butter. Press onto the bottom of an ungreased 9-in. springform pan. Place pan on a baking sheet. Bake at 350° for 10 minutes. Cool on a wire rack. Reduce heat to 325°.
- In a large bowl, beat cream cheese until smooth. Gradually beat in sugar and cream. Add eggs and vanilla; beat on low just until combined. Divide batter into thirds. Add melted semisweet chocolate to a third. Spread over crust. Add melted white chocolate to another third. Spread over semisweet layer. Stir strawberries and, if desired, a few drops of food coloring into remaining portion. Spread over white chocolate layer. Place pan on a double thickness of heavy-duty foil (about 18 in. square). Securely wrap foil around pan.
- Place springform pan in a large baking pan. Fill larger pan with hot water to a depth of 1 in. Bake at 325° for 70-75 minutes or until center is just set. Remove springform pan from water bath. Cool on a wire rack for 10 minutes. Remove foil. Carefully run a knife around the edge of pan to loosen; cool for 1 hour longer. Refrigerate overnight.
- For topping, melt semisweet chocolate, butter and 1 teaspoon shortening in a heavy saucepan or microwave; stir until smooth. Cool 5 minutes. Remove sides of pan. Pour melted chocolate mixture over cheesecake. Melt white chocolate and remaining shortening. Drizzle over cheesecake. Refrigerate until chocolate is firm. Refrigerate leftovers.
Nutrition Facts1 slice: 265 calories, 18g fat (10g saturated fat), 82mg cholesterol, 157mg sodium, 25g carbohydrate (18g sugars, 1g fiber), 4g protein.
Every product is independently selected by our editors. If you buy something through our links, we may earn an affiliate commission.
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Nov 30, 2013
I love cheesecake. And this one is really good. I like all three of the flavors together in one cheesecake. Its like neapolitan ice cream (only better) for adults. It is a little tedious to get all the flavors mixed up and the chocolate sauce is a bit much, but all in all, its cheesecake. Its supposed to be rich and decadent! The water bath is a must, keeps it from cracking.
Nov 20, 2012
I skip the chocolate topping, subbing in a chocolate and white chocolate drizzle. This is a cheesecake thats often requested for holidays and occasions.
Jul 12, 2012
This is an OK cheesecake. It really does not rise very well the way a cheesecake should. The chocolate topping gets too hard and is difficult to eat with the cheesecake. I made it twice; however, same results with having more of a flat cheesecake. The second time I omitted the chocolate topping and frosted it with fresh whipped cream and white chocolate shavings. It was better the second time, but wished it would not be so flat.
Sep 10, 2011
i brought this to a neighborhood gathering and it was such a big hit everyone wanted the recipe so i printed out the recipe and wrote a little note to my neighbors and put them in each mailbox 25 of them truly one of the best cheesecakes ive ever had or made
Dec 14, 2010
I love this cheesecake. the white chocolate layer is a nice surprise in this yummy cheesecake.
Mar 26, 2010
I have made this a couple of times and the second time I thought "This is even better than I remembered!" I have a reputation among family & friends of being a good cook & pastry chef (thanks to Taste of Home) and this will not disappoint!I didn't bother with the white chocolate drizzle.
Sep 14, 2008
It's a bit more complicated than the average cheesecake, but it's definitely worth the effort. DELICIOUS! I made one small change: instead of pouring the chocolate over the top, I drizzled both the semisweet chocolate and the white chocolate. It looked pretty and the semisweet chocolate didn't overwhelm the other flavors in the cake.


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I keep getting no results
It's been years since I used this system and I'm finding it pretty useless now. I just want to search engineering journal articles. What is the most effective way to do this?
It's been years since I used this system and I'm finding it pretty useless now. I just want to search engineering journal articles. What is the most effective way to do this?
Hi Evan,
When you're looking for individual journal articles, you'll be best off if you choose the Find Databases link from the homepage, and then choose the subject Engineering. Now, because I'm not quite sure which area you're studying, I've linked you to the list of top Engineering databases.
Once you have a database chosen, look at your assignment. For example, if I had this assignment - "Planning for energy efficiency has an important role in the planning of new buildings. Discuss" I would look at the question and identify the most important words. To me, they would be "energy efficiency" "planning" and "buildings"
I would then take these keywords, and put them into a search like this: "energy efficiency" AND planning AND buildings
I put quotation marks around "energy efficiency" to make sure that it is locked together. You only need to do this when there's more than one word, and you know that those words will always be next to each other.
When I say AND, I am telling the database that I want these things to all appear in the articles that come back in the search results.
If you know that there's different ways that the people in your area might talk about the same thing, you'd be using OR. This tells the database you're happy with this OR the other thing, and that's fine. For example, "energy efficiency" OR "green building" AND planning
I hope this is helpful. If you still need more help identifying keywords, or finding articles for your assignments, please don't hesitate to contact us again, using the Answers, Chat, or Research Help Desk services.


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In an effort to create more innovative and attractive products, Nintendo Co. will combine the development segments for its home video game consoles and handheld game devices. The decision comes on the heels of recent releases of the Nintendo 3DS portable system in February 2011 and the Wii U home console last month. With more people using their smartphones and tablets for entertainment via the Internet, including games and videos, Nintendo aims to come up with next-generation game systems that will turn heads.
oohh neat, i'd assume nintendo should be pumping out some nice 3ds/wii u games if this is true.
Good? I guess? It sounds like a lot of people in one department.
Could be Good or Bad.
Sometimes bringing two divisions together makes them both stronger, as one; sometimes it just kills off the thinking/ideas of one of the divisions.
Hopefully it goes well, Nintendo is reported to have an idea corporate-culture -
-Despite the fact that Miyamoto is always kicking the tea tables over ;).
it means nintendo has a lot of games in development where the two systems communicate with one another...after all they are bringing miiverse to the 3ds...so i expect the games and gamers to benefit from this.


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One thing that should be abundantly evident to those who attend this Conference is the open and neutral attitude of the Church as a sponsor of this event. Although there are hundreds of the Church's missionaries present at the Conference, they are here to serve and not to proselyte. As has been the case in the past and as will be the case in the future, the Church delivers its genealogy products to the world without any religious strings attached. Although, if you ask, you will find most of the members of the Church anxious to answer any question about their religion, we have all respected the idea that in the area of genealogy, we step outside of our religious and cultural differences and focus on our common interest in families and their history and genealogy.
Obviously, I cannot speak to the actions of any particular individual and their attitudes towards others as part of their religious beliefs, but I think that all who attend this Conference and also those who visit any one of our thousands of Family History Centers should feel the same welcome, regardless of religious or cultural persuasion. If their are those who feel that as members of the Church, our beliefs and actions regarding our ancestors infringe on their own beliefs, I would suggest that they come to RootsTech 2015 next year and see for themselves how our beliefs relates to our actions with regard to genealogy. As our 13th Article of Faith states:
13 We believe in being honest, true, chaste, benevolent, virtuous, and in doing good to all men; indeed, we may say that we follow the admonition of Paul—We believe all things, we hope all things, we have endured many things, and hope to be able to endure all things. If there is anything virtuous, lovely, or of good report or praiseworthy, we seek after these things.And more specifically in our 11th Article of Faith:11:
We claim the privilege of worshiping Almighty God according to the dictates of our own conscience, and allow all men the same privilege, let them worship how, where, or what they may.I am truly grateful for the experiences I have had here at RootsTech 2014. Some of these experiences have been extremely personal in nature and will not be shared online. As I continue writing, I will try to share as many of the rest as I can. I especially appreciate the contacts I have had with those of all levels of the genealogical community. One of my most touching experiences, which I can share, occurred spontaneously. As I was making my way through the crowds in the Exhibit Hall, I brushed shoulders with a woman bent over in age. She looked up at me and recognized me and said quickly, "I like what I read from your blog" or words to that effect. That one incident was priceless and makes all I do to write worth the time and effort. I do not know who she was or if I will ever run into her again, but she will live in my memory as one of the most important experiences at this Conference.
Thanks to all of you who have approached me and taken a minute or two to say hello. If I have any reason to be involved in genealogy to the extent that I am, it is because I have found the kindest and most interesting people in my life through writing this blog. It is a privilege to associate with all of you either in person or through my writing.
There is only so much time allocated to each one of us here on earth, so lets all go about doing good to all men and leave the rest behind. As genealogist whether we believe the fundamental religious principles behind Paul's statements in the Bible, we have to realize that what we do is good. Remembering our ancestors is a fundamental human need. It is part of the fabric of our lives and I can't think of anything I would rather do than help all of you around the world understand and appreciate how to "do your genealogy." Thanks again to all.
Oh, I am not passing on quite yet so you can expect a few more million words or so in the future.


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OKC Blue VS. Raptors 905
The Oklahoma City Blue host the Raptors 905.
Camera Policy: Personal "point and shoot" cameras are allowed, however professional cameras (cameras with detachable lenses or cameras with lenses longer than three inches) are prohibited.
- DateJan 10 - 7:00PM
- Parking
The parking garage located below the Cox Convention Center is managed by Republic Parking Systems and offers more than 900 parking spaces. Parking spaces are available for guests with disablities near each of the four sets of elevators.
Entrances to the undergound parking garage are available on the east side of the building on E.K. Gaylord and on the west side of the building on N. Robinson.
- AvailabilityOn Sale
Fri, Jan 10, 20207:00 PM Add to cal
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Well, I just noticed that I'm the author of the last post in this part of the Forum and its dated June 22. Today is July 13.
Doesn't look like MOA is of much interest to the generally younger riders of sportbike which is the most successful launch by the brand in a long time.
RA is at least trying- don't know if they're doing any better, yet, though.
Anybody ever ask themselves why this group has a headquarters in the middle of nowhere re motorcycle culture and an approach that is apparently without any results in reaching a large group of BMW owners? I'm too old (nearly 65) to want one of the sportbikes but I sure like those kids- I've taught their car culture equivalent for a long time and they are just plain fun to be with...