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Bruce Mac Naughton is a Reasonable VC: Though Wait Until Series B or Later
Fund: Crosslink Capital
Posted by Anonymous on 2007-12-31
Our experience with Bruce was over all positive -- he understand the IT markets and buying process. The other guys we met with Gary Hromadko and Steven Perkins are very much MBA / financial types that ask a lot of theoretical questions about the market. To be fair, we pitched them for Series A -- and they are more Series B - public investors -- perhaps the best fit for early companies. As you get closer to public markets -- this team has potential to add value.PRIVATE: Members Only (290 Characters)

subset: commoncrawl


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P. Howard Lyons
Partner, Deloitte, Haskins & Sells
Canadian Head Office, Toronto
Presented before the Toronto Society of Financial Analysts-October 1974
Recently the Canadian Institute of Chartered Accountants announced that it will shortly be issuing guidelines for the preparation of financial data restated to isolate the effects of general inflation. It is likely to make these guidelines mandatory during 1975, and perhaps later it will require that these adjusted amounts be disclosed in annual reports.
In this connection it may be interesting to look back at an International Congress of Accountants held in New York City in the middle of September 1929 to ponder the pressing problems of the day. At that Congress papers were given with titles that sound familiar today—for example, "Historical Versus Present-day Costs Including Post-war Revaluation and Exchange and Currency Problems." Another paper by a German author dealt with kinds of value: "purchasing-day cost value," "present-day cost value," "re-stocking value of the re-stocking day." Nowadays we have replaced those terms with others such as "past entry values" and "present entry values" and added others like "exit values" and so on. The paper referred to "apparent profits," stating that they are "made if in the income account and the cost accounting the costs are stated at a value lower than the value of selling day. Then the difference between the actual cost value and the value of today appears as a profit, although it would be needed for maintaining the substance of the assets." These apparent profits are now called phantom profits or inventory profits, and they are getting into the news these days. The SEC said this year that it would like to see them disclosed.
Another 1929 paper, also by a German, made the distinction between cost accounting adjusted "in conformity with the fluctuations of monetary values," i.e., a form of general-index adjustment, and values "established in conformity with present market prices," i.e., replacement values. This is an essential distinction, and at this point we will make a rough attempt to clarify it.
The kind of adjustment that applies a general price index to the accounts is designed to do only one thing: change the unit of measure from a dollar,


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Unusual Way of Walking Gives Burglar Away
WENTZVILLE - An eastern Missouri man is jailed on burglary and theft charges, and police say his pecuilar gauit gave him away.
The St. Louis Post-Dispatch reports that 21-year-old David Moore of Wentzville is accused of breaking into Nu Way Concrete Forms in Wentzville earlier this month and taking nearly $1,500.
Officers reviewing surveillance video noticed the distincitive walk of the masked suspect, who pointed his towes outward in a duck-footed gait. Police compared the tape to surveillance shot during busness hours and noticed a man with the same shoes and the same walk inside the business four days earlier.
Employees had been sucpicious becuase the man wore a coat and gloves on a walk inside the business on a warm day, so they wrote down his license plate number. Moore has denied involvement.


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Good move from Channel Nine.
With Slater and Warne signed up, things are heading in the right direction.
Good move from Channel Nine.
With Slater and Warne signed up, things are heading in the right direction.
Slats and Warney are both good commentators.
I don't mind Ian Chappell and it just wouldn't be the same without Bill. Greig however can be thrown onto the first plane to SA/England/Kazakhstan. Good riddance.
I hope they ditch Healy, he really ***** me.
I don't mind Greig. He's comic relief and a decent commentator. He was part of the best commentary team I've seen in England for the last Ashes, and didn't do it any harm. Chappell is usually a pretty good commentator, but I'd be pleased to see Lawry go. He's just a joke these days.
It's cold on the outside they say
But the cold leaves you clear while the heat leaves a haze
It's a cold world for the commentating 'old boys', post-Kerry.
Boo, keep Greig and Chappelli.
"I am very happy and it will allow me to have lot more rice."
Eoin Morgan on being given a rice cooker for being Man of the Match in a Dhaka Premier Division game.
warne was pretty good in 2003 as a commentator, when he retires(hopefully after the 2009 ashes) he & slats will be good listening. I hope Greig doesn't go i'm a big fan.
Greig has to stay if only for these sorts of comments "that's a huge six, his out"...
He is very annoying when you are not 100% focused on the cricket. As he never uses the batsmans name, it is always 'He's out, yes He's gone, he tried to hit that one for six, that is twice now He has done that, and what is more he had no need to try that'Originally Posted by TT Boy
And I am yelling at the tele, who is out Greig you clown (or words to that effect )
You know it makes sense.
Maybe it is just me, but I think Mark Taylor talks to people like a TV version of Cricket for Dummies. I turn the sound down but sometimes the radio commentary is slightly out of sync. with the TV commentary. End up turning down TV and just listening to the radio. Chappeli has his own style and can't imagine the team without Greig - don't like him, but a bit like an old pair of slippers he is worn and comfortable.
I don't quite know how to feel about this.
First off, I love Tony Greig, he's one of my all-time favorite cricket characters. He has a tendency to say dumb things, but he's so good at rubbing people the wrong way. It's good for entertainment. I love the way he almost deliberately says things that will get Bill Lawry fired up.
Secondly, I also love Bill Lawry. The most biast commentater on earth and yet he gets away with it ways Boyc and Beefy can't. People think Tony Greig says dumb things, but Lawry takes the cake. The calls strokes that played and missed well left. His bias toward Gilchrist is hilarious. When he went on a rant on how he is his favorite player, all of a sudden everything Gilchrist did was gold. Missing balls and their well left, coming off edges and it's well guided. On a more positive note, I do like the emotion he brings to cricket games. The most intense ODI situations are made better with Bill Lawry saying "oh it's all happening here at the MCG." Or "dear or dearie me." Always such emotion like everything is the end of the world and it works quite nicely.
Ian Chappell is someone I have mixed feelings over. In a way he reminds me of a boring old man who keeps telling the same story so many times. But some of what he says is really interesting, like he'd say Andy Robert's belived the faster delivery was more potent than the slower one, so save a little pace. Now that's good information, and it's interesting. But he says it soo much. I've honestly heard him talking about the calibre of seagulls in Adelaide and how tough they are. He's the most expendable.
Slats should be in easily, did well for C4 and can have chemistry with even NZ commentaters.
To be honest, I didn't dig Warne's commentary as much as others did in 2003. But he's a character and the game needs those. Beefy isn't the best commentater but he's somebody you'd want in the spotlight. To this day when I watch Sky News and any reporter wants an opinion on the England team, they ask Beefy. And he's a face all recognise and listen to.
I thought that Greig commentated a lot differently over in England for C4 than what he does in Australia. Much preferred him over in Eng.
chappelli can go, what a waste of valuable commentary time they could give to someone else...
I guess he didn't suck up to Aussies during the last 2 series V SA and was pretty Candid and forthright in his comments and no doubt that touched some nerves .Originally Posted by Great Birtannia
I love Tony Greig and Chappell for being 2 of the most genuine, honest and neutral commentators on Channell 9 who don't follow the theme of 'Suck up to the Aussies as much as you can so that the cricketers and TV audience will love you, even if its not not truthful ' .
Chappelli is unbiased and neutral yes, but Greig isn't. He's just more biased towards the opposition of Australia.
Just because someone isn't biased to Australia doesn't mean they're unbiased, because Greig's just the opposite to your Lawry, Healy etc.
Aside from talking about leg spin in which as everyone knows Shane Warne is pretty much an expert so he knows what he is saying, I found him to be a little annoying and biased, but when you play for Australia it is kind of expected. Mark Waugh was ok but nothing to special.
Michael Slater is somebody who is born to be a commentator, he is somebod ywho I could listen to all day and certainty watch all day when he was batting in his prime. You know things are desperate when he has a bowl in Test cricket.
TBH the C4 commentatory was some of the best I have heard, a lot more then Sky and Ch 9. While I think in South Africa it is random commentators. Sure they have played FC cricket and have some involvement but I have hardly heard of them.
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Why China's New Leaders May Be Silent on Bo Xilai
China's National People's Congress begins this week and is expected to provide clues about the new administration's commitment to reforms and why they may deal with Bo Xilai after NPC. The WSJ's Brian Spegele has the details.
This transcript has been automatically generated and may not be 100% accurate.
... the ... UBS will officially step into their new roles this week at the National people caught People's Congress me I'm Deborah con ... joining me is Brian Spegele reporter from Beijing ... okay ... Brian and I took lot of people are looking towards China's new government and in anticipation of a lot of reforms ... um what do you think is the most crucial issue the government will have to address first off ... where it was you said the National People's Congress ... China's parliament meets for its annual session beginning Tuesday ... um that's happening alongside ... on the government the advisory body known as the CPP cc of these happened once in the year known as the two big meetings basically in China ... these are the first meetings of under the leadership of of of party general secretary Xi Jinping I think there are ... high expectations for reform ... with a record of that though I think in this year's meeting is really about ... is solidifying the personnel changes at half of them have been going on over the past few months ... since the eighteenth Party Congress which took place last November ... so that the November ten hours you can see ... a series of high-level personnel changes on knowing ... that they were already continue to see those throughout the week ... of for example of weekly chart is expected to ... be replaced with Premier Wen job fall ... on the job is to come in the rain then take the reins as China's economy that's where the formalities it's going to happen this week ... in addition this to be a number of lower level changes happening during around the NPC which will really give this a good idea that if the state ... getting gauge of whether senior leaders and the surrounding this was Parker's Standing Committee ... can the government certainly has been trying to make corruption on and stamping out corruption and ... at a key issue that needs to be addressed I'm ... it's it's already started but any IDF POW low on killing four and a new government will indeed deal with corruption ... yes well so she Jinping erm ... never covers party so the answer to his very first days ... of NATO launched this this this anti corruption campaign which was ... your one and as anti crafted campaign those also didn't extravagance and a fuel or anti waste campaign which is really that I think down you know the most visible are so far ... so we haven't necessarily seen or heard dozens or hundreds of ill common as party official being rounded up by ... she's the supporters ... we have seen lovers are very tangible efforts by the new leadership ... to to to cut back on ways to cut back on government spending things like this so you know one of the things that you know the taxi drivers and others in taking the puppy about these days in Beijing is that during the Liao player trade that the two meetings this year ... you not seen the levels of traffic control that you would've seen in a year ago or eighteen in previous years so just a really small example of of you know ... what she Jinping is a very murky mistaking his reputation on that as as as as it is the populist leader ... aam who wants to bring the party back closer to the people I think is very much tied into ... the business wire anticorruption goals ... at KNF chorus and the boss Xilai thought that a lot of people had been anticipating that ... the government would get publicly put an end to this case ... um before the new leadership stepped into place that has not happened ... any indication ... as to how the new government will deal with of the Bush Eli case at or whether or not I'll just let it kind of slip under the radar ... we are as as you say there hasn't been any word out about the of the Bush Hitler folks or on what your trial ... and you know in in in in a couple of months now ... aam I it's it's hard to believe it's been a year since you wish you I was ... based in making this last ditch effort to save himself during the National People's Congress last year ... aam you know with that said Neil Bush Eli is thought to be you know is said to be ... it has been detained at this point ... aam you know it it seemed possible even in the aquarium oh so we've been through the we speak with ... your the level of of you know how hard that the government when after having P telling ... you know what they were describing as you know I'm ... a Saiful misbehavior and then the level of corruption at a pace that he was taking part in ... the beat us to believe now according to analysts at the time he did he wouldn't face formal charges this point ... does a lot of rumors Why O'Neill boss hasn't ... faced a trial yet today ... I think new most people here aging expect that will cost somewhere between the sea ... and cake thanks AmEx Brian Spegele reporting from Beijing ... Brian will be doing more reading from the National People's Congress as well as a lot of other Wall Street Journal reporters you can see their coverage on Des beest dot com under for ...


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Back in 2011, Verizon launched the Motorola Xoom 4G LTE tablet. This device was shipped with the Android 3.0 (Honeycomb) Operating System. Later, it was updated to Android 3.2 OS. Last year, the unlocked Motorola Xoom 4G owners received the much awaited Android 4.1 (Jelly Bean). Nearly 10 months after the roll out of original update, Verizon went ahead and started pushing out the Android 4.1.2 update for Verizon subscribers who are still using the Motorola Xoom 4G tablet.
The latest update is numbered JZO54M and it brings all the Jelly Bean goodies such as Google Now, Project Butter, smart keyboard, improved voice search, enhanced notifications, offline text-to-speech, improved power management, advanced expandable notifications, improved Face Unlock and much more. Check out the changelog below.
- Google Now
- Actionable Notifications
- Voice Search speed has been improved
- Keyboard adapts over time and predicts user's next word
- Settings application has been revised for clearer options
- "Accounts & Sync" has been moved from the Personal group to an independent group called "Accounts"
- Enhancements to modem stability to improve data connectivity
- Search Option has been added in YouTube Application
This update will be rolled out in batches and it will be available via Over-The-Air (OTA). You will be automatically notified when the update is available for your device. If you have not received the update, then just go to Settings > About Device > System updates and check for the update. To learn more, check out this PDF file.


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> Europe > Italy > Tuscany > Campiglia Marittima
Objekt: dv04421
|>>> more Information
|Holiday Apartment in Campiglia Marittima, Tuscany on the Etruscan Coast! Holidays in Italy!
Flat for up to 5 persons
Floor area: 90 m²
Apartment with: Living room, Living-dining room, Living room/bedroom, Separate dining room, Kitchen/kitchenette, Bedroom, 2 Bathroom, TV, Washing machine, Dishwasher, Terrace(s), Carport
Rate per week: from 350 to 680 Euro
|In the ancient Tuscan village Campiglia Marittima, in a green spacious panoramic area, 5 - 6 km from the most beuautiful beaches


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The Problem: The Problem: According to the National Oceanographic and Atmospheric Administration, plastic debris kills an estimated 100,000 marine mammals annually, as well as sea turtles, birds and fishes. Currently, it is estimated that there are 100 million tons of plastic in oceans around the world. It is expected that another 60 billion pounds will be produced this year alone. In some areas, the buildup of plastics is estimated to span 5 million square miles. To put it into perspective, that is the equivalent of the area of the United States plus India. How does that much plastic get into the ocean? Approximately 80 percent of the plastic debris comes from land. It washes out to sea from beaches, streets and highways. It flows out through storm drains into streams and rivers. Most of the debris is recognizable as things we see and use every day. Plastic bags, bottles, balloons, degraded buoys, packaging materials and food wrappers all contribute to the debris. While large plastics are a substantial pollutant, over time these plastics will break down into smaller, more toxic pieces. Not only are these small plastics more easily ingested, but they also act as hosts for invasive species, carrying them to other regions of the ocean. In addition, certain plastic contains toxic additives that are distributed into the water and enter into the food chain.
Many turtles that have been killed by consuming debris had plastic bags or fishing lines in their stomachs, some pieces as small as half of a fingernail. Sea turtles are especially susceptible to the effects of consuming marine debris due to their body structure. They have downward facing spines in their throats which prevent the possibility of regurgitation. The plastics get trapped in their stomach, which prevents them from properly swallowing food. Also, many sea turtle rehabilitation facilities commonly deal with "bubble butts," turtles that float as a result of trapped gas caused by harmful decomposition of marine debris inside a turtle's body. The gases cause the turtle to float, which leads to starvation or makes them an easy target for predators. Another threat turtles face with marine debris is entanglement. Usually while entangled, an animal does not have access to a food supply and/or can become badly injured. Marine debris such as fishing line and six-pack rings can cause death by drowning, suffocation, strangulation and starvation.
Species Affected: All species of sea turtles. Although adult green turtles are herbivores and therefore will not confuse marine debris with a food source, they still face the threat of entanglement. Juvenile green turtles are heavily affected by marine debris because they live amongst the Sargasso beds where most debris accumulates.
The Solution: Education is important to solving marine pollution. The public can get involved in this issue by:
* Reduce, Reuse and Recycle plastics;
* Use reusable cloth bags instead of plastic bags when shopping;
* Support local, regional and nationwide bans on plastic grocery bags;
* Don't litter. Instead, volunteer at local beach clean-up events;
* Make sure to properly secure your garbage to prevent any fly-away plastics;
* Don't release balloons into the air. They travel far and end up in our oceans being consumed by sea turtles that mistake them for food.
Case Study: Several studies have been done on large "floating trash continents" in the Earth's oceans. One in the Pacific Ocean is twice the size of Texas. Much of the trash that make up these islands eventually breaks free to wash up in coastal areas or is carried throughout the world by the oceans currents. Researchers estimate that 100,000 marine animals, approximately one million birds, have been killed by marine debris. In the Pacific Ocean alone, plankton, which is a basic food items for many animals, is outnumbered by plastic by six to one!
Cities and countries all over the world are now considering or implementing bans on plastic bags. Canada, Australia, the United States and Europe are all considering bans or other measures to reduce consumption. In Ireland, plastic bags have been taxed since 2002, estimating a reduction in plastic bag use by almost 90 percent. In January 2008, China's State Council put a nationwide ban on plastic bags. The cabinet has demanded all stores go plastic bag-free after June 1. Not only will this reduction have a positive impact on the environment, but it is estimated that it will save China's 37 million barrels of oil.*
*Drilling for oil also causes sea turtles harm in the form of pollution from spills.
Related links:
* National Marine Debris Monitoring Program
* The Life Cycle of a CD or DVD
* EPA's What You Can Do Guide
Show your support with a tweet!


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See also translations.
This document is an editors' copy that has no official standing.
This section describes the status of this document at the time of its publication. Other documents may supersede this document. A list of current W3C publications and the latest revision of this technical report can be found in the W3C technical reports index at http://www.w3.org/TR/.
It has been produced by the Web Services Resource Access Working Group (WG), which is part of the W3C Web Services Activity.
Please report errors in this document to the public firstname.lastname@example.com mailing list ( public archive).
Publication as a Working Draft does not imply endorsement by the W3C Membership. This is a draft document and may be updated, replaced or obsoleted by other documents at any time. It is inappropriate to cite this document as other than work in progress.
This document was produced by a group operating under the 5 February 2004 W3C Patent Policy. W3C maintains a public list of any patent disclosures made in connection with the deliverables of the group; that page also includes instructions for disclosing a patent. An individual who has actual knowledge of a patent which the individual believes contains Essential Claim(s) must disclose the information in accordance with section 6 of the W3C Patent Policy.


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By completing your order, you understand that the products(s) you are purchasing are U.S. models and may have power / voltage requirements different from that of your country.
Prices shown in currencies other than US Dollars are estimates based on current exchange rates. We will charge your credit card in US Dollars on the day your order is shipped, and the conversion to your local currency will be done at the prevailing rate by your credit card issuer.
PSSL will not mark your parcel as a "gift", declare a value lower than the actual price paid, or otherwise prepare false customs information.
Hosa Professional Grade 14 Gauge Speaker Cables were designed by sound engineers with the audio professional in mind. Hosa Professional Grade cables send a clear, clean signal from your audio amplifier to your loudspeakers. Rugged black jacket.
Key Features
• Neutrik Connectors
• Rugged Black Jacket
• 14 AWG X 2 Conductor


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Cotton and Foam Futons
- Categories
- General
- More Info
- Free Shipping
- Warranty
Cotton and foam futon mattresses are still the most popular type of futon on the market today. Because cotton does compact, it is important to rotate your futon mattress on a regular basis.Learn More
There are no additional subcategories for this product type.
More About Cotton and Foam Futons
The Care & Feeding of Your C&F Futon
Futons with cotton require more maintenance than futons that are made of other materials. Most manufacturers recommend you rotate your cotton filled futon once per month or more with regular use.
How to Rotate
It is important use a regular schedule and system when rotating your favorite cotton filled futon mattress. Here is a good routine to follow:
- Rotate the cushion 180 degrees
- Continue to enjoy using the cushion
- Flip the cushion over
- Continue to enjoy using the cushion
- Rotate the cushion 180 degrees
- Continue to enjoy using the cushion
- Flip the cushion over
- Continue to enjoy using the cushion
Try to avoid sleeping in the center of your futon mattress. Instead, try to sleep on the left or right side. This way when you rotate or flip your mattress, you wear down each side evenly instead of always wearing in the center.
Put your futon mattress outside once a year in the sun. Sunlight and fresh air can rejuvenate clumped fibers. Placing your futon mattress over a deck chair on a warm dry day will gain you loft and comfort. Do this once or twice a year and you will love your cotton filled futon even more.
Keep your futon covered with a futon cover. Remember that you should not wash your futon mattress. Keeping your futon mattress covered will protect your mattress from dirt
Free Shipping of Cotton and Foam Futons
Get FREE shipping for any of these products when you live in the Continental United States. For more information about shipping terms, time frames and over-seas shipping options, click on any of the items below or contact us directly.
Warranty Information
These products include a manufacturer's warranty that meets or beats the industry standard. Click on any of the items below to learn more. If you don't see the information you are looking for, please contact us for help.
Overnighter Cot Size Mattress
Sale Price
Lunar Futon Mattress
Mars Futon Mattress
Venus Futon Mattress


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Welcome to Broom Hall Country Hotel
Broom Hall country hotel Norfolk, is a charming 3 star family run Victorian house hotel and wedding venue in the heart of Breckland, Thetford, Norfolk, England, which was established in 1994 and now owned and run by the James family.
Approached by a winding driveway bordered by mature lime trees the hotel offers peace and tranquillity to all guests. Set in two acres of attractive English country garden which contains mixed and herbaceous borders with a wide variety of mature trees and overlooking 13 acres of parkland.
Guests are invited to enjoy the array of colours and fragrance, birds and wildlife, which are continually changing throughout the year.
Broom Hall is an ideal venue for your wedding or party, where the house and grounds many unique photographic opportunities for any special occasion.
Our experienced and friendly staff will be able to create and organise all your individual requirements with a truly personal service.
Broom Hall has fifteen en-suit bedrooms which are all individual furnished with most offering extensive views over the gardens and surrounding countryside.
The coach house which is 30 metres from the main building provides four ground floor rooms two of which are purpose built for disabled guests.
We can also accommodate pets in the coach house.
Residents also have free use of our heated indoor swimming pool which is open all year round and can be used at your leisure.
Complimentary WiFi is provided in all public areas and in all of our rooms, we operate a non smoking policy throughout including all bedrooms.
Swallowtails restaurant has dual aspect windows overlooking the gardens with the Ivy Room providing a more informal dining area where an open fire can be enjoyed in the winter months.
The Conservatory provides another dining or seating area where you can enjoy the beauty of the gardens. A feature of the public rooms are the ornate cornice ceilings and marble fire places.


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Divination is a technique that seeks to discover information about current and future events, including the outbreak of disease, by interpreting omens or supernatural signs. Signs could be unusual events or natural phenomena.
In ancient Greece diviners collected information on unusual weather conditions, which they believed could explain, or predict, disease. In other ancient societies the behaviour and condition of particular animals was also used. In ancient Sumeria (now located in modern Iraq), for example, diviners interpreted the shape and appearance of the liver of a sacrificed animal. Diviners in ancient Rome interpreted the ways groups of birds flocked, whilst diviners in ancient China did likewise for individual birds.
The methods used for divination have varied incredibly over time and between cultures. Throwing dice, reading tarot cards or consulting astrological charts are all common practices. An Indian text from the 400s CE describes divination by throwing dice. The practice of divination by throwing objects and interpreting how they fall was common across Africa. In west Africa special beads or seeds were thrown, in South Africa small bones and in Zimbabwe wooden plaques carved with faces. The European equivalent is perhaps the use of tarot cards for fortune-telling, but the most widely practised divination method in Europe was, and is, astrology.
Related Objects
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Engineered for reliability and durability
We are committed to partnering with you to advance end-stage heart failure therapies for your patients.
Passive maglev with hydrodynamic bearings means there's no need for electronic sensors or mechanical bearings — resulting in a less complex system eliminating friction, heat, and component wear.1
Dual motor stators enhance efficiency and provide redundancy to rotate the impeller, designed to maintain support even in single motor operation.2
3 Blood Flow Paths
A patented, wide-blade impeller featuring 3 blood flow paths — primary, secondary, and tertiary — designed to enhance blood flow and reduce blood trauma while reducing the time blood travels through the device.3
1. Sorensen EN, et al, Computed tomography correlates of inflow cannula malposition in a continuous-flow ventricular-assist-device. J Heart Lung Transpl 2013;32 (6):654-657.
2. LaRose, J, et al. Design concepts and principal of operation of the HeartWare Ventricular Assist System. 2010. ASAIO:285-9.
3. Haglund, N, et al. Perioperative blood product use: a comparison between HeartWare and HeartMate II devices. Ann Thorac Surg. 2014;9(3):842-9.


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Let's talk about Creative Commons.
For those of you looking for images to illustrate points in a paper, or populate a Powerpoint or Prezi or PDF, the internet has a wealth of images. However, there are copyright restrictions placed on many images, and for a person doing research for scholarly publication this can be very confusing.
Creative Commons has licenses that allow copyright holders to make their work available to others, on conditions of the creator's choice. So, if you are creating work, you can use one of several Creative Commons licenses, and if you are looking for images, music, blog posts that you can use in your own work, you want to look for items with a Creative Commons license.
This page explains the licenses.
This page allows you to search various giant databases that have Creative Commons licensed work.
Pay attention to the copyright notice attached to any image or work you find on the internet. Often people are ok with noncommercial use, as long as you attribute the creator. Remember to treat others and their intellectual property as you wish to be treated. Also, any of these licenses may be negotiated if you contact the creator of the work.


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Gray's Papaya in Greenwich Village Now Serving Dollar Slices
There's a reason why the hot dog line remains long while the line for dollar slices at the Greenwich Village Gray's Papaya is nonexistent. The slices there, ladies and gents, are not very good.
And, no, there are no hot dog–topped slices at Gray's. Although, if you spend an extra buck fifty, you can improvise, as I did — photographic evidence, after the jump.
The sauce is typically generic New York pizza sauce if a bit institutional with little flavor other than a bit of sweetness. The cheese, even on a reheat, is rubbery — though there's an ample amount of it if filling your belly is all you care about.
Where to Find Dollar Slices in NYC»
But if that's all you care about, you're better off just a half block away at the 99¢ Fresh Pizza near the subway entrance, where the line out the door all but guarantees you'll get a piping hot slice fresh out of the oven. Sure, the crust at 99¢ is a little doughy and bereft of crispness, but the sauce is spicy and the cheese is creamy.
To be fair, Gray's, a New York institution known for its perennial "recession special" (two dogs and a drink for $4.45), only started serving dollar slices on Saturday. So the lack of publicity may explain the sad-looking pizzas that appear to have been sitting far too long in the display case. And I have to give them points on the crisp crust (see above). Still, on flavor alone, I'd go for 99¢FP.
Yeah, I kinda couldn't resist trying this:
And, yeah, don't try it yourself. Not as bad as the hot dog and french fry pizza I once tried in 2009, but a waste of a good hot dog.
Dollar Pizza at Gray's Papaya
402 Sixth Avenue, New York NY 10011 (at 8th Street; map) 212-260-3532; wikipedia.org/wiki/Gray's_Papaya
All products linked here have been independently selected by our editors. We may earn a commission on purchases, as described in our affiliate policy.


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February 13, 2013
Limited access to healthy, affordable food choices, is an oft-cited reason for poor food habits among the nation's less fortunate. In order to address this issue, hunger relief organization Philabundance has teamed up with retail design consultancy CBX to create a prototype for a not-for-profit grocery store.Slated to open this summer in Chester, Pa., Fair & Square will sell nutritious food staples with a focus on fresh produce, meats, dairy, seafood and frozen foods at everyday low prices. It will give residents of Chester — one of the 35 "food deserts" in the Delaware Valley according to the USDA — the access to "good food right around the corner" that has not been available since the town's last full-scale grocer closed in 2001.
Philabundance recently purchased a former grocery building in the town of Chester and gave CBX the assignment to create a colors and materials palette as well as signage and graphics for the 13,000-sq.-ft. store. The firm will also design perimeter departments and the store's center core.
All creative work will be based on collaboration between CBX and Philadelphia-based LevLane Advertising, which designed the Fare & Square logo with Philabundance.
"We'll be drawing heavily on both the Fare & Square brand direction as envisioned by LevLane and the existing supermarket footprint of the Chester space," said Joseph Bona, president of CBX branded environments. The design will incorporate functional merchandise fixtures, flooring, lighting and signage.
Under its not-for-profit grocery store model, Fare & Square will offer a customer-focused shopping experience and will partner with local organizations and businesses to provide a range of services to the community in a meaningful and memorable way.
"Ultimately, we're designing a neighborhood store that will have the look and feel of a traditional supermarket in that it's clean, well lit, convenient and friendly, but also a place that the community can call their own, instilling a sense of optimism, pride and connection," Bona said.
Damien is Engagement Director at CBX
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The New Yorker's Jane Mayer on Leon Panetta's CIA
The Secret History
Can Leon Panetta move the C.I.A. forward without confronting its past?
by Jane Mayer June 22, 2009
The Central Intelligence Agency typically fights distant enemies, but on May 21st its leaders were preoccupied with a local opponent. A few miles from the agency's headquarters, which are in Langley, Virginia, former Vice-President Dick Cheney delivered an extraordinary attack on the Obama Administration's emerging national-security policies. Cheney, speaking at the American Enterprise Institute, accused the new Administration of making "the American people less safe" by banning brutal C.I.A. interrogations of terrorism suspects that had been sanctioned by the Bush Administration. Ruling out such interrogations "is unwise in the extreme," Cheney charged. "It is recklessness cloaked in righteousness."
Leon Panetta, the C.I.A.'s new director—and the man who bears much of the responsibility for keeping the country safe—learned the details of Cheney's speech when he arrived in his office, on the seventh floor of the agency's headquarters. An hour earlier, he had been standing at the side of President Barack Obama, who was giving a speech at the National Archives, in which he argued that America could "fight terrorism while abiding by the rule of law." In January, the Obama Administration banned the "enhanced" techniques that the Bush Administration had approved for the agency, including waterboarding and depriving prisoners of sleep for up to eleven days. Panetta, pouring a cup of coffee, responded to Cheney's speech with surprising candor. "I think he smells some blood in the water on the national-security issue," he told me. "It's almost, a little bit, gallows politics. When you read behind it, it's almost as if he's wishing that this country would be attacked again, in order to make his point. I think that's dangerous politics."
Panetta was also absorbing criticism from the left. The day before, a group of progressive human-rights advocates had been given an off-the-record briefing with Obama, where they discussed his plans for handling terrorism suspects; some of the advocates were enraged at what they saw as a tacit continuation of the Bush approach. According to a participant, Obama warned the group that such comparisons were "not helpful." Nevertheless, Kenneth Roth, the executive director of Human Rights Watch, who also attended the briefing, went on to denounce the Administration for considering "preventive detention"—incarcerating certain terror suspects indefinitely, without trial. Obama's position, Roth said, "mimics the Bush Administration's abusive approach."
Since January, the C.I.A. has become the focus of almost daily struggle, as Obama attempts to restore the rule of law in America's fight against terrorism without sacrificing safety or losing the support of conservative Democratic and independent voters. So far, he has insisted on trying to recalibrate the agency's policies without investigating past mistakes or holding anyone responsible for them. Caught in the middle is Panetta, who is seventy years old and has virtually no experience in the intelligence field. Indeed, his credentials for running the world's foremost spy agency are so unlikely that when John Podesta, the head of Obama's transition team, asked him to take the job he responded, "Are you sure?" Podesta assured Panetta that his outsider status was actually an advantage: "He said, 'You don't carry the scars of the past eight years. Besides, the President wants somebody who will talk straight to him on these issues.' "
Although Panetta served briefly in the military, half a century ago, his reputation has been built almost entirely on his mastery of domestic policy. For sixteen years, he was a Democratic congressman from his home town, Monterey, California. In 1989, he became the chairman of the House Budget Committee, making him a natural choice as President Bill Clinton's first budget director. In 1994, he became Clinton's chief of staff.
Panetta, the son of Italian immigrants, grew up washing dishes in his parents' restaurant. He is disarmingly forthright, with an easy laugh; he is also a stern disciplinarian and a workaholic. Colleagues say that Panetta, who attends Mass regularly, can be principled to the point of rigidity. It was partly Panetta's rectitude that got him the C.I.A. job. During the Bush years, he decried the country's loss of moral authority; in a blunt essay for Washington Monthly last year, he declared that Americans had been transformed "from champions of human dignity and individual rights into a nation of armchair torturers." He concluded, "We either believe in the dignity of the individual, the rule of law, and the prohibition of cruel and unusual punishment, or we don't. There is no middle ground."
Panetta's impassioned essay unexpectedly became an asset during the Obama transition, after John Brennan—the initial candidate for C.I.A.director—was pressured to withdraw. Critics accused Brennan, who had been a top agency official during the Bush years, of complicity with the torture program. (A friend of Brennan's from his C.I.A. days complained to me, "After a few Cheeto-eating people in the basement working in their underwear who write blogs voiced objections to Brennan, the Obama Administration pulled his name at the first sign of smoke, and then ruled out a whole class of people: anyone who had been at the agency during the past ten years couldn't pass the blogger test.")
Panetta had one other strong qualification: he was close to Rahm Emanuel, the new chief of staff. During the Clinton Administration, Emanuel, serving as the White House political director, was suspected by former First Lady Hillary Clinton and others of leaking information, and was very nearly fired. Emanuel entered what he calls his "wilderness period." When Panetta became chief of staff, however, he reinstated Emanuel as a top aide. "I thought he had a lot of street smarts and good political sense," Panetta told me.
In 1994, Panetta discovered, to his dismay, that the President had quietly turned to Dick Morris, a political consultant with a dubious ethical reputation. Harold Ickes, a former White House aide, recalls Panetta walking the halls late one night and saying that he needed a shower after attending a meeting with Morris. Later, a tabloid newspaper reported that Morris had been meeting with a prostitute in a nearby Washington hotel. In 1997, Panetta left the White House, by mutual agreement; he and his wife, Sylvia, founded the nonpartisan Panetta Institute for Public Policy, in Northern California. In January, 1998, it was revealed that Clinton had conducted an extramarital affair with Monica Lewinsky—Panetta's former intern. An associate described Panetta then as "very disappointed in Bill Clinton, because of Monica Lewinsky. He saw him as a man with no personal discipline."
Eleven years later, Barack Obama called Panetta for advice on who might make a good chief of staff. Panetta recommended Emanuel, telling him that "Rahm knows the Hill, he certainly knows the White House, and he's got the tough side" necessary for the job. In January, Emanuel recommended Panetta for the C.I.A. post. Emanuel said of Panetta, "Leon has great judgment, a great compass. He's a great manager, and he's trusted by both parties." (Panetta was a Republican until 1971.) Some former C.I.A. officers, such as Tyler Drumheller, who retired in 2005 as the head of clandestine operations in Europe, welcome the choice. "It's not such a bad thing to have a powerful guy with access to the President," he told me. Panetta, he predicted, "will restore the integrity of the intelligence process. After what we've been through on Iraq and torture allegations, that's a big deal."
Michael Waldman, who was President Clinton's chief speechwriter, and who now runs the Brennan Center for Justice, at the New York University School of Law, describes Panetta as "one of the more honorable, decent, and principled people in government," but considers it "amazing that he was such an outspoken critic" of the agency. Given Panetta's reputation for integrity, and the C.I.A.'s central role in the interrogations scandal, Waldman wondered, "can he ride the tiger without being eaten?" He added, "An agency like that can turn on a director. That's the challenge: he's got to both lead it and reform it."
The record of outsiders taking over the C.I.A. is mixed. John McCone, a California shipping magnate who ran the agency in the Kennedy and Johnson years, is often cited as being among the most successful directors; having been trained as a mechanical engineer, he was skilled at assessing threats posed by both conventional and nuclear weapons. But other outsiders have been met with intense hostility. James Schlesinger was named C.I.A. director by President Richard Nixon after heading the Atomic Energy Commission. Given instructions to "get rid of the clowns," Schlesinger dismissed or forced into retirement more than five hundred analysts and a thousand clandestine officers. He faced death threats, and his tenure lasted six months. In 1995, President Clinton appointed John Deutch, who had previously served at the Pentagon. Deutch tried to improve the oversight of clandestine operatives after evidence surfaced that an agent in Guatemala had covered up two murders. Deutch was reviled by many operatives, and he left the agency after eighteen months. Eventually, he was accused of mishandling classified documents and stripped of his security clearance. "You pick on the C.I.A. at your own peril," Michael Waldman says.
Nevertheless, many critics believe that the agency must reckon with the legacy of the Bush era. In the past few years, irrefutable evidence has emerged that after 9/11 the agency lost its moral bearings. A confidential Red Cross report has come into public view, along with formerly classified government documents, leaving no doubt that the agency subjected scores of terror suspects to prolonged physical and psychological cruelty. Officers shackled prisoners for weeks in contorted positions; chained them to the ceiling wearing only diapers; exploited their phobias; propelled them head first into walls. At least three prisoners died.
Torture is a felony, and is sometimes treated as a capital crime. The Convention Against Torture, which America ratified in 1994, requires a government to prosecute all acts of torture; failure to do so is considered a breach of international law. The issue of torture assumed symbolic importance during the 2008 campaign, and when Obama took office many of his liberal supporters expected him to hold the perpetrators of abuse accountable. Democratic leaders in Congress pushed particularly hard for action. Senator Carl Levin, the chairman of the Armed Services Committee, had investigated the military's role in detention and interrogation abuse but was kept by his committee's limited jurisdiction from investigating the C.I.A.; he urged the new Attorney General, Eric Holder, to open an inquiry, saying, "There needs to be an accounting of torture in this country." Senator Patrick Leahy, the chairman of the Judiciary Committee, argued for the creation of an independent "truth commission," which could grant immunity to witnesses—thus helping to insulate the Obama Administration from charges that it was exploiting the torture issue for partisan gain.
The C.I.A.'s role in providing misleading intelligence about the presence of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq has also provoked calls for reform. Senator Dianne Feinstein, the new chairman of the Intelligence Committee, told me, "There's no vote that I regret more than the vote to authorize war with Iraq"; her vote was based on intelligence that she describes as "flat wrong." Feinstein went on, "I am absolutely determined to reform the process of gathering and analyzing intelligence."
As soon as Obama took office, he overturned most aspects of the Bush Administration's interrogation policy. He issued an executive order banning inhumane treatment of prisoners by any government officials, and one closing the C.I.A.'s network of secret "black site" prisons, which stretched from Poland to Thailand. He also vowed to close the military prison in Guantánamo Bay, Cuba, where fourteen former C.I.A. prisoners are being held. But Obama's message has been uncharacteristically muddled on the question of accountability. He has said that Attorney General Holder should be the one to decide whether to take criminal action; he has also said that he would support further congressional investigation, as long as it was done in a bipartisan fashion. At the same time, he has signalled that he has no appetite for "looking backwards," and in late April, during a private White House meeting with congressional leaders, he rejected the idea of an outside truth commission. In the meantime, Republicans have seized the political initiative, expressing grave concern about the plans to close Guantánamo and transfer the prisoners to U.S. facilities.
Tim Weiner, the author of "Legacy of Ashes," a recent history of the C.I.A., says that Panetta is facing a series of "unappetizing choices." Weiner believes that the country is in a period similar to the Watergate era, when a series of disturbing state secrets—such as the existence of the Phoenix Program, a C.I.A.-supported initiative, in which the South Vietnamese were alleged to have tortured civilians—spilled out. Speaking of Panetta, he said, "It can't be comfortable for a man who said, 'This is un-American,' to be put in the position of saying, 'Well, we hold no one accountable.' "
Panetta, whose conversation with me at C.I.A. headquarters was his first lengthy interview on the topic of abusive interrogations, said that when he took over the agency he "wanted to be damn sure" that there was nobody on the payroll who should be prosecuted for torture or related crimes. He asked John Helgerson, then the C.I.A.'s inspector general, to conduct a review. In theory, the inspector general is politically independent, and therefore able to render unbiased judgments. In 2004, Helgerson had written a classified report on the C.I.A.'s secret detention-and-interrogation program, in which he questioned both the legality and the effectiveness of the agency's brutally coercive techniques. Panetta cited Helgerson's "credibility" as a reason to trust his assessment. According to Panetta, Helgerson, who is not a lawyer, assured him that no officer still at the agency had engaged in actions that went beyond the legal boundaries as they were understood during the Bush years. Helgerson, who retired from the agency in May, says he told Panetta only that he was not aware of any cases that merited prosecution, though "continuing work was being done."
Panetta told me, "I'm going to give people the benefit of the doubt. . . . If they do the job that they're paid to do, I can't ask for a hell of a lot more." His words echo those of President Obama, who on April 16th promised immunity from prosecution to any C.I.A. officer who relied on the advice of legal counsel during the Bush years. Jeffrey H. Smith, a former general counsel to the C.I.A., points out that this is a low standard, given that "what the Justice Department approved was outrageous." For example, for more than a century the U.S. had prosecuted waterboarding as a serious crime, and a ten-year prison sentence was issued as recently as 1983. Indeed, the memos authorizing interrogators to torment prisoners clashed so glaringly with international and U.S. law that some of them were later withdrawn by lawyers in Bush's own Justice Department.
Smith, who has advised Obama informally on how to handle the C.I.A.'s legacy of abuse, thinks that prosecutions are not politically viable at this point, and would in any case be unfair to officers who thought they were adhering to the law. And many Republicans, from Newt Gingrich to John McCain, have argued that pressing charges against government officials would threaten morale and inhibit risk-taking at a time when the agency faces wars on two fronts and a continuing threat from Al Qaeda. The Harvard law professor Laurence Tribe disagrees. "It's hard not to do something to those who performed the act," he says. "It's not beyond the pale to imagine that even people armed with legal opinions might be held legally responsible for violating the criminal law in the area of torture."
Panetta told me, "Frankly, I didn't support these methods that were used, or the legal justification for why they did it. . . . I also believed if I were to take this job it was about dealing with the threats that are out there, and trying to really bring the C.I.A. into a new chapter." He said that once he felt confident that there was no criminal liability inside the agency he "didn't want to spend a lot of time dealing with the past and what mistakes were made."
It turns out, however, that Panetta initially supported the creation of a truth commission. "I'm not big on commissions," Panetta told me. "On the other hand, I could see that it might make some sense, frankly, to appoint a high-level commission, with somebody like Sandra Day O'Connor, Lee Hamilton—people like that." The appeal was that Obama could delegate to others the legal problems stemming from Bush Administration actions, allowing him to focus on his ambitious political agenda. "In the discussion phase"—early in the spring, before Obama decided the issue—"I was for it," Panetta said. "Because every time a question came up, you could basically say, 'The commission, hopefully, is looking at this.' " But by late April Obama had vetoed the idea, fearing that it would look vindictive and, possibly, inflame his predecessor. "It was the President who basically said, 'If I do this, it will look like I'm trying to go after Cheney and Bush,' " Panetta said. "He just didn't think it made sense. And then everybody kind of backed away from it."
Ken Gude, an associate director at the Center for American Progress, who specializes in national-security issues, and who has close ties to the White House, believes that Obama's instinct, like Panetta's, was to set up a truth commission of some sort. "I think the political staff walked it back," he says. "They said it would be a distraction." Obama's political advisers dread any issue that could trigger a culture war and diminish his support among independent voters. They also see little advantage in picking a fight with the C.I.A. But the decision to discourage an accountability process, Gude says, has backfired. The Administration has lost control of the story, as revelations about C.I.A. misdeeds have continued to emerge through lawsuits and the press. "It's now become the distraction they wanted to avoid," Gude says. "The White House briefings have been dominated by questions about releasing documents and photos." It's understandable, he says, that Obama wouldn't want to spend his energy on Bush's mistakes. But, he warns, "they can't leave the impression that they're trying to cover it up."
Panetta may not have scars from the past eight years, but he is surrounded by people who do. Some of his closest advisers have connections to the torture program. Panetta brought only one person with him to the agency: Jeremy Bash, the well-regarded former chief counsel to the House Intelligence Committee, who now serves as his chief of staff. Phil Trounstine, a California-based political consultant and analyst who has known Panetta for years, says of him, "Here's a guy who has been very critical of the Bush world view, who has to enforce a new set of guidelines and policies by leading the same agency and the same people as in the past."
Several of Panetta's top deputies worked closely with George Tenet, the agency's director from 1997 until 2004. Under Tenet, the C.I.A. took the lead role in fighting terrorism, and its officers became the jailers, and sometimes the tormentors, of many U.S.-held detainees. Tenet, who is now a managing director of the investment bank Allen & Company, has all but disappeared from public sight in Washington. He recently cancelled an appearance scheduled at the Panetta Institute this month. ("George has not wanted to do stuff in front of a camera," Panetta noted.) But in his 2007 memoir, "At the Center of the Storm," Tenet defended the use of "enhanced" interrogation techniques on terror suspects, claiming that the information they elicited had prevented other attacks and saved American lives. (He also assured President Bush that the case for going to war in Iraq was "a slam dunk.") But a former senior agency official who worked with many of Tenet's top team members says, "These people carried out this policy . . . but they'll muddy the waters by explaining why what they did was O.K. They will say that 'Bush was bad' but they weren't. A lot of it is just to protect their own positions. It's amazing to me that all these Tenet people survived!"
Behind Panetta's desk—next to a framed, tattered American flag that was rescued from the ruins of the World Trade Center—is a door leading to the office of Stephen Kappes, whom Panetta has kept on as the agency's second-in-command. Kappes, a former U.S. marine, is widely admired within the agency, in particular for his role in persuading the Libyan leader Muammar Qaddafi to abandon his nuclear-weapons program, in 2003. "Kappes is the case officer's case officer," John Radsan, who was a lawyer at the C.I.A. during President Bush's first term, says. Intense, serious, and fluent in Russian and Farsi, Kappes has served as a station chief in Moscow, New Delhi, and Frankfurt, and has supervised many clandestine operations. In April, President Obama paid a visit to C.I.A. headquarters and singled out Kappes as the wise "graybeard" in the building. Senator Feinstein insisted to Obama Administration officials privately that Kappes continue as deputy director; it was a condition of her support for Panetta, whose lack of experience in covert operations she questioned.
During the first term of the Bush Administration, Kappes was a top official in the Directorate of Operations. This group oversaw the agency's Counterterrorist Center, which, in turn, managed the secret detention-and-interrogation program. Few doubt that he was aware that the C.I.A. was engaging in brutality. One former officer recalls that Kappes voiced qualms, warning that the program amounted to "torture." According to the former officer, once Kappes was overruled he went along; Kappes was "the brains" of the directorate, the former officer says. (Kappes, through a spokesman, denied having had a direct role in the interrogation program, or having called its tactics torture.) Another former C.I.A. operative says, "It would be hard to say someone so involved could be robustly objective" in advising Panetta.
Panetta says that most of the individuals who managed the secret interrogation program have since left the agency. One of the holdovers is Jonathan Fredman, who was formerly the chief counsel to the division that ran the interrogation program; he is now on temporary assignment with the director of National Intelligence. According to notes from a 2002 meeting, which were disclosed at a recent Senate hearing, Fredman advised that torture "is basically subject to perception. If the detainee dies, you're doing it wrong." The notes, whose accuracy Fredman has disputed, describe him saying that videotapes of interrogations would look "ugly." Fredman's former boss is John A. Rizzo, the C.I.A.'s acting general counsel, who was the recipient of many of the Justice Department's torture memos. (Rizzo is scheduled to leave the agency once a replacement has been confirmed.) And the current head of the Counterterrorist Center—the officer, who is undercover, cannot be identified—ran the interrogation program for part of Bush's second term. Several current station chiefs and division chiefs were also deeply involved in brutal interrogations, as were pilots, logistical experts, medical personnel, and others.
Meanwhile, John Brennan—the man who was considered too politically toxic for the top C.I.A. job—has become a senior official on the National Security Council. Brennan, who, as one former C.I.A. officer puts it, was once "joined to George Tenet at the hip"—he served as Tenet's chief of staff—now advises Obama on terrorism and other national-security issues. He has reportedly lobbied hard to maintain secrecy on past abuses. According to Newsweek, Brennan recently persuaded Panetta to join him in protesting Obama's plan to release four shocking Justice Department memos about the interrogation program. The documents, written by lawyers in the Office of Legal Counsel, showed that the C.I.A. had waterboarded one suspect at least a hundred and eighty-three times and subjected many others to harrowing mistreatment. Opponents have argued that exposing such details could spark an anti-American backlash. Panetta also argued forcefully in favor of indemnifying any C.I.A. officers whose actions, as described in the memos, might have opened them up to criminal charges.
Several well-respected former C.I.A. officials—including Fred Hitz, a former inspector general, and Paul Pillar, a former Middle East analyst—told me that they saw no harm in releasing the documents. Dennis C. Blair, the director of National Intelligence, who oversees the U.S. intelligence establishment, including the C.I.A., also supported the release of the documents, after his staff concluded that the disclosures would likely do no damage.
After intense consideration, and a late-night meeting in Rahm Emanuel's office, Obama rejected Panetta's arguments for secrecy, deciding that it was in the public interest to release the memos. But Obama also endorsed the notion of giving blanket amnesty to any C.I.A. officers performing authorized work.
Panetta's resistance to public disclosure seemed out of character to some longtime colleagues. "I was surprised by Leon's position on the O.L.C. memos," Phil Trounstine told me. "It's tough to maintain your principles when you're head of the C.I.A., because you need to be seen as someone that the people inside the agency want to follow." Panetta had become an advocate for secrecy so quickly, a White House official joked, that "it's like 'Invasion of the Body Snatchers.' "
Panetta's advisers may have had a personal stake in opposing transparency. Another former C.I.A. official, who knows Brennan well, noted that, if the Bush torture program were to be further investigated, "potentially, both Brennan and Kappes could have a lot to lose." Brennan's supporters have argued that he had no operational control over the interrogation program, and point out that his tenure as Tenet's chief of staff ended in March, 2001, before the Al Qaeda attacks. But he was subsequently named deputy executive director, and served in that position until March, 2003—the period when the most brutal detainee treatment occurred. In addition, Brennan often briefed President Bush about daily developments in the war on terror. Brennan has described himself as an internal critic of waterboarding—a position that friends, such as Emile Nakhleh, a former senior officer, confirm. Yet, in an interview with me two years ago, Brennan defended the use of "enhanced" interrogation techniques and extraordinary renditions, in which the C.I.A. abducted terror suspects around the globe and transported them to other countries to be jailed and interrogated; many of those countries had execrable human-rights records. He also questioned some people's definition of "torture." "I think it's torture when I have to ride in the car with my kids and they have loud rap music on," he said. Asked if "enhanced" interrogation techniques were necessary to keep America safe, he replied, "Would the U.S. be handicapped if the C.I.A. was not, in fact, able to carry out these types of detention and debriefing activities? I would say yes."
Anthony Lake, who was the national-security adviser under Clinton, said of Brennan, "I've known John a long time, and he's a really good guy. I would argue, you can't throw out the whole agency." Lake, in fact, recommended Brennan to the Obama campaign when it was looking for intelligence advisers—after consulting with their mutual friend George Tenet. America's intelligence community is an incestuous one, making it difficult for a President to break with old ways of thinking.
Indeed, a well-informed analyst with close ties to the White House says that the C.I.A. has been lobbying hard to get Obama to support some form of preventive detention for terror suspects. An agency spokesman denies this. But the analyst says, "They definitely want the flexibility to hold people in some form of detention. They have been saying, 'We need deep authorities.' They've been presenting the President with nightmare scenarios."
Panetta, for his part, has been persuaded that renditions are a tool worth keeping. The rendition program began, in a more carefully monitored form, during the Clinton Administration, but in the Bush years it was transformed into what John Radsan, the former C.I.A. lawyer, called "an abomination." As many as seven detainees were misidentified and abducted by mistake; many other suspects have alleged that they were hideously tortured by foreign governments. Panetta told me, "The worst part of rendition was rendition to a black site. That will not be the case anymore. If we render someone, it will be to a country with jurisdiction over that individual." During the Bush years, however, some of the most horrific allegations of abuse were made by detainees rendered not to black sites but to Egypt, Syria, and Morocco. The Obama Administration, Panetta says, will take precautions to insure that rendered suspects are treated humanely, as the law requires. "I've talked to the State Department, and our people have to make very sure that people won't be mistreated," Panetta said. "Some places, obviously, it's more difficult to do. But we're going to have to press to make sure it doesn't happen, because it would fly in the face of everything the President has said we stand for." The Bush Administration professed to be taking similar precautions.
The C.I.A. has apparently done nothing to penalize the officer who oversaw one of the most notorious renditions—that of a German car salesman named Khaled el-Masri. He was abducted while on a holiday in Macedonia, and flown by the agency to Afghanistan, where he was detained in a dungeon for five months without charges, before being released. From the start, the rendition team suspected that his case was one of mistaken identity. But the C.I.A. officer in charge at Langley—the agency asked that the officer's name be withheld—insisted that Masri be further interrogated. "She just looked in her crystal ball and it said that he was bad," a colleague recalls. Masri says that he was chained in a freezing cell with no bed, and given water so putrid that he could smell it across the room. He was threatened and stripped, and could hear other detainees crying all around him. After several weeks, the C.I.A. officer in charge learned that Masri's German passport was not a forgery, as was originally suspected, and that he was not the terror suspect the agency thought he was. (The names were similar.) Even so, the officer in charge refused to release him. Eventually, Masri went on a hunger strike, losing sixty pounds. Skeptics in the agency went directly over the officer's head to Tenet, who realized that his agency had been brutalizing an innocent man. Masri was released after a hundred and forty-nine days. But the officer in charge was not disciplined; in fact, a former colleague says, "she's been promoted—twice." Masri, meanwhile, has been unable to sue the U.S. government for either an apology or damages, because the courts consider the very existence of rendition a state secret—a position that the Obama Justice Department has so far supported.
No criminal charges have ever been brought against any C.I.A. officer involved in the torture program, despite the fact that at least three prisoners interrogated by agency personnel died as the result of mistreatment. In the first case, an unnamed detainee under C.I.A. supervision in Afghanistan froze to death after having been chained, naked, to a concrete floor overnight. The body was buried in an unmarked grave. In the second case, an Iraqi prisoner named Manadel al-Jamadi died on November 4, 2003, while being interrogated by the C.I.A. at Abu Ghraib prison, outside Baghdad. A forensic examiner found that he had essentially been crucified; he died from asphyxiation after having been hung by his arms, in a hood, and suffering broken ribs. Military pathologists classified the case a homicide. A third prisoner died after an interrogation in which a C.I.A. officer participated, though the officer evidently did not cause the death. (Several other detainees have disappeared and remain unaccounted for, according to Human Rights Watch.)
During his tenure at the C.I.A., John Helgerson, the former inspector general, forwarded the crucifixion case, along with an estimated half-dozen other incidents, to the Justice Department, for possible prosecution. But the case files have languished. An official familiar with the cases told me that the agency has deflected inquiries by the Senate Intelligence Committee seeking information about any internal disciplinary action. (Helgerson told me, "Some individuals have been disciplined. And others no longer work at the agency.")
Panetta acknowledges that there are some people still at the C.I.A. who may be tainted by the torture program. Nevertheless, he says, "I really respect the people who say we shouldn't have gotten involved in the interrogation business but we had to do our jobs. I don't think I should penalize people who were doing their duty. If you have a President who exercises bad judgment, the C.I.A. pays the price."
On June 1st, former Vice-President Cheney asserted in a speech that the C.I.A., rather than the White House, first proposed hurting prisoners during interrogations. "It was their initiative," he said. "They had a couple of cases where they thought enhanced interrogation techniques would provide information." Panetta has a different view. "There is no question in my mind," he said. "The interrogation thing, to some extent, was cast upon us, because the military walked away from it, and the F.B.I. walked away from it, and so everybody came down on the C.I.A.," he said. This is technically true, although the F.B.I. "walked away" from interrogations of terrorism suspects after its director, Bob Mueller, heard complaints from an agent, Ali Soufan, that the C.I.A.'s interrogation methods amounted to "borderline torture." John Helgerson told me that he holds the C.I.A., the Pentagon, and the White House equally responsible: "They went arm in arm into it."
Without a thorough public investigation, it's difficult to assess the truth behind such contradictory accusations. "Everyone says, 'It's over, it's known,' " Nathaniel Raymond, who works with the advocacy group Physicians for Human Rights, told me. "But what is known? We still don't know how many detainees were in the black sites, or who they were. We don't fully know the White House's role, or the C.I.A.'s role. We need a full accounting, especially as it relates to health professionals." The recently released Justice Department memos, he noted, contain numerous references to C.I.A. medical personnel participating in coercive interrogation sessions. "They were the designers, the legitimizers, and the implementers," Raymond said. "This is arguably the single greatest medical-ethics scandal in American history. We need answers."
Some conservatives are also calling for greater openness. Will Taft, the general counsel to the State Department in the Bush Administration, told me, "There are some twenty or thirty people whom the C.I.A. said it formerly held but no longer does. Those names have never been released. The government should identify all the people in the program and account for them."
The Senate Intelligence Committee recently embarked on its own, closed-door investigation of the torture program; Panetta told me that he has been assured that the committee members' work "would be about lessons learned, as opposed to going after people." So the C.I.A. is "coöperating with them, giving them whatever information they need to try to conduct their review." He says that the committee has already identified some ten million relevant documents. "It's going to take a while," he said.
The Senate investigation will, among other things, probe the question of torture's efficacy. Dick Cheney has repeatedly claimed that "enhanced" interrogations yield results. Opponents say that torture is counterproductive. Panetta is more agnostic. He told me, "The bottom line would be this: Yes, important information was gathered from these detainees. It provided information that in fact was acted upon. Was this the only way to obtain this information? I think that will always be an open question." But he is certain that "we did pay a price for using those methods."
A number of recently released documents call into question the notion that the C.I.A. played a passive role in relation to torture policy. A 2008 report by the Senate Armed Services Committee indicates that the agency hired contract psychologists who went on to design and implement specific forms of abuse—such as locking a detainee, doubled up, in a tiny, airless cage—months before August, 2002, when the Justice Department granted legal authorization with its infamous "torture memo." More troublingly, footnotes in the Office of Legal Counsel memos suggest that some C.I.A. interrogators may have egregiously exceeded the legal boundaries set down by the Justice Department and the White House—which seemingly puts them outside the legal safety zone demarcated by Obama and Panetta. In 2002, the Bush Administration authorized interrogators to re-create the ostensibly safe waterboarding techniques used in military training. But, instead of limiting the sessions to a maximum of two twenty-second bouts of controlled drowning, as prescribed in military training, the C.I.A. interrogators forced one detainee to undergo at least a hundred and eighty-three sessions, and another at least eighty-three. And, instead of using a very small amount of water, as the Justice Department stipulated, the C.I.A. interrogators subjected the detainees to "large volumes" of water. The memos quote Inspector General Helgerson's finding, in his secret 2004 report on coercive techniques, that the interrogators amplified the pain deliberately, in order to make the sensation of drowning "more poignant and convincing." Helgerson also found that the psychologists and interrogators who designed the agency's protocols—and who claimed that their judgments were based on knowledge of military standards—had "probably misrepresented" their "expertise." In addition, the C.I.A.'s Office of Medical Services found that there was "no reason to believe that applying the waterboard with the frequency and intensity with which it was used by the psychologist/interrogators . . . was either efficacious or medically safe."
In April, Panetta fired all the C.I.A.'s contract interrogators, including the former military psychologists who appear to have designed the most brutal interrogation techniques: James Mitchell and Bruce Jessen. The two men, who ran a consulting company, Mitchell, Jessen & Associates, had recommended that interrogators apply to detainees theories of "learned helplessness" that were based on experiments with abused dogs. The firm's principals reportedly billed the agency a thousand dollars a day for their services. "We saved some money in the deal, too!" Panetta said. (Remarkably, a month after Obama took office the C.I.A. had signed a fresh contract with the firm.)
According to ProPublica, the investigative reporting group, Mitchell and Jessen's firm, which in 2007 had a hundred and twenty people on its staff, recently closed its offices, in Spokane, Washington. One employee was Deuce Martinez, a former C.I.A. interrogator in the black-site program; Joseph Matarazzo, a former president of the American Psychological Association, was on the company's board. (According to Kirk Hubbard, the former head of the C.I.A.'s research and analysis division, Matarazzo served on an agency professional-standards board during the time the interrogation program was set up, but was not consulted about the interrogations.)
Lawsuits against abusive contractors remain a possibility, and any one of them could expose a line of authorizations leading directly up the chain of command at the C.I.A., and into the Bush White House. George Brent Mickum IV, a lawyer representing Abu Zubaydah, a C.I.A. prisoner who was repeatedly waterboarded, said, "I'd like to sue Mitchell and Jessen in a minute." (Mitchell was an adviser on Zubaydah's interrogation.) After Zubaydah was waterboarded, his lawyers say, his mental state deteriorated, and he has since been prescribed the antipsychotic drug Haldol.
Few activists expect lawsuits against the C.I.A. or its contractors to succeed. But John Sifton, an attorney who specializes in human-rights law, and who is part of Zubaydah's legal team, notes that there are other ways for the detainees' grievances to become public. "The act of prosecuting the high-value detainees will be the accountability process," Sifton said. "It's impossible to try these detainees without allowing them to air all the information about their torture."
Other legal actions threaten to expose yet more secrets of the C.I.A.'s torture program. A prosecutor appointed by the Justice Department, John Durham, has convened a grand jury in Washington to weigh potential criminal charges against C.I.A. officers who were involved in the destruction of ninety-two videotapes documenting the interrogations of Abu Zubaydah and other detainees. Mickum told me that he has met several times with Durham, and believes that the scope of his inquiry may have expanded to include a review of whether the C.I.A. began using brutal methods on Zubaydah before it received written authorization from the Justice Department. (This would provide an extra motive for destroying the videotapes.) Mickum said, "I got the sense he was very serious." (Durham declined to comment.) The A.C.L.U., meanwhile, is suing to get access to classified descriptions of what was on the destroyed videotapes. Last week, Panetta filed an affidavit opposing the disclosure, which he said "could be expected to result in exceptionally grave damage to the national security." Once again, he was protecting Bush-era interrogation secrets.
Pressure is also coming from abroad. In Italy, two dozen C.I.A. officers are on trial in absentia for participating in a 2003 rendition. Robert Seldon Lady, the agency's station chief in Milan at the time, can no longer travel to Italy without danger of arrest, nor can the other C.I.A. officers named in the case. Spain has opened a criminal investigation of six Bush Administration officials in connection with torture. And in London a former rendition victim is suing the British authorities. After a British judge ruled that the plaintiff, Binyam Mohammed, should be given access to C.I.A. intelligence documents that the agency shared with British authorities, the Obama Administration surprised liberals by pressuring the British government to stop the disclosures.
Several other legal challenges to the agency's interrogation program are working their way through the U.S. court system. A judge in California recently rejected the Justice Department's claims of blanket state secrecy in a case brought by five rendition victims against Jeppesen Dataplan, a subsidiary of Boeing, which provided the flight plans for the C.I.A.'s renditions. In a press conference in April, Obama indicated that he had had second thoughts about the Justice Department's assertion of blanket state secrecy in the case, but on June 12th the Administration reasserted its original claim.
Earlier this month, Philip Mudd, Obama's nominee for a top Homeland Security post, withdrew from consideration after it became clear that his Senate confirmation would turn into a fight over his previous role in the C.I.A.'s interrogation program. Rahm Emanuel, speaking of the many challenges posed by the torture scandal, told me, "It's a day-to-day—I won't say struggle—but problem. There are a lot of cases in the queue that require response. Many of them. But I've seen the President in the Situation Room, and I know he wants to move forward."
Panetta is already forging ahead on one important reform: he plans to replace the abusive interrogation program with a legally acceptable, non-coercive alternative. A task force led by the Harvard Law School professor Philip Heymann has been advising him on a proposal to create an élite U.S. government interrogation team, staffed by some of the best C.I.A., F.B.I., and military officers in the country, and drawing on the advice of social scientists, linguists, and other scholars. "What I'm pushing for is to establish a facility where we develop a team of interrogators trained in the latest techniques," Panetta said. "That's the one thing I'm worried about, frankly. There just aren't that many people who have the interrogation abilities we're going to need." Heymann describes the effort to create "the best non-coercive interrogation team in the world" as the equivalent of "a NASA-like, man-on-the-moon effort" for human-intelligence gathering. He said that members of his task force have travelled to France, England, Japan, Australia, and Israel, in order to compile comparative information on what interrogators do. "We also went to the best people in the U.S.," he added.
Panetta has many ambitions for his tenure at the agency. He spoke to me of the need for the C.I.A. to increase its foreign-language skills, and to recruit officers of more diverse backgrounds, who can more easily infiltrate hostile parts of the world. But, as Panetta sees it, the C.I.A.'s effort to "disrupt, destroy, and dismantle" Al Qaeda remains its top priority. The agency continues to acquire intelligence suggesting that Al Qaeda is planning attacks on America, he told me. "We're conducting pretty robust operations in Pakistan, and I think we're doing a good job of trying to disrupt Al Qaeda. But, clearly, that is a threat." The greatest danger, he said, is that Al Qaeda will "find other safe havens to go to," in states such as Somalia and Yemen. "Our mission is to make sure they can't find a place to hide." Finding and bringing to justice Al Qaeda's leaders—in particular, Osama bin Laden and Ayman al-Zawahiri—"remains a focal point," Panetta said. "It's not easy, as you can imagine."
Last week, the Times reported on escalating friction over jurisdiction between Panetta and Dennis Blair, the National Intelligence director. "I'm surprised at the number of challenges you have to confront in this job," Panetta confided. "You're a traffic cop, in many ways." When he was the White House chief of staff, Panetta said, he could delegate the big decisions to the President. "Here, though," he said, gazing out over the C.I.A.'s serene grounds, "the decisions come to me. And a lot of them involve life and death." Sometimes, he added, all he can do is "say a lot of Hail Marys." ♦


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NEW ORLEANS — Louisiana's top prosecutor said Friday he will not reopen a probe into allegations of euthanasia at a hospital crippled by Hurricane Katrina, despite new statements from a doctor that he drugged a terminal patient to "get rid of her faster."
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Dr. Ewing Cook said that as staff at Memorial Medical Center desperately tried to care for and evacuate patients, making spot assessments of which ones might survive, he scribbled "pronounced dead at" on the patient's chart, intending to fill in time and other details later.
"I gave her medicine so I could get rid of her faster, get the nurses off the floor," Cook told ProPublica, an independent nonprofit investigative organization, in a report to be published Sunday in The New York Times Magazine.
"There's no question I hastened her demise," he said.
Cook, who was a senior physician at the hospital when the storm hit, said state investigators who previously looked into the Memorial deaths never interviewed him.
Louisiana Attorney General Buddy Caldwell said Friday he would not reopen a probe launched by his predecessor, Charles Foti, in which another doctor and two nurses were arrested on charges of second-degree homicide. A grand jury declined to indict them.
Any new charges, Caldwell said, would be up to New Orleans District Attorney Leon Cannizzaro, who said Friday he had not seen Cook's statements.
"If new evidence comes forward we would consider it," Cannizzaro said. "But the crux of the matter is intent. To prove murder we must be able to prove intent."
The hospital lost power and was surrounded by floodwater for days following the Aug. 29, 2005 storm. Temperatures inside soared above 100 degrees, and 34 patients died. Medical examiners concluded many of them would have died regardless of the hospital staff's actions.
On Friday, Cook defended his decision to increase the morphine drip to Jannie Burgess, 79, who was dying of uterine cancer and kidney failure.
"It was hot, over 100 degrees, four nurses were trapped on the floor caring for her, and we could not get her down," he told The Associated Press.
If the hurricane had not hit, Cook said the dosage still might have been increased.
"People who get the drugs we are talking about frequently build up a tolerance, so you have to increase the dose," Cook said. "But when you do that every doctor knows what will happen."
Cancer surgeon Anna Pou and the nurses have denied Foti's allegations that they killed patients with overdoses of a a "lethal cocktail" of sedative-painkiller mix, and Cook scoffed at Foti's term.
"It's not something that was mixed up on the spot," Cook said to the AP. "It's always given with the intent of providing ease. The nagging side effect is that it shortens life, but you're talking about people who are terminally ill already. They are not going to get better."
Foti did not immediately return a message left by the AP on Friday afternoon at his law office.
Loyola University law professor Dane Ciolino said a doctor's intent when administering the drug would be a key factor in determining whether the act was criminal.
"It becomes murder if specific intent was to kill," Ciolino said. "If the drug was administered to ease pain and death is a side effect, it's is not murder."
Copyright 2009 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.


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I read somewhere that I can set a constant in the wp-config.php to update WordPress from the latest trunk version and not the stable version. Stupid as I am, I can't find the site anymore where it was written.
I know I could also update with SVN, but I thought the autoupdater was a smarter version.


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I met a lot of peculiar and interesting people at Venice West Café — none more interesting (or more peculiar) than poet Claire Horner. He read at VWC alongside people like Bukowski and Taylor Meade, and peddled mimeographed "books" of his poetry with names like "Please don't step on the Bacon".
Dogtown Ink
Thursday, January 23, 2020 16:18:50
Claire Horner on 363 2008
The Venice West Cafe on 3527 2008
In 1965, when I was fifteen, I started hanging around the Venice West Cafe, a dank little hole in the wall with wooden benches and tables. Of course they served espresso. And the place was always full of (to me at that age) coolly romantic hipsters, complete with shades, turtlenecks — yeah, even berets.


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Academics . Jewelry + Metals . Courses
Enamel in the Public Realm
Course No. MET 250-350-450 Credits: 3.0
Faculty Gretchen Goss
The use of enamel for public, community based, collaborative, or interactive art is the focus of this course. Demonstrations will support beginning to advanced level students and will vary based on needs to complete individual projects. The emphasis for beginning students will be on the use of enamel on the two-dimensional surface. Students with metal forming experience may explore three-dimensional forms in combination with enamel.
Kathy Buszkiewicz
As a materials magician, Kathy Buszkiewicz creates multi-layered works from U.S. currency which explore themes...more
While at CIA, you'll learn from the masters through our rigorous, world-class curriculum and connect with working professionals to begin your career.


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It has come to this: The Rockies are too busy winning to find time to hit.
They no longer have the best record in the National League, a distinction currently owned by the Phillies. So they'll have to settle for being the team off to the strangest start in the game.
How do you explain a team hitting .236 in first place in the N.L. West for 25 straight days? There's no one answer. It's partly about the bullpen, partly about timely hitting, and partly about a menu of opponents who don't exactly rank among the elite teams in the league.
Want to hear the strangest part of their strange start? The Rockies, one-trick ponies from the earliest days of their history, are winning on the road and struggling at home. Tonight's 3-0 loss to the Pirates left them 6-5 at Coors Field compared to their industry-best 10-3 mark on the road.
Yes, it's an April thing. There are 18 years of history and a little matter of common sense that suggest it won't continue. But it's a clear reflection of the Rockies' strange but successful ways in the first month of the season.
"That's just how baseball is sometimes,'' said Carlos Gonzalez. "Everybody was complaining because we didn't win on the road last year and we won all the games at home, and right now it's opposite. It's just the way it's going right now.
"We all know we're going to be a really good team in our house because we play really good here.''
Manager Jim Tracy on tonight's loss, which came in a wind chill of 30 degrees and a lite snow that began falling in the late inning.: "The conditions were tough, and that's not an excuse. Offensively, we've got some guys searching, obviously. We couldn't get anything done offensively.
"They may be pressing a little bit, but I really think there are professional guys in there. They realize this will turn, as do I. Until we get to that point, we need to continue to do exactly what we've been doing, and that's playing good, sound, fundamental baseball.''
More postgame news and notes:
() A win and the Rockies would have tied the club record of 17 wins in April. As it is, their 16-8 record is tied with Florida for the second-best record in the league.
() Jhoulys Chacin (3-2, 2.91) had pitched 16 scoreless innings in his first two Coors Field starts, but fell victim to the long ball, serving up solo homers to Andrew McCutchen and Garrett Jones. Chacin didn't allow a home run in any of his first three starts, but has been victimized four times in his last two outings.
() Ronny Cedeno drove in the Pirates' final run with a triple, Pittsburgh's first triple of the season.
() Gonzalez's hitless streak reached 25 at-bats before a bunt single to open the ninth.


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The student must have a minimum grade point average of 2.00 on all work completed.
In addition to completion of the Liberal Arts Core and completion of the requirements for the major in another area, the following courses must be taken to qualify as a Psychology Minor. The Psychology minor requires 18 total hours in Psychology courses comprised of 9 hours of Required Psychology Courses and 9 hours of Elective Psychology Courses. There can be no duplication of course work in this minor. If any of the following courses are required by one's major, additional courses will need to be taken for a total of 18 hours of credit for the minor. A grade of "C-" or higher in each course is required.
PY 210 (General Psychology) 3 hrs.
PY 220 (Human Growth/Development) 3 hrs.
Psychology Upper Level Electives 12 hrs.
Select any other four courses from the Psychology course offerings
that are not required within the hourly requirements of a major.
TOTAL 18 hrs.


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Fiduciary Licence Policy
FSFE as a Legal Guardian
When FSFE accepts to enter into a fiduciary licence agreement with a project, it does so to protect the legal situation of the project and promote Free Software. FSFE's role is that of a legal guardian that takes care of the legal needs of the project so the project itself can focus on the technological side. While it will seek to help projects, FSFE will not interfere with the project management, direction and administration.
Freedom Task Force Licensing Policy
While it has preference for the GNU General Public License (GPL) and GNU Lesser General Public License (LGPL), FSFE will generally consider working with projects that use GNU GPL compatible Free Software licences, be they Copyleft or not. Upon request or when special circumstances arise, FSFE may offer advice on matters of licensing or project policy, but the final decision on such matters remains with the project team. The only requirement on the part of FSFE is that such decisions remain within the scope of Free Software licences that are GNU GPL compatible.
FSFE, authorship and project administration
When FSFE accepts to become the fiduciary for a Free Software project, it does not claim authorship or control over the project. The role of the FSFE is purely to support the project in its legal standing, and to allow the project to focus on other matters. The role of the author or project administrator is largely unchanged, with the caveat that the project should follow any policies related to licensing or otherwise agreed at the time of signing the Fiduciary Licence Agreement with FSFE.
FSFE as neutral third party for industry
Industry consortia at times consider it useful to have a third party to assign their rights in joint projects to. In such cases, FSFE will treat all consortium members the same way and will treat the consortium similar to any other Free Software project, be it commercial or not.


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Hand-painted Oiva 'Kulho' one-of-a-kind collectible
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This oversized, hand-painted Oiva bowl is a one-of-a-kind collectible that celebrates the 10th anniversary of the Oiva series. Part of a limited-edition collection, the jubilee Oiva piece has the same shape as the regular-sized Oiva bowl, but with grandiose dimensions. The bowl is made of white stoneware, and it is numbered. Sami Ruotsalainen has signed his artwork.Size infoAvailable sizes: 32x16,8 Diameter: 32.00 cm Height: 16.80 cmMaterial and care
Main Material: white stoneware
OtherDesigner: Sami Ruotsalainen Made in: Thailand Product code: 069829 Color ID: 134


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projectz needed a new logo design and created a contest on 99designs.
A winner was selected from 148 designs submitted by 38 freelance designers.
HealthJam.com is a consumer-focused health & wellness portal which will include many articles on the topics of general health, aging, skin care, diseases, and much more. I'd like the logo to look professional, perhaps with a medical twist.
Bright colors included in the design please. (Red, orange, yellow, should at least be in there as I want this to be a "happy" brand.)
If you have any questions, please do not hesitate to contact me.
Anyone with internet access who would potentially search for a health & wellness topic.
Use of at least one bright color. I prefer a professional logo rather than a quirky, "loud" design.
Find out how a design contest works or learn more about our logo design services.


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here. The December issue of International Gymnast, to be mailed this week, includes its annual NCAA preview for men and women, as well as an interview with Florida coach Rhonda Faehn.
Two-time defending NCAA women's champion Alabama received the most first-place votes (11) to claim the top ranking in the 2013 pre-season coaches' poll. UCLA, which will play host to the 2013 NCAA championships, ranked second (5 first-place votes), while Florida was third (10 first-place votes). Read the complete list
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