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This sums it up well.
The UK's Channel 4 is currently promoting its upcoming series 'How autistic are you?'.The blurb asks if you "think you might be autistic?" as a precursor to a whistle-stop tour of reasons you might indeed be autistic:
"Struggle with social interaction, maintaining eye contact, or understanding the expressions and gestures of those around you? Do you have difficulty understanding other people's feelings and managing your own? Or perhaps bright, loud or crowded places make you anxious?"
This isn't helpful.
- When free to create our own spaces for social interaction we form strong bonds and lasting relationships.
- I have heard of too many children and adults refused assessment or diagnosis because they can do eye contact.
- We are empathetic of others, we just might need them to communicate in a way we understand.
- We often know exactly what to do to manage our own feelings, it's just that external expectations…
View original post 404 more words


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Colm Gannon & Friends
|« Back to calendar
|« Previous Event | Next Event »
Weekly on Thursday
Tigh Giblin, Spiddal Village (map)
You never know who will show up.......
In 1998 myself and good friend, Fiddler Jesse Smith, moved over to Ireland. We were based in Ennis, County Clare, and I stayed for a couple of years. Before leaving Ennis I was asked to join Riverdance, and spent four years touring the U.S, Canada, Mexico and Europe. Since 2003 I have lived in Droim, Connemara and have been playing music all over Ireland ever since.
Irish music has been passed on one way or another throughout the years. All this great music keeps us going. As a musician I listen to and learn from the music that I've heard during my life and this has infuenced my music immensely, there have been a lot of influences on my playing, that's how traditional music keeps surviving, by respecting what came before us. I hope this recording represents some of the great music I've heard over the years whether it be at late night sessions, tapes given to me, 78 recordings or tunes heard at the kitchen table.
- Colm Gannon


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text:
Busy day today, but at last I have a few minutes to post.
First, thanks to everyone for the encouragement and suggestions of "things to do" over the past couple of days. I really appreciate them. And while I think the only one I actually took in any way was Isabel's (although I didn't watch a movie, but watched several episodes of The Closer instead--God, I love Brenda Leigh Johnson!), they were all good ones and none of them were housework, thank heavens!
But the happy thing is, I've written about 2,000 words in the past three days. I realized I was forcing a project I'm not really ready to do, and that's what was making me miserable. Setting it aside in favor of something else (even something that wasn't really talking to me beforehand) brought the voices back. So, yeah, it means I'm not going to be getting my requested partial out any time soon, but better to not send it at all then send something that isn't ready for prime time because I'm not ready to write it yet.
Those of you who are looking forward to the release of Carnally Ever After in two days (and if you are, I thank you profusely!) may be pleased to know that the project I decided to pick up is the sequel, Carnally Yours (retitled because Kelly Krysten got the title of CEA wrong in a comment once and I loved the "wrong" title for the first book far more than the original title for the second one). I'm about 4,000 words into what I think will wind up being about a 20,000 word story and having fun with it, which is the whole point to this writing thing (for me, anyway).
Finally, if you want a laugh, you need to swing by Sara Lindsey's blog and then go hang out some more at Brotherhood 2.0. OMG, those guys slay me.
P.S. Unbridled in Your Pants
Wednesday, August 15, 2007
Better Late Than Never and...Wet Again!
Posted by Jackie Barbosa at 6:33 PM
5 comments:
- Darcy Burke said...
I love Brenda Leigh too! So much!
Glad you're back on the writing wagon!
- Erica Ridley said...
I had to scroll down before I got the title. Duh.
Anyhoodles, so glad you're writing! CY is shaping up to be great!!!
- Kelly Krysten said...
Well, I'm glad one of my blunders worked out so well.lol. I felt so bad for messing up the title too.lol. Good luck with everything!
- Isabel said...
Yay, Jacquie! I love Brenda too. Isn't she awesome? :)
And ye,s we're all impatiently awaiting CEA's release.
- lacey kaye said...
SO great to be getting excerpts again!
Subscribe to: Post Comments (Atom)


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June 10, 1987, Section A, Page 24Buy Reprints
Representative Buddy Roemer earned more at Harvard College than a degree in government and economics. He learned a love of poker that he has nurtured into an income-producing ''hobby,'' making him the House of Representative's only publicly declared card shark.
In 1986 he says he netted $8,706, one of his best years since he came to Washington in 1981. Except for 1984, when he played very little, he has won each year, and his cumulative earnings since coming to Congress are now more than $24,000.
''Playing is important to me,'' he said. ''I love it socially and competitively.''
Mr. Roemer, a Democrat, is a 43-year-old conservative Southerner who grew up on his family's Scopena Plantation near Bossier City, La. He went on to graduate from Harvard Business School, and he held a major interest in two banks, which he has since sold, when he was elected to the House in 1980.
He is known for his oratory and, early in his House career, for his damning of the Democratic establishment, especially Thomas P. O'Neill Jr., then the Speaker, for being too liberal. Since then he has seen the error of such glib attacks on the leadership.
In poker, as in most other things, he is not shy. ''I'm good at it,'' he said.
One player who has sat across the table from Mr. Roemer agreed. ''He's a good player,'' the player said, requesting anonymity. ''He has good judgment - his ability to evaluate what he has compared to what others probably have.'' $1,000 Evenings Mr. Roemer plays in one of the regular poker circles in Washington. In his group, the maximum bet is $50, and winners have been known to take home $1,000 in an evening and losers to be short a like amount. Mr. Roemer said he lost $1,000 on two occasions but won more than $1,000 several times.
The dealer chooses each game. A favorite is seven-card stud, high-low, in which there is a lot of betting and the high and low hands split the pot.
The Roemer group of six or seven rotating players gets together about 18 times a year, starting at 8 P.M. with a midnight curfew. They meet at one another's houses, many of them in fashionable Georgetown. The players are members of Congress, journalists and a few other associates. ''It's funny,'' Mr. Roemer said, ''how politicians, journalists and poker go together.''
Players are reluctant to name one another, however. ''It's a breech of faith,'' Mr. Roemer said.
Although he will not talk about his fellow players, he says the contacts have been valuable. Facing off across the poker table, he said, ''gets me social interaction which has served me well in Congress.''
''In Washington,'' he added, ''some people do it on the tennis court. Some people do it at the cocktail hour. I do it at the poker table.''
After playing, he added, he has a feeling he can trust someone if the player ''can lose with a smile and can win without crushing me.''
Mr. Roemer also makes contacts on the paddle ball court in the House gymnasium, where Vice President Bush has been among his opponents.
Mr. Roemer reports his annual poker winnings to the Internal Revenue Service and discloses them in financial statements to the Clerk of the House. Maybe this shows that openness about some personal aspects of a politician's life can be a good defense. Since his election in 1980, Mr. Roemer has not been challenged for re-election.
On the other hand, Mr. Roemer is from Louisiana, where the gambler's image is not necessarily negative. The current Governor, Edwin W. Edwards, has bragged of his love for gambling and his trips to casinos in Nevada and New Jersey to try his luck.
But Mr. Roemer is from the Third Congressional District in Northern Louisiana, not the Cajun country of the south. Centered on Shreveport and Bossier City, it is a part of the Bible Belt and not the best place, he acknowledged, to get a reputation as a poker player.
''It's something people mull over,'' he said. But he says he won't have to worry as long as he is moderate. ''It's like having one piece of pie instead of 24,'' he said.
''I haven't been to Atlantic City,'' he added. ''I haven't been to Las Vegas in 15 years. I'm not into gambling. I'm into poker.''
He is now running for Governor against Mr. Edwards and several others in an open primary to be held next fall. In a recent poll he placed third, behind Mr. Edwards and Representative Bob Livingston, a Republican.
Mr. Roemer opposes legalized gambling, which he said ''leads to organized crime,'' and a state lottery, which he said ''robs the poor to give to the rich.''
He does not expect poker to be an issue in his campaign. Instead, the conviction of his father, a former aide to Mr. Edwards, for conspiracy could dog him for a while, as could his degree from Harvard, which in Louisiana can represent all the worst of the Eastern establishment.
''Those peripheral issues, Harvard and my father, don't work for you at the beginning,'' he said. ''But as I get better known they are less of an issue.''
If he gets elected, he is not sure he will have the time to play any more. He has already cut back on his playing this year because of the campaign. And all this means his poker winning report next year may be the smallest yet.
But he is pretty definite about how to win. 'I'm Not Afraid to Fold'
''You can win three ways,'' he said. ''If you are dealt the best cards, you win. If you stay to the end with the best hand, you win. If you force an obviously better hand to retire, you win. There is timing, bluff and betting in every hand.''
The losers, he said, are the ones who count on being dealt good cards.
''I try to change my patterns, but I'm not afraid to fold, and I think that is why I win.''
Winners, he said, are good at money management, which is knowing what you can risk; know the odds and have a memory for the cards, and concentrate on the people.
''Poker is a game,'' he said. ''Regardless of the cards you are dealt, if you know the people you have a chance to win.'' Which makes politics the same kind of game.


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Mo Farah breaks British two-mile record
Olympic gold medalist Mo Farah broke the British two-mile record on Sunday at Sainsbury's Grand Prix. His time of 8 minutes, 7.85 seconds beat Steve Ovett's previous record by almost six seconds.
Ovett's record had stood since 1978.
Farah has dealt with health issues in 2014 and missed the Commonwealth Games in Glasgow due to an illness.
Britain's Adam Peaty sets world record in 50-meter breaststroke
His record-breaking performance Sunday comes on the heels of winning double gold in the 5,000m and 10,000m at the European Championships.
"Early on I felt a bit tired but, as I got into it, I just felt better and better," said Farah, of his run. "I kept looking at the clock and thinking: 'I can do it, I can do it.'"
Farah has only the Great North Run left this season before he turns his attention to next year's World Championships in Beijing.
- Molly Geary


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Robert Frost(1799-1857), Church of England clergyman; secretary to the Bible Society
Sitter associated with 1 portrait
by Samuel William Reynolds Jr, published by Thomas Agnew & Sons Ltd, after Charles Allen Duval
mezzotint, published 12 February 1855
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A report last month said that the National Heritage Board of Singapore is conducting a study to address the issue of ownership of archaeological material, especially that found in private property which is a legal grey area in Singapore.
Study to plug gaps in laws on archaeology
Straits Times, 10 May 2016
A study on archaeology in Singapore is under way to address gaps in laws and regulations in the field.
One area that is being studied is the legal ownership status of archaeological materials unearthed on private land.
Currently, the authorities do not own such items, as only archaeological finds unearthed on state land belong to the state.
The study is conducted by the National Heritage Board (NHB), Minister for Culture, Community and Youth Grace Fu told Parliament yesterday.
Full story here.


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Tacos? Chitlins? Crab Cakes? Italian Food? For Thanksgiving? These Stars Say Yes
Troy Aikman, Skylar Diggins-Smith, Eddie George and Julie Foudy provide intriguing answers. LaDainian Tomlinson's traditional pie pick
Why Is U.S. Soccer President Unpaid? Julie Foudy Campaigns For Change
It's a full-time job, but some great candidates can't even consider applying because there's no compensation. Election in February
P.E. Is A Social Justice Issue: Kerri Walsh Jennings, Julie Foudy Explain
Olympic champions support the campaign to make sports and physical activity available to more kids. Backed by science
U.S. Soccer: Legal Battle Brewing Over Canceled Match
Women's national team cites unsafe turf conditions in Hawaii. Breach of contract?
What If Brandi Chastain Missed Her Penalty Kick?
Her goal and iconic celebration helped spark women's soccer interest in the U.S. Legacy of '99
Why U.S. Soccer's Youth Header Ban Is Smart Move
The move will drastically reduce the number of concussions suffered by young soccer players. Stars applaud decision
Julie Foudy Talks Soccer, Media And More
Julie Foudy Talks Soccer, Media And More Being a sports parent >>
Amid Fallout Of FIFA Scandal, Women's Soccer Sees Its Moment Of Opportunity
FIFA Scandal Is Opportunity For Women's Soccer Calls for change >>
Julie Foudy: Despite Scoring Struggles, Expectations Still High For USWNT
Julie Foudy says that despite injuries, suspensions and trouble scoring goals, the U.S. women's national team has no reason to fail at the World Cup. China is next >>
Julie Foudy Echoes Former USWNT Teammates: Ban Youth Headers
In addition to getting rid of headers at the national level, the former USWNT star says better safety measures are needed are overdue. Players at risk >>


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The value of physical or corporal punishment is disputed among psychologists; some regard it as harmless, while many others consider it potentially harmful. Some researchers have controversially suggested that parental use of physical punishment may be causally related to the development of aggression. The nature of this relationship, however, has been hypothesized among various writers to be both linear and curvilinear, positive and negative, and even nonexistent. What is lacking is a detailed critical review of the literature examining physical punishment and its causal relationship to aggressive or violent behavior.
An examination of the literature reveals that most studies are supportive of a relationship between physical punishment and aggression. Further, prospective studies suggest that physical punishment may contribute etiologically towards the development of aggressive behavior. Of those few studies which provided the relevant data, a majority favor a curvilinear, rather than a linear, causal relationship. However, the impact of physical punishment on children's aggression levels may vary with the age and gender of the child. The very few studies which examine physical punishment in interaction with other parental factors (such as discussion and use of reasoning) suggest that any noxious effects of physical punishment may be mitigated by other parental disciplinary behaviors. Finally, however, this literature's conclusions are greatly limited by significant methodological flaws, notably control for factors such as child abuse, parental substance abuse, and other parenting behaviors. Prospective studies with appropriate controls are notably missing.
In the United States, interpersonal violence is the leading cause of death among young black males and the leading cause of injury among women (Jones, 1990). A large research literature has sought to elucidate the causes of such violent and aggressively antisocial behavior. One focus of this etiological literature has been the role which various childrearing practices play in the development of aggression.
One childrearing experience which has been an important focus has been children's exposure to parental physical aggression. Such aggression is commonly conceived as existing on a continuum, ranging from very severe parental aggression (i.e., child abuse) to much milder and normative parental aggression, such as use of corporal or physical punishment. Many psychologists are opposed to any parental aggression, even the use of physical punishment (Maurer, 1974). One common concern is that parental use of physical punishment will lead to aggressive behavior in children (Straus, 1983). In acknowledgment of the potential harmfulness of physical punishment, the American Psychological Association announced its opposition to its use in schools in 1975 (Anderson & Anderson, 1976).
On the other hand, surveys suggest that other psychologists believe physical punishment to be an effective and useful socialization tool (Anderson, et al., 1976; Leviton, 1976; Lowenstein, 1977; Maurer, 1974). In response to the hypothesis that physical punishment could cause aggression in children, these professionals can cite studies which note that even abusive parental violence does not always lead to an increase in children's aggression (Spatz Widom, 1989b). Further, recent survey data has suggested that almost all American parents utilize physical punishment at one point or another (see Prevalence data reviewed below). This suggests that despite the psychological controversy over the topic, many, if not most, Americans regard physical punishment as an appropriate childrearing technique, at least under certain circumstances.
In addition to the controversy over whether any relationship exists between physical punishment and aggression, a second controversy exists over the nature of this relationship. Briefly, three types of relationships have been hypothesized to exist between physical punishment and aggression. The first type of relationship is a positive, linear one: some researchers have contended that any parental aggression (even physical punishment) may be positively and causally related to the development of antisocial aggression (e.g., Steinmetz, 1979; Maurer, 1974). In sharp contrast, a second group of researchers have suggested that lack of physical punishment may contribute causally to the development of aggression (e.g., DiLalla, Mitchell, Arthur & Pagliocca, 1988). Finally, a third group proposes a curvilinear relationship: either too little or too much physical punishment may increase the probability of aggressive behavior (e.g., Gelles, 1974; Lefkowitz, Eron, Walder, & Huesmann, 1977).
As Maurer (1974) suggests, what is lacking (among these varying hypotheses) is a detailed critical review of the relevant literature, examining the evidence for (a) the existence of a relationship between physical punishment and aggression; and (b) the nature of that relationship, if existent - - either simple or complex, linear or curvilinear. The purpose of this paper is to provide that review.
This paper has labeled parental physical punishment as a type of parental "aggression." Others have referred to it as parental "violence" (Straus, 1990). These labels are controversial, since "violence" often implies an intent to harm, whereas parents presumably employ physical punishment with the intent to help. For lack of a more neutral term, I have therefore chosen to refer to physical punishment as one type of parental "aggression," since regardless of parental intentions, it inherently involves the use of at least mild physical aggression. Acknowledging the aggressive nature of corporal punishment leads to the question of whether the use of physical or corporal punishment increases a child's probability of developing aggressive or violent behavior.
The scope of the literature on physical punishment is not vast. Typically, more severe forms of parental aggression (i.e., child abuse) are examined and are the subject of comprehensive reviews (e.g., Spatz Widom, 1989). Studies which seek to associate child abuse and the subsequent development of violent behavior have yielded results which strongly suggest that being exposed to abusive parental violence constitutes a significant risk factor for the development of violent behavior (Parke & Slaby, 1983; Spatz Widom, 1989). In contrast to this justifiably widespread focus on extreme forms of parental aggression, fewer researchers have evidenced interest in the cognitive and behavioral consequences of the most common type of physical aggression by the parents --- the socially-sanctioned aggression referred to as physical or corporal punishment (these terms will be used interchangeably throughout this paper, as they are in the literature).
The goal of this paper is to review the research which specifically addresses physical punishment and the outcome of violent or aggressive behavior. This paper is not intended as a review of the literature on child abuse and aggression. Physical punishment differs significantly from abusive parental violence in many ways, including (but not limited to) the degree of aggression used, the potential for injury, how deviant the behavior is, and the typical intention of the parent involved. Due to the enormity of these differences, the literature examining child abuse cannot satisfy questions about the use of physical punishment. However, child abuse is a methodologically relevant issue: i.e., some research which purports to study physical punishment in fact examines abusive parental violence. In addition, failing to control for child abuse can confound relationships involving physical punishment. Therefore, although this is not a review of the role of child abuse, one of the goals of this paper is to more clearly tease apart child abuse and physical punishment and to specifically isolate and examine research which studies physical punishment.
A second area which this review will not cover is the theoretical mechanism by which physical punishment might lead to aggressive behavior in the child. The purpose of this paper is, again, only to review the evidence for a relationship between physical punishment and the development of aggressive behavior. The issue of mechanism is clearly related (and in fact dependent upon the nature of such a relationship), but also separate. Some mechanisms which have been proposed include modeling (Straus, 1990); attachment theory (Hirschi, 1969 ), lack of reinforcing childrearing techniques (Lefkowitz, Eron, Walder & Huesmann, 1977), the frustration-aggression hypothesis (Dollard, Doob, Miller, Mowrer & Sears, 1939), and many others. The interested reader is referred to these publications for a discussion of different theoretical bases for this proposed relationship. The goal of the current paper is confined to the elucidation of the relationship (if any exists) between physical punishment and child aggression.
Third, the review will be confined to studies which specifically assess violence or aggression as the outcome variable, rather than, for example, "antisocial behavior" or "delinquency." Much research has demonstrated that specifically violent behavior and more generally antisocial behavior often have significantly different etiologies (Magnusson, Stattin & Duner, 1983; Wolfgang, 1983). To combine these two different (albeit related) outcomes may only serve to mask or distort actual relationships.
Finally, this review does not claim to be exhaustive or to comprehend the entire area of aggression, parental aggression, or even physical punishment. Rather, it is intended to address a relationship defined by specific antecedents (physical punishment) and specific outcome variables (violent or aggressive behavior). The resulting review must thus unfortunately exclude some widely cited longitudinal studies on family rearing and antisocial behavior (Glueck & Glueck, 1970; Patterson & Dishion, 1985; Wolfgang, 1983). If such landmark studies are excluded from this review, it is because they fail to address either parental use of physical punishment (not abusive violence) or violent/aggressive behavior (versus the more general category of "antisocial" behavior).
To understand the impact of any variable on any outcome it is essential to understand base rates of the studied phenomenon (Spatz Widom, 1989a). Therefore, I will begin the paper by briefly reviewing the data for baseline rates of physical punishment in the United States. Next, I will examine retrospective, cross-sectional, and prospective research on the relationship between physical punishment and aggression. Finally, I will examine methodological issues and how they affect the interpretation of relevant questions such as:
(1) Is the proposed relationship linear or curvilinear?
(2) When controlling for child abuse, is physical punishment still linked with aggression in children?
(3) Are noted relationships different for male and female children?
(4) What is the relationship between the use of physical punishment and other childrearing behaviors?
I. Prevalence of physical punishment
Prevalence estimates of physical punishment range greatly, depending on the nature of the assessment. Difficulties in estimating the prevalence of physical punishment include discrepancies between referent periods (e.g., one year versus "ever") and discrepancies between the age of the referent child.
When parents of older children are questioned about their use of physical punishment over short referent periods (e.g., over the previous month or year), the percent who admit using such discipline varies between 17% (DiLalla, Mitchell, Arthur & Pagliocca, 1988), 57% (Lefkowitz, Walder & Eron, 1963), and 71% (Gelles, 1978). However, when adult individuals are questioned about their own exposure to physical punishment over their entire childhood, much higher percentages are reported: for example, Deley (1988) found that 89% of his subjects reported that they had experienced physical punishment; similarly, 95% of Bryan and Freed's (1982) subjects recalled experiencing such punishment. Further, studies of toddlers almost always show rates of over 90% (e.g., Sears, Maccoby & Levin, 1957; Straus, 1990). Thus, it seems very likely that a vast majority of Americans are subjected to corporal punishment at one point or another during their lifetime.
The widespread nature of physical punishment has brought into question its relevance in the development of aggressive behavior. Almost all individuals are physically punished, yet only a fraction ever develop deviant, violent behavior. However, this fact does not, by itself, merit dismissal of physical punishment as a potentially important variable. To appreciate the potential contribution of near-universal variables such as physical punishment, it is important to distinguish between necessary and sufficient preconditions. There are many universal or nearly universal conditions which are necessary preconditions for the development of rare events. For example, although sexual intercourse is an almost universal behavior, it is associated with a rare event: cervical cancer. Although intercourse does not "cause" cervical cancer in any simple sense, such cancer almost never develops in the absence of intercourse: i.e., nuns almost never contract cervical cancer, while prostitutes do so much more frequently (Skrabanek, 1988). Thus, the relationship between sexual intercourse and cervical cancer is a casual, but not a simple, relationship.
Likewise, physical punishment may be a contributing factor, but not a sufficient precondition, for the development of violence or aggression. It seems implausible that only a simple, one-on-one causal relationship could exist between any parental aggression and the development of deviant violence (Curtis, 1963; Spatz Widom, 1989b). Researchers have observed that childhood violence experiences appear to be mediated by other developmental factors (Miller & Challas, 1981). (In fact, this was precisely what Spatz Widom (1989) found in the case of child abuse and aggression.) Therefore, it appears to be inappropriate to dismiss the study of theoretically important variables on the basis of a weak one-on-one relationship.
Given the high prevalence of physical punishment, and its admittedly aggressive nature, the potential impact upon behavior is significant. Therefore, I will begin to examine the relationship between physical punishment and child's aggression by reviewing the studies which meet criteria for inclusion here.
II. The Relationship Between Physical Punishment and Aggression
A. Retrospective Research
Six studies have questioned individuals for their retrospective recall of physical punishment experiences during childhood. In a nationwide survey of 1,176 adult respondents, Owens and Straus (1975) found a significant positive correlation between the frequency of interpersonal violence received as a child and approval of the use of violence interpersonally. Their measure of violence received as a child merged physical punishment (e.g., spanking) and abusive violence (e.g., punching, choking). No direct measure of aggressive behavior was made.
The remaining five studies focused on self-reported aggressive behavior in adults. Bryan and Freed (1982) questioned 170 community college students about their history with physical punishment and their self- reported "problems with aggression." They found that students who reported having received a "high" amount of corporal punishment reported significantly more problems with aggression (among other difficulties).
The remaining four studies specifically examine family violence as an outcome. Parke and Collmer (1975) found that abusive parents often had recollections of "physically punitive childhood experiences." The recollected violence was usually severe enough to be regarded as abuse, rather than as physical punishment. In 1977, Carroll studied 96 adults and found that 36.6% of those who had rated their childhood experiences as "high" physical punishment were violent, compared to only 14.5% of those who reported experiencing "low" physical punishment.
In a similar design, Caesar (1988) found that a sample of 26 wife batterers recalled more parental use of physical punishment than a sample of 18 nonviolent men (58% versus 31%). Finally, Gelles (1974) found that respondents who recalled being hit by their parents frequently (six or more times per year) were far more likely to physically fight with their spouse than were respondents who recalled being infrequently hit.
B. Cross-Sectional Research
Cross-sectional research designs have examined the co-existence of physical punishment and aggression in children. For example, Straus (1983) found, in a nationally representative sample of children (whose ages ranged from 3 to 17 years old), that 15% of children who were not physically punished "repeatedly and severely attacked a sibling," compared to 40% of children who were physically punished (but not abused), and 76% of children who were repeatedly abused.
In contrast to these findings, Yarrow, Campbell and Burton (1968), in a replication of Sears, Maccoby and Levin's (1957) design, found no statistically significant correlation between their measure of parental use of physical punishment and child's aggression. Further, Schuck (1974) conducted path analyses on the data from both Sears, Maccoby, and Levin (1957) and Yarrow, Campbell and Burton (1968). The purpose was to examine the impact of physical punishment on aggressive behavior. He found that the two sets of data yielded similar path results: in both cases, physical punishment was not related significantly to the child's aggression.
One study of adolescents noted a negative relationship. DiLalla, Mitchell, Arthur, and Pagliocca (1988) interviewed the families of 13 court-referred delinquents and found that the more aggressive the parental punishment (parent-reported), the less aggressive the offense of the delinquent. However, this study contains a significant weakness: even the authors strongly questioned the validity of their measure of physical punishment, since interviewers represented the juvenile court system and parents thus frequently failed to report any use of physical punishment.
To summarize, retrospective studies all found that violent and aggressive adults recall receiving more physical punishment than do their nonaggressive counterparts. Of ten cross-sectional studies examining a child's aggressiveness and his/her exposure to physical punishment, seven found a positive, linear relationship, two found no relationship, and one found a negative relationship. Thus, while much of the retrospective and cross-sectional data favors the hypothesis of a positive, linear relationship between physical punishment and aggression, support is not universal.
Furthermore, retrospective and cross-sectional research cannot discern causal direction. Thus, the above literature suggests equally that physically-punished children become aggressive and that aggressive children are more often physically punished (Bell, 1979). In addition, cross-sectional research can only focus on childhood aggression, which cannot be equated with adult violence. Retrospective designs are able to assess adult violence, but have been criticized as potentially inaccurate due to their reliance on human memory (Eron, 1982). Because of these limitations, a few studies have sought to prospectively examine the association between physical punishment and the later development of aggressive or violent behavior. We turn to this literature now.
C. Prospective Research
Seven longitudinal studies have examined parental use of physical punishment and the development of aggressive or violent behavior. The first two of these studies are descriptions of clinical samples and the researchers' observations, involving no statistical analysis or systematic assessment procedures. Rigdon and Tapia (1977) reviewed the clinical histories of eighteen children who were referred to a mental health clinic because of violent behavior towards animals and found that "most" of the children who remained violent two to six years after the initial evaluation were the products of a "chaotic home situation with aggressive parents who administered harsh corporal punishment." Nagaraja (1984) followed 200 boys between the ages of 10 and 15 and reported that physical punishment "was found to increase the occurrence of the target behavior [aggression]." Although both of these studies provide interesting observations, they are of limited use methodologically because of their use of somewhat vague terminology and their lack of systematic analyses.
Quantitative longitudinal studies have also been conducted, ranging from a span of three to twenty-plus years in length. Singer, Singer, and Rapaczynski (1984) conducted a three-year longitudinal study of 55 children and found a statistically significant, positive correlation between "power-assertive child rearing" scores (i.e., child rearing which emphasizes "control and physical punishment") at age six and aggression at age nine years. Lefkowitz, Eron, Walder, and Huesmann (1977) followed 427 children over ten years (ages eight to eighteen). They questioned parents about any use of "spanking" or "slapping" as a punishment. Further, parents were rated on their use of other punitive punishments (e.g., withdrawing love), yielding a "punitive" score. Parents with low scores were termed "very permissive" and were presumed to have utilized positive reinforcement more frequently than punitiveness, although this was not assessed directly. At Time One, the researchers found a significant negative relationship between physical punishment and child's aggression -- - but only in boys who were closely identified with their fathers. In other boys, the relationship was a positive one. Ten years later, at Time Two, Lefkowitz and his colleagues found that physical punishment at age eight was positively correlated with aggression at age eighteen, but again only for boys. However, as Gelles (1974) had found, this relationship was in fact curvilinear: moderately-punitive parents produced the least aggressive boys (versus very permissive parents and very harsh parents).
Finally, McCord (1979) studied 253 boys over approximately 20 years. At Time One, she classified parents as "aggressive" when they either "used little restraint" (e.g., threw objects) or who "regularly used physical force or very harsh verbal abuse" with their sons. At Time Two, McCord gathered official correctional records on the subjects and found that parental aggression significantly accounted for 3.6% of the variance in "personal" crimes (i.e., violent crime such as rape and murder) as an adult.
Other prospective research has failed to find any relationship between physical punishment and later aggression. Sears (1961) followed 160 children over seven years but failed to find any significant relationship between physical punishment at age five and self-reported attitudes towards aggression at age twelve. Similarly, Johannesson (1974) studied 212 children and found no relationship between physical punishment at nine to 24 months of age and aggression at ages ten to twelve years. He found that nonaggressive children were "smacked" by their parents just as often as children who were rated as "aggressive" by their teachers.
In summary, then, five of the seven prospective studies offer a quantitative design. The two qualitative studies of clinical populations found that most aggressive individuals had histories of parental physical punishment. In contrast, the five quantitative studies offer mixed results. Two (Johannesson, 1977, and Sears, 1961) found no evidence for a relationship between physical punishment and aggression or attitudes towards aggression. Three others (Lefkowitz, Eron, Walder, & Huesmann, 1977; McCord, 1979; Singer, Singer, & Rapaczynski, 1984) found a positive relationship between physical punishment and later aggressive behavior. No studies noted a negative relationship.
These mixed results may be partially attributable to the different ages of the children assessed; Johannesson (1977) and Sears (1961) studied the physical punishment of younger children (aged 9 months to five years), while Lefkowitz, Eron, Walder, and Huesmann (1977) and Singer, Singer, and Rapaczynski (1984) studied six- and eight-year-olds. McCord's subjects, similarly, ranged in age at Time One between 5 and 13 years, with a mean age of 10.5 years (SD-l.6). The physical punishment of older children is certainly more unusual and more deviant (Straus, 1983), and thus the positive results noted in these studies may be due to the detection of more deviant parental rearing practices in general (including, but not necessarily limited to, the use of physical punishment).
An alternative hypothesis for the difference noted is differential assessment of aggression. Singer, Singer, and Rapaczynski (1984) had the mothers report on their sons' aggression, and Lefkowitz, Eron, Walder, and Huesmann (1977) utilized a peers' rating of aggressive fighting in school. McCord (1979) utilized official records of violent crimes. In contrast, Johannesson (1977) utilized a teacher's rating of aggression which included "quarreling"; therefore, children who demonstrated no physical aggression may have been included in the "aggressive" group. Similarly, Sears (1961) did not measure aggressive behavior at age 12, but rather, attitudes towards aggression. In summary, it appears that the studies which concentrated on the physical punishment of older children and their subsequent physically aggressive behavior were those which noted significant and positive relationships.
D. Summary of Retrospective, Cross-Sectional, and Prospective Studies
Most, but not all, of the cross-sectional and retrospective research reviewed above found a positive relationship between physical punishment and aggressive behavior. Correlations between physical punishment and aggression in the best-designed studies range from .21 to .32 (with stronger correlations for males). Prospective research examined how well this association is maintained longitudinally, and suggested that when physically aggressive behavior is directly measured in older children (over five years old), corporal punishment may be included in the group of variables which potentially contribute to aggressive behavior.
One issue which limits all research in this area is the definitions used for "violence" and "aggression." Frequently children are rated on a variety of aggressive acts, which are then summed to yield a total score. Children with low scores are compared with those at the high end of the scale (e.g., Larzelere, 1986); unfortunately, this method weakens the consistency between studies, since no standardized measures appear to be widely used. Further, raters of aggression range from peers (e.g., Lefkowitz, Walder, & Eron, 1963) to teachers (e.g., Sears, 1961), to parents (e.g., Straus, 1983). The rating of physical punishment appears to be more uniformly assessed via self-report on the part of parents (except, of course, in retrospective studies).
The remainder of this paper will be devoted to examining more specific findings and methodological issues in this literature. For example, is the nature of the positive relationship noted above linear or curvilinear? Can low correlations possibly be masking a curvilinear relationship? How do males and females compare when examining the association between physical punishment and aggression? And finally, what are the methodological issues which bring into question the strength of the conclusion that physical punishment may be causally related to the development of aggression and/or violence?
III. Methodological Issues
A. The Relationship between Low Physical Punishment and Aggression
Eight studies reported or utilized data analysis methods which can help clarify the relationship between low or no use of physical punishment and the development of aggression. All eight studies agree that severely-punished children were among the most aggressive (Larzelere, 1986; Straus, 1983; Eron, 1982; Bryan & Freed, 1985; Gelles, 1974; Lefkowitz, Eron, Walder, & Huesmann, 1977; Sears, 1961; Lefkowitz, Walder, & Eron, 1963). However, some studies found that "low" physical punishment was associated with higher aggression (Gelles, 1974; Lefkowitz, Eron, Walder, & Huesmann, 1977; Sears, 1961), while in contrasting studies, "low" physical punishment was associated with lower aggression (Lefkowitz, Walder & Eron, 1963; Larzelere, 1986; Straus, 1983; Eron, 1982; Bryan & Freed, 1985).
Central to this issue is the assessment of "low punishment" conditions. Unfortunately, the data reported (or not reported) in these studies makes it very difficult to address this issue here. In some studies, the "low punishment" condition consisted of parents who literally used no physical punishment (e.g., Straus, 1983), while in other studies, the "low punishment" condition included parents who used some physical punishment (usually to an imprecise extent) (e.g., Bryan & Freed, 1982). Other studies do not report how they formed their comparison groups (e.g., Sears, 1961; Eron, 1982), while Lefkowitz, Walder, and Eron (1963) based their comparison groups on the number of types of physical punishments used, rather than on their frequency. These inconsistencies make it impossible to discuss the linear versus curvilinear issue without a great deal of speculation about unreported research methods; however, it seems plausible that the direction of the relationship between low physical punishment and aggression may be determined by related and interacting factors (e.g., other parenting factors). The importance of additional variables and their impact on the physical punishment - aggression relationship will be discussed below.
A final difficulty in studying the impact of low or no physical punishment is accuracy. Given the large percentage of the population which utilizes physical punishment, the possibility of any study locating a group of parents who literally utilize no physical punishment seems low. Although the number of these parents who deny using any physical punishment probably varies greatly given the length of the referent period, it is very plausible that parents often use mild physical punishment which they later fail to recall (e.g., slapping the hand of a toddler). In summary, therefore, any study which attempts to measure "no" parental use of physical punishment may be flawed in this respect.
B. Child Abuse and Physical Punishment
As stated earlier, parental aggression may be conceived of as occurring on a continuum, ranging from abusive violence to mild physical punishment. One of the greatest difficulties in studying physical punishment is the "teasing apart" of the effects of abusive violence versus the effects of more common and mild parental aggression.
It is difficult to separate these two parental behaviors because it appears that they may be related to one another. The use of physical punishment seems to increase the likelihood that child abuse will occur (Kosky, 1983; Maurer, 1974). In an attempt to lower the incidence of child abuse, Sweden passed a 1979 civil law which forbids parental use of physical punishment (Feshbach, 1980). The association between corporal punishment and abuse, taken together with the high prevalence rate of child abuse measured in a representative sample (Straus & Gelles, 1990), makes it probable that child abusers were included among the parents studied in the physical punishment literature.
Because child abuse is causally related to aggression (Spatz Widom, 1989), the parents who are abusers (rather than the parents who are only physical punishers) may be responsible for the associations with aggression noted above. Thus, one important factor to control for, in the study of physical punishment and aggression, is child abuse. When the presence of child abuse is controlled for, does the association between physical punishment and aggression remain significant? Does parental violence have to be extreme before it is associated with the development of deviant violence in the child?
Unfortunately, only two studies in this area directly address this issue by deliberately assessing both child abuse and physical punishment. In one study of a clinical sample comparing wife batterers to non-batterers, Caesar (1988) questioned subjects about their exposure to parental violence in their families-of-origin. They assessed parental violence at three levels: (1) "spanking"; (2) "use of a switch, belt, razor strap, paddle, etc."; and (3) "beating." Batterers had experienced, relative to non-batterers, more parental violence at the second level. However, batterers and non-batterers did not differ in the proportion exposed to "spanking." Whether the second level of violence here is considered to be abusive or not, spanking alone was not associated with wife-battering. However, this finding is of limited generalizability because, in a (nonrandom) clinical sample, spanking may have been equally related to battering (in the index subjects) and to other psychological difficulties (evidenced by the controls).
In addressing this issue, the differential effects of child abuse and physical punishment have also been investigated in a nonclinical, nationally representative sample. Straus (1983) considered, cross-sectionally, a group of several thousand children ranging from three to 17 years of age. He interviewed their parents as part of the 1975 National Family Violence Survey, which assessed for both physical punishment (e.g., slapping) and child abuse (e.g., hitting with a closed fist). He then compared the rates of aggression between children whose parents had only used physical punishment and children whose parents had used physical punishment and abusive violence. The results noted that aggression was much more common in abused children, when compared to physically punished children. However, physically punished children (while not as aggressive as abused children), were more aggressive than children whose parents used neither physical punishment nor abusive violence.
While only these two studies directly assessed for child abuse, other studies may offer revealing information, particularly those which separated parents into "low", "moderate", and "severe" punishers. It is most probable that abusive parents make up part of the "severe" category but are less likely to be included in the "moderate" or "low" categories. Therefore, another way of examining the impact of child abuse is to ask, does only moderate physical punishment increase aggression? If no, then it remains possible that abuse accounts for the relationship between physical punishment and aggression. If yes, then it is more likely that physical punishment may be related to aggression independently of abuse.
Lefkowitz, Walder, and Eron (1963) compared mean aggression scores between children whose parents refrained from using physical punishment, children whose parents had only used physical punishment once annually, and children whose parents used more than one type of physical punishment annually (resulting in more frequent physical punishment). He found that the crucial distinction in mean aggression lay between the "no physical punishment" children and the other children, implying that any (even very infrequent) use of physical punishment serves to increase aggression in children. Similarly, Eron (1982) found a linear relationship between low, medium, and high physical punishment and peer-nominated aggression in children, implying a difference between the "low"- and "medium" -punished children.
Other studies have implied the opposite: namely, that moderate punishment does not serve to increase aggression in children. Gelles (1974) compared children's aggression between parents who did not use physical punishment, those who used it less than six times a year, and those who used it on a daily to monthly basis. He found that the moderate users of physical punishment had reared the least aggressive children, even less aggressive than the "no" punishment parents (or the "high" punishment parents) Gelles' methodology makes it unlikely that child abusers in the sample were placed in the "moderate" physical punishment category (although there is no way to be certain of this). Thus, his work implies that the use of moderate physical punishment in the absence of abusive violence may not increase aggression at all; in fact, it may decrease aggression. Two others studies (Lefkowitz, et al., 1977; Sears, 1961) support this hypothesis by finding similarly that the children of moderate users of physical punishment were the least aggressive subjects.
Bryan and Freed (1982) questioned college students about their own aggression and their recollection of their parents' aggression. They then divided the parent scores on both severity and frequency into "low", "medium", and "high" Corporal Punishment (CP) groups. Their "high CP group had a much higher average rate of severe violence (e.g., strapping, whipping, punching, kicking, beating up, tying up) than the other two CP categories, making it likely that this category represented the child abusers in the sample. Results noted that although the students exposed to "high CP" had more problems with aggression than the two other groups, the "medium" and "low" CF groups did not differ significantly from each other. Like Gelles' (1974) results, this study does not support the hypothesis that moderate or low use of physical punishment serves to increase aggressive behavior in children.
Larzelere's (1986) results also suggest support for this conclusion. He used Straus' (1983) data to compare children's aggression based on the frequency with which their parents used spanking. He found that regardless of the age of the child, parents who spanked their children frequently (20 plus times a year) had children who were more aggressive with their siblings than did parents who spanked their children moderately (6 times a year) or parents who spanked their children minimally (once a year). Unfortunately, mean values were not reported to aid comparisons; but it appears (from graphed results), that among preschool-age subjects, the significant difference lies between the very frequent spankers and the minimal spankers. Moderate spanking did not appear to significantly elevate the risk of aggressive behavior in very young children.
In summary, then, nine studies address the issue of moderate or low use of physical punishment versus child abuse by assessing for severity and/or frequency of use of parental aggression. Of these nine, six failed to support the hypothesis of a linear association between physical punishment and aggression: three found that moderate physical punishment and low/no physical punishment conditions did not differ in their association with aggression, and three found that moderate physical punishment was actually associated with the lowest levels of aggression. The three remaining studies (Eron, 1982; Straus, 1982; Lefkowitz, Walder, & Eron, 1963) found that moderate physical punishment did increase aggression in children (over low/no physical punishment).
Thus, two-thirds of the studies reviewed here did not support a linear relationship between physical punishment and aggression. If future research confirms the validity of a curvilinear relationship, then the direction of the relationship may be clarified. Recall that one hypothesis states that a positive association between physical punishment and aggression may reflect only the fact that aggressive acts provoke more physical punishment. A curvilinear relationship may refute this hypothesis by its distinction of a "moderate punishment - low aggression" group of subjects. Among these subjects, is it more plausible to assume that low aggression provokes moderate physical punishment, or that moderate physical punishment results in low aggression? This author believes the latter to be the more plausible interpretation. However, it is also possible that these studies detected a group of families with low-aggression children who transgress in other ways, and it is these other transgressions which may provoke the physical punishment. In other words, the relationship between physical punishment and aggression may interact with other parenting factors, or may even be spurious among some families (possibly those who use other methods with physical punishment), as suggested by several authors reviewed here (see below).
C. Males versus Females
Here, results tend to be consistent. Five studies compared correlations between males and females; four of these found that the correlations for male subjects were stronger (Owens & Straus, 1975; Becker, Peterson, Luria, Shoemaker, and Hellmer, 1962; Eron, 1982; and Lefkowitz, Eron, Walder, and Huesmann, 1977). Correlations for females were generally not statistically significant, while for males they varied between .21 and .35 (and were statistically significant). Johannesson (1977) found no correlation between physical punishment and aggression for males; however, this is probably a reflection of his lack of findings in general. Like the other studies, he found no significant correlation for females.
D. Physical Punishment and Other Parenting Behaviors
Another issue which is important in evaluating the strength of the connection between physical punishment and the development of aggression is raised by Parke and Slaby (1983), who note that other adult characteristics may be associated with the use of physical punishment, and that it may be these behaviors which are responsible for associations noted (rather than the use of physical punishment per se). Research has implied that adults who choose to use physical punishment may be different from adults who prefer other methods of punishment or behavior modification. For example, one study found that "close-mindedness" and "neuroticism" were highly correlated with the use of corporal punishment by public school teachers (Rust & Kinnard, 1983). Another study found that parental anger-proneness was related to the use of "harsh" parental punishment (Engfer & Schneewind, 1982). Becker, Peterson, Luria, Shoemaker, and Hellmer (1962) found that "hostile" parents tended to use more physical punishment than less hostile parents. Family factors have also been tentatively related to the use of corporal punishment; such factors include socioeconomic status (Magmer & Ipfling, 1973), cultural values (Escovar & Escovar, 1985), larger families (Wagner, Schubert & Schubert, 1985), a high degree of intrafamilial conflict (Engfer & Schneewind, 1982), and marital satisfaction (Kemper & Reichler, 1976).
The relationship between personality and parenting factors and parental choice of punishment method must be very complex: these few studies can only be suggestive. Before we can definitively tease apart the impact of physical punishment from the impact of other parental and family factors, we must have a much clearer idea of what factors are most strongly associated with the use of physical punishment. Nevertheless, four of the studies on physical punishment and the development of aggression have attempted to control for other parenting and family factors. Although these can only be considered suggestive and by no means conclusive, they will be presented below.
One retrospective study (Carroll, 1977) investigated the interrelationship of parental "warmth", use of physical punishment, and the development of aggression. All subjects were questioned about their recall of their parents' warmth and nurturance using items from the Bronfenbrenner-Devereux Parental Activity Inventory. The subjects were then divided into four groups: low warmth/low punishment, low warmth/high punishment, high warmth/low punishment, and high warmth/high punishment. These four groups were then compared on their mean frequency of violent behavior, and, as predicted, the low warmth/high parental punishment families had the highest mean frequency. However, the only statistically significant effect was for parental warmth; no other main or interactive effects achieved significance. Thus, although the data is in a direction which implies the importance of physical punishment above and beyond other parenting factors, physical punishment may not be related to aggression when parental warmth is accounted for.
Larzelere (1986) studied the interaction of physical punishment and parental use of discussion in his cross-sectional study. He found that, in younger children, parental discussion did not interact with physical punishment in the association with aggressive behavior. In older children, a different picture emerged. In preadolescents and adolescents, "the combination of frequent spanking and minimal discussion was particularly associated with frequent aggression"; in addition, when parents frequently used discussion, no association remained between use of physical punishment and aggression.
Finally, in their study, Eron and his colleagues noted that physical punishment increased aggression only in boys who lacked close identification with their fathers. When such identification was present, physical punishment appears to decrease aggression in boys (Eron, Walder, Huesmann, & Lefkowitz, 1974). Lefkowitz, Eron, Walder and Huesmann (1977) noted the same result. These findings may help explain why moderate spanking was associated with the least aggressive children in some studies, and more aggressive children in others (see sections above).
These studies, while only suggestive, imply that other parenting factors (especially the warmth and intimacy of the relationship between boys and their punishers) may be very important when considering the impact of physical punishment on children's aggressive (or lack of aggressive) behavior. These studies suggest that in the context of affectionate and effective parenting, physical punishment may not increase a child's risk of aggressive behavior.
IV. Conclusion
Of the studies which separated parents on frequency of use of physical punishment, most found that no or "low" use of punishment was associated with less aggression in the child. However, a substantial minority (more than one-third) found the opposite: "low" or no use of physical punishment may increase a child's aggression.
Of the two studies which directly assessed and controlled for child abuse, the methodologically stronger study found that even when abuse was controlled for, physical punishment was associated with an increase in the child's aggression. However, of the nine studies which teased apart moderate punishers from severe (and possibly abusive) punishers, three observed that moderate physical punishment produced the least aggressive children, and three more found no difference in aggression between children of low and moderate users of physical punishment. Three others found that moderate physical punishment did increase aggression. Thus, two-thirds of these studies imply that moderate physical punishment does not increase aggression which weakens support for a hypothesized linear association between physical punishment and aggression. In addition, as detailed above, studies which support a curvilinear relationship tend to weaken the hypothesis that more aggressive children provoke more physical punishment.
One more consistent finding was that severe or frequent parental use of physical punishment was associated with an increase in the child's aggression. Longitudinal, prospective research tended to support this: these studies found that when physical aggression is studied directly (not, for example, via attitudes towards aggression) in older children, there is a positive association between use of severe physical punishment and aggression in the child. This suggests that severe physical punishment may contribute etiologically towards the development of aggressive behavior.
It should be noted that the relationship appears strongest among school-age and older males. Finally, the four studies which examined other parenting characteristics in interaction with physical punishment suggested that family factors such as identification with parents, high parental warmth, or use of reasonable discussion may eliminate any noxious effects which occur as a result of the use of physical punishment.
All of these conclusions can only be termed tentative, because the literature of this area suffers from significant methodological problems. For example, the child development literature makes it clear that any study examining parental aggression must account for child abuse; however, only two studies directly assessed for this. Further, despite the noted relationship between alcohol and drug abuse and parental violence, no research has considered these factors when studying physical punishment. The issue of causality also requires further work. It would be best addressed by prospective research which begins at an early enough age to note, at Time One, the presence of physical punishment without any presence of aggressive behavior. Finally, such studies must examine the development of aggressive behavior in light of the full scope of parental violence and relevant family factors. Ambitious as such a project would be, it is necessary to ascertain any possible deleterious effects of a childrearing practice as widespread as physical punishment. Given the current literature it appears that a positive, curvilinear, causal relationship between physical punishment and subsequent aggression plausibly exists, but cannot be termed conclusively true at this time.
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The owner of this paper is Professor Murray A. Straus, The Family Research Laboratory, University of New Hampshire. He has graciously permitted its presentation on The No Spanking Page.
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As we all know hybrid vehicles are not your everyday vehicle. They require specialized training to be able to diagnose and repair these vehicles. Not only do they have a regular combustion engine but also a complex electrical system and motor. Only trust a certified mechanic to service your vehicle.
Specialized tools are necessary to diagnose and repair hybrid vehicles. The hybrid multimeter is one of the major tools that we use to diagnose the vehicles that we work on.
This specialized tool not only measures voltage but also measures various temperatures throughout the vehicle. Legacy Automotive' technicians have the proper tools and training to make sure that your vehicle is running smooth.
Because of the fact that these vehicles have both a gas engine and an electric motor, it takes special training to maintain and repair these vehicles.
Maintenance of a hybrid vehicle is different of a normal car. Oil changes are not as frequent as a normal car. It can be extended for a longer time because of the fact that the engine is not used on a full time basis. Not only are the changes of the oil and oil filter, it also affects things like the air filter and other commonly replaced parts. The belts, spark plugs, hoses and most other parts have twice the lifetime since they are only used half of the lifetime of the vehicle.
The front braking system is extremely important for most hybrids. They also regenerate power for the vehicle when braking. A vehicle front brakes are extremely important for the stopping power (they usually provide 70% of the stopping power for most vehicles). These types of brakes are called regenerative brakes. They are much more complicated than a normal braking system. Because of the fact that they also recharge the batteries as they stop the vehicle, it is a much more intricate system than your everyday car. We have the proper tool and equipment to take care of any maintenance and repairs you might need for this delicate system.
The battery packs that are used in these vehicles are not your everyday battery packs. They are bulky and extremely heavy. We still haven't even talked about the dangerous high voltage that is associated with them either. Most people do not realize that battery packs can be reconditioned. New batteries have an average cost in between $400 to $8000. When your miles-per-gallon gets worse and your car has no get up and go, it is time to have a look at the battery.
When dealing with a hybrid car, it is important to make sure you have a qualified mechanic. The correct tools and training are needed to perform inspection and repairs on hybrid vehicles. Contact Legacy Automotive to diagnose and repair your hybrid vehicle, we have the proper tools and training to get your car back into shape.


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Trust Metric
The way I see it, trust is the absolute basis of any relationship you can possibly achieve with any person / pet / distant animal.
In psychology a trust metric is an actual measurement to scale how much one person trusts another. In terms of relationships, trust almost ALWAYS boils down to being faithful / loyal to the one you "love". At least in the latest generation that is definitely true, everyone worries about the actual act of cheating rather than the person themselves that would be considering to do it in the first place. An easy example of this that I see all too often is the typical situation where Girl #1 cheats on Guy #1 with Guy #2. Instead of Guy #1 attacking the root issue with Girl #1, Guy #1 involves himself with tackling Guy #2. Some cases even have the flip scenario where Guy #1 cheats on Girl #1 with Girl #2. In this situation, it's literally circumstantial what Girl #1 does. There's a 50/50 chance she'd confront Guy #1 AND Girl #2 to deepen herself in the drama. I've seen this far too many times, and even been involved with it enough for it to literally be taken a mass survey. Everything else comes after, right?
So what's the big idea? When you look at it justly, you can see how flawed anyone's train of thought is when they are so inclined to indulge themselves in a relationship as if they could handle it in the first place. Don't get me wrong, the thought of a perfect relationship is a very nice prospect indeed. Just very unrealistic. Everyone has trust issues. When I see people demanding that their partners need to change in order for them to stay together, I actually get physically sick. It's hard to see the human race keep degenerating no matter how aware of it we are. Like I tell everyone that comes to me with relationship "issues";
"People don't change. They only compromise."
I've said it countless times, and I'll continue to say it. Understanding trust isn't a matter of a opinion any more. It evolves as quickly as we do, since WE define it ourselves. So it definitely can be defined as something simple. You can complicate your relationship as much as you want, but if there really is no trust from the very beginning, it'd be like building a house with no foundation or a computer with no hard drive xD. All bad analogies aside, we can all agree this one concept can single-handedly shred any type of relationship between any two (or more) living creatures. But here comes the bigger question.
What do you do when you've known the person far too long? You absolutely have no reason NOT to trust them right?
I've seen a couple people turn their own lives around completely from doing bad things to being a good role model. Does that contradict when I say people don't change? Definitely not. Once a person has developed their own personality, you just can't change it. Not even them. So why is it that people appear to have changed? Well that answer is simple. Everyone makes adjustments to their own lifestyle to fit their partners. You see it all the time and it pisses you off. It makes you feel softer, so you say: "I'm not changing for any one", or the popular "if they don't like who I am, then we shouldn't be together". This also applies to friendly relationships as well. Everyone wants to impress someone. You can't stop it. Trying to, makes you look like an asshole. Trust me, the last thing you want is for people to look at you and deem you emotionless.
Finding out how much you can trust someone is actually BETTER if it's based on experience and biased information.
Don't make this complicated. It pisses people off. If you need someone's trust, make them give it to you or prove themselves. Don't pretend you can trust someone based on how trustworthy they are from another persons perspective. I'd like to think everyone would trust others in their own damn way. In either case, we rather kill ourselves than to invest more time trying to make someone believe how trustworthy we are.
What's the fun in dying.
Trust will always be a weakness. It will hurt everyone. Knowing this, we all still use it as a form of …currency. lol.
Maybe I'll just stick to my analogies.
~ q


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Ecolab Donates $2 Million Through In-Kind Donations
Ecolab Donates $2 Million Through In-Kind Donations
NEWSROOM: Ecolab
CONTENT: Press Release
(3BL Media) St. Paul, MN - March 1, 2012 - During 2011, Ecolab Inc. (NYSE ECL) worked with non-profit organizations in the U.S. and around the world to donate more than $2 million of Ecolab products in support of disaster releif efforts.
One of several ways Ecolab supports organizations and individuals in need, the company's 2011 in-kind donations provided needed cleaning, health and sanitizing products to organizations soon after a natural disaster occured, benefitting thousands of people.
"Compassion for others is a core value of Ecolab and our 40,000 global employees," said Douglas M. Baker, Jr., Ecolab chairman and chief executive officer. "When a disaster strikes, we quickly work with response organizations to bring in products that can help maintain and restore sanitation and public health."
After last year's severe storms and record flood levels in the U.S., the devastation of the earthquakes and tsunami in Japan and the destructive typhoon in the Philippines, Ecolab immediately sent cleaning and sanitizing products to assist with relief efforts. Other countries where Ecolab provided donations in response to natural disasters included Mexico, Turkey, Brazil and the Dominican Republic.
About Ecolab
With 2011 pro forma sales of $11 billion and more than 40,000 employees, Ecolab Inc. (NYSE: ECL) is the global leader in water, hygiene and energy technologies and services that provide and protect clean water, safe food, abundant energy and healthy environments. Ecolab delivers comprehensive programs and services to the food, energy, healthcare, industrial and hospitality markets in more than 160 countries. For more Ecolab news and information, visit www.ecolab.com.
Kris Taylor


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Easy Speaking for Stutterers is a program for adults who are looking for a new, revolutionary, natural and integrated method to find their fluent voice.
The Easy Speaking for Stutterers' program will support new fluency from your true nature, based on who you really are, so that you integrate your speech into your natural way of communicating.
It's simple … really. The Easy Speaking for Stutterers' program was created because you are a whole person, not just the separate components of your brain and your mouth. I recognize that to help you speak easily and communicate naturally, there is more than only thoughts, speech muscle coordination and firing patterns of neurons.