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Lyrics Depot is your source of lyrics to It's Over by Killah Priest. Please check back for more Killah Priest lyrics.
It's Over Lyrics
Artist: Killah Priest
Album: Heavy Mental
[KP] Run for your lives.. oh my God
[Girl] Yo watch it! Yo what everybody runnin for?
[KP] This is it... run for your lives
[Girl] Motherfucker quit pushin!
[KP] Oh my God run for your lives
[Girl] Yo what's goin on?
[KP] It's coming! It's coming!
[Girl] Why is y'all runnin?
[KP] It's over it's coming
[Girl] Where y'all going? What y'all running for?
[KP] It's over it's moving closer the sky getting lower
[Girl] Hey yo, yo!
[KP] Winds turn colder, Killah Priest soldiers
[Girl] Wait for me yo!
[KP] Steamrollers
[Girl] Whassup motherfucker quit pushin me up!
[KP] Right there, there, it's over, damn he's right there
[KP] It's over, it's over
[Girl] Hey yo who the fuck is that?
[KP] It's over, run! It's over, run!
[KP] It's over! It's over!
*people screaming*
[Killah Priest]
All science addicts religious fanatics
Curiosity seekers biblical preachers historians
Ritual believers scholars teachers spiritual leaders
High priests generals seargeants and them rude captains
Lieutenants lower your gimmicks I'm the hip-hopper
that'll rock to fill a opera acapella locked cellar
Watch hell-ah, freeze over take you lower break you bold
Constrict to hit you like fingertips in your soul
Put whiskey in your soda or vodka
Chop you with a blade made of copper
Kick your head off like a soccer, brawl
Raw alcohol and it's over, arrest over in October
Punch a hole through your solar plex, and it's OVER
I mark X on your chest -- it's over, and bury the dead
Ain't gonna be no rest
Just pretend, watch me blow like the dust in a gust of wind
Flow with the rush when I adjust the pen take you
miles and miles and miles leave you at the river of the Nile
Now deliver the vials, fat, found in the pile in the stack
Books that were took, take a look, back
As I take you further high into the sky
where your eyes like vision surprise then dive back
Vision buildin the b-ombs, upon you peons
Knowledge you crazy Knowledge we be goin, OFF!
Now you lost tossed in confusion, saw an illusion
of the car that started cruisin
Actual day mathematics were raised to his attic
What's the weight of a flame, state your name
But he was afraid of the height, glazed at the light
Strayed, couldn't stay for the flight
Ran to his book of rhymes, took up some time
for the brother to hook up a line
as if he had a fishing rod, but my mission is God
Science I be dishin out be hard
Deep in his eyes, contacts, plus saw beyond that
Saw the brother couldn't respond back
Tried to rhyme after me to hold the weight
but the science done drive dem niggaz shoulder blades down
Let's take a trip travel through the mind
and played a trick when he unraveled the rhyme
Bloodthirsty no mercy when I bomb no thinkin emotions
Sick him with potions that I've developed
to make the body swell up like venom
Once I'm in em then I skin em and skull em
After that I call em, back from the essence
Who the fuck want more lessons? It's over!
Know what I'm sayin? It's over
The dead bury the dead, it's over
Your career -- it's over
All you wack MC's (finish em up) -- it's over
Finish em up
The blast, burns back into elements
Development of gas around the mass of the Earth
A hundred and ninty six million
Now a hundred and forty thousand miles are occupied
by people causin housin
over this the mind was just browsin
Thougt I was warm coats, I dispose hope
of the focus and roast energy toward the enemy
Now in burnin G's, chemically enforce infinity
Attack, third eye, what occured my, vocal form into a storm
went blaow burnin but left him in the crowd wonderin
Now you wonder on many thoughts you ponder fell asleep
tryin to seek the beyonder while I would ponder microphones
Recitin poems, strikin domes to your frightening moans -- of HORROR!
Speakin evil Hebrew from the Torah
Slammed the mic it turned to a serpent, open the curtains
Saw things he couldn't interpret, destroyed the Earth
Fill it with gunpowder, came build sun power
Rebuild it in one hour
Then revealed it through a sunflower shared the shower
Showin the power of the North Messiah eyes on fire
Water oxygen you can't comprehend to these strange doc-trines
Stop the winds, beyond the orbits of Dionne Warwick
With no broomsticks and magic tricks is this
Return of the Iron Maiden
Stomp your corny ass like the Raven
What's the matter? You frostbitten, you lost your mittens
It seem you wanted to cross to smitten
Sec-ret morse from the Christians
It's over! Killah Priest says, it's over!
Huh, it's over!
Your careers is now, finished
Killah Priest Lyrics
Killah Priest Heavy Mental Lyrics
More Killah Priest Music Lyrics:
Killah Priest - Almost There Lyrics
Killah Priest - Black August (Daylight) Lyrics
Killah Priest - Cross My Heart Lyrics
Killah Priest - Dj Vu Lyrics
Killah Priest - Heat Of The Moment Lyrics
Killah Priest - Maccabean Revolt Lyrics
Killah Priest - Places I've Been Lyrics
Killah Priest - Robbery Lyrics


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Between 1933 and 1945, Nazi Germany and its allies established more than 44,000 camps and other incarceration sites (including ghettos). The perpetrators used these locations for a range of purposes, including forced labor, detention of people deemed to be "enemies of the state," and mass murder. Millions of people suffered and died or were killed. Among these sites was Mühldorf.
Establishment of the Camp
As the Allied air offensive against Nazi Germany intensified after 1943, the Nazi leadership decided to construct underground installations in order to produce weaponry and related war materiel. The accelerated construction of these facilities required significant use of forced labor. The SS provided concentration camp prisoners to carry out the most dangerous tasks. These tasks included hollowing out tunnels from mountainsides and caves, constructing underground factories, and hauling construction materials. To facilitate these immense projects, the SS set up hundreds of satellite camps close to proposed industrial sites in 1944 and 1945.
In mid-1944, the SS established the Mühldorf camp complex in Bavaria as a satellite system of the Dachau concentration camp to provide labor for an underground installation for the production of the Messerschmitt 262 (Me-262), a jet fighter designed to challenge Allied air superiority over Germany.
Between July 1944 and April 1945, when the US Army overran the area, more than 8,000 prisoners had been deported to the main camp at Mettenheim and to its subcamps.
Prisoners in the Camp
According to the account of a prisoner who turned over the camp's administrative files to American authorities, the Mettenheim camp held some 2,000 inmates, a nearby women's camp 500 persons, the "forest camps" (Waldlager) about 2,250 male and female inmates, while two other camps held a total of 550 persons. Most of the prisoners were Hungarian Jews, but there were also Jews from Greece, France, Italy as well as political prisoners from Russia, Poland, Germany, and Serbia. The surrounding area also contained numerous forced-labor and prisoner-of-war camps to supply workers for the factory.
Conditions at the Mühldorf complex were dismal. As at the Kaufering camps, the SS guards carried out "selections" at the Mühldorf complex in the fall of 1944, deporting hundreds of sick and disabled inmates to the gas chambers at Auschwitz. It is estimated that more than half of the prisoners held there perished following their deportation to the Auschwitz-Birkenau killing center or died on site from overwork, abuse, shootings, and disease. Prisoners in the "forest camps V and VI" (Waldlager V and VI), located near the town of Ampfing, were housed in earthen huts, barracks partially submerged in the ground with soil-covered roofs designed to camouflage the structures from Allied aerial reconnaissance. Prisoners frequently worked 10 to 12 hour days hauling heavy bags of cement and carrying out other arduous construction tasks.
In late April, as the US Army approached the camps, the SS guards forcibly evacuated some 3,600 prisoners from the camp on death marches.
Critical Thinking Questions
- To what degree was the local population aware of this camp, its purpose, and the conditions within? How would you begin to research this question?
- Did the outside world have any knowledge about these camps? If so, what, if any, actions were taken by other governments and their officials?
- What choices do countries have to prevent, mediate, or end the mistreatment of imprisoned civilians in other nations?
- How does the example of this camp demonstrate the complexity and the systematic nature of the German efforts to abuse and kill the Jews?
Further Reading
Hammermann, Gabriele. "Die Dachauer Aussenlager um Mühldorf, "Dachauer Hefte, Heft 15 (November 1999), 77–98.
National Archives and Records Administration (NARA), Record Group 338, War Crimes Trials: Cases Tried
Raim, Edith Raim. "Unternehmen Ringeltaube" Dachaus Aussenlagerkomplex Kaufering, Dachauer Hefte, Heft 5: Die vergessene Lager, 193–213.
Raim, Edith. Die Dachauer KZ-Aussenkommandos Kaufering und Mühldorf Rüstungsbauten und Zwangsarbeit im letzten Kriegsjahr 1944/45, (Landsberg am Lech: Martin Neumeyer, 1992).

subset: commoncrawl


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'The Barber of Seville' hits Middlebury (with slideshow)
MIDDLEBURY — When "The Barber of Seville" opens on Friday, June 5, it will confirm Middlebury's status as one of the smallest towns in the country with a professional opera company. The production marks the Opera Company of Middlebury's sixth year of producing grand opera in the intimate confines of Town Hall Theater.
Lauch Slideshow
The company's first production in 2004, "Carmen," was done with only four singers, three musicians and a budget of less than $4,000. The current production involves over 75 people, including a 13-piece orchestra, and costs nearly $50,000. It is one of the most elaborate shows put on by the Town Hall Theater to date.
"What's fascinating to me," says artistic director Douglas Anderson, "is that even in a recession the company continues to grow and flourish."
Ticket sales and donations remain high. Anderson is especially proud of the in-kind support that comes from every part of the community. "If we need a fancy antique prop, or somewhere to house our singers, or even a doctor at short notice to take care of a singer's allergies, the community is always right there to help."
Passion for opera runs high in Vermont. "It's easy to see why," says Anderson. "Opera takes every other art form and rolls them into a single glorious event."
"The Barber of Seville" can be seen on June 5, 7, 9 and 11. For tickets: go to www.townhalltheater.org, or call 802-382-9222.


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Here's an interesting interview with [Jeri Ellsworth] over at the Jenessee Network. Usually the interviews I see popup with people are fairly short and sweet but this one really delves into many subjects and takes its time to explore. They start off talking about how [Jeri] began with hacking, which was literally smashing toys "with rocks" to see what was inside. They move on to discuss her adventures in building a race car, and then racing it as a teen… as an act of defiance.
In case you didn't know, [Jeri] has been full time at Valve for about a year. Much of the discussion focuses on this from about 20 minutes in. She doesn't hold back on information about what her daily life is like at valve as well as her experience during the hiring process. An interesting fact is that she didn't initially recognize the name "Valve" and ignored them for a while. She does admit that if they had mentioned portal she would have paid a little more attention.
I was unaware that she had a side job putting the overflow of pinball machines she aquires into bars. When she moved to valve, she shut down that business, but she's been flooding the halls with pinball machines, much to the enjoyment of the older folks.


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Thanks to a partnership with The Catlin Seaview Survey, Google Maps now displays StreetView-ish images of the Great Barrier Reef and popular underwater spots around Hawaii and the Philippines. Clear your calendar. Forward your emails. It's time for an undersea adventure.
As Google explained in a blog post today you can now use Google Maps to swim with a turtle, follow a manta ray or lose yourself watching the sun set over a reef. You can go diving in Maui's Molokini crater or join snorkelers in Oahu's Hanauma Bay. And of course all this is possible without swim lessons or sunscreen, thanks to the magic of Google Maps.
The video below shows how the amazing imagery was captured. Using a special one-off camera called the SVII, divers for The Catlin Seaview Survey swam at 4 kilometers an hour to capture the stunning footage.
Right now the imagery is very limited. Outside of the links above, it's rather difficult to find an area to go swimming. Seaview spots are marked with an orange circle that's only revealed when the Street View icon is dragged onto the map. Even then, these spots only show up when the map is zoomed in nearly all the way. It seems Google announced this service a bit prematurely.
Google pulled the announcement post shortly after it went live but later reposted everything. Several of the outbound links — to maps.google.com/ocean and The Catlin Seaview Survey — did not resolve at the time of this article's posting.
But the data is still in the maps right now. You can still leave your cubicle behind and explore ancient boulder coral at Apo Island within a Philippines marine reserve. Who needs a vacation when you have Google Maps?


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Capital: Podgorica
Population: 0.6 million
GNI/capita, PPP: US$12,770
Source: The data above were provided by The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2010.
* Starting with the 2005 edition, Freedom House introduced separate analysis and ratings for national democratic governance and local democratic governance, to provide readers with more detailed and nuanced analysis of these two important subjects.
2012 Scores
Democracy Score: | 3.82 |
Regime Classification: | Semi-Consolidated Democracy |
National Democratic Governance: | 4.25 |
Electoral Process: | 3.25 |
Civil Society: | 2.75 |
Independent Media: | 4.25 |
Local Democratic Governance: | 3.25 |
Judicial Framework and Independence: | 4.00 |
Corruption: | 5.00 |
NOTE: The ratings reflect the consensus of Freedom House, its academic advisers, and the author(s) of this report. The opinions expressed in this report are those of the author(s). The ratings are based on a scale of 1 to 7, with 1 representing the highest level of democratic progress and 7 the lowest. The Democracy Score is an average of ratings for the categories tracked in a given year.
Executive Summary:
In October 2011, the European Commission (EC) officially recommended Montenegro to begin accession negotiations to the European Union (EU). The EC noted Montenegro's progress on seven key priorities identified in the 2010 EC Opinion, including the long-awaited passage of amendments to the election law in September. The EU encouraged Montenegro to continue with judicial and anti-discrimination reforms. Poor implementation of anticorruption measures remains a serious problem.
National Democratic Governance. Public administration in Montenegro is characterized by weak policymaking capacity in ministries, nepotism, limited inter-ministerial cooperation, and understaffing in most government bodies. Parliamentary committees were more active in 2011, meeting more regularly and drafting work agendas. The government took steps to reform the legal framework governing the civil service, including a new Law on civil servants and state employees, and amendments to the Law on General Administrative Procedure. New provisions of the Law on Conflict of Interest Prevention were adopted and entered into force, prohibiting sitting MPs from serving as directors of state administrative bodies or as members of other managerial bodies at either the national or local level. Montenegro's rating for national democratic governance remains at 4.25.
Electoral process. After four years of deadlock, amendments to the law on election of municipal councilors and members of parliament were adopted in September 2011. The law represents the harmonization between the electoral framework and Montenegro's constitutional commitment to authentic representation of minorities, introducing a system of affirmative action for representation in parliamentary elections. However, there are indications that the ruling coalition can still manipulate the system in its favor, mostly through the control of campaign resources, which are significantly more powerful than those available to opposition parties. The Roma, Ashkali and Egyptian populations remain underrepresented in the political sphere. Montenegro's rating for electoral process remains at 3.25.
Civil Society. Montenegro has a vibrant civil society with many active NGOs, but their presence is uneven, both regionally and in terms of thematic focus. The strongest are those in Podgorica, which deal mainly with good governance, human rights, anticorruption, and EU affairs, and have considerable capacity for public advocacy. Traditionally, relations between Montenegrin NGOs and the government have been strained, but bilateral communication has increased in the last two years, as symbolized by the establishment of the Council for Cooperation of the Montenegro Government and Non-Governmental Organizations at the end of 2010. The council became fully operational in early 2011, though the extent of its influence remains to be seen. Many NGOs are financially strained, as public funding at the local and national level is scarce. The funding allocation process is opaque, and project implementation is not monitored. The positive role of civil society in meeting the political conditions of the EC was acknowledged by both national and EU officials in 2011. Montenegro's rating for civil society remains at 2.75.
Independent Media. In accordance with priorities defined by the EU, the government decriminalized libel in 2011, though fines against media and journalists remain much higher than those established by the case law of the European Court for Human Rights. Inadequate protection of journalists from intimidation by powerful politicians and business leaders remains the main criticism of Montenegro's media environment. Numerous cases of attacks on journalists in the last five years have not been resolved; neither have perpetrators been punished due to various reasons, including insufficient evidence, slow court proceedings and the judiciary's frequent inability to issue final verdicts. The absence of clear regulation on excessive concentration of media ownership partially explains the shrinking number of viewpoints available to media consumers; another reason is the subtle pressure on media outlets to align themselves with certain perspectives or risk losing state-sponsored advertising. Most of the state advertising budget goes to media considered loyal to the government. Internet media are becoming a source of information and a communication channel for more citizens. However, internet portals often contain content that is defamatory and in some cases filled with hate speech against various social groups and individuals. Montenegro's rating for independent media remains at 3.25.
Local Democratic Governance. Municipal governments in Montenegro are overstaffed and underfunded, with significant financial disparities among the regions. However, as a result of changes introduced in 2010, local government revenues increased in 2011. In June, the government adopted the 2011-16 development strategy for inter-municipal cooperation in Montenegro, together with the 2011-13 Action Plan for its implementation. After the new Law on Territorial Organization was adopted, national minority groups asked that new municipalities be established, but the government rejected these requests. Instances of local opposition MPs "switching sides" to the ruling parties in Podgorica and in Andrijevica after the 2010 local elections raised questions on the independence of local MPs and the legitimacy and transparency of local governance. In Budva, Mayor Rajko Kuljača resigned after being indicted in the high-profile "Zavala" corruption case, and the DPS-SDP coalition elected Lazar Rađenović (DPS) as the new mayor. Local authorities do not have firm control over municipal finances. Montenegro's rating for local democratic governance remains at 4.25.
Judicial Framework and Independence. The EC noted progress on judicial reform in 2011, particularly with respect to the accountability, impartiality and efficiency of judges and prosecutors. Parliament enacted amendments to the laws on courts, the Judicial Council and the state prosecution office, which the EC praised while encouraging vigilance on implementation. The capacity of state prosecutors to implement the new Criminal Procedure Code, which took effect in August, and coordinate law enforcement remains weak. Court proceedings tend to be overly long, and the case backlog is substantial, though the new Law on Notaries is designed to improve judicial efficiency. Even in high-profile cases in 2011, the judiciary demonstrated its immaturity and unprofessionalism, especially in the murder trial of chief police inspector Slavoljub Scekic. The judicial administrative staff went on strike over low wages, delaying court proceedings. Pending clear evidence that new judicial reforms are effectively implemented, Montenegro's rating for judicial framework and independence remains at 4.00.
Corruption. Anticorruption legislation and strategies are in place, but implementation is lagging, and corruption is widespread in many spheres. There are numerous anticorruption institutions and agencies, but they lack efficiency, coordination, and/or independence. The government remains the largest employer in Montenegro, and budget allocations indicate that companies benefit disproportionately from direct relationships with certain government officials. In 2011, the government was more forthcoming with documentation related to large public procurement contracts, but full transparency is still a long way off. In March and December, charges were filed linking several government officials and businessmen to the illegal construction of lucrative properties without adequate permits. Lack of protection for "whistleblowers" remains a barrier to prosecution of corruption-related offenses. Studies indicate that the public still sees many forms of corruption as socially acceptable. Montenegro's rating for corruption remains at 5.00.
Outlook for 2012. The opening of accession negotiations with the EU, expected in June, will be the hallmark of 2012 for Montenegro. The government will face the challenge of implementing recent reforms and initiating new ones to address the most demanding chapters of the acquis communitaire, including Chapter 23 (on Judiciary and Fundamental Rights) and Chapter 24 (on Justice, Freedom and Security). Parliament can be expected to focus on amending the constitution to strengthen the independence and impartiality of the judiciary, while police and prosecutorial authorities will concentrate on tackling corruption and organized crime. The outcome of these efforts will be an important litmus test for rule of law in Montenegro. Especially with regard to judicial reform, attempts to rush constitutional amendments in order to expedite EU negotiations could jeopardize the quality of the envisaged changes. Amendments require a two-thirds majority to pass, which will mean heavy bargaining between the ruling coalition and the opposition, creating opportunities for political and nationalistic posturing at the expense of meaningful reform.
National Democratic Governance:
Heavy reliance on individuals rather than on institutions weakens the overall stability of Montenegro's governing system, perpetuating the overwhelming influence of the executive branch. Strengthening parliamentary oversight, efficiency, and transparency was the focus of the ambitious legislative activity in 2011, resulting in the reassessment of oversight competencies and improvements in the functioning of parliamentary committees, as well as strengthening of the parliamentary administrative capacities. Unfortunately, the political opposition still remains marginalized. However, cooperation between the parliament and civil society organizations significantly improved.
In the first six months of 2011, parliament concluded nine sessions, during which it passed 73 laws. Parliamentary committees held a total of 142 sessions, compared to 221 in all of 2010. Eleven committees, most notably the Committee for Security and Defense, adopted special plans for increasing parliamentary oversight over the government. For instance, in 2010 there were 13 consultative and two control hearings, compared with 28 and seven, respectively, in 2011. In plenary sessions, members of parliament (MPs) raised 208 questions in 2010, compared to 393 in 2011.
All members of parliament have regular opportunities to direct questions to the prime minister and other officials. However, an overwhelming majority of legislative initiatives still originate in the executive branch – which is to say, in the ruling parties – rather than the legislature. In the first six months of 2011, members of the parliamentary opposition initiated four draft laws and two decisions, while the executive branch proposed 66 draft laws, 37 amendments to the laws, two decisions and one proposal for amending the constitution.[1] Nearly all initiatives proposed by opposition members for inclusion on the parliamentary agenda were summarily rejected. In 2011, the parliament also continued to function without a deputy speaker who, according to the rules of procedure, should have been appointed from the ranks of the opposition after the 2008 parliamentary elections. The process of amending the parliament's rules of procedure is currently ongoing, with the envisaged changes tackling the structure of individual committees, the formation of subcommittees and efforts to empower opposition party participation in parliament.
In 2011, the government took steps to reform the legal framework governing the civil service, passing amendments to the Law on General Administrative Procedure, as well as a new law on civil servants and state employees. In November, a new provision of the Law on the Prevention of Conflict of Interest entered into force, prohibiting members of parliament from serving as directors of state administrative bodies or as members of other managerial bodies at both the national and local levels. In practice, this mostly prevents parliamentarians from serving on boards of public enterprises, institutions, and agencies.
Currently, the parliament employs 90 persons (48 civil servants and 40 state employees) – 17 more than at the end of 2010. Parliament also has 8 advisors to the speaker and the deputy speaker, as well as 10 interns. In the second half of 2011, administrative staff of the parliament went on strike due to inadequate salaries. The strike coincided with an initiative by the parliamentary collegium (a consultative body convened by the speaker) to increase the MP's salaries by €900 per month, almost twice the average salary in Montenegro. Under public pressure, the MPs gave up on their planned bonuses, and the administrative staff received a modest wage increase.
Cooperation between the parliament and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) increased in 2011, with NGOs participating in 40 committee sessions, including consultative hearings. Parliament signed a cooperation memorandum with the network of civil society organizations dealing with democracy and human rights, while the parliamentary administrative staff established a data registry of NGOs interested in cooperation. The parliamentary service also began to issue semi-annual reports on legislative activities and stream plenum sessions live on the internet. Data on individual MP votes are published on the parliament's website.
Electoral Process:
Montenegrin citizens experience notoriously high pressure from political party structures during election campaigns, and ruling parties routinely abuse state resources to advertise themselves and denigrate their opponents. "Vote buying" (a sophisticated and highly developed system of temporary seizure/buying of personal documents) is reported in all national elections. Also, promises for different kinds of permits, business approvals, positions, etc. makes the whole process a stock exchange for votes, in which the ruling party/coalition controls the overall system. Montenegro's next parliamentary and presidential elections are scheduled to take place in 2013.
After nearly four years of deadlock, in September 2011 Montenegro's parliament finally passed the election legislation ensuring "authentic representation of minorities" (a requirement set by the 2007 constitution) in parliamentary elections. Under the constitution, these changes – which had been specifically identified by the European Commission (EC) as a prerequisite for the initiation of accession negotiations – required a two-thirds parliamentary majority to pass. Rather than demanding the correction of serious and longstanding abuses in the electoral process, the opposition used its unusual leverage to achieve small, technical improvements and a symbolic, nationalist victory – the establishment of Montenegrin-Serbian as the official language of education in Montenegro. The amended Election Law included certain provisions to promote gender equality by mandating that 30 percent of the candidate list be female. However, according to the 2011 EC Progress Report, these rules are ineffective because the law does not stipulate that candidates of each gender should be ranked high enough on the party list to have a realistic chance at a mandate.[2]
Montenegro is home to some 30,000 citizens of the former State Union of Serbia and Montenegro who declined Montenegrin citizenship in 2006. The question of these residents' legal status and ability to vote remains very contentious, as Montenegro's constitution does not recognize dual citizenship. New amendments to the 2008 Law on Citizenship in 2011 attempted to address the issue by simplifying naturalization for non-citizen residents, who are no longer required to "waive" their previous citizenship if they can submit proof by February 2012 that they resided in Montenegrin territory for a full 2 years before the promulgation of independence.
Four to five sustainable political coalitions/parties regularly participate in Montenegrin elections. Other participating parties are officially registered but lack strong party infrastructures. Parliamentary parties receive public financing, which some manage more prudently than others; extra-parliamentary parties depend on volunteers and member enthusiasm for survival. Meanwhile, in addition to state resources, the ruling Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) benefits from the fact that it has taken over much of the property once owned by the former Communist party of Montenegro.
The public is quite engaged in political life, with a tradition of high voter turnout. NGOs participate in political discussions to a much greater extent than their counterparts in any other country of the region. Minorities are well represented in political institutions, with the exception of the Roma, Ashkali, and Egyptian populations. Minority political parties work predominantly in coalition with the ruling parties.
Civil Society:
Nongovernmental organizations operate without state interference in Montenegro, and increased communication between the government and the civic sector is an official priority of the current administration, initiated with the opening of the consultation process with nongovernmental organizations by new Prime Minister Luksic. Historically, government cooperation with external experts and activists has been limited. Nowadays, NGO representatives have been included in various working groups or consulted, but their suggestions and comments are often not respected.
In a highly publicized effort to address the lack of meaningful communication between the government and civil society, in 2010 the government established a new advisory body composed of governmental appointees and civil society representatives selected by the NGO sector. The Council for the Cooperation between NGOs and Government became fully operational in early 2011. Appointments to the council passed without objections, owing to the clear rules of procedure that were strictly implemented. It remains to be seen how effective the Council will be in transmitting the needs of civil society to policymakers.
In March, representatives of the Network of NGOs for Democracy and Human Rights signed a memorandum of understanding with the president of the Montenegrin parliament. The agreement entails a commitment on the part of parliamentary committees to invite NGO representatives, via the network, to take part in sessions of parliamentary committees relevant to their work.
The regulatory environment in Montenegro is favorable to the development of the civil sector, and was further strengthened in 2011. A new law on nongovernmental organizations, passed in August 2011, improved the legislative framework for the establishment and work of NGOs, aligning it with international standards (the European Convention on Human Rights and Freedoms, in particular) and best practices. It granted NGOs greater financial stability through guaranteed government funding related to the national lottery. However, a separate law on lottery games under discussion at year's end might reverse the August regulation, eliminating guaranteed lottery funding for the civil sector. In December 2011, the government approved a decree regarding the procedures for cooperation between state authorities and nongovernmental organizations.
Most Montenegrin NGOs are small, characterized by underdeveloped organizational structures and insufficient human resources. However, at the national level there is a small but influential core of well-established, organizationally mature NGOs, engaged mainly in advocacy and research on human rights, good governance and poverty reduction.[3] These larger, better established organizations rely on foreign funds, mostly from the EU. Smaller organizations depend on domestic funding, which is inconsistent and often insufficient.
Allocation of public funds for NGOs remains controversial. There is a need for more transparent and criteria-based procedures for distribution of these resources at the national and local level, and for mechanisms to monitor the allocation procedure and realization of approved projects. The government's plans to significantly decrease public funding in 2012 could dramatically affect the development of the sector, especially for small and medium-sized NGOs.
Independent Media:
Media legislation in Montenegro is largely in line with European standards. Montenegro's constitution and accompanying media laws protect freedom of expression and press freedom, and defend the right of journalists to protect their sources.
In practice, journalists still lack protection from violent retribution when their reporting threatens powerful interests. None of the attacks on journalists in the last five years has been resolved, nor have the perpetrators been punished. Even the notorious 2004 assassination of Duško Jovanović, editor-in-chief of the hugely popular daily newspaper Dan, did not result in a complete investigation or prison sentence. Physical attacks on editors and journalists discourage investigative journalism, particularly as it concerns politicians and members of organized crime.[4] In 2009, the editor-in-chief of the daily Vijesti, Mihailo Jovović, and photojournalist Boris Pejović were assaulted and threatened with a gun by the mayor of Podgorica and his son while covering a story on the mayor's illegal parking. In September 2011, prosecutors indicted Jovovic, whose own injuries landed him in the hospital, for attacking the mayor's driver; charges against the mayor and his son were reduced. The case is ongoing. On three occasions between July and August 2011, unknown individuals set fire to company vehicles owned by Vijesti. The perpetrator(s) of these crimes have not been found, and there are no signs of progress in the investigation. Some link[5] the attacks to statements by former Prime Minister Milo Đukanović in which he called independent media unprofessional and politically motivated.[6]
Montenegro's oldest daily newspaper, the state-owned Pobjeda, should have been privatized in line with the Media Law of 2002. However, after several failed tenders it still remains in state hands. The majority of print and electronic media are privately owned, but clear regulation on excessive concentration of ownership is still lacking. Most media outlets are financially unstable, and thus vulnerable to demands of advertisers and pressure from the government. Most electronic media, especially digital television stations, have serious debt and face an uncertain future. Loyalty to the government is rewarded with more generous public funding allocations, which aggravates the already difficult financial situation of both print and electronic independent media. The quality of media reporting in general has decreased and is increasingly influenced by political and economic interests, resulting in widespread self-censorship.
In accordance with priorities defined by the EU, the government decriminalized libel in July 2011. However, fines against media and individual journalists remain much higher than those established by the case law of the European Court for Human Rights (ECHR). In November, the ECHR ruled that Montenegro had violated the European Convention on Human Rights by fining journalist Veseljko Koprivica €5,000 for defamation in 2004. Lawsuits against journalists are most frequently initiated by representatives of political and business elites, as well as persons widely suspected of involvement in organized crime.
Professionalism of Montenegrin media is also lacking in many cases. Media tend to take a political role in deciding whose voice should be heard and to what extent based on their own preferences, and do not report objectively. As a result, despite the large number of media options, they produce a limited range of political and social viewpoints.
Journalists have failed to form strong professional associations. Most prominent journalists and media owners still do not recognize the self-regulatory body that monitors implementation of the Journalist Code of Conduct, which is kept alive with funding from state authorities.[7] The government has also allocated €5 million to electronic media (to pay taxes for the signal transfer), as well as €800,000 to help Bega press, a privately-owned newspaper and distributor, pay a debt to the dailies Dan, Pobjeda, and Vijesti, and the weekly Monitor. Bega distributed these newspapers but fell months behind on payments.
Internet media are becoming increasingly important as the popularity of online news sources and communication grows. As internet use expands, online media are faced with the problem of unregulated user comments, which often contain defamatory content and occasionally hate speech against various social groups and individuals.
Local Democratic Governance:
The Constitution of Montenegro and the 2003 Law on Local Government define the foundations of the local government system. Local government is composed of 21 municipalities, including the capital city of Podgorica, two city municipalities, and the historic royal capital of Cetinje. Many municipalities are burdened with heavy administrative costs due to the bloated government sector, and local employees are often underqualified to handle their new responsibilities related to European integration and the decentralization process. Expectations are nevertheless high that municipalities will be able to apply for, receive, and manage significant financial resources from EU development funds.
Several significant pieces of legislation related to local self-governance were adopted in 2011, including the Public Administration Reform Strategy for 2011-16. The strategy outlines ambitious objectives for local self-government reform, including further decentralization, strengthened administrative oversight of local governments, and enhanced local financing. A subsequent Law on Regional Development, passed in April, defines legislation on coordinating efforts between local and central authorities for developing regional provinces. The 2011-16 development strategy for inter-municipal cooperation and the strategy's implementation mechanism, the 2011-13 Action Plan, were adopted in June, followed in November by the Law on Territorial Organization. The latter determines which territories belong to individual municipalities and the conditions for establishing, abolishing and merging municipalities. During the adoption process, several national minority groups formally asked that new municipalities be established, but in the absence of a positive feasibility study, the ruling majority rejected their requests. The territorial law was not yet enacted at year's end.
Under the Law on Local Government, local assemblies elect mayors. In the 2010 local elections, incumbents were re-elected in four municipalities, including Podgorica, where Miomir Mugoša won with votes from the coalition comprising the ruling DPS, the Bosniak Party and the Liberal Party of Montenegro, as well as three votes from opposition MPs. In the coastal town of Budva, Mayor Rajko Kuljača resigned in early 2011 after being indicted for allowing Zavala Invest, a company partly owned by Russian tycoon Sergey Polanski, to illegally construct about 40 villas at nearby Zavala Cape, Montenegro's leading summer resort. In April, the local DPS-Social Democratic Party (SDP) coalition elected Lazar Rađenović (DPS) as Kuljača's replacement. After a five-year term as the mayor of the Ulcinj municipality, Gzim Hajdinaga (DPS) was replaced by Nazif Cungu (Forca) with the support of the new parliamentary majority formed by four local members of parliament who left the Democratic Union of Albanians (DUA), one deputy from Perspektiva and one from the Movement for Change (PzP).
Local governments saw some political turmoil in 2011. In Andrijevica, traditionally governed by the Socialist People's Party (SNP) and other opposition parties, PzP councilor Uroš Čukić left the opposition coalition and joined the ruling DPS, fomenting a political crisis that ended with the DPS seizing the municipal presidency. Instances of local MPs "switching sides" from the opposition to the ruling coalition in Andrijevica and Podgorica, as well as unlikely cooperation between political parties at the local level in some municipalities led to accusations of corruption and bribery. It also raised questions about the legitimacy of local governments and the mandates of local MPs.
In Podgorica, the DPS-SDP coalition continued to struggle. Raško Konjević (SDP), president of the local assembly, resigned after the reelection of Mayor Mugoša. The fact that Mugoša, an official deeply unpopular with the political opposition's electorate, was reelected with three opposition MP votes led the SDP to demand new elections, claiming that the opposition in the local assembly had been "bought" by the DPS and did not represent the will of the electorate.
There are tremendous financial disparities among the regions in Montenegro and different public spending rules. Per capita expenditures differ, as do the sizes of administrative staffs and their wages. Designed to reduce these disparities by redistributing wealth to the poorest regions, the Equalization Fund remained ineffective in 2011, with no functioning system in place to monitor results of fund distribution.
Municipalities are overstaffed and continue to suffer from inadequate financing and weak budget oversight. Amendments to the laws on local finances and property tax adopted in 2010 came into force in January 2011, resulting in a total budgetary revenue increase of 5.8 percent by the end of 2011. Of the 21 municipalities, 13 saw significantly higher revenues.
The control mechanisms for the budgets of local governments are inadequate. Municipal audits conducted in 2011 and years past revealed serious breaches of provisions in the Law on Local-Self Government, the Law on Public Procurements, the Law on State Assets and a number of other reoccurring irregularities. Though the EC notes improvements in the capacity and independence of the State Audit Institution (SAI),[8] it needs to hire more auditors to perform municipal audits. The system of internal financing controls within local governments is ineffective, as most municipalities have yet to name financial management and control (FMC) managers or staffed internal audit units. The SAI and other watchdogs have criticized the obligatory commercial audits performed in municipalities annually as inadequate and opaque.
The Law on State Property breaches the constitutional right of municipalities to manage their own property because it prevents them from selling local property without the approval of central authorities. In 2011, this led to conflicts between the municipalities and the Ministry of Finance, leading some mayors to publicly criticize the law.
The Union of Municipalities developed a model for decision-making procedures to facilitate citizen participation in public affairs and cooperation with NGOs. Its adoption is expected in 2012.
Judicial Framework and Independence:
Montenegro's judiciary is structured as a three-tier court system comprising 15 basic courts, two high courts, an Appellate Court and a Supreme Court. It also includes two commercial courts, an administrative court, and the Constitutional Court. In its 2011 Progress Report, the EC noted gains on judicial reform to reinforce the independence, accountability, impartiality and efficiency of judges and prosecutors, though significant challenges certainly remain.[9]
In July, parliament enacted amendments to the laws on courts, the Judicial Council, and the state prosecutor's office. These changes are part of an ongoing campaign to advance judicial independence in line with EU standards through depoliticization and merit-based appointments to judicial and prosecutorial councils and the state prosecutor's office. The amendments to the Law on the Judicial Council increased transparency by enabling the judiciary to participate in the appointment of judges. They also enable the council to participate in the process of proposing candidates for the post of Supreme Court president, the criteria for which were strengthened by the changes to the Law on Courts.[10] In June, the parliament also began drafting amendments to the constitution that would strengthen the capacity and independence of the Constitutional Court, among other reforms. However, the EC emphasized that officials must remain committed to implementing the enacted reforms and noted that a system for training judicial officials on new legislation and EU law is still pending.[11]
The new Criminal Procedure Code (CPC) took force on 26 August 2011 and is now applied in all Montenegrin courts. The code introduced several reforms, including a prosecutor-led investigation model and extended confiscation of criminal assets. However, the capacity of state prosecutors to implement the new legislation and monitor and coordinate law enforcement agencies remains limited. Enforcement of civil decisions is also weak. SIGMA, a joint OECD-EU initiative to improve governance in five Central European countries, noted that rule of law is not respected in general, as public bodies frequently refuse to execute court decisions issued against them.
Inefficiency remains a chronic problem in Montenegro's judiciary. Although the case backlog has decreased in recent years, the European Commission estimates the existence of some 12,000 old cases awaiting resolution. The new law on the right to a trial within a reasonable time has not been implemented effectively, and most complaints are denied.[12] To reduce the burden on courts and administrative bodies, a system of notaries was introduced in 2011. Hundreds of cases were postponed during the judicial administrative staff strike in the second half of 2011.
In addition to the ongoing prosecution of officials in the Zavala case, the state prosecutor's office indicted several well-known personalities of involvement in a major dug smuggling and money-laundering operation in 2011. These included Dusko Saric (brother of Darko, the top suspect in a drug smuggling case), Amina Kalic (wife of Safet Kalic, the top suspect in another huge case of drug smuggling), and Mersudin Kalic (Safet Kalic's brother). For the first time in Montenegro's history, authorities temporarily seized property belonging to defendants in these cases upon indictment.
Media reported on several prominent judicial misconduct cases during the year, including one involving the son of Podgorica's mayor. The case was given to the president of the Supreme Court, contrary to the usual practice of automatic, random allocation of cases. Another controversial trial involved the high-profile murder trial of chief police inspector Slavoljub Scekic. In the March verdict, Judge Slavka Vukcevic gave a ruling that was later refuted on technical grounds. Although Judge Vukcevic subsequently revised the verdict in line with the criminal code, she left the judiciary after public criticism from the minister of justice and the president of the Supreme Court. Because the Scekic murder trial was so prominent, this controversy highlighted the immaturity and unprofessionalism of the judiciary. Moreover, the EC, opposition and civil society say the judiciary still needs to demonstrate its independence and efficiency by, for instance, issuing final decisions on corruption and organized crime cases at all levels.
Four war crimes trials from the conflicts in the 1990s that led to the fall of Yugoslavia were underway in Montenegro in 2010 and early 2011. In each case, only subordinates, not commanders, were indicted. Furthermore, the state prosecution office failed to investigate and prosecute the chain of command. In June 2011, a trial of former Yugoslav People's Army officers charge with crimes against prisoners-of-war and civilians at the Morinj detention camp in 1991-92 ended in convictions, but these were overturned by the Court of Appeals, and a retrial was scheduled for 12 April 2012. By the end of 2011, everyone indicted in the trial for war crimes against civilians in the Bukovica region in 1992-93 – as well as a separate case regarding the deportation of Bosnian refugees in May 1992 – had been acquitted. The Court of Appeals subsequently overturned the Bukovica judgment in June 2011 for procedural reasons, and a retrial was underway at year's end. Also ongoing was the main hearing in the so-called Kaluđerski Laz case involving the murder of 21 ethnic Albanians who fled to Montenegro during the 1998-99 conflict in Kosovo. In sum, after as many as 20 years in some instances, there is no res judicata in a single war crimes case, and it seems unlikely that top officials will be charged or indicted. This reflects the reluctance of the Montenegrin judiciary to process war crimes cases objectively.
Despite some progress on anticorruption efforts in 2011, including legislative improvements, corruption remains widespread in many spheres, including local self-government, spatial planning, public procurement, privatization, education and health care, according to a July analysis by the government.[13] Implementation of anticorruption measures is weak, and the state remains heavily involved in the economy.[14]
The Law on Conflict of Interest was strengthened through several amendments in July 2011 to bring it in line with international standards, but implementation was uneven. Under the changes, MPs who served on the managing boards of public companies were required to step down by 1 November. Many proved extremely reluctant to do so and left only under intense public pressure. Most were replaced by colleagues from the same political parties.
The National Commission responsible for monitoring the implementation of the 2011-2012 Action Plan for the strategy for fighting corruption and organised crime adopted its first report in April. It approved new procedural rules enabling it to centralize complaints related to graft and public misconduct and request ad hoc reports on corruption from state agencies. In July, the government subsequently adopted revisions to the Action Plan that comprised 106 new provisions and improved indicators. However, the government has struggled to implement anticorruption measures. In its Progress Report, the EC noted that the newly revised anticorruption legislation has not been implemented.[15] The problem stems partially from the politicization of public institutions and their complicated organizational structures. In addition to the National Commission, Montenegro has 14 anticorruption bodies, with no clear partition of competences, according to the EC. The overall institutional and legal framework in anticorruption efforts should be reexamined, with the findings used to establish best practices to improve the coordination and implementation of anticorruption efforts.[16]
Montenegro has a huge public sector; the central government is the country's top employer, and public spending is 45 percent of GDP, considerably above average for an emerging market economy. Notwithstanding the pro-market rhetoric of its officials, the government still offers substantial subsidies to privatized commercial entities such as the Podgorica aluminum plant and the Nikšić steel mill. Ties between private companies close to certain governmental officials and budgetary allocations to the same companies are a cause of significant concern.
The government has made strides in improving the business climate by streamlining procedures for business registration, but companies still face considerable red tape. The procedures for obtaining a construction license, for instance, are opaque and thus vulnerable to graft. In The World Bank's Doing Business 2011 report, Montenegro ranked 173 of 183 economies in "Dealing with Construction Permits," though Montenegro's overall ranking in the survey was 56.[17]
Most prosecuted corruption cases involve abuse of power and bribery. In June, nine people were sentenced in first instance on these charges in a cadastre case. Overall in 2011, three cases were initiated against 28 defendants accused of abuse of office and bribery, including the high-profile "Zavala" case involving the Budva mayoral office. However, the courts have yet to establish a track-record of convictions in corruption cases, especially high-profile ones, according to the EC.[18]
The public still considers certain forms of corruption socially acceptable, and the need for a systemic anticorruption effort remains under-recognized. Legislation to protect "whistleblowers" would be an important step in motivating public officials to speak out against graft and misconduct.
Daliborka Uljarević
Daliborka Uljarević is a political scientist with extensive experience working with international organizations, media and NGOs in Montenegro. She is Executive Director of the Centre for Civic Education.
Stevo Muk
Stevo Muk is a lawyer with a long track record of work in the civil sector in Montegro in various capacities. He is president of the Managing Board of the Institute Alternative.
[1] Parliament of Montenegro, Performance Report 2010 (Podgorica: Parliament of Montenegro, February 2011), in English at http://www.skupstina.me/cms/site_data/SKUPSTINA_CRNE_GORE/OSTALO/publik…. Parliament of Montenegro, Semi-annual Performance Report 2011 (Podgorica: Parliament of Montenegro, July 2011), in Montenegrin at http://www.skupstina.me/cms/site_data/SKUPSTINA_CRNE_GORE/OSTALO/publik….
[2] European Commission, Montenegro 2011 Progress Report (Brussels: European Commission, 12 October 2011): 6, http://ec.europa.eu/enlargement/pdf/key_documents/2011/package/mn_rappo….
[3] Technical Assistance for Civil Society Organisations (TACSO), Needs Assessment Report: Montenegro (Podgorica: TACSO, October 2011), http://www.tacso.org/doc/MN_NA_Report.pdf.
[4] Interview with Mr Nedjeljko Rudovic, editor of political affairs at "Vijesti", 20 November 2011.
[5] Informal paper by Zeljko Ivanovic of Vijesti and Milka Tadic Mijovic of the weekly Monitor, distributed at a 2010 conference by the Centre for Civic Education called "Montenegro on the way to the EU: where do we stand."
[6] During the summer, Djukanovic gave two interviews, one for the daily Pobjeda and the other for Belgrade-based TV Kosava. In both cases, he criticized the work of independent media, which he accused of "trying to stir chaos in the DPS [party]." http://www.dps.me/component/content/article/35-vijesti/373-milo-za-pobj….
[7] The Self-regulatory body is supposed to monitor the implementation of the Journalistic Code of Conduct and to react when professional standards are violated.
[8] European Commission, Montenegro 2011 Progress Report, 74.
[9] Ibid., 10.
[10] Ibid., 10.
[11] Ibid., 12.
[12] Ibid., 12.
[13] Ibid., 13.
[14] Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2011 (Berlin: Transparency International, October 2011), http://cpi.transparency.org/cpi2011//cpi/2010/results.
[15] European Commission, Montenegro 2011 Progress Report, 13.
[16] Ibid., 58.
[17] The World Bank, Doing Business 2012 (Washington D.C.: The World Bank, 20 October 2011), http://www.doingbusiness.org/.
[18] European Commission, Montenegro 2011 Progress Report, 58.
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If you've spent much time reading food blogs or magazines, you probably know what harissa is, but for those of you that don't (hi Dad!), let me fill you in.
Harissa is a North African condiment made mostly from peppers and spices. And it is amazing. Like, a punch-of-flavor-to-your-tongue amazing. It's often found on Moroccan tagines, but I've found so many more day-to-day uses for it. I love to slather it on sandwiches. Try it on meatloaf with a bit of mayonnaise and some hot peppers. Heavenly. It's also fantastic on an egg sandwich where the yolk is still a bit oozy. Crunchy salads, or paired with carrots — harissa transforms an ordinary meal into something divine.
Readers of my blog, Relishing It, know that I love to make my own condiments. It's not difficult, and to be honest, they just taste better than those bottled versions that are mass manufactured and sit on the shelf for months. Mustard, ketchup, and red curry paste are a few of my favorites.
Harissa isn't quite so common, but there really are a ton of recipes out there, and they are all a bit different. Some use tomatoes, some don't. Some use fresh herbs, others stick with dried spices. For this harissa, I was looking for something a bit smoky, but not too spicy. I also wanted it to have a fresh, herb flavor. If you want more of a kick, you can simply add more cayenne pepper or choose a hotter variety of dried peppers for the base.
One nice thing about this recipe is that you can easily manipulate it to suit your own tastes. For my part, I think this one turned out perfectly, so I won't be changing a thing. Top your harissa with a bit of olive oil to store in the refrigerator for an extended period of time, it should last a few months this way. But...it won't. You'll eat it up in no time. It's that good. Hope you enjoy!
Homemade Harissa
(Makes about 1 cup)
5 dried Ancho chile peppers
5 dried Guajillo chile peppers
3 cloves garlic, chopped
1 teaspoon cumin seed, toasted and ground with a mortar and pestle (or use the flat side of a large knife to smash them)
1 teaspoon coriander seed, toasted and ground with a mortar and pestle
2 teaspoons fresh lemon juice
2 tablespoons fresh parsley, chopped
2 tablespoons fresh cilantro, chopped
pinch of ground cayenne pepper, more to taste
3 tablespoons extra virgin olive oil
3 tablespoons champagne vinegar (white or red wine vinegar will also work)
1 tablespoon tomato paste
sea salt, cracked black pepper, to taste
3 tablespoons soaking liquid, or more, if needed
Place the dried peppers into a medium sized bowl. Pour enough boiling water over them so they are covered. Place a small plate on top of them to keep them submerged. Cover the entire bowl with another larger plate, to keep the heat in. Let sit for 1 hour.
When the peppers are soft, begin by reserving some of the soaking liquid. Remove the peppers from the water. Remove the stem and carefully dump out the seeds. Place the peppers and the remaining ingredients into a food processor. Process for a few minutes until completely smooth. Taste. Adjust seasonings and thickness, if necessary.
Store in a jar with a lid in the refrigerator. Cover with a layer of olive oil, if intending to keep for an extended period of time (several months). I don't cover mine with olive oil, but I generally use it within a few weeks. Enjoy the heck out of this!
Laurie Jesch-Kulseth is a lifelong home cook who has always believed that eating healthy food is an important part of a balanced life. A wife and mother of two, she pours her heart into the meals she makes for her family. She photographs and writes about it all on her blog, Relishing It, where a version of this story first appeared.