text:
Rich Mountain Revisited
By Dallas B. Shaffer
At the outbreak of the Civil War, Federal forces quickly crossed the Ohio River to occupy a large area of the Trans-Allegheny section of Virginia, a section included in the present state of West Virginia. Of the engagements in this initial Civil War campaign, not one exceeded in military or political significance the battle of Rich Mountain on July 11, 1861. This subject is reintroduced because the battle figured prominently in national Civil War developments, and because of its significance both in an experiment in reconstruction at Wheeling and in the movement to establish the present State of West Virginia.
On June 15, 1861, Robert Seldon Garnett, the forty-one year old Adjutant General to General Robert E. Lee, arrived in the little hamlet of Huttonsville, Randolph County. Lee had assigned him to the formidable task of reorganizing Confederate forces in that area, a force of some eight hundred men commanded by Colonel George A. Porterfield. Porterfield had returned to Huttonsville after his defeat at Philippi by Colonel Benjamin F. Kelley's First (West) Virginia, supported by Federal forces from the Department of the Ohio. The engagement at Philippi had set the stage for Federal seizure of northwestern Virginia.1
The advance of the Federals caused justifiable concern at the Confederate capital. Lee was distressed by the Federal seizure of Grafton, the junction of the strategic Baltimore and Ohio Railroad and a subsidiary, the Northwest Virginian -- lines which connected the eastern part of the United States with Parkersburg and Wheeling and provided essential transportation facilities between Washington and St. Louis. Moreover, Grafton was the logical point from which the Federals might mount an offensive through Elkins, Beverly, Huttonsville, and Monterey, into the Valley of Virginia. Such a movement, aside from threatening the Virginia Central Railroad and the valuable crops in the Valley, might trap Confederate General Joseph E. Johnston at Harpers Ferry between this movement and another force under General Robert Patterson near Harpers Ferry.
Political, as well as military, considerations prompted Lee to assign his Adjutant-General to the task of restoring Confederate control over the Trans-Allegheny counties.2 The policy of the Lincoln administration was to capitalize upon the pro-Union sentiment in the western counties in order to establish Federal control over the western part of seceded Virginia. This involved encouraging the establishment of a loyal state government at Wheeling. In addition to aiding the establishment of the Restored Government of Virginia, the Lincoln administration took several steps to establish military control of the area: the Department of the Ohio, including Illinois, Indiana, and Ohio, was extended to include most of western Virginia, and arms and ammunition had been provided to arm pro-Union military units there.
General Garnett decided to place his forces at strategic and defensible points on the Staunton and Parkersburg Turnpike. This recently constructed turnpike divided at Beverly -- the Parkersburg route extended westward across Rich Mountain, the Wheeling branch followed for some distance the Tygart Valley River and extended through Philippi. Garnett located the larger contingent of his force, some 3,500 men, at Laurel Hill a few miles north of Beverly where the road extended over a low ridge near the river. Since this turnpike provided the only practical approach from that area into the Valley, Garnett described his positions at Rich Mountain and Laurel Hill as commanding the "gates to the northwestern country."3
Garnett placed Colonel Jonathan M. Heck in command of the regiment which was to establish a fortified position at Rich Mountain. Early in the morning of June 16, Heck arrived at the western base of Rich Mountain with his ten companies of infantry, one of cavalry, and one of artillery. He promptly put his men to work upon a camp named in honor of General Garnett. Jed Hotchkiss, of the Confederate Topographical Engineers, arrived some days later to survey the area and draft a map, a project interrupted by the arrive of the Federals on July 9.4
Camp Garnett was located on a spur near the western base of Rich Mountain. Fortifications, extending some one-third of a mile, flanked both sides of the turnpike. The Confederates felled trees and removed brush for some 150 yards in front of the breastwork of logs. This cleared area exposed a possible frontal attack upon Camp Garnett to the fire of the Confederate riflemen and artillery. The four artillery pieces were placed to maximize their effect; one piece was placed at either flank and two were located near the center of the line. Local people further convinced the Confederates of the strength of their position by assuring them that there were no avenues of approach by which the Federals could execute an effective flanking movement.5 The position at Rich Mountain was strengthened further with the arrival of troops from Laurel Hill. Having received reinforcements of Virginia and Georgia units, Garnett sent Colonel John Pegram with his Twentieth Virginia to bring the total strength at Camp Garnett to some 1,300 men. Pegram, whose Confederate Army commission outranked the commission of Heck in the Virginia militia, assumed command of the Confederates at Camp Garnett.6
Garnett's troops deployment was designed to serve offensive, as well as defensive, purposes. As he looked to the defenses at Rich Mountain and Laurel Hill, Garnett advised Lee that he intended to deprive the Federals of the use of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. He planned to move a force to Evansville, a point on the Northwestern Turnpike from which he might threaten the railroad center at Grafton, twelve miles distant, or the Cheat River Bridge, some fourteen miles from Evansville.7
Should the Confederate movement to Evansville fail to draw the Federals from Grafton and the Cheat Bridge, Garnett planned to destroy the railroad at Independence, only five miles from Evansville. In that case Garnett hoped to attack the Federals at Cheat Bridge and destroy the railroad before reinforcements could be brought up. However, Garnett felt that his forces would have to be augmented by enlistment of western Virginians before he could undertake such an offensive. But he found that the western Virginians were not sympathetic to the Confederate cause. Not only were people there "against us," Garnett reported to Lee, they kept the Federals informed of the Confederate movements and dispositions.8 Moreover, before Garnett could sufficiently prepare for the offensive, General George B. McClellan outmaneuvered and beat him to the punch.
On June 23, 1861, as Garnett was preoccupied with erecting fortifications at Laurel Hill and Rich Mountain, General McClellan arrived at Grafton to coordinate the attack upon the Confederates. His original plan had called for a movement through the Kanawha Valley against Richmond. But prominent persons in the Charleston area advised him against moving Federal troops into the Kanawha Valley and the Lincoln administration rejected this proposed campaign. With the buildup of Confederate forces in the Randolph County area, McClellan set aside his plan to move into the Kanawha Valley and with prompting by Lincoln's cabinet, moved instead against Garnett.9
McClellan soon concluded that Rich Mountain was, as one of his subordinates later described it to the Congressional Committee on the Conduct of the War, the key to Confederate defenses in Trans-Allegheny Virginia. The fall of Camp Garnett would threaten Confederate positions from Harpers Ferry to Tennessee. Never before had military dispositions been better arranged to demonstrate, under certain circumstances, the validity of the "domino theory" of defense.
With the fall of Camp Garnett, Confederate defenses would crumble in Randolph County. McClellan's movement to Beverly would make the Confederate position at Laurel Hill untenable, severing as it would Garnett's line of supply to Staunton and trapping him between McClellan and another Federal force in front of Laurel Hill. In turn, the collapse of Garnett's command would, as both Confederates and Federals were aware, endanger Johnston's position at Harpers Ferry should McClellan elect to move over the Staunton and Parkersburg Turnpike into the Valley. Moreover, Garnett's defeat would jeopardize the Confederate position in the Kanawha Valley. McClellan might choose to move southward to trap the Confederate in the Kanawha Valley, commanded by General Henry A. Wise from his Charleston headquarters. Wise faced a Union general, Jacob D. Cox. Or, as the Confederates feared, McClellan might move to attack either the Virginia Central or the Virginia and Tennessee Railroad.
McClellan, on July 9, moved his headquarters to Roaring Creek, about two miles west of Camp Garnett. He ordered Brigadier General Thomas A. Morris to Laurel Hill, assigning him the task of keeping Garnett in place by convincing the Confederates that Laurel Hill would bear the brunt of the coming Federal assault.10 With three brigades, including troops from present West Virginia, Ohio, Indiana and Illinois, stationed at Roaring Creek, McClellan assigned about one-fourth of his command of some twenty thousand men to protect the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad from Confederate raids.11
Despite his actual numerical superiority over the Confederates, McClellan was greatly concerned about the outcome of the battle. His troops were three-month enlistees, basically civilian troops. He was apparently deceived by a report of two Confederate prisoners that Camp Garnett contained some eight or nine thousand troops. His most trusted adviser estimated that a frontal assault, which McClellan felt to be a necessity, would take a heavy toll of lives. A frontal assault, nevertheless, offered probable success.12
Nor was McClellan encouraged by the conduct of some of his subordinates. Shortly after midnight before the battle, a regimental commander at Roaring Creek delivered an alarming speech to his troops. The Confederates at Camp Garnett, according to the speaker, were ten-thousand strong and strongly fortified with forty rifled cannon. "They will cut us to pieces," the defeatist predicted. "Marching to attack such an enemy, so entrenched and so armed, is marching to a butcher shop rather than to a battle."13 As McClellan later admitted, the "dreadful responsibility" of the welfare of his civilian army did weigh heavily upon the young officer.14
McClellan was not to execute the planned frontal assault. Eighteen-year-old David Hart, who lived in a farmhouse at the top of Rich Mountain, appeared to bring about a change in Federal tactics and perhaps to prevent the sacrifice of countless lives. The Hart farm had been taken by the Confederates and used as a dispensary and commissary. Hart appeared in camp briefly, volunteered some information about the topography of the area, and then vanished. When he returned to camp, he was detained in the tent of a brigade commander, General William S. Rosecrans. Rosecrans left his task of organizing his brigade to spearhead the frontal assault and returned to his tent to question Hart.15 Hart informed Rosecrans of a route of which a sizable force could be taken around the left flank of the Confederates to a point at the top of Rich Mountain, from which a usable dirt road extended the one and one-half mile to the Confederate position at the Hart farm.16
Rosecrans, perhaps not too anxious to make the frontal assault upon Camp Garnett, was convinced that such a flanking movement was feasible. From ten o'clock until midnight on July 10, Rosecrans discussed this movement with McClellan and his staff. McClellan considered the sketch Rosecrans had drawn of the proposed movement, questioned the Hart lad, and heard the arguments of his staff. Acting Inspector General R. B. Marcy, McClellan's father-in-law, immediately approved Rosecrans' plan. Yet, McClellan was not easily persuaded.17
Rosecrans told McClellan that the flanking movement would force Pegram to detach a large element of troops to protect his rearguard, thereby making Camp Garnett weaker for McClellan's frontal attack. Said Rosecrans:
Now, General, if you will allow me to take my brigade, I will take this guide [Hart] and, by a night's march, surprise the enemy at the gap, get possession of it, and thus hold his only line of retreat. You can then take him on the front. If he gives way, we shall have him; if he fights obstinately, I will leave a portion of the force at the gap, and with the remainder fall upon his rear.18
Rosecrans told McClellan that his troops would reach the summit of Rich Mountain by ten o'clock the next morning. McClellan was finally convinced.
McClellan ordered Rosecrans to move out with his brigade at four a.m., to take the Confederate position at the Hart farm, and then to move down the mountain to attack Camp Garnett. He was to dispatch a messenger back to McClellan hourly to report his progress. McClellan assured Rosecrans that the frontal assault would take place the moment he attacked the rearguard of the Confederates at Camp Garnett.19
At midnight Rosecrans rushed to his brigade to explain his plan to the regimental commanders. The troops were aroused at three a.m., provided one day's rations, and assembled for the long march. Rosecrans tried to prevent the Confederates at Camp Garnett from detecting his movement. He left some troops to hold reveille and assembled his column as quietly as possible. Yet lights appeared momentarily in one regiment and the Confederates at Camp Garnett observed the activities in the Federal camp. With one cavalry unit added by McClellan to bring the total strength of Rosecrans' forces to 1,917 men, the brigade was placed in the following order of march:20
The Eighth Indiana Colonel William P. Benton 242 men
The Tenth Indiana Colonel Mahlon D. Hanson 425 men
The Thirteenth Indiana Colonel J. C. Sullivan 650 men
The Nineteenth Ohio Colonel Samuel Beatty 525 men
Burdsal's Ohio Dragoons (cavalry) 75 men
The column left camp at dawn, moved eastward on the Staunton and Parkersburg Turnpike for some time, then turned southward into the forest. As they followed the course of Roaring Creek, the troops were exposed to a heavy rain which continued from six until eleven o'clock that morning. Fearing Confederate detection, Rosecrans decided to move his column farther south than originally ordered by McClellan. The march was arduous. Rosecrans led his troops eastward up a ravine and along a spur of Rich Mountain until he arrived at the crest. At time he followed only a path leading through thickets which limited vision to some fifty feet, at times he followed a bed of a mountain stream, and occasionally he relied solely upon a compass for direction. He halted at eleven o'clock at the brink of a deep valley. Opposite his column was the last ascent leading to the dirt road and the Hart farm. While the troops rested, Rosecrans took a subordinate and young Hart to the crest of Rich Mountain to study the terrain. Hart then left the column.21
As Rosecrans began moving his column silently along the dirt road leading to the Hart farm at two o'clock that afternoon, he was unaware that the Confederates had learned of his movement and had reinforced the position at the Hart farm. During the night Colonel Pegram had detached two companies of the Twentieth Virginia to reinforce the position at the Hart farm. that morning a Confederate picket wounded and captured a cavalry sergeant whom Pegram learned that the flanking movement was indeed in progress, but he could not persuade the sergeant to indicate the flank from which the attack was coming. Pegram ordered additional men to the Hart farm and advised the Confederates there of a possible Federal attack.22
Confederate troop dispositions and fortifications were completed at the Hart farm only minutes before Rosecrans attacked to initiate the first major land battle of the Civil War. The one artillery piece engaged in the battle had been hastily placed in position some two hours before the Federals appeared. Only three hundred ten Confederates defended the Hart farm fortifications, a crude breastwork of logs set up along the road on the north side of the pike opposite the small two-story frame Hart farmhouse.23
A native of New Jersey and former officer in the United States Army, Captain Julius A. De Lagnel commanded the small Confederate detachment at the Hart farm. De Lagnel had orders from Pegram to request reinforcements if necessary, but he was to hold his position at all costs. De Lagnel's conduct in the coming engagement was to earn him the reputation as the Confederate hero of Rich Mountain.24
While Rosecrans led his column toward the Hart farm, McClellan was waiting impatiently to launch the frontal assault on Camp Garnett. But he was encountering difficulties. By eleven o'clock that morning his forces were in position, but his artillery placements had not been completed. McClellan remained with the advance pickets awaiting Rosecrans' assault upon the Confederate rearguard at Camp Garnett.25
The engagement at the Hart farm was brief, beginning about three o'clock and concluding some two hours later. The clash began when the Confederates opened fire upon the Federal column as it advanced to the crest of the hill overlooking the Hart farm. When the advance section of the Tenth Indiana arrived at that point, they received fire from the Buckingham Institute Guards of the Twentieth and the Rockbridge Guards of the Twenty-fifth Virginia.26
The Confederate fire brought temporary chaos to the Federal line. The inexperienced Federals were shaken by the firing. Although the Confederate fire was steady and rather rapid, the Federals were protected by a thick screen of undergrowth which prevented any degree of accuracy on the part of their opponents. Moreover, the Confederates, directing their fire up the slope, were firing in front of the Federals.27
Rosecrans found that the rough and uneven terrain made difficult the forming of his lines for the assault. He then ordered his men to advance in small groups, to fire, and then to throw themselves to the ground for cover. He ordered Colonel Hanson to deploy four companies of his advance regiment as skirmishers. Hanson brought his regiment to the right wing of the advancing force, his line extending from the road along the crest of the mountain to the brow of the mountain overlooking Tygart Valley. He moved his regiment to within three hundred fifty yards of the Confederate position, and being somewhat in advance of the main body, he ordered his men to halt and take cover. He remained in place for about forty-five minutes awaiting the advance of the main body. Meanwhile, Colonel Lander brought up twenty riflemen to lead the right arm of the attack. Lander placed his men in a protective position among the rocks opposite the Confederate artillery piece and tried to silence it.28
Rosecrans ordered Colonel Sullivan to place his Thirteenth Indiana on the left wing of the lines. Sullivan placed five companies at the forks of a road in the rear of the main column with instructions to prevent a Confederate flanking movement. Although it suffered no casualties, this detachment of the Thirteenth Indiana was a principal target of the Confederate artillery.29 Sullivan further divided his regiment as the main line prepared to advance. He ordered three companies to make a frontal assault upon the Confederate right. He formed a detachment of Companies E and G to turn the Confederate flank. This detachment encountered a Confederate contingent bringing up an artillery piece from Camp Garnett to reinforce De Lagnel.30
Meanwhile, the Confederates thought they had repulsed the attack. Their artillery maintained a steady volume of spherical shot, firing at a rate of some four rounds a minute until the Federal column wavered and appeared to be withdrawing. The Confederates expressed their relief by loud shouts, but within twenty minutes Rosecrans resumed the attack. The Confederates were forced to move their artillery piece back to a small log stable, behind which they had placed their horses and ammunition.31
The main Federal assault was not well coordinated. The Eighth Indiana, which Rosecrans had ordered from reserve to the right of the line, took a position at the center. Colonel Benton, taking advantage of the covering fire of Sullivan's regiment, was to assault the Confederate artillery. Rosecrans realized Benton's error but permitted him to remain at the center for the assault.32 Rosecrans placed the Nineteenth Ohio at the center of the line; the seven companies of this regiment were located along a fence running parallel to the Confederate breastworks. At Colonel Beatty's direction, this contingent fired several telling volleys into the Confederate artillerists.
Rosecrans was not confident of his troops' performance under fire. He feared they would become unnerved by the prolonged Confederate artillery fire. At four o'clock Rosecrans placed himself at the head of the left wing of Sullivan's regiment and personally led the attack. The Nineteenth Ohio fired a volley into the Confederate lines just as Rosecrans led the charge down the side of the hill toward the Hart farm. A second volley from the Nineteenth shook the Confederate line -- whereupon the entire Federal line of three regiments charged the works with a loud shout. The Federals stormed the enemy breastworks and pursued the fleeing Confederates some three hundred yards up the opposite side of the hill.33
Captain De Lagnel had made a futile attempt to rally his men to resist the Federal assault. But the Federal charge completely overpowered the Confederate line. De Lagnel, after having his horse killed beneath him, helped to load and fire three or four rounds of artillery before he fell with a side wound. He then turned over his command to a subordinate and ordered the retreat.34
Rosecrans called off the pursuit of the Confederates and prepared his troops for a possible Confederate counterattack. While he was reforming his command, he learned from a prisoner that another force, located less than a miles west of the Hart farm, was enroute to reinforce De Lagnel.35
The Confederate contingent to whom the prisoner referred had been sent by Colonel Pegram to reinforce De Lagnel. When the battle began, Captain Pierce B. Anderson of the Lee Battery advised Pegram to reinforce De Lagnel with artillery. At four o'clock that afternoon a cavalryman rode into Camp Garnett requesting immediate reinforcements for De Lagnel. Pegram agreed to send Anderson with fifty men and an artillery piece. As Anderson's column approached the Hart farm, they encountered the detachment of the Thirteenth Indiana which was to turn the Confederate right flank. After a brief exchange with the Federals, Anderson's column withdrew and left behind the artillery piece and several wounded men. When he had restored his control over his men, Anderson placed them in a position along the pike to repel the anticipated Federal advance from the Hart farm.36
Learning that the Forty-fourth Virginia was posted nearby and considering the exhausted state of his troops, Rosecrans departed from McClellan's battle plan to bivouac for the night at the Hart farm. He planned to make the attack on Camp Garnett the next morning. He placed the two captured cannon to repel an attack from either the Forty-fourth Virginia or from Camp Garnett. He deployed eight companies of the Tenth Indiana along the road leading to Camp Garnett. Rosecrans provided comfortable quarters and equal attention to both the Federals and the Confederate wounded. While twenty-one Confederates were taken prisoner, the number killed and wounded has not been definitely established. Twelve Federals were killed and forty-nine were wounded in this engagement.37
Despite the rain and the unseasonable coolness of the night of July 11, 1861, the army of Rosecrans was thrilled by their easy success. Throughout the night the Federals responded promptly to the alarm caused by the Confederates as they retreated from Camp Garnett. Rosecrans learned of the evacuation of Camp Garnett from a prisoner who was brought to him before dawn.38
Meanwhile General McClellan had held his troops in assault position for almost three hours waiting for Rosecrans to attack Camp Garnett. When the firing began at the Hart farm, McClellan and his staff moved up to the forward picket line. But McClellan could not bring himself to order the frontal attack. He observed the Confederates at Camp Garnett making speeches which were greeted by loud cheers. The jubilant mood of the Confederates at Camp Garnett and the failure of Rosecrans to attack convinced McClellan that the Confederates had overpowered the Federals at Hart farm.39
Moreover, McClellan was troubled by a report that his artillery had not been placed in a position to shell Camp Garnett. Lieutenant Poe selected a knoll about five hundred feet from the Confederate left flank, an elevated position which was some sixty feet higher than Camp Garnett. But Poe advised his commanding officer that he would have to cut a road through the thick undergrowth and trees before he could move up the artillery to the knoll. By nightfall the road was completed, but only one battery had been placed in position. The artillery from Camp Garnett briefly bombarded the Federals on the knoll, but the barrage ended when the Confederates concluded that they could not ascertain its effect.40
McClellan decided to withdraw his forces to Roaring Creek and to postpone the attack upon Camp Garnett until the following morning. Leaving the Ninth Ohio to guard the artillery piece on the knoll, McClellan called in the advance pickets and moved back to Roaring Creek at dusk on July 11, 1861.41
As McClellan was placing his units in position to attack and as the artillery was being moved to the knoll to shell Camp Garnett, a cavalry man rode in from the camp to report the Confederate withdrawal. He told McClellan that Rosecrans had dispatched the Nineteenth Ohio, units of the Tenth and Thirteenth Indiana and Burdsal's cavalry to occupy Camp Garnett. This report was verified by Lieutenant Poe. McClellan moved his units out, passed through Camp Garnett, and halted briefly at the Hart farm to speak to the wounded. He then proceeded to occupy Beverly without opposition late in the afternoon. He left Rosecrans' brigade at the Hart farm until the following day when it moved to Beverly.42
The success of Rosecrans had jeopardized the Confederate position at Camp Garnett. After dispatching Captain Anderson to reinforce De Lagnel, Pegram had decided to visit the Hart farm to check on the progress of the battle. Ordering Major Nat Tyler to prepare the Twentieth Virginia to move to aid De Lagnel, Pegram proceeded toward the Hart farm, arriving just as the Confederates were being driven back by the charging Federals. Unable to rally the troops, Pegram returned to Camp Garnett.43
Pegram arrived at Captain Anderson's position between Camp Garnett and the Hart farm just as Tyler's column was being brought up. Pegram proposed a night attack upon the Federal forces holding the summit of Rich Mountain, a proposal enthusiastically accepted by his men. Pegram led the men through laurel thickets on the north side of the pike to the top of the mountain where he took a position about a quarter of a mile from Rosecrans' right flank.44 But during the march the Confederates became nervous and fired into the last segment of the column. Major Tyler and Captain Anderson then advised Pegram against the night assault. Pegram agreed. Pegram ordered Tyler to lead this column to join either General Garnett or Colonel Scott. By nine o'clock the following morning, Tyler joined Scott at Huttonsville.45
Colonel Scott had attempted to come to De Lagnel's aid. During the early morning of July 11, Scott moved his Forty-fourth Virginia Infantry from Beverly to the eastern foot of Rich Mountain. During the afternoon Scott learned from a cavalry officer from the Hart farm area that De Lagnel needed his support. A native of Beverly and a member of the convention which adopted the Ordinance of Secession, John M. Hughes, was sent by Scott to obtain information from De Lagnel regarding his specific needs for reinforcements. Confederate pickets near the Hart farm, however, shot and killed Hughes, mistaking him for a Federal.46
Scott moved his regiment up the eastern side of Rich Mountain to a point on the Staunton and Parkersburg Turnpike about one and one half mile from the scene of the battle. Scott sent a second man to contact De Lagnel, but he was captured by the Federals. When the second courier failed to return, Scott concluded that the Federals were in possession of the Hart farm. He then withdrew to Beverly. When he learned of the retreat from Laurel Hill, Scott loaded his wagons with the provisions in Beverly and left the little town near midnight.47
Joined by Major Tyler's column at Huttonsville the following morning, Scott continued the retreat across Cheat Mountain to the Greenbrier River. There he met Colonel Edward Johnson with the Twelfth Georgia Infantry enroute to reinforce Garnett. As the ranking officer, Johnson assumed command of the entire force and led the retreat to the top of the Allegheny Mountain, where he met General H. R. Jackson. Jackson in turn assumed command and completed the retreat to Monterey.48
Colonel Pegram had in the meantime returned to evacuate Camp Garnett. After an exhausting and hazardous trip, during which he lost his way in the darkness and suffered from a fall from his horse, Pegram arrived in Camp Garnett at eleven o'clock. He then called a war council of field officers and company commanders. The Confederates unanimously agreed that a withdrawal from Camp Garnett was necessary. With some six hundred men, the Confederates were exposed to an attack by Rosecrans who had more than three time their number of troops. McClellan's superior force was also poised to launch a frontal assault. The fall of the position at the Hart farm left Camp Garnett virtually defenseless.49
The slightly injured Pegram relinquished command to Colonel Heck. Heck called the pickets in, spiked the cannon to prevent their use by McClellan, and assembled his men for retreat. With Jed Hotchkiss serving as a guide, Captain R. D. Lilley led the forward company of the Twenty-fifth Virginia. Consisting of two companies of the Twentieth and seven of the Twenty-fifth Virginia, this column left Camp Garnett about one o'clock in the morning of July 12. Before the last section of the troops left camp, Pegram decided to resume command. He sent an orderly to pass the word along and to halt the column until Pegram came to the front. The fifty men who were with Lilley and Hotchkiss, however, were not contacted. They marched directly to Beverly to make good their escape. A small group of sick and wounded Confederates were also left at Camp Garnett in charge of a surgeon and a sergeant who were to surrender the camp at daybreak.50
Lilley's detachment was unaware that it was separated from the main column until the following morning. Passing near to the Federals at the Hart farm, they arrived at Beverly before noon. When Lilley learned of the pursuing Federals, he acquired provisions and continued the retreat to Huttonsville. From Huttonsville Lilley led his detachment to the top of Cheat Mountain where he began work upon a defensive position. He was joined by portions of other companies fleeing Rich Mountain.51
At Yaeger, Lilley and his men met Governor John Letcher. Making good his promise of visiting the area to rally western Virginians to the Southern cause, Letcher had left the capital to visit Garnett's command. Letcher at first agreed to a proposal by Hotchkiss that fortifications should be established at the top of Cheat Mountain. However, Letcher later agreed with Lilley that the conditions of the troops made advisable the retreat on to Monterey where they arrived on Sunday, July 14.52
The main body of the troops from Camp Garnett did not fare well as the detachment under Lilley. Pegram had moved his column across Rich Mountain to a point on the Tygart Valley River about three miles south of Leadsville [Elkins]. Several local people met Pegram to tell him of a Confederate detachment at Leadsville. Pegram left Heck in charge and proceeded to verify the report. When he came within sight of town, Pegram learned that Garnett had withdrawn from Laurel Hill. Pegram then returned to the main column and ordered them to bivouac that night by the Tygart.53
Pegram called a council of war to consider surrender. His troops were exhausted and slightly unnerved by their defeat. He considered an orderly retreat virtually impossible. Only Heck and J. B. Moorman opposed the decision to surrender. Pegram sent to McClellan the following note at midnight:54
Headquarters at Mr. Kettle's Farm
House, July 12, 1861
TO: The Commanding Officer of the Northern forces, Beverly, Va.
SIR: Owing to the reduced and almost famished condition of the troops under my command, I am compelled to offer to surrender them to you as prisoners of war. I have only to ask that they receive at your hands such treatment as Northern prisoners have invariably received from the South.
I am, sir, your obedient servant,
Lieutenant Colonel, P. A. C. S., Commanding
Accompanied by a small retinue of cavalry, Colonel Thomas M. Key and Major Seth Williams delivered McClellan's reply.
Since the Lincoln administrations refused to recognize the Confederacy, McClellan could not address Pegram as an officer of an established government. McClellan returned the following firm but considerable note to Pegram:
JOHN PEGRAM, Esq.,
Styling himself Lieutenant-Colonel, P. A. C. S.
SIR: Your communication dated yesterday proposing to surrender as prisoners of war the force assembled under your command has been delivered to me. As commander of this department, I will receive you, your officers and men, as prisoners of war, but it is not my power to relieve you or them from any disabilities incurred by taking arms against the United States.
I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
GEO. B. McCLELLAN
Major-General, U. S. Army, Commanding Department
After addressing this note to Pegram McClellan ordered his men to load food and provisions in wagons and proceed to deliver them to the surrendering Confederates.55
Accepting the terms of surrender offered by McClellan, Pegram proceeded to check the strength of each company of his regiment. He learned that one officer had deserted during the night with some forty men, leaving some thirty-three officers and five hundred sixty enlisted men to surrender to McClellan. At Beverly the Confederates surrendered their weapons and received rations and comfortable quarters under guard. The officers, except Pegram and a former U. S. Army physician, were paroled and given liberty of the town.56
The fate of the Confederates at Laurel Hill was hardly more fortunate. When Garnett learned that the Federals held Rich Mountain, he realized that he could not hope to maintain his position at Laurel Hill. By leaving his tents in place and withdrawing silently, Garnett did escape without detection by General Morris. Intending to move over the Staunton and Parkersburg Turnpike before McClellan blocked his escape route by occupying Beverly, Garnett proceeded southward on the pike until he was erroneously informed that the Federals were already in possession of Beverly. Garnett turned northward from the pike, hoping to evade the Federals and move his troops around the northern section of the mountain range to return to Staunton.57
His column found passage across branches of the Cheat River difficult, since it was swollen by the recent rain. At Corrick's Ford the wagons were momentarily halted. While the First Georgia and part of the Twenty-third Virginia regiments were trying to retrieve the wagons from the deep waters, Federal troops under Captain Henry W. Benham engaged them in a brief exchange of small weapons fire.58 General Garnett returned to the rearguard to supervise the action against Benham. While directing the Confederates in removing the wagons from the ford, Garnett was shot and killed by a sergeant of the Seventh Indiana Regiment. Garnett's column was able to continue to Red House, Maryland, to cross the Allegheny Mountains through Greenland Gap, and evading the Federals under both Generals Morris and Hill, made their way to Monterey, Virginia.59
From Beverly General McClellan made good use of the telegraph lines which he had constructed as his armies advanced. McClellan immediately reported the successes of his campaign. The North had been much concerned with his campaign and was elated by McClellan's seemingly easy victory. To his troops McClellan issued the following Napoleonic-styled congratulatory address, a message which was faithfully reproduced by the Northern press:
Soldiers of the Army of the West:
I am more than satisfied with you. You have annihilated two armies, commanded by educated and experienced soldiers, intrenched in mountain fastness fortified at their leisure. . . . You have killed more than two hundred and fifty of the enemy, who has lost all his baggage and equipage. All this has been accomplished with the loss of twenty brave men killed and sixty wounded on your part.60
Although McClellan exaggerated the casualties involved in this campaign, his victory was as decisive as it was virtually bloodless. As Allan Nevins concludes, Rich Mountain was certainly the most important battle of the campaign by which McClellan virtually freed the Trans-Allegheny counties of organized bodies of Confederates.61 And as the leading authority in the history of present West Virginia asserts, it "settled summarily the political destiny of northwest Virginia."62
Testifying later before a Congressional committee, General Rosecrans did not exaggerate in stating that the capture of the gap at Rich Mountain removed the keystone from the Confederate arch of defense.63 By taking the Confederate position at the Hart farm, Rosecrans initiated a chain of events which crushed the Confederates in the Trans-Allegheny counties.
The collapse of Confederate defenses in the Randolph County area not only foiled their plan to destroy the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad at Cheat River, which Lee considered "worth to us an army,"64 it jeopardized their position in the Kanawha Valley. General McClellan planned to use a large segment of his force to move through Sutton and Summersville to cut off the retreat of General Wise from Charleston. In such an event, McClellan would trap Wise between his army and that of General Jacob D. Cox.65
General Wise retreated from Charleston to a position near Lewisburg. Cox pursued him to Gauley Bridge, the confluence of the New and Gauley rivers, and established a defensive position. Wise informed General Lee that he had withdrawn "because forces from McClellan may move from Weston to Summersville and cut us off."66 The Confederates also feared that McClellan might destroy either the Virginia Central or the Virginia and Tennessee Railroad. Therefore, Lee approved the withdrawal.67
The success of McClellan at Rich Mountain was as alarming to the Confederates as it was elating to the North. Jefferson Davis considered Rich Mountain disastrous.68 The news concerning Rich Mountain and the death of Garnett caused in Richmond a near panic. Groups gathered on street corners in the Confederate capital to discuss the bad news until past midnight on July 16. This setback destroyed the hopes of General Beauregard to unite the armies of Johnston and Garnett to reassert Confederate control over the Trans-Allegheny counties.69
While the Confederate press tried to minimize the effects of Rich Mountain, inner circles at Richmond felt that the Federal success there would "embolden the enemy to attack us at Manassas, where their suddenly acquired confidence will be snuffed out."70 Although the decision had been made on June 29, 1861, to attack the Confederates at Manassas Junction, Rich Mountain did encourage the hasty execution of the plans.71 In Congress radical Republicans ignored the sage advice of the elderly Winfield Scott and joined Northern editors in promoting the "On to Richmond" clamor to which Rich Mountain had added immeasurably. Those advocating an immediate movement upon the Confederates cited McClellan's success as proof that extensive preparations were unnecessary. The New York Times, however, cautioned the people against demanding an attack on Manassas before adequate preparations were made.72 When the Federals attacked the Confederates at Manassas Junction on July 18, 1861, McClellan's triumphal entry into the national capital was virtually assured by his Rich Mountain reputation.
After the Federal defeat at Manassas Junction, the North instinctively looked to the hero of Rich Mountain. McClellan had received national attention and acclaim for his successful West Virginia campaign. On July 13 he was notified that the President and his cabinet were "charmed" by his success.73 Representative Thomas M. Edwards of New Hampshire introduced the following resolution which was unanimously adopted by the House:
Resolved: That the thanks of this House be presented to Major General G. B. McClellan, and the officers and soldiers of his command for the series of brilliant and decisive victories . . . achieved . . . on the battlefields of Western Virginia.74
The General Assembly of the Restored Government of Virginia offered similar praises to McClellan.75
On July 22, 1861, President Lincoln and his advisers concluded that McClellan was the one man in whom the North had confidence, the one who should be given the task of reorganizing the Federal army shattered by defeat. In the gloomy months following First Manassas, the North relied upon the memory of McClellan's successful campaign. As one Congressman observed, it served to "infuse hope in the public mind and to remove the gloom and despondency."76
The political effects of Rich Mountain enhanced its importance in both national and local history. To be sure, the prestige of the Federal Government rested with the outcome of McClellan's campaign. One week before the battle of Rich Mountain, Lincoln himself recognized Governor Pierpont in an address to the first session of the wartime Congress.77 Federal control of Western Virginia was essential to the functioning of the Restored Government, which was also recognized by the Thirty-seventh Congress. McClellan, in a successful campaign culminating at Rich Mountain, had faithfully executed his orders from Lincoln's Secretary of War, Simon Cameron, and his Secretary of the Treasury, Salmon P. Chase.78
As McClellan recognized Pierpont, a Marion County businessman elected as chief executive of the Restored Government, and as he made the area safe for the pro-Union government by removing Confederate armies, he also succeeded to some extent in broadening its base of support. Aware as he entered Western Virginia of the importance of winning the people to the Federal cause, McClellan ordered his troops to respect private property and civilians. Moreover, he tried to combat Confederate propaganda warning Western Virginians that the entry of Federal troops would incite a slave insurrection. McClellan issued a proclamation which assured Western Virginians that, not only would the Federal army oppose such an insurrection, it intended to crush "with an iron hand" any attempted revolt.79
McClellan also tried to win Confederate sympathizers to a renewed allegiance to the Union. His tactful dealings with the Confederates, for which he was severely censured,80 and his re-establishing the authority of the Federal Government in Trans-Allegheny Virginia caused many Confederate sympathizers to despair of continuing resistance to the Federal Government.81
As McClellan established Union control over Trans-Allegheny Virginia to permit the functioning of the Restored Government, and both the President and Congress formally recognized it as the legal state government, Western Virginians seized the opportunity to obtain the required consent to a division of the state. When they met in convention at Wheeling three weeks after Rich Mountain, Western Virginians took the first major step to form the state of West Virginia, a movement which was permitted to proceed to its realization without serious interference from Confederate military units. With little likelihood of serious challenge, then, Douglas S. Freeman could conclude that the formation of the new state was made possible by the Confederate loss of military control over Western Virginia82 -- a disaster in which the leading act was performed at Rich Mountain.
1. The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Vol. II, 68ff. Cited hereafter as Official Records.
2. For Garnett's background, see D. S. Freeman, Lee's Lieutenants, (3v., New York, 1942) I, 24. George W. Cullum, Biographical Register of the Officers and Graduates of the United States Army, (New York, 1868), II, 24.
3. Official Records, I, ii, 236ff.
4. Lieutenant Orlando Poe used the draft prepared by Hotchkiss to produce the map of the Rich Mountain campaign now located in the Atlas to the Official Records, Map 2, Plate 5. Freeman, Lee's Lieutenants. I, 28. Official Records, I, LI, pt. 1, 16.
5. C. A. Evans, ed., Confederate Military History, (12 v., Atlanta, 1899), II, 19. George B. McClellan, Report on the Organization and Campaign of the Army of the Potomac (New York, 1864), 28. Official Records, I, LI, pt. 1, 14; I, ii, 260ff. The Wheeling Daily Intelligencer, July 17, 1861.
6. R. U. Johnson and C. C. Buel, eds., Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, (4v., New York, 1884-1887), I, 132. A recent account of the engagement estimated Garnett's strength at 4,300 men. W. W. Hassler, General George B. McClellan, Shield of the Union, (Baton Rouge, La., 1957), 13. However, on July 8, Garnett reported a total of 4,585 men. Two days later Colonel Scott arrived with the Forty-fourth Virginia at Beverly, which probably brought the total Confederate strength to about 5,000 men. See reports of Scott and Garnett, Official Records, I, ii, 274, 293.
7. Ibid., 237ff.
8. Ibid., 241-242, 338.
9. Morris's brigade included the Sixth, Seventh, and Ninth Indiana Regiments, the Fourteenth Ohio, part of the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Ohio, the Sixth Ohio, one artillery battery, and four companies of the First (West) Virginia. Brigadier Hill at Grafton commanded the Fifteenth, Sixteenth, Eighteenth, Twentieth, and Twenty-second Ohio Regiments. McClellan, Report, 23-24. Official Records, I, ii, 218.
10. Ibid.
11. McClellan stationed other units at Cheat River Bridge, Weston, Glenville, and other scattered locations. McClellan, Report, 28, 35-36.
12. Official Records, I, LI, pt. 1, 13.
13. John Beatty, Memoirs of a Volunteer, edited by Harvey S. Ford, (New York, 1946), 25-26, 34. For the uncertainties felt by the Confederates, see William T. Price, On to Grafton, An Account of one of the First Campaigns of the War Between the States, May, 1861, (Marlinton, W. Va., 1901).
14. G. B. McClellan, McClellan's Own Story: The War for the Union, (New York, 1887), 60.
15. USMA graduate Rosecrans was involved in oil and coal business near Charleston before the Civil War with headquarters in Cincinnati. Whitelaw Reid, Ohio in the War: Her Statesmen, Her Generals, and Her Soldiers, (2v., New York, 1868), I, 211-217. Official Records, I, LI, pt. 1, 455. See also Rosecrans' testimony, Report of the Joint Committee on the Conduct of the War, (6v., Washington, 1863-1866), III, pt. 2. Cited hereafter as JCCW.
16. Official Records, I, ii, 214-215. Wheeling Intelligencer, July 18, 1861.
17. McClellan, Report, 30.
18. JCCW, 3. Jacob D. Cox, Military Reminiscences of the Civil War, (New York, 1900), 58.
19. McClellan, Report, 29.
20. Official Records, I, ii, 215.
21. IIICMH 18. Official Records, I, LI, pt. 1, 10.
22. Ibid., 215.
23. Ibid., 256, 264, 269.
24. IIICMH 691-692. Francis B. Heitman, Historical Register and Dictionary of the United States Army (Washington, 1903), I, 365.
25. Official Records, I, LI, pt. 1, 13.
26. Hampden-Sidney College students commanded by Professor John M. P. Atkinson formed one company of the Twentieth Virginia engaged at the Hart farm. H. M. Price and C. T. Allen, "An Account of the Campaign of Rich Mountain in 1861, and the Death of General R. S. Garnett," Southern Historical Society Papers, (38v., Richmond, 1867-1910) edited by R. A. Brock, XXVII, 38-48.
27. Staff of Merrill & Co., The Soldier of Indiana in the War for the Union, (Indianapolis, 1864), 53.
28. Official Records, I, LI, pt. 1, 9.
29. Ibid., 11.
30. Ibid.
31. Official Records, I, ii, 270.
32. Soldier of Indiana, 54. Wheeling Intelligencer, July 18, 1861.
33. Ibid.
34. Official Records, I, ii, 270. De Lagnel escaped the Federals to the home of a Mr. White who lived two miles south of Beverly and was cared for by a local physician. He was later captured and paroled. McClellan is said to have visited him twice while he was recovering at a Mr. Arnold's home. J. T. Arnold, "The Battle of Rich Mountain," Randolph County Society Magazine of History and Biography, 1926, 51-52.
36. Official Records, I, LI, pt. 1, 11, I, ii, 372.
37. Ibid., 216. The New York Times, July 23, 1861. For estimates of casualties, see Rosecrans' report in Official Records, I, ii, 217-218; and George E. Moore, "West Virginia and the Civil War 1861-1863," Dissertation, (Ph.D.), West Virginia University, 1957, 302n.
38. Official Records, I, ii, 216-217.
39. Beatty, Memoirs of a Volunteer, 27-28. Official Records, I, ii, 265; I, LI, pt. 1, 13.
40 McClellan, Report, 30.
41. Ibid.
42. Ibid., 216-217. Wheeling Intelligencer, July 18, 1861.
43. Official Records, I, ii, 264.
44. Ibid., 260.
45. Ibid., 283.
46. The Wellsburg Herald, July 26, 1861.
47. Official Records, 279ff.
48. Ibid.
49. Ibid., 262.
50. Ibid., 261-263.
51. Ibid.
52. For Letcher's attempt to restore Western Virginia to the Confederate cause, see Roland Sevy, "John Letcher and West Virginia," Thesis (M.A.), West Virginia University, 1961.
53. Official Records, I, ii, 266.
54. Pegram in 1863 helped to disgrace Rosecrans and end his military career. Pegram commanded a division at the battle of Chickamauga. Freeman, Lee's Lieutenants, 27. IIICMH 48-49. Cullum, Register, II, 374.
55. Official Records, I, ii, 210, 258ff.
56. Pegram refers to Captain Moorman's company which escaped to Monterey. IIICMH 53-54.
57. Johnson and Buel, Battles and Leaders, I, 133ff.
58. Official Records, I, ii, 219ff, 283ff. Henry W. Benham, Recollections of the West Virginia Campaign With the "Three Months Troops," May, June, and July, 1861, (Boston, 1873).
60. Official Records, I, ii, 202ff. Captain A. Irwin Harrison, assistant adjutant to Rosecrans, was the grandson of the former President. Soldier of Indiana, 44.
61. Allan Nevins, The War for the Union: The Improvised War 1861-1862, (New York, 1959), 225.
62. Summers, Baltimore and Ohio, 89.
64. Official Records, I, ii, 239.
65. McClellan, Own Story, 53-55.
66. Official Records, I, ii, 1011.
67. The New York Times, July 18, 1861. Official Records, I, ii, 743ff.
68. Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, (2v., New York, 1912), I, 338.
69. Freeman, Lee's Lieutenants, I, 36n., 42-43.
70. J. B. Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, (New York, 1935), edited by Howard Swiggett, 32-33. The significance of Rich Mountain is suggested by General Cox who looked upon the Confederate campaign in West (ern) Virginia after First Manassas as an attempt to "regain what they had lost at Rich Mountain." Cox, Reminiscences, 72-73.
71. Ibid.
72. The New York Times, July 18, 1861.
73. Official Records, I, II, 204, 908; I, LI, pt. 1, 386-387.
74. Congressional Globe, 1st Session, Thirty-seventh Congress, 148.
75. Ordinances and Acts of the Restored Government of Virginia . . . to March 2, 1866. (Wheeling, 1866).
76. James G. Blaine, Twenty Years in Congress: From Lincoln to Garfield, (2v., Norwich, Conn., 1884-1886), I, 338.
77. Roy P. Basler, ed., The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, (9v., New Brunswick, 1953), IV, 427-428.
78. John S. Carlile to G. B. McClellan, May 30, 1861. The George B. McClellan Papers, The Library of Congress.
79. Official Records, I, ii, 48. G. B. McClellan to B. F. Kelley, May 26, 1861. The McClellan Papers.
80. Macartney, Little Mac, 340-341.
81. James D. Sedinger, "Diary," unpublished article located in the West Virginia Archives, Charleston, West Virginia. Cox, Reminiscences, 73-75.
82. Freeman, Lee, I, 502.


text:
For a third consecutive year, the University of Notre Dame's Advanced Diagnostics & Therapeutics (AD&T) initiative announced grant awards for a range of research projects that have the potential to solve significant problems in human and environmental health. The awards foster interdisciplinary research and promote new commercialization activity. Technologies developed through previous grants have been licensed by start-up companies, such as Contect and Enlightened Diagnostics, and spurred collaboration with external partners, including the Indiana University School of Medicine-South Bend, Saint Mary's College, and Central Michigan University. This year's projects show similar promise, and for the first time one was selected for joint funding by both AD&T and Notre Dame's Harper Cancer Research Institute (HCRI).
College of Science awardees are noted in bold.
AD&T/HCRI joint awardee:
Advanced imaging analysis of competitive cell interactions in cancer progression
Pinar Zorlutuna and Jeremiah Zartman
This project is aimed at building a new imaging platform with which to study, in real time, both normal and cancer cells in the same culture. The device will give researchers unprecedented spatial and temporal control over the cells and their interactions and may lead to the development of novel treatments that are distinct from traditional chemo- or immunotherapies. As one reviewer put it, "the beauty of this concept is its simplicity and adaptability."
AD&T awards in Precision Medicine:
Magneto-electric nanoparticles for cancer treatments
Gary Bernstein, Wolfgang Porod, Gyorgy Csaba, Matt Leevy, Sharon Stack, and Sakhrat Khizroev
The goal of this partnership with Florida International University's Wertheim College of Medicine is to develop extremely small, electrically charged particles that can selectively penetrate the membranes of cancer cells and deliver chemotherapy drugs right where they are needed. Though applicable to a wide range of cancers, this initial study will focus on improving the treatment of ovarian cancer using both human cell lines and mouse models, and it, too, involves the active participation of HCRI researchers.
Naked eye assay to detect influenza viruses and measure drug susceptibility
The U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention associates over 200,000 annual hospitalizations and 23,000 deaths to the seasonal influenza virus. The gold standard for flu diagnosis is viral culture, which requires several days to develop, while current quick-response tests involve expensive equipment and training. This project is an effort to demonstrate a new rapid and low-cost diagnostic test for influenza viruses that emits red light, visible to the naked eye, when viewed under a simple handheld UV lamp. After optimization, the test will be useable in doctor's offices and at home. Not only will the test reduce the misuse of antibiotics and slow the spread of viral drug resistance, it will also indicate to physicians whether individual patients will respond better one of two major antiviral drugs, Zanamivir or Oseltamivir, enhancing the precision of their treatment.
Role of YAP and TAZ in mechanical control of vasculogenesis
Joel Boerckel, Mervin Yoder, and Sherry Voytik-Harbin
The objective of this project, a collaboration between Notre Dame, Purdue University, and the Wells Center for Pediatric Research at Indiana University School of Medicine, is to understand the way two particular proteins, called YAP and TAZ, affect the body's ability to grow new blood vessels and bone in response to wounds, traumatic injuries, or disease. The molecular mechanisms that underlie this growth are unclear, but these two factors are thought to play an important role in such "neovascular regeneration." The findings of this work could have direct application to tissue engineering and the identification of novel therapeutic targets and regeneration strategies.
A urine-based rapid screening test for patients suffering from drug addiction
Satyajyoti Senapati, Sunny Shah, and Algis Baliunas
This partnership with Memorial Hospital in South Bend, IN, proposes to use a microfluidic detection platform already invented by the team for the rapid and accurate detection of signs of drug use in addicted patients. If successful, it would open up the possibility of faster screening for drugs of abuse, such as cocaine and opiates, in patients long after the drug has disappeared from physiological samples. Drug screening is done today in hospitals, but current technology is cumbersome and expensive. Instead, the device would detect a biomarker produced in response to drug use, miR-212, and enable doctors to monitor individuals as they move along the trajectory of addiction.
AD&T award in disease diagnostics:
A SERS-based approach for sensing small molecules
Jon Camden and Samuel Kleinman
This work, which is being conducted in collaboration with chemical analysis company OndaVia, will help biomedical researchers understand better the roles of hydrogen peroxide, nitrogen monoxide, and other small molecules in different biological and disease processes through a technique known as surface-enhanced Raman spectroscopy (SERS). The project builds on a previous AD&T award which enabled the investigators to use SERS to detect hydrazine, an environmental pollutant, with high sensitivity in lake water samples. The new effort is focused on improving the detection of molecules that have been implicated in aging and diseases such as chronic inflammation, diabetes, Alzheimer's, and cancer.
AD&T award in environmental diagnostics:
Paper analytical devices for detection and quantification of ground-level air pollutants
This project involves the design and testing of a new paper analytical device for monitoring ground-level air pollution that is three orders of magnitude less expensive than commercial ozone sensors. The proposed device will be able to detect ozone, sulfur dioxide, or nitrogen oxides, and can be used to build maps of ground level air pollution across a region. This is particularly important for the young, elderly, and poor living in areas susceptible to high levels of air pollution, which is a significant risk factor for respiratory infections, heart disease, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, stroke, and lung cancer.
For more information about Advanced Diagnostics & Therapeutics, please contact Arnie Phifer at firstname.lastname@example.com or (574) 631-3057.
Originally published by Arnie Phifer at advanceddiagnostics.nd.edu on September 08, 2015.

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Stay out of Trouble - Kings of Convenience
One, two,
One, two.
I walked around for hours,
two ten pence pieces in my hand.
I was alone and freezing,
still trying hard to understand you.
I left the others knowing
I had to work this by myself.
But now the feeling's growing,
I would be better off with their help.
So baby, what we've got,
has lately,
not been enough,
not been enough.
I wish I had your scarf still,
that once embraced,
and kept me warm.
I wish you could be with me,
in these last days when I am still hopelessly poor.
Stay out of trouble,
stay in touch.
Try not to think about me too much.
view 3,169 times


text:
Netanyahu: Iran is accelerating uranium enrichment
Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu said Monday Iran is accelerating efforts to enrich uranium and called for tougher international sanctions to prevent it from building a nuclear weapon. Speaking to a visiting delegation of American-Jewish organizational heads in Jerusalem, he said Iran needs to be convinced it faces a credible military threat. "I drew a red line" on the bomb at the UN, Netanyahu said. The Iranians "haven't crossed that line, but what they are doing is shortening the time it takes to get there."
Netanyahu said he expects to discuss the Iranian nuclear issue with US President Obama who arrives March 20 on a visit to Jerusalem, as well as the civil conflict in Syria and efforts to renew peace talks with the Palestinians.


text:
Young Love by Alyson Santos releases on July 25th!
This sexy summer angsty read is sure to make you swoon!
Release Date: July 25
Cover Design: Bruiser Designs
Genre: Contemporary Romance
ADD TO YOUR TBR ➜ http://bit.ly/2JABiGj
BLOGGERS sign up here ➜ https://goo.gl/forms/NOu216ZI8Q0SglaJ3
Sometimes you need to let yourself fall…
Recently divorced Sienna Porter has the life she's supposed to. A house, career, even a hot young contractor working upstairs to distract her. At thirty-eight, she's entitled to a little fun (according to her best friend, anyway).
Pain, though— it's so clever in the way it infects hope and poisons happiness.
Jace Beckett should be flying high. Talented, driven, and disciplined, he's far beyond his twenty-three years. He's used to the game, the attention his looks and highly-trained body get from women. Doesn't mean he likes to play.
Doesn't mean his own secrets aren't intent on tearing him down.
It's just a fling. Sexy. Temporary. It's not supposed to last. It's not supposed to transform into love. It's certainly not supposed to become the air you breathe and everything worth fighting for.
About the Author:
I'm a writer, musician, and cat lover. I also have an alternative music obsession. Seriously, it's a real problem.
I write what needs to come out, whether it's pain, tears, or laughter. I write people and relationships, about the beauty and horror of what we do to ourselves and each other. I write Love. Vengeance. Compassion. Cruelty. Trust. Betrayal. Forgiveness. Darkness, and the incredible way humans destroy and heal each other.
I like to eradicate barriers, refusing to be confined by the laws of physics or limitations of reality. I will befriend a vast population of possibilities and introduce them in ways that might surprise you.
Connect with Alyson!
Twitter: https://twitter.com/AuthorAlySantos
Join her group: https://www.facebook.com/groups/AlysBreakfastClub/
Bookbub: http://bit.ly/2E57FWM


text:
Back in early December we told you about the morphing of the slick Lexus LF-CC concept into an actual production hybrid known as the IS.
We thought it would a be a sportier design for drivers of this sometimes stuffy luxury brand for Honda. Now word has come from the 2013 Detroit Auto Show that in 2014 there will indeed by a hybrid offering – only you won't be able to buy it here in the US. Say what?
First the reason why you won't see one in America. Lexus told Autoblog Green simply enough there are too many entry level hybrids it already offers American drivers, including the CT 200h and ES 300h. Given the way hybrids sell in other parts of the world vs the US, they just don't see another doing well in an already saturated market.
So while you mill that over, we willl tell you about the car. As we mentioned previously, it is based somewhat off the LF-CC concept, which got some time in at various auto shows last year. What has become the actual street ready version has under the hood the Lexus Hybrid Drive powertrain, based on a newly developed 2.5L Atkinson-cycle engine.
Given what we've reported on in the past, it is still reasonable to assume this hybrid drivetrain will have CO2 emissions that are targeted to come in below 100 grams per kilometer, while the engine delivers 2 hp for each gram of CO2. It will have a range of comfortable features owing to the Lexus moniker, including a newer exterior styling, LFA-inspired driving cockpit, significant increases in rear seat space/trunk capacity and a new multimedia system with complimentary real-time traffic and weather information.
It looks as if the IS 300h will be available in mid-2013 in Europe, Japan, and "select international markets." No price was mentioned.


text:
Read the 1962 Vatican document (PDF file)
The Vatican instructed Catholic bishops around the world to cover up cases of sexual abuse or risk being thrown out of the Church.
The Observer has obtained a 40-year-old confidential document from the secret Vatican archive which lawyers are calling a 'blueprint for deception and concealment'. One British lawyer acting for Church child abuse victims has described it as 'explosive'.
The 69-page Latin document bearing the seal of Pope John XXIII was sent to every bishop in the world. The instructions outline a policy of 'strictest' secrecy in dealing with allegations of sexual abuse and threatens those who speak out with excommunication.
They also call for the victim to take an oath of secrecy at the time of making a complaint to Church officials. It states that the instructions are to 'be diligently stored in the secret archives of the Curia [Vatican] as strictly confidential. Nor is it to be published nor added to with any commentaries.'
The document, which has been confirmed as genuine by the Roman Catholic Church in England and Wales, is called 'Crimine solicitationies', which translates as 'instruction on proceeding in cases of solicitation'.
It focuses on sexual abuse initiated as part of the confessional relationship between a priest and a member of his congregation. But the instructions also cover what it calls the 'worst crime', described as an obscene act perpetrated by a cleric with 'youths of either sex or with brute animals (bestiality)'.
Bishops are instructed to pursue these cases 'in the most secretive way... restrained by a perpetual silence... and everyone... is to observe the strictest secret which is commonly regarded as a secret of the Holy Office... under the penalty of excommunication'.
Texan lawyer Daniel Shea uncovered the document as part of his work for victims of abuse from Catholic priests in the US. He has handed it over to US authorities, urging them to launch a federal investigation into the clergy's alleged cover-up of sexual abuse.
He said: 'These instructions went out to every bishop around the globe and would certainly have applied in Britain. It proves there was an international conspiracy by the Church to hush up sexual abuse issues. It is a devious attempt to conceal criminal conduct and is a blueprint for deception and concealment.'
British lawyer Richard Scorer, who acts for children abused by Catholic priests in the UK, echoes this view and has described the document as 'explosive'.
He said: 'We always suspected that the Catholic Church systematically covered up abuse and tried to silence victims. This document appears to prove it. Threatening excommunication to anybody who speaks out shows the lengths the most senior figures in the Vatican were prepared to go to prevent the information getting out to the public domain.'
Scorer pointed out that as the documents dates back to 1962 it rides roughshod over the Catholic Church's claim that the issue of sexual abuse was a modern phenomenon.
He claims the discovery of the document will raise fresh questions about the actions of Cardinal Cormac Murphy-O'Connor, the head of the Roman Catholic Church in England and Wales.
Murphy-O'Connor has been accused of covering up allegations of child abuse when he was Bishop of Arundel and Brighton. Instead of reporting to the police allegations of abuse against Michael Hill, a priest in his charge, he moved him to another position where he was later convicted for abusing nine children.
Although Murphy-O'Connor has apologised publicly for his mistake, Scorer claims the secret Vatican document raises the question about whether his failure to report Hill was due to him following this instruction from Rome.
Scorer, who acts for some of Hill's victims, said: 'I want to know whether Murphy-O'Connor knew of these Vatican instructions and, if so, did he apply it. If not, can he tell us why not?'
A spokesman for the Catholic Church denied that the secret Vatican orders were part of any organised cover-up and claims lawyers are taking the document 'out of context' and 'distorting it'.
He said: 'This document is about the Church's internal disciplinary procedures should a priest be accused of using confession to solicit sex. It does not forbid victims to report civil crimes. The confidentiality talked about is aimed to protect the accused as applies in court procedures today. It also takes into consideration the special nature of the secrecy involved in the act of confession.' He also said that in 1983 the Catholic Church in England and Wales introduced its own code dealing with sexual abuse, which would have superseded the 1962 instructions. Asked whether Murphy-O'Connor was aware of the Vatican edict, he replied: 'He's never mentioned it to me.'
Lawyers point to a letter the Vatican sent to bishops in May 2001 clearly stating the 1962 instruction was in force until then. The letter is signed by Cardinal Ratzinger, the most powerful man in Rome beside the Pope and who heads the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith - the office which ran the Inquisition in the Middle Ages.
Rev Thomas Doyle, a US Air Force chaplain in Germany and a specialist in Church law, has studied the document. He told The Observer: 'It is certainly an indication of the pathological obsession with secrecy in the Catholic Church, but in itself it is not a smoking gun.
'If, however, this document actually has been the foundation of a continuous policy to cover clergy crimes at all costs, then we have quite another issue. There are too many authenticated reports of victims having been seriously intimidated into silence by Church authorities to assert that such intimidation is the exception and not the norm.
'If this document has been used as a justification for this intimidation then we possibly have what some commentators have alleged, namely, a blueprint for a cover-up. This is obviously a big "if" which requires concrete proof.'
Additional research by Jason Rodrigues
Fonte: http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2003/aug/17/religion.childprotection#history-byline


text:
Argyll, Archibald Campbell, 8th earl of and 1st marquess of
Archibald Campbell Argyll, 8th earl of and 1st marquess of, 1607–61, Scottish statesman. He became chief of the powerful Campbell clan at the death (1638) of his father, the 7th earl. A staunch Presbyterian, he was a leading opponent of Charles I's attempt to strengthen episcopacy in Scotland. Charles sought to win his support by making him a marquess (1641), but after the outbreak of the English civil war Argyll represented the Covenanters in negotiating (1643) the alliance with the English parliamentarians. He commanded the Covenanter army against the earl of Montrose and was repeatedly defeated (1644–45). In 1646, Argyll negotiated with both the defeated Charles and the English Parliament, attempting to secure a Presbyterian settlement in England. He later supported Oliver Cromwell but suffered a serious loss of influence because of the revulsion of feeling in Scotland at the king's execution (1649). Hoping that Charles II could be restored as a Presbyterian king, Argyll turned from Cromwell and crowned (1651) Charles II in Scotland. He opposed the disastrous Scottish invasion of England in that year and submitted to the English Commonwealth in 1652. He was executed for treason at the Restoration.


text:
The AES GCM example for Ruby / OpenSSL shown at: http://ruby-doc.org/stdlib-2.0/libdoc/openssl/rdoc/OpenSSL/Cipher.html has a GCM example of the following:
cipher = OpenSSL::Cipher::AES.new(128, :GCM)
key = cipher.random_key
iv = cipher.random_iv
cipher.auth_data = ""
encrypted = cipher.update(data) + cipher.final
tag = cipher.auth_tag
decipher = OpenSSL::Cipher::AES.new(128, :GCM)
decipher.key = key
decipher.iv = iv
decipher.auth_tag = tag
decipher.auth_data = ""
plain = decipher.update(encrypted) + decipher.final
puts data == plain #=> true
In the example, auth_data (authentication data) is set to nothing.
My question is: Does this make the encryption less secure by using blank auth data?
Any help is greatly appreciated. Thanks!


text:
Hells bells, it seems like I just finished everything with the April Mixmania! and June has crept up and clipped me. I still have four mixes to write about (I swear, it will get done this week!), one from my matched mixer plus three from angels who sent me their mixes because of my hosting this bit of bloggy fun, and now it's back into the fray for June's mixes.
For those of you who don't know what mixmania! is, it's not that complicated: basically, everyone gets the name and postal address of a blogger where the mix goes. All track information is left out of the mailing but posted on your blog so that the recipient of your disk is forced to surf around and find out who sent them their mix - and the same works for you. That's it in a nutshell.
However, I'm going to make a couple of stipulations for June's mixmania! because... well, it's my party and I'll try if I want to, y'know. First of all, your mix should be what I call a "Summer/Beach Mix". Allow me to elaborate:
Summer/Beach Mix:
Music, when it's really good, gives us a sense of a place and time, it brings about specific memories. For me, summers on the sand hold extremely fond memories. When I say I'm asking for "Summer/Beach Mixes", I'm not asking for The Beach Boys or Jan & Dean (although there's nothing wrong with them) but a mix of songs that bring summer to mind for you, songs that you remember screaming, "Turn that UP!" whenever it came on the radio, songs that demanded full volume and the windows rolled down. Examples for me would be "God Save the Queen" by the Sex Pistols or "California Love" by Tupac Shakur (which are now, automatically, not to be included on my disk, dammit).
These don't have to be radio cuts (they could be obscure shit from CDs that mean "summer/beach" to you) but only that they bring to mind a place in time that means seering heat and good times. You get the point.
Other than that elusive "theme", the other rules for participating are:
- Deadline for joining in is June 22, the day after the Summer's Solstice.
- You need to email me your postal address in order to participate. Last time I spent HOURS chasing people down for emails and postal addresses and frankly, it was a clusterfuck. By all means, leave a comment to show you want to participate (give everyone else a sense that you're going to play, show everyone who might be getting your mix) but YOU HAVE TO EMAIL ME YOUR INFO. You can email your info to:
patriside *at* gmail dot com
If you don't email me, you don't get to play. I'm far too busy to hunt your info down. - Your mix needs to be burned and mailed by July 1. Too many people had to wait too long for their mix and that had to do with the misunderstanding that people didn't have to burn their mix until after May 1. Clearing that up, if you agree to participate, your mix will be in the mail July 1, got it?
- You'll get the postal address of the recipient of your mix by June 25 along with my postal address to use as a return address.
- Don't include your songlist with the disk you mail, the idea is to get your recipient to surf around to figure out what the cuts are. If you're stymied on how to erase ID3 information from the music files, I recommend you go download Musicmatch Jukebox to convert your files and then go here for a tutorial on how to erase the ID3 info (Mac users are on your own!).
- Burn a CD with wav files, not MP3s; if you can't fit all your lovelies on a single disk, burn 2 disks, burn 6 disks, I don't care. Just burn it with files that can be played on any old skool CD player.
- For god's sake, if you agree to participate, burn the damn disk and mail it. At least one person got screwed out of a disk last time (and I had to oblige the poor participant who got shafted) and I'll drag your name through blogospheric muck if you renege.
Sorry to be a prick about all of this but you wouldn't believe how time-consuming it was to get everyone on the same page. However, the fun outweighed the ass ache (by far) and plenty of folks have been clamoring to get in on another mixmania!
So here it is... the fun begins. Keep checking back here for updates (as people raise issues, I'll edit this post) and get busy with your "summer/beach music" disks!


text:
Life as a public servant is not an easy path, yet taking that path can make a difference in so many lives. Gabrielle Giffords, the former Arizona 8th Congressional District representative, did her job with grace, style and tireless dedication. She navigated a diverse district by listening to all of her constituents, acknowledging complexity, finding common-sense solutions and making tough choices. Too often in today's America, success is defined by wealth or celebrity. Much more profound is the contribution of our true public servants, those who work in government as a means of helping others. Before the tragic shooting on Jan. 8, 2011, Rep. Giffords earned our highest admiration as a public servant who improved the lives of so many people in Southern Arizona. Through her recovery, she continues to inspire us all.
Runners up:


text:
Stack Exchange network consists of 183 Q&A communities including Stack Overflow, the largest, most trusted online community for developers to learn, share their knowledge, and build their careers.
Q&A for work
Connect and share knowledge within a single location that is structured and easy to search.
French programmer with a few years of Web Development experience using mostly AMP platforms (with a healthy dose of Javascript) and loving it. I've also experimented with Python, SQLite, ActionScript/Flash and Java.
An unrepentant lover of video games for many a year, I've fallen in love with tabletop RPGs when I was introduced to Feng Shui. I've since played various editions of D&D and WoD, Exalted 2e, Shadowrun 3, Warhammer(Fantasy and Dark Heresy), L5R, Anima and Fate. I love nothing more than taking a good look at elegant game mechanics (and playing with them of course). As a GM, my games of choice are Strands of Fate and Mutants & Masterminds.


text:
office was alive with debate this morning as it surfaced that both the drum loop and the main riff from the club-classic
Faxing Berlin
by Deadmau5 are available as loops in FL Studio 8. Not only that, but a little-known artist is currently being struck down by the wrath of the law for using the loop (which he assumed was Royalty-free and claims to have used not knowing it was Deadmau5's riff) in a recent release.
Both the drum loop and the chords from the track, available under Melody Loops Pack in the browser and called LP_Faxing Berlin A_128bpm.ogg and LP_Faxing Berlin C_128bpm.ogg, are embedded within a host of other loops which Image Line are now claiming are not royalty-free after all and only the one-shots that come with FL are available for commercial use.
Here's the original Faxing Berlinhref> if you don't know it already, and here's Dirty Circuit's Berlinhref> track.
Image Line's Jean-Marie Cannie had this to say on the IL forum:
"The loops & demo songs are available to demo what's capable in FL Studio ... it doesn't
mean you can just render the songs & loops and start selling them as your own.
The (single hit) samples sure are ready to use in a composition but it should be pretty clear
that anything else (whether it's a demo song, melodic loop, score, ...) belongs to its author(s). "
However, the debate brought up some interesting points. One rattled FL user writes:
"Demo songs are one thing; they're clearly by FL users, copyrighted (with notices of such), and meant to display the power and features of FL. But uncredited (and with no notice of copyright) "melodic loops" stuck in the same folder as royalty free "drum loops" in a GIANT DIRECTORY FULL OF ROYALTY FREE SAMPLES? It would take a borderline paranoid individual to even THINK that these samples might actually be unsafe to use."
The debate continues to rage over at the Image Line forumhref> and no doubt will continue to do so for the foreseeable future.
FM are on the case to get a reply from Image Line, but as it stands, it's a pretty bizarre scenario. Who is at fault here? Image Line for providing the loops without clear statement that they are not royalty-free? The artist for taking a clear loop from FL and 'selling it' as his own? Then again, plenty of GarageBand samples have been used to create number one records - isn't that the point?
What do you think? Man steals from Deadmau5? Image Line steal from Deadmau5? Man perfectly within his rights? Or 'ouch, my brain hurts'?
And speaking of the 'mau5, be sure to check out a more relaxed, less litigious, Deadmau5 in our issue preview a few posts down - and the full interview in the next issue of FM - on sale 28th November. Oh and stay away from those FL loops - they're not yours. Apparently.


text:
- Portal
- Engage and Connect
- Residents
- Flood Information
Flood Information
The United States Geological Survey (USGS) provides real time data for the river gauge in Cedar Falls. Anyone can sign up for automated updates to this gauge via email or text through your smart phone. Use the following link to sign up for the Cedar River gauge notification and follow the instructions to download the app on your computer or smart phone.
Thomas A. Weintraut
Floodplain Administrator
(319) 268-5184 | email@example.com
Flood Watch:Flooding is possible. Tune in to NOAA Weather Radio, commercial radio, or television for information. | Flash Flood Watch:Flash flooding is possible. Be prepared to move to higher ground; listen to NOAA Weather Radio, commercial radio, or television for information. | Flood Warning:Flooding is occurring or will occur soon; if advised to evacuate, do so immediately. | Flash Flood Warning:A flash flood is occurring; seek higher ground on foot immediately. |
The City of Cedar Falls Planning and Community Services Division has information about the flood hazard, flood insurance and floodplain functions. The division keeps copies of the flood maps in paper and digital format for public viewing. The links on the left hand column include the current floodplain map, the Cedar Falls flood brochure, and access to the National Weather Service hydrograph for information on the Cedar River at Cedar Falls. The floodplain map gives some information regarding areas prone to flooding. Additionally, the link to the Iowa Flood Center includes up-to-date articles about flooding and predictions for the entire state. If you live in a flood prone area, please stay aware of changes in flooding throughout the community. Remember, if you see flood water, "Turn Around, Don't Drown" is the best advice for traveling the roads. Information on flood insurance can be found on the FEMA website at www.floodsmart.gov. Contact your insurance agent for more information on rates and coverage.
The Cedar Falls website is a great source of information for our community all year long.
What's new for floodplain mapping?
In 2019, the Iowa Department of Natural Resources hosted a couple of open house meetings to present preliminary floodplain maps for Black Hawk County. These meetings provided an opportunity for property owners to review the preliminary maps, ask questions, and provide comments to the Iowa DNR and city staff. The City of Cedar Falls has reviewed these preliminary flood maps and provided FEMA with additional data where recent infrastructure projects have changed or improved the flooding capacity of our local streams. This additional data may result in changes to the floodplain maps. FEMA will evaluate this data and make a final determination of the flood hazard boundary. This determination is expected in late 2023.
The Flood Rate Insurance Maps (FIRM) delineate the boundaries of the flood hazard areas in Cedar Falls. These maps are being revised using the latest technologies and the most current data so residents, homeowners, business owners and community officials may understand the local flood risk and keep people and property safe from floods. The flood mapping process information is found in the Flood Hazard Mapping Fact Sheet that will provide answers to common questions like: What has changed? What if a structure is shown in a different flood zone on the new map? Is there any recourse if I do not agree with the new map? How can I purchase flood insurance? The Summary of Map Actions will provide more information on the changes to the flood maps including a preliminary list of previously issued Letter of Map Change (LOMC) actions.
The following links will provide more information on the preliminary flood maps:
Interactive Preapproval Flood Hazard Map
Flood map index and the Preliminary Flood Maps
Comments and questions can be submitted to the FEMA Map Assistance Center's toll-free information line at 1-877-FEMA MAP (1-877-336-2627).


text:
I know, I know–tie-dye is one of those crafts that has the potential to be really, really tacky. I'm sure that we both have seen many, many tie-dyed things, primarily on other people's bodies, that just did not need to be in existence.
In small doses and carefully selected venues, however, tie-dye can be just the thing. Tie-dye is fun and summery, when done correctly it is both color-fast and light-fast, and like a Lilly Pulitzer shift dress, the vibrant melee of colors hides a multitude of fabric stains and other flaws.
This makes tie-dye a nearly perfect method to upcycle old fabrics made with plant-based threads such as plain cotton, linen, flannel and jersey knit. Whether you've been passed down a giant linen tablecloth that would take a LOT more love than you have to give to freshen up for the table, or someone (I'm not naming names here, but you know who you are) put that one red sock in with your entire stash of white terrycloth towels and you have too much sense to chlorine bleach the bejeesus out of them, or the dress/sheets/shirt/curtains that you found at the thrift store chose not to announce their set-in stains until you brought them home, then tie-dye may be the answer to upcycling stained old fabric into fun new fabric.
Here are five projects to inspire you:
1. Linen Napkins and Tablecloths
Napkins and tablecloths are the kind of thing that often get passed down to the next generation, but they're not always in the best shape when they get to you. Great Aunt Fanny Sue may have kept a pristine table for well onto fifty years, but by the time her table linens got passed on, they may have been sitting in a cupboard for a decade, yellowing and letting old hidden stains get more and more discolored. While yellowed and discolored linens would look gross on your table, brightly-colored tie-dyed linens, like these tie-dyed napkins from Kim Moreau at Good Housekeeping, would look right at home on your summer dinner table, or created with a color scheme to fit in with a fun party.
[The image on this page is the property of Andrew McCaul.]
Next >> Tie-Dyed Socks


text:
Contact The Tartan
Letters to the Editor
Letters must be submitted by 5 p.m. on the Wednesday before publication by mail or to email@example.com.
Letters from within the University community take precedence. Letters intended for publication must be signed and include the author's address and telephone number for verification; letters must not exceed 350 words. Authors' names may be withheld from publication upon request. The Tartan reserves the right to condense or reject any letter.
On Foot
We're located in University Center suite 314, if you'd like to stop by.
By E-mail
- General:
- email@example.com
- Advertising:
- email@example.com
- Personnel:
- email@example.com
- Online:
- email@example.com
By Postal Mail
The TartanBox 119, UC Suite 103
Carnegie Mellon University
5000 Forbes Avenue
Pittsburgh, PA 15213


text:
With the latest edition of the Showcase series, Archinect highlighted House Yagiyama in Sendai, Japan by Kazuya Saito Architects. The one-story house for an old couple, located in Sendai's hilly Yagiyama district was photographed by Yasuhiro Takagi.
Zaha Hadid Architects was awarded a contract to design and construct a centerpiece, billion-dollar national stadium that forms a key part of Tokyo's bid to host the 2020 Olympic Games. Thayer-D reacted "These images are quite spectacular! The exterior reminds me of some beautiful animal skull that Georgia O'Keefe would have painted. I hope the street level view of this building is as sympathetic as these images" while Will Galloway noted it was "within walking distance of my office. nice area. olympics would be cool here too, but hopefully this stadium makes sense without them coming. looking forward to seeing it go up".
David Ng reported, that this past Saturday the Eli and Edythe Broad Art Museum (also designed by architect Zaha Hadid) had a formal dedication on Saturday and opened to the public on Sunday. Plus, in an interview with Huma Qureshi of the Guardian, Dame Zaha Hadid reflected on her career "You cannot believe the enormous resistance I've faced just for being an Arab, and a woman on top of that. It is like a double-edged sword".
The Beverly Willis Architecture Foundation (BWAF) has selected a national advisory council of esteemed architectural scholars to oversee the selection of women architects for the foundation's new special collection, "Making a Place for Women in 20th-Century American Architecture" The work is funded through an NEA awarded grant. snook-dude suggested that Judith Chafee, FAIA and Dominque Bonomour Lloyd needed to be selected, but Donna Sink assured him "With Abby Van Slyck on the Council, snook, I'm fairly confident Judith will be recognized. I wonder whatever happened to her archive documents?"
Emily D'Alterio examined whether Architects are Failing to See the Potential of BIM? Steven Ward relayed "BIM softwares like Revit and the others, similar to AutoCad and 3dStudio before them, have a lot of capabilities that architects will never effectively leverage because it's not part of the project delivery stream...The few times our office has been able to dig deeper, it's been both fascinating and lucrative, allowing us to offer things we didn't before". This led curtkram to query "steven, you're a smart guy. what benefits has your firm been able to gain from revit?...it seems to me not uncommon for a firm's management to be so screwed up or process so dysfunctional that they are unable to take advantage of the benefits of revit, but they implement it as a tool anyway and lose a fair amount of productivity due to the learning curve as well as some time sinks inherent to the software"...
All Kos Scarpa Kos could write in response to photographer, Timothy Allen, images of the Buzludzha monument ruins in Bulgaria was "Beauty-fuel beautiful!".
Firms/Blogs/Work Updates
Marco Dessì recently worked on Bavant road courtyard façade and Stephan Graebner recently spent way too long on the 500 models...
Richard Meier & Partners announced they had completed a new residence in Yalikavak, Turkey. The house is part of a Master Plan composed of twenty-one houses designed by the Architect.
Orhan Ayyüce expressed his displeasure posting "Mr. Meier designs for the new wealth and becomes a part of land exploitation in Bodrum. Architects of his stature should have some say about it instead of joining the gang bang. 'Best living environment in Yalikavak' was already there for a long time until the speculators and their architects moved in. El insaf..." he also shared some images from Bodrum: halk yapı sanatından bir örnek, a book by Cengiz Bektas and Selmin Basak on the regional architecture.
Archinect was happy to release some updates to Archinect's Job Application System, as part of an ongoing effort to make the hiring process as efficient as possible for the thousands of firms that advertise job opportunities on Archinect. In summary new features include; "New 'Star' Rating" a new "Quick 'View Application' window" and "Notes".
In early June 2012 Blaxland Common Regional Playspace the latest project by JMDdesign, was officially opened. The new regional scale playground is one of a number of parks that make up Sydney Olympic Parklands.
Christopher Sjoberg is six weeks into his studies at the University of Tokyo G30 program, led by former AA Design Research Lab Co-Director, Associate Professor Yusuke Obuchi.
He writes "our focus is predominately on expanding the field of research of cybernetic urbanism championed by the lab's professor Yusuke Obuchi". However, he did have the opportunity to participate in the construction of a minimal material pavilion for the Tokyo Designers Week. Dubbed the Circle-Pack Pavilion, the structure consists of hundreds of bamboo rings fabricated to a series of different sizes ranging from 250-450 mm in diameter.
The University of Oregon's architecture program was recently selected as the nation's number one program for sustainable design education in the 2013 report of architecture schools, in the Design Intelligence 2013 issue of America's Best Architecture and Design Schools.
DonnaT of the Architecture, Landscape and Visual Arts department at the University of Western Australia started a blog titled Touching the Void.
Her first post titled Capital Isolation explains she belongs "in the first wave of those studying in the newly constructed BDes Design Major for Architecture and Integrated Design".
hsolie a graduate student at the University of Michigan Taubman School of Architecture describes a studio under the supervision and guidance of Taubman College's visiting professor, Matias del Campo of SPAN.
Matias, along with Taubman College professor Adam Fure, are leading an exploration into what they call "Apophenic Ecologies" which alludes to the phenomenon of perceiving meaningful patterns or connections in random or meaningless data, known as Apophenia.
First, Lweiss is an Architecture student at Rice University doing a 1-year internship for Xaveer De Geyter Architecture in Brussels, BE. Currently looking for Housing in Brussels. Any tips???
denyallforks started a thread to discuss how schools adress digital tools in design, more specifically, for examples of schools that are embracing and teaching parametric modelling and digital tools vs schools that are prioritizing hand drafting. Or opinions on How should digital design tools be approached in foundational architecture studios?
acesskb responded "Students should have a voice and bring it up to their director/department head. For a long while, I was in a school where most profs embraced traditional drawing and shunned digital design tools like it was plague. We wasted time with tools like FormZ because they gave incentives and sponsored the school, while useful tools used throughout the industry like Autocad, Revit, Rhino, Max etc were brushed aside by the department heads who make the calls" For his part Brian Henry offered "We had one course focused on analog tools, one on 3d modellong in 3DS Max, one on acad (that mostly taught nothing) and that was it for required courses...Overall the idea is that the coursework gets you exposed to various programs and the rest is up to you".
yviemarie is 40 and just went back to local community college this past semester and wants to know Is there still a need for drafters? calculator answered affirmatively, "the position you're looking for/describing is architectural technologist, which isn't necessarily the same thing as a draftsperson. You're job isn't to draft per se, its to do whatever needs doing in the office. In some firms technologists can have fairly senior positions, although mostly the ceiling is lower" and lletdownl posted "There will always be a roll for drafts people, but FRaC is right... while AutoCad is an essential skill, Revit, or BIM (building information modeling) is the sorta waaaaave of the future, actually, its already here for some offices."
Xenaxis chimed in though that, "the only drawback is that you can be pigeon holed as a 'BIM WIT' like I am and find it very hard to progress on the IDP/Architecture path - after 4 years". Which lead finally to his thread titled Pigeon holed as a BIM WIT one just looking for solutions...
toasteroven suggested "when applying for new jobs I'd market yourself differently. BIM is really just to get your foot in the door (or a fall-back) - now you should be tailoring your resume and portfolio for more designer/junior architect jobs - or - if you aren't as strong of a designer, jobs where you do more CA and back-end project management stuff". Yet, i r giv up countered "1.start bitching about IDP to your current employer. Either get the hours, or get out. Screw whether they're legitimate or not. You've been working for 4 years".
Are you sure you want to block this user and hide all related comments throughout the site?


text:
Picking out the perfect windows and doors is one of the best ways to stylize your home into a place that is truly your own. This essential part of the design process allows you to customize your home exactly to your likings and give off the perfect vibe.
Southern California windows keep your home protected from the elements during times of inclement weather while allowing a cool breeze in on those wonderful sunny days.
That's why it's so important to pick the right windows in Orange County; you never know what Mother Nature may have in store. If you're researching window replacement in Southern California, there's no question that we can provide high-performance products that look good and perform just as well.
10422 Trask Ave Ste A, Garden Grove, CA 92843
(714) 643-9807