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(12 November 1842): 420. Image scan and text by
Since the sketch reproduced in the ILN appeared courtesy of the Honourable East India Company, we may conclude that the artist was not a member of the military, but a civilian (perhaps a British merchant in the employ of the Company) who had a good view of the various battles. Such a man might well have been attached to the Company's representative, also serving as Her Majesty's plenipotentiary, Sir Henry Pottinger, afterwards first Governor of the Crown Colony of Hong Kong. The drawing, then, is a sure indication of the level of cooperation between the East India Company, the British government, and the British press.
It will be remembered that the Nemesis, which is commanded by Lieut. Hall, distinguished herself in a very extraordinary manner, shortly after her arrival in the Chinese waters, by blowing up a number of the enemies' war-junks [not looking especially formidable, despite their numbers, in the sketch], which created no little consternation amongst the Celestials. As this event invests the Nemesis with more than ordinary interest, we here present our readers with a sketch of her on the trying and critical occasion to which we allude. The following brief narrative of the steamer's career since her launch may be allowed by way of episode, and will prove not altogether unacceptable. The Nemesis was builr by Mr. Laird, of Birkenhead Iron-works, near Liverpool, for the Hon. East India Company, and sailed for China in March, 1840, was the first iron steam-vessel that passed the Cape of Good Hope, and the first that appeared in China. Here services there have been since pretty generally known, and the following is an account of the destruction of war-junks illustrated in our engraving: — "Arrangements having been made by Commodore Sir J. J. G. Bremer, K. C. B., &c., for the capture of the Chuenpee forts, and the opposite one of Ty-kok-too, the Nemesis, after disembarking the 37th Regiment Native [i. e., Indian or Sepoy] Infantry, took up an advantageous position under the upper battery of chuenpee, in company with the zHon. Company's ship Queen, and commenced throwing shell with good effect, lodging many within the walls, thereby enabling the troops to advance, and take possession, which they did in the most gallant style. This cocomplished, she proceeded round the point to assist in silencing the lower fort, throwing in grape, canister, and musketry, thereby distracting the attention of the enemy on the sea-side, and giving the troops and some of the Hyacinth's crew, whom we observed scaling the walls, greater facilities for entering, which they speedily did, driving all before them. She then pushed on to attack the war-junks strongly moored at the mouth of a small and shallow river at the bottom of Auson's Bay; and, when within 500 yards, commenced a heavy fire of shot and shell on the four largest, which was returned by them. The first Congreve rocket fired by her took terrific and instantaneous effect — blowing up one of the largest, with all her crew. The others being soon silenced, she then despatched her boats, in company with those of her Majesty's ship Sulphur, and one or two others from the Larne, Calliope, and Hyacinth [ships of the line whose deep draft made them impractical in the shallow waters of the river mouth]. Junk after junk was boarded and set fire to. The whole, 11 in number, blew up as the fire reached their magazines, and thus were completely destroyed. She now proceeded to a town up the river, much to the astonishment of the natives [i. e., the Chinese], and brought away two junks, which were moored to the shore, without firing a shot or receiving any — such was the consternation at her appearance alone at a place only navigable for junk. We understand that the Commodore expressed himself much pleased with what the Nemis had accomplished; and a remark made by Captain Elliot, the Chief Superintendent, that the Nemis had done the work of two line-of-battle ships, proves that her services have been somewhat important: only one shot struck her, the others falling short or going over. On the 8th January, agreeably to the instructions from the commodore, the Nemesis, in company with two rocket-boats from her Majesty's ship Blenheim, took up a raking position, about 1100 yards distant from the Anung-hoy fort, mounting 100 guns, and commenced throwing shot, shell, and rockets with the greatest effect, which was not returned, from the peculiarity of the position she was enable to take from her light draught of water; indeed the enemy could only bring four guns to bear on her, and these were of small calibre. Ten minutes, or thereabouts, after commencing firing, she was recalled. . . . [The Nemesis] has been fortunate in having a commander who combines first-rate skill and seamanship with the greatest bravery, and who never appears satisfied unless he is constantly employed in active service.
It is easy to be brave and perform one's duty with audacity when one enjoys such massive technological superiority over an enemy ill-prepared for such fire-power in a place thought impregnable by virtue of the difficulty involved in navigating a regular warship to such a scene of battle.
Related Material
The Illustrated London News I, No. 27 (12 November 1842): 420-21.
Last modified 15 September 2006

subset: commoncrawl


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IRC, freenode, #hurd, 2011-11-10:
<mcsim> hello. Is there any way to debug mach-defpager? When I set
breakpoint to any function in it, pager never breaks.
IRC, freenode, #hurd, 2011-11-11:
<mcsim> hello. I've read that hde tried to debug defpager and wrote some
patches for debugging defpager, but I couldn't find them. Does anybody
know are these patches in public?


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WASHINGTON, May 9 (UPI) -- Amid all the polemics over the use of private military and security contractors by the U.S. government there are two words one rarely sees, but they lie at the very heart of the debate: "inherently governmental."
The main reason there is debate in the first place is that over time people have come to expect that certain functions are the exclusive domain of the government. As German sociologist Max Weber famously put it in a lecture in 1919, "The state is that entity which claims a monopoly on the legitimate use of physical force." Weber also said that the state may nonetheless elect to delegate the use of force as it sees fit, but that part is not nearly as well remembered.
But two recent events serve to remind us of its central role in the debate.
First, the Senate Armed Services Committee, in its version of the 2009 defense authorization bill last week, sought to limit the role of private security contractors in Iraq. It included two provisions related to contractors. One, effective when the bill is signed, would prohibit contract employees from performing "inherently governmental" security operations, including situations involving combat or extremely hazardous duties. The second would prohibit contract employees from conducting interrogations of detainees during or after hostilities.
Sen. Carl Levin, D-Mich., chairman of the committee, noted that the Pentagon already has a policy preventing private security contractors from being given combat-related work, but the State Department does not.
But if the State Department is not allowed to hire private guards, it is unclear who would become responsible for providing security for U.S. diplomats in combat areas. If the restrictions become law, the result could be an increased demand on Army and Marine personnel.
Second, on April 29 CorpWatch, an Oakland, Calif.-based group that investigates various corporate crimes, issued a report on L-3, a U.S. defense contractor that plays a key role in staffing and maintaining what was once considered an inherently governmental function: the acquisition and analysis of human intelligence during war. The company is now probably the second-largest U.S. contractor in Iraq, after Kellogg, Brown & Root.
The report found that "there are significant problems with L-3's Iraq contracts, notably with the hiring and vetting practices of both interrogators and translators, many of who are unqualified or poorly qualified for the work. This failure has the potential to seriously compromise national security."
While outsourcing of various military functions is now generally accepted as a given, some tasks, such as interrogation, are still considered to be a job for government, not private sector, employees.
After all, in the aftermath of Abu Ghraib it was reported that the use of private contractors as interrogators there and in other prisons in Iraq violated an Army policy that requires such jobs to be filled by government employees because of the "risk to national security." An Army policy directive published in 2000 and still in effect today classifies any job that involves "the gathering and analysis" of tactical intelligence as "an inherently governmental function barred from private sector performance."
A memo signed by Undersecretary of the Army Patrick Henry at the beginning of the Bush administration cautioned against shifting responsibility for intelligence work to private military organizations.
How then, did such jobs get outsourced? The full background is beyond the scope of this column, but consider just a few markers along the way.
Raymond DuBois, then defense deputy undersecretary for installations and environment, said in an Oct. 25, 2004, memo to defense agencies that in spring 2005 the annual inventory that marks jobs as inherently government or commercial would be used to identify military jobs that can be converted to civilian positions in addition to filling various reporting requirements.
In 2003 the Pentagon for the first time used the inventories to identify which military jobs would be given to civilians. The inventories are required each year of all federal agencies by the 1998 Federal Activities Inventory Reform Act.
The Senate Armed Services Committee in July 2004 witnessed Catch-22 linguistic acrobatics by Les Brownlee, acting secretary of the Army, when he was asked how the hiring of PMC personnel for interrogation could be justified under such a memorandum. "If these functions are performed by contract interrogators under an entity, which in this case was Central Command, or CGATF-7 specifically, then they would not be considered inherently governmental," he said.
Tim Shorrock, author of the just released book, "Spies for Hire: The Secret World of Intelligence Outsourcing," concludes there is "almost universal agreement … that the task of military and CIA interrogations should only be carried out by government employees answering to a defined chain of command."
Shorrock says that in his research for the book, "I discussed this topic with dozens of people in and out of government. By an overwhelming margin, they agreed with the sentiments expressed by Eugene Fidell, the military lawyer … that outsourcing interrogations is 'playing with fire.'"
Even Mike McConnell, the director of national intelligence, seems to have reached this conclusion, reports Shorrock. "I can't imagine using contractors for anything like that," he told Sen. Ron Wyden in 2007, when he was asked during his confirmation hearing if he would approve the hiring of private sector interrogators.
An interrogation, after all, is where the conqueror meets the conquered, where the invader meets the insurgent, where the American meets the face of his or her enemy. It's bad enough that the CIA has reverted to torture in its questioning of terrorist suspects and covered up the evidence by destroying the tapes; but it's even worse to hand these tasks over to private companies operating under classified contracts that are themselves illegal to disclose and who are answerable only to their stockholders. So let's paint a thick black line there: no private interrogators.
(U.S. Navy veteran David Isenberg is a military affairs analyst. He is an adjunct scholar with the Cato Institute, a correspondent for Asia Times and the author of a forthcoming book "Shadow Force: Private Security Contractors in Iraq." His "Dogs of War" column, analyzing developments in the private security and military sector, appears every Friday.)


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Visit Vice City again for the first time
It seems as if gamers can't get enough of Grand Theft Auto. Since GTA III's release years ago, we've seen two new GTAs as well as numerous copycat games and two PSP prequels. The latest of the PSP prequels, entitled simply Vice City Stories, has recently received a port to the PlayStation 2 despite Rockstar's claims that they weren't ever going to do so. GTA fans rejoiced when they heard the news that, despite Rockstar's announcements to the contrary, Vice City Stories was coming to the PS2. How does the port fare on the PlayStation 2 as opposed to the PSP? Much like its predecessor, Liberty City Stories, VCS provides an entertaining side story but doesn't quite feel like a full GTA game.
Vice City Stories is set two years before the events in Grand Theft Auto: Vice City and places the player in the shoes of Vic Vance, the older, tougher brother of Lance Vance from GTA:VC. Vic has the dubious distinction of being one of the more moral protagonists from any GTA game, although it doesn't stop him from committing crimes just as liberally as Tommy Vercetti or CJ. Vic begins the game in the military running shady errands for his commanding officer, and through a quick turn of events, finds himself ousted from the army and lacking direction. In true GTA fashion, he quickly begins taking on assorted missions from various criminal employers to establish his place in Vice City.
Storywise, Vice City Stories feel somewhat lacking. Vic claims a morality system that is lacking in most GTA protagonists, and yet he winds up behaving like them without much explanation. For the most part he simply mutters some words of reluctance before proceeding on his missions. This character discrepancy adds a strange feeling to the storyline, as Vic claims his only motivation is trying to gather money for his ill brother. Unlike other GTA characters, Vic doesn't start the game as a criminal, but he doesn't resist the criminal lifestyle at all. His fall into the criminal underworld feels forced and not well thought out at all. However, beyond Vic's out of character actions, Vice City Stories does a pretty good job of allowing the player to explore Vice City before the events of Grand Theft Auto: Vice City. Familiar characters make appearances and are referenced, and the game feels familiar, with just enough new elements to feel fresh.
Not much has changed in the gameplay department. While Vice City Stories improves on some deficiencies from Liberty City Stories, such as a slightly better targeting system, longer missions, and more detailed environments and characters, it still doesn't make any major improvements for the GTA formula overall. It feels extremely dated, especially post-Saints Row and only slightly pre-GTA IV.
The one and only gameplay addition to Vice City Stories that hasn't been seen before in GTA is the inclusion of the ability to actually control your businesses, an expansion of the business element introduced in the original Vice City. Now the player can increase the returns that they can get on their businesses by investing in the business and upgrading it. The player can also take on Empire missions that will help improve the business. There are quite a few businesses in the town with six different types, ranging from prostitution to loan sharking to drug dealing. The missions for these illegal activities can become repetitive, but provide another distraction to the gameplay.
Visually, Vice City Stories is largely unchanged from any GTA before it. The graphics are very dated, and GTA's visuals have shown their age years ago, so don't expect to be awed by anything in Vice City Stories. While the game does an excellent job of recreating Vice City and creating an 80s atmosphere, the game's visuals are ugly and bland.
As always, the audio and voice acting are top notch. All of the voice actors do an excellent job, whether they're reprising their Vice City roles or taking on entirely new characters. The soundtrack is also great, with some of the best picks from the 80s to add to the feeling of the era.
The port of Vice City Stories suffers from the same lack of multiplayer as the PS2 port of Liberty City Stories did before it. This is a surprising but not unexpected choice on the part of Rockstar. By leaving out the multiplayer, Vice City Stories is less of a game on the PlayStation 2 than it was on the PSP.
Ultimately, Vice City Stories is a fun distraction for fans of GTA and a decent game to tide players over until Grand Theft Auto IV. Although the game feels like GTA Lite in many respects, it still is a GTA game, with GTA humor and gameplay infused into it and it's hard to beat the $20 price tag. Just don't pick up Vice City Stories expecting anything new.


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It wouldn't be accurate to say Gegard Mousasi had a charmed mixed martial arts life from 2003 to 2011, but in a sport where practically everyone has had to deal with the reality of a serious injury at one time or another, he stayed off the disabled list longer than most.
Then came 2012 and a torn ACL in his knee.
"It was the first major injury that kept me on the sidelines for a long time," said Mousasi, who sat out all of 2012. "Before that, luckily I was never injured or anything like that."
And before he was forced out of action, things were shaping up nicely for the Holland product. Unbeaten in five straight, Mousasi was well on his way to regaining the Strikeforce light heavyweight title he lost to King Mo Lawal in April of 2010. He was also getting good traction among casual fans in the United States while also keeping his hardcore followers happy. In other words, things were looking pretty sunny until the clouds of his knee injury rolled in.
The same thing could also be said for the Strikeforce organization, which decided to close up shop while Mousasi was out, leaving this Saturday's event in Oklahoma City as its final one.
"I'm just happy that I'm still fighting on Strikeforce's last show," said Mousasi, who will look to add a win to his 4-1-1 record in the promotion when he takes on Mike Kyle this weekend. "It was a great organization that always had great fights. There were a lot of good fighters in Strikeforce, so it's sad to see it go away, but I think that those fighters will go to the UFC and make exciting matchups, and I look forward to the future."
For the 28-year-old Mousasi, most believe that future includes a stint in the world-renowned Octagon to continue battling among the elite. It's the position many on Saturday's card are in, but it's the 800-pound gorilla in the room no one wants to talk about because if you look too far ahead, you'll trip over what's in front of you. Mousasi, a veteran of 37 pro fights (32-3-2) who has fought in PRIDE, Deep, and Dream over the years, knows what's at stake should he win, but he's even more cognizant of the fact that he has to win first.
"I look forward to going to the UFC, but I know I have a task before me," he said. "I don't overlook Mike Kyle because I have to get the job done first. Sometimes I do think about how things will look if I fight in the UFC and if I do well in the UFC what kind of things will come and I'm looking forward to that, but I'm not overlooking Mike Kyle. I trained really good, I have a great training camp, and I'm sure I'm gonna win, but it's still a fight and you have to perform and do well, so we'll see how it goes."
Yet with this fight against Kyle being on the Showtime main card, it's almost like an audition for him to say 'hey, this is what I can do, see you in the UFC.'
"Every fight is a very important fight, and this fight is no different," admits Mousasi. "I know I'm not far away from title contendership, so I want to win this fight impressively, go to the UFC, and maybe in one to three fights I could be a contender. I'm really close and I can even feel it, so I know I have to be at my best in every fight, and this fight is very important."
Making it clear that he's never trained like he has for this fight, Mousasi's yearlong layoff seems to have done him good. He's got new training partners (including UFC heavyweight contender Stefan Struve), new management (Alchemist), and a new attitude that has him thinking positively about where his career is heading.
"Sometimes when you do something for a long time and you fight, you don't see the beauty of it or you don't miss it, but that break made me really miss fighting," he said. "So I want to see it as a positive thing. I have a new team, new management, new trainers; I have a strength and conditioning coach and a guy that's helping me with submissions, so everything's falling into place. The timing was good for this fight, and I'm really confident this time around. I feel like I did everything right; it's just a matter of fighting the fight and doing the job."
He almost always has that part down pat.
Jamahal Hill Talks UFC 300 Main Event
Hall Of Fame


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Get smarter recommendations for rules and see analytics on app performance
This update of PowerApps brings enhancements to the rules panel and introduces a report for app performance.
Smarter recommendations for condition templates
The rule panel will now provide smarter recommended templates while adding a new condition. For example, while authoring a rule for a slider, PowerApps will recommend templates like "greater than" or "less than" because it knows it is applying a condition to a number input.
Whereas, if you create a rule for a toggle, PowerApps will simply recommend "is on" and "is off" as condition templates.
To further improve the rule creation experience, PowerApps will now infer common properties of the control (such as Text or Value) and include them in the condition expression. For example, selecting the "greater than" template for a slider control will automatically grab the Value of the slider.
Introducing the app performance report
PowerApps has also introduced a report to see the performance of your app, so you can make sure you are always delivering a great experience. With the report, you can view:
- Time to first screen
- Time to first screen without connection setup time
- Session length
- And number of users per session length
To get preview access and to learn more about the app performance report, check out its dedicated blog post.
And as always, please join the conversation in the PowerApps community as we would love to hear from you about how you are using these improvements and what you would like to see added in the future.


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Some of the EI's took a briefing today from Jon Miller, Co-founder and VP of Marketing for Marketo. Jon briefed us on their new product - Revenue Cycle Explorer, which purports to be able to accurately analyze ROMI - your Return on Marketing Investment. Jon says CMO's are asking him and the Marketo team to help them be credible to their colleagues. Credible by being seen as an intricate part of the revenue acquisition team - not just the arts and crafts guy.
It really is just what marketers need. They do need a tool which will enable them to gauge the effectiveness of their marketing campaigns in real dollars and can be used to hold the CMO accountable for a revenue oriented target in the same way that a head of sales would be.
What it does
The solution provides analytics around what the conversion rates are in each stage of the demand funnel. It also enables organization to customize business rules around their particular demand funnel, for instance, what happens if sales rejects a Marketing Qualified Lead, or when should a prospect be placed in Nurturing bucket.
I asked Jon if they were taking the application in the direction of Predictive Analytics so that Marketers can forecast revenue in the same way that sales leads already do. Sure enough we were shown mock-ups of yet to be released (or developed?) predictive analytics packages. Further with the analytics already provided Marketo enables customers to create predictive models of conversion and transitions from stage to stage.
The Hurdle
I think Marketo's biggest problem isn't Eloqua, their main competitor, nor is it bringing their products to market. I think its the state of enterprise data. Many marketing organizations do not have clean data marts that they can leverage to perform this type of analysis. Nor can they even agree on the stages of their demand funnel. Many times its a mess and until and unless you have a unified strategy and platform for managing marketing data, it ain't gonna work without a lot of effort.
I do agree though that Marketing leads are looking for more credibility with their executive colleagues. Too many times marketers have been relegated to the arts and crafts aspects of marketing simply because they didn't have a quantitative platform from which to measure the marketing organization's effectivness. If I were a CMO right now, I'd be considering a marketing analytics platform such as what Marketo showed me today. Good stuff!


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Happiness Is...Achieving Your Goal!
5:09 PMBefore I joined this contest (Nestle 14-Day Challenge), one of my motivations is to fit into this little red dress I bought and has been hanging in my closet for the longest time. Now, it is more than that, not even the slightest bit of any superficial reason. Now, I realized the value of taking care of my health to be able to enjoy life more, to be able to have the energy to get me through the day, to be able to bring back that self-confidence that has weighed me down.
I know the price of success: dedication, hard work, and an unremitting devotion to the things I want to see happen. Imagine the smile on my face as well as my teammate's at the weigh-off when we all reached the minimum required weight loss for the 14-day challenge. I could have jumped up and down, did somersaults if only I was not too shy enough.We were happy beyond words, unbelievably thankful that our dedication and hard work to attain our goals has paid off.
Now, the question is not who is going to let us; it is who is going to stop us continue setting goals for ourselves and achieving those goals one step at a time. Now that we all realized that we can commit to a goal, I know it would not be rocket science to continue the weight loss coupled with a responsible diet with the help of Nestle Fitnesse (you can't go wrong with any variant).
I am proud to belong to Team Earthlingorgeousness!!! Your VOTES will be our motivation to push through...


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- Fonds
- 1985-2008, predominant 1985-1986
Henri J.M. Nouwen was a close friend of Jean Vanier and was invited to join the L'Arche Trosly-Breuil and was an active member of their community from August 1985 to May 1986. His experiences at Trosly-Breuil are published in his work, "The Road to Daybreak". The fonds consists of eleven audio cassettes of lectures and retreats given by Nouwen. The fonds also contains one compact disc of photographs of various subjects, including Nouwen. The records range in date from 1985 to 2008.
The Fonds has been organized into two series:
- Sound Recordings
- Photographs
L'Arche Trosly-Breuil (Association)


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by emptypockets
A month ago there was a spate of "sky is green" articles claiming that Iraq is no longer an important issue for voters:
Iraq War Fades as an Election Issue (NPR, Dec 6) "...concerns about Iraq remain, but the war is not the only top-tier issue among voters. Many have turned their focus to domestic issues such as health care, energy, the mortgage crisis and immigration."Pocketbook issues push past Iraq in poll (USA Today, Dec 28) "More than half the voters in an ongoing survey for The Associated Press and Yahoo News say the economy and health care are extremely important to them personally. They fear they will face unexpected medical expenses, their homes will lose value or mortgage and credit card payments will overwhelm them."
Domestic issues now outweigh Iraq (NY Times, Jan 3) "...the war is becoming a less defining issue among Democrats nationally, and it has moved to the back of the stage in the rush of campaign rallies, town hall meetings and speeches that are bringing the caucus competition to an end. Instead, candidates are being asked about, and are increasingly talking about, the mortgage crisis, rising gas costs, health care, immigration, the environment and taxes."
The funny thing is, when this voter sees "health care," "mortgage crisis," "rising gas costs," "the environment," and "taxes" I read them all as a single four-letter word: Iraq.


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TurnKey Publisher Book Series Reviewed by Midwest Book Review
This was first posted on "The TurnKey Publishing Blog".
I had almost forgotten I had submitted to Midwest Book Review copies of my newest books "TurnKey Publishing" and "The TurnKey Publisher's Audio Publishing Handbook".
I am happy to announce they did a favorable write-up for the two books. I thank Midwest Book Review for their favorable review.
There is now a brand new two-volume series by Matthew S. Chan designed specifically to help individuals and niche groups profitable publish books as a source of revenue for themselves and/or their projects.
"TurnKey Publishing" (9781933723013, $21.95) is a complete course of step-by-step instruction on creating a commercially successful book. Chan debunks such common myths as it being too difficult to write a book, too expensive to publish a book, it being necessary to sell through bookstores to be successful, needing an agent to become reputably published. Readers will learn how to retain total creative control over their own work; use accelerated publishing to turn out three or more titles a year; produce and build a book — instead of simply writing one; sell books outside a traditional bookstore, publish outside of a traditional publisher, create a business that provides a revenue stream, convert and package personal knowledge, experience and stories into an income-producing book, and market oneself successfully even when beginning as a totally unknown author.
"The TurnKey Publisher's Audio Publishing Handbook" (9781933723150, $20.95) has as its specific focus the creation and self-publication of an audio book and/or audio program — without going through a traditional audio book publisher or using a professional recording studio. Of special note is the cogent and practical information provided with respect to finding the right vendors to design and manufacture an audio CD package and adapting a print book to an audio book format. Every novice author aspiring to publish their manuscript and every group seeking to fund raise through publishing a book should give "TurnKey Publishing" a very careful (and profitable!) reading. Every published author and every niche publisher should carefully read "The TurnKey Publisher's Audio Publishing Handbook" with an eye towards considering turning their print publications into an audio book format to augment their revenue stream.


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HARRISBURG — The Department of Environmental Protection (DEP) has announced the extension of the Alternative Fuel Vehicle Rebate program, which will continue to provide $2,000 rebates for 500 additional large-battery system plug-in hybrid electric and battery-electric vehicles, or until Dec. 31.
"The Corbett administration remains committed to seeing the alternative fuels market grow," DEP Secretary E. Christopher Abruzzo said. "Our commitment represents an impressive total investment of $4.35 million towards the deployment of electric vehicles in Pennsylvania since 2011."
Large-battery vehicles that have battery system capacities equal or greater than 10 kilo-watt hours (kWh), including models such as the Nissan Leaf, Ford Focus, BMW, Tesla and Chevy Volt, are eligible for the highest rebate amount of $2,000. DEP is also extending rebates of $1,000 for plug-in hybrid electric vehicles and battery-electric vehicles with battery system capacities of less than 10 kWh, including models such as the Toyota Prius plug-in, Ford C-Max Energi, Ford Fusion and Honda Accord.
Rebates of $1,000 are being extended for natural gas, propane, hydrogen or fuel-cell vehicles, such as the CNG powered Honda Civic or any 2014 CNG powered car or pickup truck. CNG original equipment, manufacturer retrofits or certified conversions to CNG or propane are also eligible for the $1,000 rebate. A $500 rebate is available for electric motorcycles and scooters.
DEP provides these rebates as incentives to assist Pennsylvanians with the incremental cost of purchasing an alternative fuel vehicle. To qualify, the vehicle must be registered in Pennsylvania, operated primarily in-state and be purchased no more than six months before the rebate application is submitted. The rebates are funded by the Alternative Fuels Incentive Grant Program, which is supported by a gross receipts tax on utilities.
Rebate applications and updated guidelines are available on DEP's Web site, www.dep.state.pa.us, Keyword: Alternative Fuel Vehicle Rebates. Information on rebate availability will be updated regularly.


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- Home
- Government
- Departments
- Library
- About the Library
About the Library
Our Mission
- Inspire
- Empower
- Community
Our Vision
The Pilot Point Community Library seeks to enrich the lives of Pilot Point and the surrounding communities by providing opportunities and resources for individuals of all ages and backgrounds to learn, connect, enjoy and discover.
Library History
The Pilot Point Community Library opened its doors on May 4, 1975 due to the tireless efforts of the 19th Century Club and other local organizations. The first location of the Library was the old Fire department building; a building that had been in use since 1906. In 1990, the Pilot Point National Bank gave the current building to the City of Pilot Point which turned it into the Library.
Library Cards
The Pilot Point Community Library provides free library cards to all Denton County residents, City of Tioga residents, and all Pilot Point ISD students. Services are available to all others for an annual fee.
Library Programming
The Library offers programming for the entire family from preschoolers through adult. Our friendly and professional staff is eager to serve you. Welcome to the Pilot Point Community Library.
Library Collection
The library collection contains over 18,000 items including:
- Audio books on compact disc
- Books
- DVD movies
- eBooks
- Newspapers and magazines
Library Services
Library patrons may use our library to utilize electronic reference resources, access the Internet through our WiFi or use the Library's Internet computers. Other services the Library offers are:
- Book-a-Librarian service (by appointment for patrons who need one-to-one help)
- Exam proctoring
- Fax services (out-going only)
- Inter-Library Loan Service (ILLS)
- Photocopying and printing (in black / white and color)


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Access crime statistics for CSULB: These are mandated statistics known as the Jeanne Clery Disclosure of Campus Security Policy and Campus Crime Statistics Act. Hard copies of this brochure may be obtained from CSULB Police Department's main station located on the southern end of parking lot 11, 1250 Bellflower Blvd, or from the police substation located in the University Student Union room, 237. This report is also available on the University Police web site at http://daf.csulb.edu/offices/ppfm/police, and can be downloaded in the PDF format. This report is prepared in cooperation with the Police agencies surrounding our main campus and our alternate sites, Housing and Residential Life, the Judicial Affairs Office and the Division of Student Services. Each entity provides updated information on their educational efforts and programs to comply with the Act.
The following are among the options available to a victim and more than one option may be exercised:
1. Criminal Prosecution: University Police - (562) 985-4101 Emergency: 9-1-1
2. Civil Action: Consult an attorney.
3. University Disciplinary Process, where accused is:
4. Informal Mediation: Office of the University Ombuds (562) 985-5983; FND-140.
5. Alternative Campus Housing Assignments: Director, Housing (562) 985-4187; Housing Office
6. Academic Assistance:
In the event there are requests for information from the press, concerned students, parents, and others, prudence will be exercised, and when required by law, confidentiality will be maintained. When appropriate, only the Department Director (for matters strictly within the Director's purview), or the University Director of Public Affairs (for inquiries by the media), will respond.
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The information obtained by Romania's ambassador to Maputo by his Cuban counterpart not only continues Castro's praise of Mengistu's revolutionary zeal, but also sheds more light on the wide scope of the Cuban President's endeavors on the African continent.
April 3, 1977
Transcript of Meeting between East German leader Erich Honecker and Cuban leader Fidel Castro, East Berlin (excerpts)
Transcript of Meeting between East German leader Erich Honecker and Cuban leader Fidel Castro, East Berlin,
3 April 1977 (excerpts)
Minutes of the conversation between Comrade Erich Honecker and Comrade Fidel Castro, Sunday, 3 April 1977 between 11:00 and 13:30 and 15:45 and 18:00, House of the Central Committee, Berlin.
Participants: Comrades Hermann Axen, Werner Lamberz, Paul Verner, Paul Markowski (with Comrades Edgar Fries and Karlheinz Mobus as interpreters), Carlos Rafael Rodriguez, Osmany Cienfuegos, Raul Valdez Vivo, Jose Abrantes
Comrade Erich Honecker warmly welcomed Comrade Fidel Castro and the Cuban Comrades accompanying him to this internal conversation on behalf of the Central Committee.
We are very pleased about your visit to the GDR and the opportunity to exchange views about the result of your visit to several African and Arabian countries. On behalf of the Politburo I want to repeat that we consider your visit to these countries as important. I ask Comrade Fidel Castro to take the floor.
[first 16 pages omitted--ed.]
Statements by Comrade Fidel Castro: [...] Before my departure from Aden we discussed with the PDRY leadership the need to do everything possible to arrive at an understanding between Somalia and Ethiopia. I was well received in Somalia. I had asked them not to have any public demonstrations. Siad Barre was very friendly during our first dinner. Prior to my arrival, I had received his reply to a letter of mine regarding the question of relations between Somalia and Ethiopia. I had also sent an envoy to Somalia for discussions with Vice President Samantar and Interior Minister Suleiman. Samantar held to leftist positions, while Suleiman was a representative of the right wing. The discussion of our representative with him was very severe. I had already received considerable information in the PDRY regarding the situation in Somalia. The power and influence of the rightist group continue to increase. The Interior Minister, Suleiman, is doing everything possible to bring Somalia closer to Saudi Arabia and the imperialist countries. Samantar is losing influence. Everything seems to indicate that he is being driven into a corner by the right.
My first evening I wanted to clarify my thoughts about Siad Barre and the Somali revolution. No serious political discussion took place at this dinner; [Siad] Barre explained to me the evolution of the Somali revolution. The next day, we had an extensive sight-seeing program. We went to a Cuban-built militia training center, an agricultural school, a school for nomad children, etc. We were taken around for hours, although we had not yet had a political discussion, and a mass demonstration had been scheduled at noon in the stadium. I understood that they wanted to avoid such a conversation prior to the demonstration. As the demonstration began, Siad Barre and I had still not had a private conversation, and because of this I was very careful. Siad Barre was very arrogant and severe; maybe he wanted to intimidate us.
In my speech to the mass meeting I talked about imperialist policy in the Middle East, the reactionary role of Saudi Arabia, and the actions of other reactionary powers. I did this even though I knew that there was a considerable trend in the country in favor of closer relations with these countries. I talked about the PLO's struggle, the Ethiopian revolution, and the Libyan revolution, and of progressive Algeria that they want to isolate. I talked about Mozambique, and only at the end about how imperialism is doing everything to reverse the progressive order in Somalia. Siad Barre introduced me to participants of the mass meeting without saying a political word.
Before the mass meeting they had played half of a soccer game. It is unknown whether the soccer game was simply an appendage to the demonstration or vice versa. My speech went against the right wing tendencies and supported the left wing. We observed that almost all of the Central Committee members applauded, with the exception of Suleiman and his people. Samantar was very satisfied, and even Siad Barre seemed content. Nevertheless, the mass meeting was not broadcast live on radio or TV.
Only that evening did we begin to discuss specific problems, at my residence. It was clear to me that we had to be careful because surely the interior minister had installed bugs. This same evening Siad Barre finally talked about Ethiopia. He compared it to the Tsarist Empire and said that Ethiopia was the only surviving colonial power. Thanks to Lenin's wisdom, the Tsarist Empire had disappeared, but it lived on in Ethiopia. He had proposed to the Ethiopians, some time ago, to establish a federation or even a unification of the two countries. Ethiopia had not reacted then, but was now itself proposing this solution. He spoke very enthusiastically about his efforts to reach a solution with Ethiopia. I used the occasion to tell Siad Barre that I would travel to Ethiopia the next day and asked him if he would be willing to meet with Mengistu. He agreed.
The next day I flew on to Ethiopia. We had earlier agreed that there would be no great reception for me, since at the time they were still fighting the civil war. Shots constantly rang out. Mengistu took me to the old Imperial Palace and the negotiations began on the spot. I found the information that I already had to be confirmed. We continued our negotiations on the following day. Naturally we had to take extensive security precautions. The Ethiopians had come up with a division, and I had brought a company of Cuban soldiers with me. The day of my arrival there were rumors of a coup. It did not happen.
I developed the impression that there was a real revolution taking place in Ethiopia. In this former feudal empire, lands were being distributed to the peasants. Each farmer got 10 hectares. There were also reforms in the cities. It was established that each citizen could only own one house. Plots were made available for housing construction.
There is also a strong mass movement. In the capital, 500,000 people can be rapidly mobilized. In February, our study delegation, after inspecting the army divisions, had determined that of the hundreds of generals, all but two should be chased out. The officers and NCOs have taken over the leadership of the country. Currently, the leadership is considering creating a Party. There is a harsh class struggle against the feudalists in the country. The petit bourgeois powers are mobilizing against the Revolution. A strong separatist movement exists in Eritrea. Threats are coming from the Sudan, while Somalia claims 50% of Ethiopia's territory. There have been border clashes in this area for 500 years.
Mengistu strikes me as a quiet, serious, and sincere leader who is aware of the power of the masses. He is an intellectual personality who showed his wisdom on 3 February. The rightists wanted to do away with the leftists on 3 February. The prelude to this was an exuberant speech by the Ethiopian president in favor of nationalism. Mengistu preempted this coup. He called the meeting of the Revolutionary Council one hour early and had the rightist leaders arrested and shot. A very consequential decision was taken on 3 February in Ethiopia. The political landscape of the country changed, which has enabled them to take steps that were impossible before then. Before it was only possible to support the leftist forces indirectly, now we can do so without any constraints.
I asked Mengistu whether he was willing to meet with Siad Barre in Aden. We agreed. After concluding my talks I flew on to Aden.
Siad Barre had arrived in Aden that morning. Mengistu did not arrive until the afternoon. I had a conversation with Siad Barre in which he bared his claws. He told me that if Mengistu was a real revolutionary he should do as Lenin, and withdraw from his territory. Siad Barre took a very hard position. I asked him whether he felt that there had been no real revolution in Ethiopia and that Mengistu was not a real leftist leader. He told me that there had been no revolution in Ethiopia. While in Mogadishu he had shown me a map of Greater Somalia in which half of Ethiopia had been annexed.
After my talk with Siad Barre, I told Mengistu about Barre's attitude, and asked him to remain calm. I already felt bad about having invited Mengistu to Aden while there was still a powder keg situation back in his country and that in such a tense situation he was to hear out the Somalis' territorial demands.
With regards to my question about the situation of the Ethiopian army, Mengistu said that there were still difficulties but that he didn't think that there was an acute danger of a coup.
When the meeting started, Siad Barre immediately began speaking. Siad Barre is a general who was educated under colonialism. The revolution in Somalia is led by generals who all became powerful under colonial times. I have made up my mind about Siad Barre, he is above all a chauvinist. Chauvinism is the most important factor in him. Socialism is just an outer shell that is supposed to make him more attractive. He has received weapons from the socialist countries and his socialist doctrine is [only] for the masses. The Party is there only to support his personal power.
In his case there is a bizarre symbiosis of rule by military men who went through the school of colonialism and social appearances. Something about socialism appeals to him, but overall there is still a lot of inequality and unfairness in the country. His principal ideas are nationalism and chauvinism, not socialism.
His goal is old fashioned politics: sweet, friendly words. Siad Barre speaks like a wise man; only he speaks. He is different from the many political leaders that I know. [Egyptian President Anwar] Sadat, [Algerian President Houari] Boumedienne, [Mozambique President Samora] Machel, [Angolan President Agostinho] Neto and many others are strong characters. They can also listen and do not take a dogmatic attitude. One can speak with them. Siad Barre really thinks that he is at the summit of wisdom. Until now everything has gone smoothly for him. The Italians and the British made him a general. The revolution was accomplished in a minute, with hardly a shot fired. He put on a socialist face and got economic aid and weapons from the Soviet Union. His country is important strategically, and he likes prestige. Barre is very convinced of himself. His socialist rhetoric is unbearable. He is the greatest socialist; he cannot say ten words without mentioning socialism.
With this tone he began to speak in the meeting with Mengistu. He began giving a lecture on Ethiopia and demanded from Mengistu to do as Lenin had done: do away with the Ethiopian Empire. Mengistu remained quiet; he said that Ethiopia was ready and willing to find a solution and that there needed to be the first concrete steps on both sides to achieve a rapprochement.
Siad Barre theatrically responded that he was disappointed with Mengistu and that he displayed the same attitude as the Ethiopian Emperor. The Ethiopian revolutionary leadership had the same mentality as Haile Selassie. The meeting had begun at 11 PM and a solution was not in sight.
[Cuban Vice President] Carlos Rafael Rodriguez then proposed the establishment of a standing commission with representatives from Ethiopia, Somalia and the PDRY to find ways to a solution. All the other participants drafted us against our will into this commission.
Siad Barre carried on with his great wise man act, as the great Socialist, the great Marxist. At the same time he spoke demagogically as only one member of the "collective leadership" with a mandate from the Politburo and the need to consult with them on all matters. After a brief recess for consultations with his delegation he proposed direct talks between Mengistu and himself.
Mengistu, who had already become more insulted and mistrustful during Siad Barre's previous statements, said that he was willing to do so, but not at this time. First the question of the commission had to be resolved.
We continued the meeting at 3.15 in the morning. Siad Barre had prepared the text of an agreement in which the idea of the commission was accepted but which directed that its main purpose should be to solve the outstanding territorial questions between Somalia and Ethiopia. The commission would thus take this approach from the start. How were the Ethiopians supposed to react to such a provocative proposal?
During the break I had spoken with Mengistu, who did not hide his rejection of Siad Barre. I also spoke with Siad Barre and asked him whether he was really interested in finding a solution. He said that Mengistu would have to answer that. He went on with his revolutionary rhetoric, about how real socialists, revolutionaries, and Marxists could not deny realities. He said that Mengistu was in fact a drastic man, one who has taken drastic measures: why could he not decide similarly drastically right here and now to resolve the question?
In this setting I was faced with the complicated question of either speaking my mind about Siad Barre's position or keeping it to myself. I concluded that I had to speak out for the following reasons:
1. Keeping quiet would have meant endorsing the chauvinistic policy of Somalia, and its consequences. It would also have meant supporting the rightists in Somalia.
2. Not responding to Siad Barre would mean that any subsequent aid from socialist countries to Ethiopia, no matter how small, would be termed by Siad Barre as a betrayal.
3. In what kind of a situation would this put the PDRY, about to support Ethiopia with tanks, trucks and artillery with the help of a Soviet ship?
In addition, Siad Barre had not only been insulting, he was resorting to subtle threats. At a certain point he said that one could not know where all of this could lead.
Because of this, I spoke up. I explained that Siad Barre did not believe that there had been a real revolution in Ethiopia, that the events of 3 February had totally answered this question and that Mengistu was a revolutionary leader. I went on to say that we considered the events in Ethiopia as a revolution, that the events of 3 February were a turning point, and that Mengistu is the leader of a profound transformation. I declared that we could not possibly agree with Siad Barre's position. I said that Siad Barre's position represented a danger to the revolution in Somalia, endangered the revolution in Ethiopia, and that as a result there was a danger of isolating the PDRY. In particular I emphasized that Siad Barre's policies were aiding the right wing in Somalia itself in its efforts against socialism, and to deliver Somalia into the arms of Saudi Arabia and Imperialism.
I said that these policies were weakening Somalia's relations with the socialist countries and would have to lead to the collapse of the revolution in Somalia. I appealed to Siad Barre's and the entire Somali leadership's sense of historical responsibility. I said that I did not think that this would come to a war between Somalia and Ethiopia but that I was worried, since war would be a very serious thing. I do not believe that there are people who would provoke a war between the peoples.
Immediately after my speaking so frankly, Siad Barre took the floor. He said that he would never want war and that as a socialist and revolutionary he would never take this path. If the socialist camp wanted to cut itself off from Somalia then that was the affair of the socialist camp. I had put pressure on him, Siad Barre, but not demanded from Mengistu, to come to this meeting.
Now, I pointed out that I had supported the summit between Siad Barre and Mengistu but did not talk about Siad Barre's insults vis-a-vis Mengistu. I said that Cuba had no intention of cutting itself off from the Somali Revolution, rather, we supported it. The whole meeting ended without any results.
If we now give our aid to Ethiopia, Siad Barre will have no moral right to accuse us of betrayal, etc. I told him very clearly that there was a revolution in Ethiopia and that we had to help it.
In any case I had detected during my meetings with Siad Barre a certain irritation on his part with the Soviet Union. He was agitated that the Soviet Union was not delivering spare parts or tractors and that oil came too late from the Soviet Union, in spite of repeated promises. The Soviet ambassador has explained the state of affairs to us. The Somalis were repeatedly changing their minds about their requests, which had delayed the matter. In addition, unfortunately the Soviet oil tanker had sunk on its way to Somalia.
As I told Siad Barre this, he called the Soviets liars. He said this was not the position of the Soviet politburo, but rather the result of sabotage by bureaucrats. His irritation and criticism of the Soviet Union also showed in other cases. He went on to say that there was not enough drinkable water in his country and that cattle were dying, the bananas were ripening too late, all because the pumps provided by the Soviets did not work.
Because of this attitude of Siad Barre I see a great danger. That is why I considered it appropriate to give you my impressions truthfully, without euphemisms.
I wanted to discuss my point of view frankly. The socialist countries are faced with a problem. If they help Ethiopia, they will lose Siad Barre's friendship. If they do not, the Ethiopian Revolution will founder. That was the most important thing about these matters.
[comments on southern Africa, omitted here, are printed earlier in this Bulletin--ed.]
There were several requests for military aid from various sides: [Libyan Leader Moammar] Qadaffi, Mengistu, and the Congolese leaders. During our stay in Africa we sent [Cuban Vice President] Carlos Rafael Rodriguez to Moscow to confer with our Soviet comrades and to Havana for consultations with our leadership. In order to find the best solution we must think through this question calmly and thoroughly and consider it in terms of the overall situation of the socialist camp. Above all we must do something for Mengistu. Already we are collecting old weapons in Cuba for Ethiopia, principally French, Belgian and Czech hand-held weapons. About 45,000 men must be supplied with weapons. We are going to send military advisers to train the Ethiopian militia in weapons-use. There are many people in Ethiopia who are qualified for the army. We are supporting the training of the militia. Meanwhile the situation in Eritrea is difficult. There are also progressive people in the liberation movement, but, objectively, they are playing a reactionary role. The Eritrean separatist movement is being supported by the Sudan, Saudi Arabia, and Egypt. Ethiopia has good soldiers and a good military tradition, but they need time to organize their army. Mengistu asked us for 100 trainers for the militia, now he is also asking us for military advisers to build up regular units. Our military advisory group is active at the staff level. The Ethiopians have economic means and the personnel necessary to build up their army. Rumors have been spread lately that the reactionaries will conquer Asmara in two months. The revolution in Ethiopia is of great significance. With regard to military aid for the PR Congo and the Libyans we have not yet come to a decision.
I had consultations with Boumedienne in Algeria and asked for his opinion. He assured me that Algeria would never abandon Libya. Algeria is very concerned with the situation in the Mediterranean because of its security interests. It is in favor of supporting Libya, as long as military aid is confined to the socialist camp. That is not only a question between Cuba and Algeria. If we succeed in strengthening the revolution in Libya, Ethiopia, Mozambique, the PDRY, and Angola, we have an integrated strategy for the whole African continent.
Algeria would move closer to the socialist camp. It bought 1.5 billion rubles of weapons from the Soviets. Boumedienne thinks that Sadat is totally lost to us. In Syria there is also no leftist movement any more, either, especially after the Syrians defeated the progressive powers and the PLO in Lebanon.
[Indian President] Indira Gandhi gambled away the elections.
In Africa, however, we can inflict a severe defeat on the entire reactionary imperialist policy. One can free Africa from the influence of the USA and of the Chinese. The developments in Zaire are also very important. Libya and Algeria have large national resources, Ethiopia has great revolutionary potential. So there is a great counterweight to Egypt's betrayal. It might even be possible that Sadat could be turned around and that the imperialist influence in the Middle East can be turned back.
This must all be discussed with the Soviet Union. We follow its policies and its example.
We estimate that Libya's request is an expression of trust. One should not reject their request. Cuba alone cannot help it.
[remainder of conversation omitted--ed.]
[Source: Stiftung "Archiv der Parteien und Massenorganisationen der ehemaligen DDR im Bundesarchiv" (Berlin), DY30 JIV 2/201/1292; document obtained by Christian F. Ostermann and translated by David Welch with revisions by Ostermann.]
Transcript of a meeting between East German leader Erich Honecker and Cuban leader Fidel Castro, East Berlin (excerpts) regarding Castro's visit to Somalia and Ethiopia, criticizing Siad Barre and discussing the need to help the revolution in Ethiopia
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Eibenschitz (Jihomoravský kraj, Czech Republic)
Eibenschitz (German for Ivančice, Evančice or Wančice), a town situated on the Iglau, in the Brno district of Moravia, population in 1950s 5,000, mostly Czech (9,300 in 2005). In the 1420s the Hussite doctrine won numerous adherents and prospered here. During the Reformation the Protestants shared the town church with the Utraquists, the former using the smaller part, the latter the larger. In the outskirts of the city some Swiss Protestants had a church and a school; the Swiss Brethren had their meetinghouse in a lane in a suburb. There were also some Schwenckfeldians in the town. The Hutterian Brethren, however, held their services in the neighboring village of Alexovitz (known also as Olekovitz and Alecotz). When the Brethren of Alexovitz are mentioned in the chronicles, those living in Ivančice are also meant.
In Ivančice and probably also Alexovitz the Hutterites settled about 1527 and 1528 (Beck, 68); the baronial Lipa family received them kindly. In Alexovitz they had a Bruderhof (Beck, 393) with deacons (352) and preachers (352). The Swiss Brethren had their center in a suburb of Ivančice (152). Although the people of Ivančice were absolved of blame in the revolt against Ferdinand II, the non-Catholic inhabitants were so severely oppressed that the Hutterites of Alexovitz preferred to move to Alwinc in Transylvania (396); those who did not leave voluntarily were expelled in 1622, and joined the colonies in Transylvania. There they had ordained Konrad Hirzl as preacher on 6 August 1621; in the following year he voluntarily resigned.
Through the withdrawal of these capable people and, of course, also through the devastation of the Thirty Years' War Ivančice fell into a decline from which it never fully recovered.
Beck, Josef. Die Geschichts-Bücher der Wiedertäufer in Oesterreich-Ungarn. Vienna, 1883; reprinted Nieuwkoop: De Graaf, 1967.
Hege, Christian and Christian Neff. Mennonitisches Lexikon, 4 vols. Frankfurt & Weierhof: Hege; Karlsruhe: Schneider, 1913-1967: v. I, 532 f.
Wolny, Gregor. Die Markgrafschaft Mähren: topographisch, statistisch und historisch geschildert. 2. ed.: III, 335-341.
Author(s) | Johann Loserth |
Date Published | 1956 |
Cite This Article
MLA style
Loserth, Johann. "Eibenschitz (Jihomoravský kraj, Czech Republic)." Global Anabaptist Mennonite Encyclopedia Online. 1956. Web. 22 Feb 2024. https://gameo.org/index.php?title=Eibenschitz_(Jihomoravsk%C3%BD_kraj,_Czech_Republic)&oldid=144102.
APA style
Loserth, Johann. (1956). Eibenschitz (Jihomoravský kraj, Czech Republic). Global Anabaptist Mennonite Encyclopedia Online. Retrieved 22 February 2024, from https://gameo.org/index.php?title=Eibenschitz_(Jihomoravsk%C3%BD_kraj,_Czech_Republic)&oldid=144102.
©1996-2024 by the Global Anabaptist Mennonite Encyclopedia Online. All rights reserved.


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I'll be flying to Sao Paulo this week to attend Jenkins meet-up (Saturday) and JavaOne Latin America (next Tuesday and onward).
The last time I visited Brazil was a few years ago, but thanks to Mauricio Leal, whom I tagged around with for a JUG tour around Brazil, it was really a blast. This time around I don't have the benefit of the local guy to the degree I had before, but I'm really looking forward to it.
The major pre-travel issue was that the Brazilian government run out of the visa stickers. But I made it just in time (or more precisely I hopefully will be — I'll be picking up my passport Wednesday and flying Thursday. Phew!)
The highlight of the trip will be the first-eve Jenkins meet up in São Paulo — I've been a big fan of local communities where there exists a language barrier. I'm from Japan, so I've seen it the first hand the value of local communities would bring to the table. The speaker/session line up is amazing, the event is free, and there'll be a social at the end, so if you are in the area and has been interested in meeting with fellow Jenkins developers and users, please RSVP.
But if you can't come in person, at least please consider joinining the Brazilian Portaguese mailing list of Jenkins users, which we are launching.
I don't really have any plans on Sunday and Monday — any sight-seeing suggestions and/or interest of meeting up and chatting about stuff would be more than welcome. Leave the comment here, or see the right for my e-mail address.


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Can I charge my iPod/ iPhone by using the speaker?
When your iPod/ iPhone is connected to the USB port, charging automatically begins.
Charging is possible even when the speaker is turned off.
- For SRS-X9/ X99 and SRS-BTD70 :
Only the USB A port supports charging. It may be necessary for the supplied power cord to be plugged into a wall outlet. - If the speaker is being powered by the built-in battery only, the connected USB device can be charged only when the speaker is turned on.


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I loved this Very Easy Vogue pattern when it came out at the end of April. I immediately ordered it before the BMV sale ended. When it arrived, I was a bit surprised. On the Vogue website, they show the jacket on a live model:
However, when the pattern arrived, there is only a diagram on the envelope:
Strange, no?
Anyway, this pattern went on my short list. I don't have a lot of striped knit fabrics in the stash, and the pattern specifies a knit, so it awaited the perfect fabric.
Meanwhile, some months ago, I ordered a pleated woven fabric from Marcy Tilton. (It's no longer on her site.) This fabric is very interesting. It's reversible - striped on one side, and plaid on the other. Being pleated, it's rather stretchy. However, it's also rather stiff. When I machine washed and dried it, it became even more pleated. I really liked it, but had no idea how to use it, so it marinated.
One day, it occurred to me that I might use the pleated woven for the cardigan. The fabric has lots of ease, due to the pleats, as well as the bias cut. Why not try it? I decided to avoid a dart and take advantage of the bias. The pattern also has a peplum, which can be difficult to fit, so I quickly whipped up a sample garment using black ponte. It needed a few tweaks, but I decided it would work for the pleated woven.
I decided to sew this jacket completely by hand, including felling of the seams so the inside is neatly finished. Sewing a pleated fabric by hand gives you more control of the pleats. It might not have been necessary – I didn't really experiment with sewing the fabric by machine. But I do think that some of the construction would have been much harder by machine. I enjoy hand sewing, and this is a simple garment, but it did take me awhile.
I made the longer version. I cut the pattern out along different size lines: smaller in the shoulder, larger in the bust, and so on.
Alterations and Modifications:
- Widened the sleeve. This pattern has a fairly narrow sleeve.
- Narrowed the shoulder.
- Lengthened the peplum in front to accommodate my bust.
- For the back neckline, I used the reverse side of the fabric.
- Eliminated the facings. Instead, I finished the front and hem with rayon grosgrain ribbon from Britex.
- I didn't have enough fabric for full length sleeves, so I used 3/4 length sleeves and added a contrast band, using the reverse side of the fabric.
- The jacket is not designed to have a closure, but I added a single button closure. The perfect button is from Britex and the corresponding button loop is a short length of elastic.
- I had some problems with the armscye. Though I widened the sleeve, I found that the armscye is rather snug. It also hit me strangely on the body. The front was too wide and the back too narrow. It took a fair amount of fiddling to get a reasonable fit at the armscye. I will be wearing this over a shell.
- Added a patch pocket. I didn't want to distract from the bold graphic design created by the stripes, so I carefully matched the stripes to make the pocket as invisible as possible.
- When I cut out the bias, I cut the stripes going in a different direction that shown on the pattern.
I'm happy with my jacket. In fact, I liked the unusual fabric so much, I went back to Marcy's site and bought some in the blue/gray/cream colorway. I think this one should become a pair of pants!