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Welcome to Wise Bread's Best Money Tips Roundup! Today we found some great articles on Fourth of July treats, creating new routines, and tips for eating healthy on a budget.
5 Fun and Festive Fourth of July Treats — This Fourth of July, make a flag cookie pizza or Fourth of July strawberries. [Parenting Squad]
Creating New Routines — One of the best ways to get better finances is to create new routines. To be successful when creating new routines, be mindful of everything you do. [The Simple Dollar]
5 Tips for Eating Healthy on a Budget — Want to eat healthy on a budget? Consider making your own convenience food. [PT Money]
7 Tips to Make Moving on a Budget Quick and Easy — Make moving on a budget quick and easy by using colored labels for each box. [Careful Cents]
Save Up an Emergency Fund — It is a good idea to have three to six months of money saved up in an emergency fund. [Moolanomy]
12 Fourth Of July Discounts To Help You Celebrate Independence Day — This Independence Day, consider checking out Ann Taylor's semiannual sale where you can get up to 70% off regular prices. [SavvySugar]
7 Money Mindset Myths That Are Keeping You Poor — Don't fall victim to the money mindset that if you earn more money you can spend more. [MoneyNing]
5 Ways to Convince Yourself to Increase Your Retirement Savings — Are you having trouble convincing yourself to increase your retirement savings? If so, tell yourself that your actions now will prevent you from being a burden on others in the future. [Consumerism Commentary]
9 New and Affordable Ways to Get Fit at Home — Get fit at home by buying used equipment from gyms. [Shape]
Comparing Whole Life Insurance vs. Term Life Insurance — Did you know that whole life insurance can be included in your net worth because it acts as a savings account? [The Digerati Life]
Disclaimer: The links and mentions on this site may be affiliate links. But they do not affect the actual opinions and recommendations of the authors.
Wise Bread is a participant in the Amazon Services LLC Associates Program, an affiliate advertising program designed to provide a means for sites to earn advertising fees by advertising and linking to amazon.com.


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Our Car Injury Lawyer has helped countless injured clients in East Gaffney for over a decade. Whether the collision involved another vehicle, road hazards or driver error, our experienced team will aggressively fight on your behalf. Through effective negotiation and, if needed, litigation, we work to hold at-fault parties fully responsible and financially liable. Our goal is to ensure clients receive maximum compensation for medical bills, lost income, property damage and long-term effects from their injuries.
For a free legal consultation, call 864-326-3333
Are paperwork and expenses mounting with no resolution in sight for your injury case? You don't need to face this alone. Our experienced Car Injury Lawyer in East Gaffney offers free consultations to review your case's details. We'll evaluate liability and damages, outline a plan of action, and advise on the next steps. Best of all, there are no upfront legal costs — we only get paid if we succeed in obtaining a settlement for you. Contact us today to schedule your free consultation.
Call or text 864-326-3333 or complete a Free Case Evaluation form

subset: commoncrawl


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By Desire Rwagaju, OLPC-Learning Development Officer
One Laptop Per Child Association in collaboration with Agahozo-Shalom Youth Village (ASYV) proposed, planned and is implementing a training that focused on the holistic development (cognitive & social) for its students in senior six and five. This Training aimed to strengthen the ASYV student's knowledge on the use of OLPC laptop for deep learning, lesson planning and implementation of project based learning activities.
Brief history of ASYV:
After 1994 genocide in Rwanda, one of the biggest problems Rwanda faced was the vast number of orphans with no systemic solution to support their well-being and development. Anne Heyman and her husband Seth Merin (living in New-York City) were inspired by the similar challenge that Israel faced after the Second World War, when there was a large influx of orphans from the Holocaust. As solution to the problem Israel built residential living communities called youth villages. This is the model residential living communities brought to Rwanda by Anne Heyman, Agahozo-Shalom Founder. Called "The Agahozo-Shalom Youth Village (ASYV)†is a residential community in rural area in Rwanda. It is a home to youth who were orphaned during and after the genocide in 1994. Its mission is to enable orphaned and vulnerable youth to realize their maximum potential by providing them with a safe and secure living environment, healthcare, education and necessary life skills.
Education in ASYV and OLPC involvement:
ASYV aims on developing students both cognitively and socially. Village education focuses on both Formal Education (schooling) and Informal Education to expand each student's talents, skills, and capacity to become not only functioning members of society, but leaders of their communities. This is where ASYV's education aligns with OLPC's learning philosophy and approach–using mobile technology to empower each student's individual learning process in some of the most remote and difficult conditions. With connected laptops, learners are liberated to actively engage with others with similar interests in cultures of learning by doing without being limited by time or space. Children can learn by teaching, actively assisting other learners and freeing the teacher to focus her experience and expertise where most needed. It was seen as an opportunity for this village to benefit from this learning approach, which will enhance all the great initiatives already in place.
Trainees explore sugar learning environment, diagnosed and solved different hardware and software problems, as well as disassembling and assembling the XO.
At the end of the first phase of the training (August 10th) all trainees were going to vacation, they have been assigned to different schools received olpc laptop in previous deployment done by the government of Rwanda in 30 districts of the country. They will be helping the project with the upgrade of the anti-theft key, as they will be introducing kids and teachers at schools nearby their homes on the use of xo laptops. The Training will continue after they come back from vacation to reinforce trainee's capacity of planning and conducting trainings for teachers.


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Welcome to the largest and most exciting farming simulator ever made! Farming Simulator 2013 is bigger and enriched with outstanding content and many new features, challenging you to take on the role of a modern day farmer.
Animal husbandry, crops, sales… It's up to you to manage and grow your own farm in a huge, totally new world. As you progress in your career and complete different missions, you'll control more than a hundred farming vehicles and machines faithfully recreated from the biggest names in the industry: Case IH, Deutz-Fahr, Lamborghini, Same, Horsch and newcomer Grimme.
This year, Farming Simulator is back with even more diverse crops (sugar beet and potatoes), new livestock (chicken and sheep) and new vehicles never seen before in a video game!


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Space station awaits for Russian craft after delay
A Russian spacecraft carrying three astronauts is on track to arrive at the International Space Station after a delay.
Docking with the orbiting outpost was set for Thursday evening.
The trio blasted off from Kazakhstan on Wednesday on what was supposed to be a six-hour "fast track" to the space station. But an engine burn intended to adjust the Soyuz spacecraft's path never occurred, delaying the docking. The American and two Russians on board were not in danger.
Since the space shuttle's retirement, NASA has relied on the Russians to ferry astronauts. It's paying two private companies including SpaceX to transport cargo and eventually astronauts.
NASA says SpaceX's fourth supply run to the space station set for Sunday has been postponed because of a problem at the launch site.
© 2014 The Associated Press. All rights reserved.


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Moscow, Russia (CNN) -- Troops from the United States, Britain and France marched in the annual Victory Day parade through Red Square for the first time Sunday, a step Russia's president called a nod toward their "common victory" in World War II.
The annual parade celebrates the defeat of Nazi Germany by the former Soviet Union and its Western allies and serves as a demonstration of Russian military might. More than 120 aircraft flew overhead and more than 10,500 troops paraded through the capital this year.
"The victory won in 1945 was our common victory, a victory of good over evil, of justice over lawlessness," Russian President Dmitry Medvedev said at a reception honoring veterans after the parade.
Including military representatives from other countries in Sunday's parade, Medvedev said, "is indicative of our solidarity, and of the understanding that universal humanistic values are becoming increasingly important for the development of the modern world."
Chinese President Hu Jintao and German Chancellor Angela Merkel were among the parade's invited guests.
Millions of Russians watched the parade on television and attended smaller parades in cities across the country, and more than half of Russians greeted the invitation to foreign troops with approval, according to a poll by the independent Levada Center in April.
But leaders of the Communist Party and right-wing organizations have criticized the change. And in a country that still regards the U.S.-led NATO alliance as its primary security threat, 20 percent of respondents to Levada's poll said they disapproved of inviting international troops to march in the parade, and 8 percent were strongly against it.
The Soviet Union suffered the most losses of any country during World War II, with more than 7.5 million soldiers killed and 5 million wounded, along with millions of civilian deaths.
Most Russians say they believe the Red Army would have defeated Hitler without Western assistance, Levada's research shows.
CNN's Matthew Chance contributed to this report.


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The level plate is signed Chs Ganna, 19 Dean St., Holborn. Charles Ganna is not listed in the usual dictionaries of instrument and clock makers, but the work in the barometer is in the same league as the high-quality Somalvico or Dollond workshops at this period.
For details see our website, charlesedwin.com


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Here is the new OFF-TOPIC forum for banter on Sports, Current Events, Family, Beer, or anything else.
Use this control to limit the display of threads to those newer than the specified time frame.
Allows you to choose the data by which the thread list will be sorted.
Order threads in...
Note: when sorting by date, 'descending order' will show the newest results first.


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Welcome to your daily inspiration
NationalTraveller.com is a visual reference website comprising of what really excites and inspires us everyday. We love design, fashion, architecture, lifestyle, travel, photography but most of all we love to share instigating things, passion and joy. We think of sharing as one of the most invigorating tasks in our life. If you do so, then we' ll be happy to see you join our team...


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Police are investigating a report of a 17-year-old girl who alleges that a man assaulted her in the restroom of the Thomas Jefferson Library, 7415 Arlington Blvd., Falls Church. The incident occurred shortly before 9 p.m. on Tuesday.
The teen told police she felt she was being followed by a man who she noticed had been watching her and following her throughout her day of studying. In an effort to curtail him, she ducked into the restroom as she exited the building. He followed her in. She ordered him to leave but he refused. The suspect touched and pushed her. She kicked him, screamed, and the suspect fled.
Library staff responded and called police. Staff members report the suspect had been in the library on previous occasions, but they did not know of any previous incidents or assaults.
The suspect is described as black, medium brown complexion, ranging between 5 feet 7 inches to 5 feet 10 inches tall, and weighed around 160-180 pounds. He had a shaven bald head, brown eyes, a gap in his front teeth and a diagonal scar on his forehead. He wore a pale green, long-sleeved, button-up shirt with khaki pants. He carried a brown or tan soft leather briefcase.
The investigation is continuing. Detectives would like anyone who may have had contact with this individual to contact police.
Anyone with information is asked to contact Crime Solvers by phone at 1-866-411-TIPS/8477, e-mail at www.fairfaxcrimesolvers.org or text "TIP187" plus your message to CRIMES/274637 or call Fairfax County Police at 703-691-2131.


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Latest Article|September 3, 2020|Free
::Making Grown Men Cry Since 1992
2 min read
The city's Independent Review Officer William Deaton cleared former Public Safety Director Darren White of any wrongdoing by exerting his position at the scene of a car accident involving White's wife, Kathleen. The city released a redacted copy of Deaton's investigation summary. Interim City Attorney Robert Kidd says the names are blacked out due to an union-city administration agreement. Deaton also found there was enough evidence to investigate Kathleen of DUI when on the morning of July 6, she crashed into a curb and told officers she was taking prescription drugs. White showed up with lights flashing and took her to the hospital himself. Allegations started circulating immediately about White trying to intimidate officers and of Deputy Chief Beth Paiz putting pressure on one of the responding officers to change drug details before turning in the accident report. Deaton's findings say that paramedic and other witnesses at the scene did not think White was throwing his power around to remove his wife from scene. Nor did White intimidate them, the findings say. Deaton said he did not find any wrongdoing on the part of Deputy Chief Paiz asking a responding officer to take out references to prescription drugs. Deaton found enough evidence showing White abused his city vehicle and should not have used his lights in responding to the scene. The City Attorney's office and the Mayor's office released statements declining any comment on the report.On July 25, the City Council's Internal Operations Committee approved asking the full Council to request the city's new inspector general do an independent look at the incident. Council members have said they do not think Deaton's office is the proper entity to do an impartial investigation. The next full Council meeting is set for 5 p.m. on Monday, Aug. 1, in the Council Chambers in the basement of City Hall.


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Requires a minimum of 21 units in a program developed, approved, and supervised in the same manner as the Special Emphasis Option.
Take the following:
The rest of the program constructed in consultation with a faculty advisor.
At least nine upper-division units must be taken after program approval, and at least 11 units must be earned in the Department of English at CSULB.


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Bob Pollin: Costs of Social Security and Medicare have nothing to do with rise in fiscal deficit.
PAUL JAY, SENIOR EDITOR, TRNN: Welcome to The Real News Network. I'm Paul Jay in Baltimore. And welcome to this week's edition of The PERI Report with Bob Pollin, who now joins us from Amherst, Massachusetts.
Bob is the founder and codirector of the PERI institute in Amherst. He's a widely published author, his latest book being Back to Full Employment.
Thanks for joining us again, Bob.
ROBERT POLLIN, CODIRECTOR, POLITICAL ECONOMY RESEARCH INSTITUTE: Thank you very much for having me, Paul.
JAY: So what's on your mind this week?
POLLIN: Well, it was a major week in terms of economic news, because on Friday we got the latest report from the Labor Department on unemployment, showing that the unemployment rate had eked down from 7.7 percent to 7.6 percent, the official rate. But the only reason that the rate went down was because 496,000 people, about half a million people, dropped out of the labor force. If those people had stayed in the labor force, the unemployment rate would have actually gone up to 7.9 percent. So the news on the job market is terrible.
Now, at the same time, on the same day, Friday, the White House put out the news that President Obama is about to propose his budget for the coming year, in which he supports the idea of cuts to Social Security and Medicare, the two most basic programs that represented what we have in our very, very modest welfare state in this country.
So Obama is affirming his support for the idea of fiscal austerity, for the idea that the overriding problem in the economy today is the fiscal deficit at the same time that the unemployment rate, the unemployment situation is actually getting worse.
And then one other thing, which is equally important. Only the day before, the news out of the White House: Obama was giving a speech to supporters, actually, in which he indicated that he was about to support the construction of the Keystone pipeline through the middle west of the U.S. And his argument as to why he would support the Keystone pipeline was that we need it in terms of jobs.
So on the one hand, he's supporting austerity policies which are destroying jobs, which have no way through which they will create jobs. On the other hand, he's making the false argument that supporting the Keystone pipeline is going to help create jobs. In fact, it is not going to help create any jobs.
The State Department itself, his own State Department indicated that the Keystone pipeline construction would maybe create 4,000 to 5,000 jobs per year. So if we took their high number, 5,000 jobs, note that that's 1/100th of the number of people that dropped out of the labor force just this last month.
So Obama has no jobs program. He's supporting austerity. He's supporting cuts in Social Security and Medicare. And we are going absolutely in reverse relative to where we need to go, which is to support programs to expand jobs.
JAY: Now, explain something to me, 'cause as I—you know, I'm a—people know that watch I'm a dual citizen, but I grew up in Canada, so some of this detail I don't get. I don't understand. I thought Social Security was more or less a self-funding program based on employer and employee contributions. What has this got to do with the debt anyway?
POLLIN: Well, actually, officially it has nothing to do with it, you're right, because Social Security is supposed to be funded out of payroll taxes, both on the employer and on the employee. Social Security is solvent. Social Security is going to remain solvent for their various estimates, 20 years with no changes. Over the long term it's possible that we would need to make changes given the ageing population. But you're right. It has nothing—none of this—Medicare also actually has nothing whatsoever to do with the increase in the fiscal deficit. The fiscal deficit in 2007, the last year of George Bush's presidency before the 2008 presidential election, or let's say the last year before the recession, the fiscal deficit of the United States was 1.7 percent of GDP. Note: 1.7 percent with the Bush tax cuts in place, with Afghanistan and Iraq wars being fought. The only cause for the huge jump in the fiscal deficit was the Wall Street crash and the Great Recession. That's the sole cause. It has nothing to do with Social Security, and actually nothing to do with Medicare.
JAY: So just a quick note back where you started. These almost half a million people that have dropped out of the labor force, these are essentially people that have given up looking for work. So this is not people that have somehow found something else to do.
POLLIN: Well, we don't know what the something is, but we know that right now the proportion of people of working age that are actually in the labor force is lower than it's been since—basically since women started entering the labor force in much higher numbers. So this is really a watershed moment in which it's very clear that people are giving up, getting out of the labor force.
Now, we do have some official data where you ask people, have you stopped looking this month? And if you include those people in the unemployment statistics and the people that have taken part-time jobs instead of—and wanted full-time, well, then we're at 13.8 percent officially from the Labor Department. That's 21.5 million people officially, according to the Labor Department. So we're in—we remain in—we've discussed it a lot—we remain in an employment crisis. Austerity policies are putting us in the wrong direction. If you lay off people in the public sector, which is what austerity policies are doing, you are not going to automatically create more jobs in the private sector. That is what is actually happening now, and that's why you have people dropping out of the labor force.
JAY: Well, it seems pretty clear the objective of both parties—the Obama administration and the Republicans—the objective is, I guess, what's happening now, which is record-high corporate profits. The stock market's doing great, mostly because wages are low. Money's cheap. And I guess as long as there's more recession, money's going to stay cheap, which is also good for corporate profits, because they're now borrowing—their financing costs are next to nil, and it's a great time to buy new technology and put even more workers out of work. But where the heck does all this lead, then?
POLLIN: Well, yeah. Let me give you one more statistic. That is, from 2009 to 2011, the income, the entire income growth in the U.S. economy, the share of that entire income growth, the share that went to the top 1 percent was 121 percent. A hundred and twenty-one percent of all the income growth went to the top 1 percent. The other 99 percent saw incomes contract. That's during our recovery.
So you're absolutely right. We do not have a plan to accomplish anything other than what we see now, which is the rich feasting off of the austerity conditions that are giving them cheap money to borrow, low wages. And the employment for everybody else is getting worse.
JAY: Is this partly because the wealthy have discovered a moment in the economy where you can have low wages, recession, cheap money without any inflation—in other words, generally I would have thought traditional economic theory would be, when you go this long with cheap money, eventually that becomes inflationary, so you don't want to keep doing that. But have they not found that it's not being inflationary at all because the whole global economy is so depressed that you can carry on this practically zero money to the banks? I mean, I even—I just saw the other day you can get a commercial mortgage for a building—so if you have an office building—for 3.3 percent or even less. I mean, that's extraordinarily cheap, I would think, for a commercial building. So, I mean, this is great, isn't it? Like, practically free money, low wages, high profits. So who cares if the economy ever comes back?
POLLIN: Well, I think that's a fair point. And I think that even more than that, Paul, that at least the right—and I won't say Obama is part of this, at least not yet—that the right sees this as an opportunity not just for high profits now, but to eviscerate the welfare state, the modest welfare state that we have, to destroy unions, including public sector unions, and to permanently shift the balance of power in favor of the wealthy such that this kind of situation can go on indefinitely, which is no upward wage pressure, keeping unemployment rate high enough so that people are desperate for jobs, they don't have bargaining power, and productivity keeps rising, and the gains from productivity go increasingly to the top. That's the model that we've had. Unfortunately, if I may pin a date on it, roughly since the election of the late Margaret Thatcher. And that model is only getting intensified. This is the neoliberal model. Again, you could say it started with Thatcher, roughly, and Ronald Reagan. I thought it was in a crisis. It is coming out of the crisis by getting actually stronger, not weaker.
JAY: Alright. Thanks for joining us, Bob.
POLLIN: Thank you very much, Paul.
JAY: And thank you for joining us on The Real News Network.


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Lakme Peach & Plum Daily Glow Moisturiser with Sunscreens Review
Lakme Claims: Enhance your skin's natural radiance and protect it from the sun with this 12-hour daily moisturiser with sunscreens. Every drop is infused with peach and plum concentrate that soften your skin, giving you a radiant glow. Peaches are a natural source of AHAs that boosts your skin's natural resilience against wrinkles, dryness and sun damage. Vitamin-rich plums give you younger looking and glowing skin.
Available in
- 55ml for Rs. 75,
- 100ml for Rs. 130 &
- 200ml for Rs. 210
My Experience with Lakme Peach and Plum Daily Glow Moisturiser:
- This moisturiser so reminded me of Lakme peach Milk moisturiser, which I have used for 4-5 years. If you have used Lakme Peach Milk Moisturiser, expect something similar from Lakme Peach & Plum moisturiser as well.
- It smells nicely of peach and plum. The fragrance is a little stronger when you apply it but it goes on mild after a few seconds. Also the fragrance lingers on for a while.
- The texture of the moisturiser is light and gets absorbed quickly. It doesn't leave any greasiness or oiliness behind.
- It is a good moisturiser of people with combination skin. I have dry skin so it is more like a summer moisturiser for me. These days since the weather is a little cold , this moisturiser doesn't work for my dry skin. After half and hour or so only my skin starts feeling dry.
- A little goes a long way. The texture is neither too thick or thin and it spreads easily.
- This Lakme moisturiser never broke me out or caused any irritation to my skin.
- The moisturiser comes packed in a cute ornagey peachy bottle with a flip top cap.Hygienic and easy to deal with.
The not so good things about Lakme Peach Plum Daily Glow Moisturiser
- The bottle says that the moisturier has sunscreen. It doesn't mention any SPF value.
- This has parabens and mineral oils so do your research before purchasing it. After a lot of research I found out that cosmetic grade mineral oil is not bad for skin. All Lakme products just mention "mineral oil" as one of the ingredients.
Overall I would say that it's just a regular daily moisturiser. Would be good for people with combination skin. There is nothing bad about it.
Indian Makeup and Beauty Blog Rating : :-* :-* :-*
Have you tried Lakme Fruit Moisture range? How was your experience with Lakme Peach & Plum Daily Glow Moisturiser?
Sent by brand for consideration.
55ml for Rs. 75,
100ml for Rs. 130 &
200ml for Rs. 210


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There are so many things to do at the Mini Maker Faire, and what did I spend the majority of my time doing last year? Fixing my vacuum cleaner. I don't even know quite why I brought it over. I had heard something about a booth where you could bring stuff and have people help you fix it, and just as the faire approached our vacuum cleaner went from turning off by itself now and again to not turning on at all. I fantasized about a new Dyson. They sure do look cool in the ads. But heck, this non-responsive hunk of machinery was a Miele and just a couple years old. And it's not like we were overusing it. This situation could be rectified. I am handy, I told myself.
So, oddly enough, I found myself walking over to Mini Maker Faire, dead vacuum cleaner in hand. I navigated the crowds and made my way up to the second floor of Studio 1, where there was a whole decent-sized room dedicated to fixing people's broken appliances and toys — the storied FixIt Clinic. I meandered in, trying to look as noncommittal as it's possible to look while carrying around a vacuum cleaner. I avoided eye contact, looking for that special someone who would be the right match for me and my vac.
Then it all started to happen. Somebody asked me if I had something to fix, and before I knew it, my machine was on the lab bench and we were discussing its symptoms. I tried to be as clear as possible, avoiding any conclusions I might have already jumped to. My helper was exceedingly nice and genuinely curious about what could be wrong. I only wish his name had not faded from my memory, a forgotten remnant of my clinic one-night stand; I remember the thrill, but not all the particulars.
We laid out the various possibilities and guessed at the probability of each. Then we started investigating, the machine spilling its guts to us before long. We worked for a while, coming to various dead ends, before we were joined by Richard, another nice, funny and smart helper, who builds prosthetic robotic leg systems for paraplegics — exoskeletons, really. After overcoming our first serious mistake, where we were plugged into a non-operational power strip, the problem began to reveal itself.
The power cord in this vacuum has the familiar feature where you can pull out as much of it as you need and then press a button to retract it when you are done. What this means on the inside of the machine is that the cord is wound around a big spool; and that spool is connected to a very long, coiled piece of spring steel. Also, the wire of the power cord is connected to metal plates on the spool that make contact with some springy steel on the main part of the machine. We discovered that these springy contacts were all mushed in, so that the spool could easily slide away from them and lose electrical contact. Ah-hah! We thought we were home free.
Not so fast. In order to un-mush those contacts, stretching them nice and wide again, we would have to remove the spool. Unfortunately, removing the spool would give us a really good chance of causing the spool's long, metal spring to completely unwind. But we were very handy, and there were three of us. We could get that spool out of the way without having the spring explode in our faces, slice up our hands, and completly unwind.
Almost. Dang that spring was long in its unwound state.
So, after expanding the springy contacts, we were faced with the daunting prospect of re-tensioning the spool's spring, lest we end up with a vac with its cord ever-dangling with no hope of being zoomed in at the push of a button. This was no easy task. The three of us tried at it for a good while before finally succeeding. It was congratulations all around until we realized we had something on backwards or upside down, and we would have to take the spool off again. But we were not daunted! We had succeeded once, and we would again.
We did. The machine powered on. The cord retracted. We closed everything up, and I headed out of there, exceedingly thankful for my helpers and thrilled that I knew so much more about the workings of this machine and that it was working again. It was such a great feeling.
One year later, the faire is here again. Our vacuum cleaner has worked flawlessly since its repair. I find myself looking around the house for a likely contender. Perhaps that Mousebot with the funky motor that has never worked right…
THE FIXIT CLINIC WILL BE BACK AT THE 3RD ANNUAL EAST BAY MINI MAKER FAIRE ON OCTOBER 14TH. It's your turn to be handy—what'cha got to fix?


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DHS Expands Expedited Removal Effort
Department of Homeland Security (DHS) Undersecretary Asa Hutchinson on August 10 announced the expansion of the expedited removal program, which allows inspectors to deport unauthorized aliens without a hearing before an immigration judge. The program, which was first authorized by the Illegal Immigration and Reform Responsibility Act of 1996, originally applied to aliens at airports. It was expanded to cover seaports in November 2002, and will now go beyond official ports-of-entry to include aliens caught within 100 miles of the Mexican and Canadian borders who have spent less than 14 days in the United States.
Critics have expressed concern about this expanded role for the Border Patrol and the subsequently planned agent training, fearing that the new policy lacks adequate protections for people fleeing persecution. Supporters laud the expansion of law enforcement authority at the border, claiming that it will prevent the release of persons who cannot be detained due to lack of facility space. According to DHS, 90 percent of unauthorized people released fail to appear for their appointed court date with an immigration judge.
Biometric Passports Delayed, Biometric Exit Program to Expand
President George W. Bush has signed legislation extending the deadline by which nationals of Visa Waiver Program (VWP) countries must provide biometric passports upon entering the United States. The new deadline is October 25, 2005, which is also the date by which U.S. ports-of-entry must have the equipment to read such passports. Secretary of State Colin Powell and Homeland Security Secretary Tom Ridge had requested a two-year extension in order to resolve technical problems with the program, as well as to deal with privacy questions. There were also concerns that the 27 VWP countries, whose citizens are granted visa-free entry into the U.S. for up to 90 days, would not be able to meet the tight biometric passport requirements. In response, Representative James Sensenbrenner (R-Wis) sponsored legislation agreeing to a one-year extension. To enhance security in the interim, nationals of VWP countries will be subject to the US-VISIT program as of September 30, 2004. (For more information about US-VISIT, see the January 2004 Policy Beat.)
In addition, by September 2004, automated exit procedures will be expanded from pilot programs at the Baltimore-Washington International and Miami airports to 12 additional cities. These programs will require foreign visitors to check out either at automated kiosks or with US-VISIT exit attendants.
DHS Extends Stays for Mexican Border Cardholders
In a move expected to facilitate cross-border trade and tourism, Department of Homeland Security (DHS) Undersecretary Asa Hutchinson on August 10 announced that holders of U.S.-issued border crossing cards would be allowed to stay in the United States for up to 30 days at a time, rather than the 72 hours now permitted. Cardholders, who undergo a security check and must have their biometric fingerprints and photographs on record, are allowed to travel within 25 miles of the U.S.-Mexican border, except in Arizona, where they can travel within 75 miles of the border. In contrast, Canadian visitors are allowed to stay for six months, and many do not need visas. The extension will affect Mexican nationals and U.S. residents in border communities.
USCIS Changes Work Permit Rules
U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) has announced that it will issue employment authorization documents (EADs) for a time period that more closely reflects the amount of time for which they are needed, rather than a standard 12 months with a requirement for annual renewal. The new EADs, which should be available as early as October, are expected to lighten the bureaucratic burden on legitimate work permit holders, reduce confusion among employers, and reduce unnecessary additions to the USCIS workload and processing backlogs. The USCIS, a part of the Department of Homeland Security, announced the change in a notice in the July 30 Federal Register.
Montserratians Lose Temporary Protected Status
The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) on July 6 terminated the temporary protected status (TPS) of 292 Montserratians who have resided in the United States since a 1997 eruption destroyed much of their Eastern Caribbean island. The Montserratians must leave the United States by February 27, 2005, or face deportation. The revocation of TPS status represents a departure from the past because the justification notice recognizes that the danger has not ceased in Montserrat. Because the situation is not likely to improve in the foreseeable future, it can no longer be considered "temporary." The volcano continues to erupt and the southern half of the island, one of Great Britain's remaining overseas territories, remains uninhabitable.
TPS is designed for foreign nationals residing in the United States whose nations are facing or recuperating from devastating natural disasters, internal conflict, or other exceptional conditions. It allows those who qualify and register legal permission to stay in the United States for a designated time period. Holders of that status also are granted work authorization, but do not receive government assistance or permanent residence.


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Google on Tuesday announced a major set of updates to its Chrome OS, with a new version of the operating system, a new set of Samsung portable and desktop devices, and some new apps. The updates come about a year after the launch of Chrome OS, which has yet to generate any excitement with users or seize even a minimal slice of the market.
"We've heard from many of you who've enjoyed the speed, simplicity and security of your Chromebooks at home, at school or at work," Google vice president Linus Upson writes in the Official Google Blog. "Today, we wanted to share some developments with you—new hardware, a major software update and many more robust apps—as we continue on our journey to make computers much better."
Google's hardware partner Samsung has released a new version of its Chromebook portable computer as well as the first Chrome OS-based desktop computer, a Mac mini-like unit called the Chromebox. The Samsung Series 5 Chromebooks come in both Wi-Fi and 3G/Wi-Fi versions like the previous generation, offer 12 inch screens, 4 GB of RAM, and 16 GB of solid state storage. Nothing special, but they do boot in about 7 seconds, according to Google, and resume instantly.
You can find the Chrome OS-based computers on Amazon.com and some other retailers, though availability can be very limited depending on where you are. The good news? They're inexpensive: A basic Samsung Series 5 runs about $350, while the new Wi-Fi model is $450 and the 3G/Wi-Fi version is $550. The new Chromebox? Just $330.
Google hasn't been ignoring Chrome OS over the past year, though it may feel like it sometimes. Chrome OS was recently updated with a new "app-centric" user interface that features a Windows 7-like taskbar. Google promises offline support for Google Docs and Google Drive in "the coming weeks." And a Chrome Remote Desktop Beta lets you connect to your PC or Mac securely.
For businesses, Google is touting additional capabilities: Zero-touch deployment, hosted virtualization for Windows application compatibility, and simplified pricing (for education, too). Management and support is now a one-time cost of $150 per device for businesses and $30 per device for schools, and lasts for the supported life of the device.
Are these new devices worth it? I don't know: I still think Google should simply combine Android and Chrome OS into a single system. But the devices are cheap enough, that's for sure.


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I'm not kidding - it's amazing how meaningful some of the statements in this video are, so strangely aligned with the messages emanating from the White House and Wall Street. Maybe they are much more into religion than I thought?
I especially recommend the middle portion, about from about 2:45 to about 4 minutes into the clip. Nice parallels.
Don't you feel better now?
Continue reading at the original source →


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As the first African-American woman elected to the Oregon Senate, Avel Gordly has a unique perspective on politics in a state that's only had eight African-Americans serve in the Legislature during its 152-year history.
Growing up in a city that's had a historically small African-American population—6.3 percent in the latest census—Gordly also has a unique perspective on race in Portland.
Gordly, a 64-year-old associate professor of black studies at Portland State University, has drawn on all those experiences—as well as her own personal battles with depression—in her 176-page memoir, Remembering the Power of Words (Oregon State University Press, $18.95).
This Monday, April 4—the 43rd anniversary of Martin Luther King Jr.'s assassination—Gordly will be at Powell's City of Books to sign copies of the memoir she collaborated on with PSU associate history professor Patricia Schechter.
Here are excerpts from Gordly's book, the first in a "Women and Politics in the Pacific Northwest" series of books from OSU Press.
I have a memory of having something of a nervous tic. I used to bite my upper lip in a way that would leave a mark on my skin…. Something was literally eating me inside, being chewed away, and my habit made it visible on the outside….
I know my parents wanted "good girls"; the main definition of "good," however, was "obedient" and this equation proved disastrous when I was being sexually abused by my uncle. It happened more than once and it always happened in the same place: my brother's empty room, a space already haunted by loss and violence.
This uncle was my mother's youngest brother. He was not particularly liked by my dad, who thought that he was kind of a ne'er-do-well. Later in life he got involved with drugs and went to prison. When I worked in corrections, I actually saw him in prison. In our adult relationship, I never said, "Clarence, I forgive you."...
Connected to the struggle with Clarence is a memory of a friend of my father's who used to come by the house when we were little girls. This man used to like to have my sister and me sit on his lap. I never felt comfortable doing that and always felt there was something not quite right about it. I spoke about it in the family, but nothing happened because he kept coming over and we were expected to be polite and not fuss. His behavior was "normalized" in our home. Looking back, I felt especially that silencing myself around my uncle's sexual abuse has shaped everything else in my life….
When I was fifteen or sixteen I tried to take my life with an overdose of aspirin. It happened in the bedroom that my sister and I shared. I remember a very painful period of just wanting to go away. I don't know if I became ill and then someone found me: I have no memory of exactly the sequence of events. My family knew something happened to me but they just didn't talk about "it."
Early Adulthood
Extremely important to me was finding language to discuss taboo subjects like skin color and hair texture. In Black Studies these subjects actually came up in our classes! One professor asked us students: "Does skin color matter in the Black community?" and "How does that issue get talked about in the Black community?â
I remember a huge discussion around skin color and my relief at being able to discuss color consciousness. I was able to make much clearer connections about assumptions I'd grown up with, like my mom's light skin and features and how she was always talked about as a beautiful woman. In Black Studies classes we analyzed how these judgments get played out in the community at large.
So in a historical sense and also in a personal sense I connected historical references to darker-skinned women as being "less than" or part of a certain social class and women with lighter skin as part of another social class. I now understood that these judgments were tied to real status issues like club memberships and other social privileges.
Abuse And Depression
A complicating factor in my years in corrections was my relationship with Marvin McKinley, who was also a student at PSU. It was a hot and heavy relationship for a while, but it had a really bad ending. Today we would call it domestic violence. At one point he actually held a live gun to my head and threatened to kill me. He also raped me.
It was an emotionally and physically abusive relationship. It was horrible and had a horrible ending. The situation traumatized me in ways that I wasn't even aware of for many years. Things got so bad that I finally told my father and my brother what was going on. The two of them confronted Marvin and I believe threatened him with his life in order to make him stop.
I married Richard Mayfield in August of 1979. Rev. John Jackson, pastor of our family church, Mt. Olivet Baptist, performed the ceremony in my mom and dad's living room. Years later I said to Rev. Jackson about the wedding, "That was a terrible idea." And he said, "Oh, you thought so too!" And I said, "Well, why didn't you tell me!" He laughed in a way that told me he was in my corner. But back then I made poor choices that came out of low self-esteem. Richard was a former drug abuser and during our marriage he started up using again. I found evidence of his use around the house….
I came to a point in that relationship where I realized that he was probably going to die of an overdose. And that is exactly what happened. After we had been separated for a few years I got a call that he had been found in the street. Whoever he was with when he OD'ed had just left him there dead, making me a widow….
I experienced a lot of self doubt and deep, deep, deep depression to the point of contemplating suicide. I even checked myself in for a couple of weeks to the Providence psychiatric unit. I was not able to tell anybody what was really going on with me in part because of shame. My mom had an awareness that something was going on; she tried to get through to me and talk to me but I just could not connect with her. During my hospitalization I started to wonder how being molested in my childhood had contributed to where I was and how my life experiences of physical and sexual violence were all connected. I'm still dealing with issues around self-esteem, worthiness, and shame rooted, I believe, in the experience of being molested by a family member. It was a really dark, dark passage. In 1980, the year that Mt. St. Helens blew its top, so did I….
There were counselors, therapists, and professional people around trying to get me to participate in a group. I was acutely conscious that everyone was white. But I checked myself into the hospital because I couldn't function. At one point in my hospitalization, I collapsed on the floor of the bathroom. I found out later that I had been given the wrong medication. The matter was never named or dealt with, much less resolved. My poor treatment became part of the trauma of it all.
Working The Legislature From The Outside
As my African activism touched the state legislature, I learned several political lessons. In Salem I discovered the meaning of the old saying: "No permanent friends, no permanent enemies, only permanent interests.â
Representative Margaret Carter was the first African-American woman legislator in Oregon, elected in a so-called Black district as a product of community organizing. She won her seat by defeating a number of Black and white men who also wanted it. Jim Hill had been elected in a very different district, Salem, which is predominantly white. I did not live in Carter's district but she hired my sister Faye Burch to serve as her legislative assistant for a time….
I did encounter opposition in the capitol. We really wanted to push Governor Neil Goldschmidt on divestment. We had a conversation in Rep. Carter's office in which she asked us not to do that. We couldn't make that promise. I remember being surprised at her push back. She cautioned us about embarrassing the governor. POSAF [Portlanders Organized for Southern African Freedom] didn't see it that way.
We wanted him to be more aggressive regarding divestment. While a vote for divesture was not a career-breaker for any Oregon legislator at the time, I was still surprised that Carter, our Black community's representative, seemed to be more concerned about protecting the governor than taking even a symbolic stand for Black Freedom. Even more prominent in my mind at the time was Goldschmidt's very troubling public statement about the leadership of the Black United Front.
He commented that the BUF leadership—meaning Ronnie Herndon—needed to be "squashed." Goldschmidt used those exact words at a time when Ronnie was getting death threats. He and his family were afraid and a governor's words carried power. Moreover, some saw Goldschmidt as responsible for patronage, and he took it upon himself to signal which Black folks were OK or not. His reputation among some Black folks was divided. Some saw him as an ally. There were others who saw through his charisma and said no, there's something else going on here and it's called paternalism. We're not going to play that game and we don't need a guiding hand for our agenda.
Carter was loyal to
Goldschmidt; I don't know that I'd ever even met him up to that point in
time. But the incident was my first real encounter with raw politics,
the politics of covering for and protecting people.
Working The Legislature From The Inside
The fear was about using my voice out loud in public; it was about being public. It involved self questioning: Did I know enough? Was I smart enough? Why me? Am I ready to do this? Am I really prepared?...
I wasn't a product of Democratic Party politics. I didn't have a precinct person's experience or party meeting attendance in my background.…
The party could recommend three to five people to the county commission, whose members then selected one from that group after a presentation and a vote. I was one of the candidates forwarded by the party. In my presentation to the commission, I emphasized how community-based activities had prepared me to work collaboratively in the legislative process, especially around human services. I received four of the five votes. The vote I didn't get was [then-Commissioner] Gary Hansen's. Gary voted for his attorney. This scenario was my introduction to ethics in politics....
After I received the appointment, I asked newly elected Governor Barbara Roberts to perform my swearing in ceremony. Initially, she said yes. Then I heard that she changed her mind. The story was that Barbara's then husband, the late state senator Frank Roberts, intended to support Tom Novick, another sitting member of the legislature, for the District 19 House seat the next year (with redistricting coming up!)…. Roberts was also getting advice from her chief of staff, Patricia McCaig, to the effect that, if the governor swore me in, it could be seen as giving me a political advantage compared to Novick....
The next summer, the governor called the legislature into special session to consider her revenue reform package.… The Democratic caucus meetings during that special session were my first. The doors to the meetings were closed. There were no media and no public in there; nobody except the members…. Those who spoke—and they were mostly male—expressed anger because they had not had enough "face time" with Roberts and had instead met with McCaig. Tom Novick was part of the caucus, so was Mike Burton. Vera Katz was there, and Margaret Carter. I looked around the room and I saw these other women.… Some members wanted to "show her" who was in charge on the first vote. After that first procedural vote to show the governor who was really running things, then, on the second vote, the caucus would vote for the package and carry the day.
Larger Thoughts On The Legislature
Most people in the legislative process do a lot of talking. I can remember any number of times sitting in a party caucus meeting with the same two or three wonderful people droning on with their Type A behavior, personality, and opinions….
What also impressed itself upon me in the legislature was nepotism and how it blocks equal employment opportunity. Oregon statutes require the state, including the legislature, to be a leader in modeling equal employment opportunity. How can we do that, I started to argue, if elected officials hire their relatives—husbands, wives, cousins, girlfriends, boyfriends—to work in the capitol? Questioning nepotism put me in a very awkward and uncomfortable place with my colleagues….
While I understood the argument that members don't earn enough money and that hiring family members helps them make do and keep their families together I disagreed with the principle. My disagreement made it really difficult to raise the issue with Margaret Carter. We come from the same community but practice a different set of principles. She hired her daughters and other relatives. I sat in caucus, trying to make an argument against nepotism and back in the community and my district, I got a reputation for not going along just to get along, so to speak. It was very, very awkward and isolating at times….
It was difficult being compared to Margaret Carter in media settings and elsewhere. Difficult in the sense that I wasn't Margaret Carter. Our styles were very different. She's more outgoing and a wonderful singer. Singing is part of her ministry and she has used her voice effectively in that manner. I think we're both personable but in different ways. I don't sing. It didn't surprise me—but it surprised me—that folks in Salem expected me to sing….
But I also respect Margaret Carter for who she is. She is the first African-American woman to serve in the Oregon legislative assembly and she had to invent a way of being in that setting. Her role models were white women who were trying to outdo the white men in order to be effective in their role. They had to cuss as hard as the men and "develop balls." There were old boys and these were the new old girls.
That's what I observed and that's where Carter was coming from. I came to respect that but I also knew that model was not who I am. I refused to allow people to project onto me some behavior or expectation that was just not me. Once I was walking from one chamber to the other in the capitol. I would look up in the gallery on the House side. As I was walking, a group tour came through. The guide said: "Oh, there is Senator Carter," adding, "She's the one who sings for us all the time." She was referring to me. And I said, "Oh no, no. I'm Gordly." And she said, "No, you're Carter." And I said, "No, I'm Gordly." And a third time—a third time!—she told me that I was Carter.
The people on the tour had looks of disbelief on their faces. Later, I ran into one of the men who witnessed this scene, Joe Uris, who had been in Salem lobbying for higher education. He said to me: "How do you stand this? Does this happen often?â
His words acknowledged the pain and shame of that moment, all-too-frequent feelings for me since so many white people in Oregon simply haven't had experiences working with Black people or even knowing any, anywhere in their lives.
Q&A: Avel Gordly
WW: How hard was it to do honest appraisals of people you know and in some cases like and respect?
Avel Gordly: For me, the whole process of telling my story was a healing journey working with Patricia [Schechter, who collaborated with Gordly on her memoir]. What was important for me was to reflect and speak the truth as I experienced it.
But wasn't it hard to speak aloud and then read on the page your memories of being molested as a child and raped as an adult?
I can't say it was painful compared to the way I actually endured those things. I come back to the word "healing."
What surprised you as you looked back?
I won't use the word "surprised." What I celebrate is I had, and have, the ability to invest trust in Patricia in telling the story. We clicked. That was a real blessing.
You mention your son Tyrone Waters in the book, but never discuss a judge sending him to the Oregon State Hospital for treatment after he pointed an unloaded pellet gun at police and police shot him with a beanbag round. Why leave that out?
It's his story to tell. He's shared it. When I do the second book, the emphasis will be on living with mental health challenges and there will be more of the story here. There was no decision not to tell his story. His story has been told in his own words.
Do you ever think about getting back into politics?
You didn't even hesitate about that answer.
(Laughs) The way I think about it is I'm encouraging others to get involved in public service. Politics is a feature of that. There's a whole host of emerging leaders out there who need to be encouraged not only to think about running for office, but to do it. Take the risk, run for the school board, the county commission, Metro, the Legislature, run for mayor. I'd like to use any influence I have in encouraging others. There's no shortage of talent, creativity and genius in our community. What we have is kind of a malaise. We've settled for mediocrity, for kind of a good-old-boy, good-old-girl mode of politics. We're better than that. We must do better.
Who are some of those leaders to watch?
Tricia Tillman [state director of multicultural health], Charles McGee, Johnell Bell [McGee and Bell co-founded the Black Parent Initiative], Nichole Maher [executive director of the Native American Youth and Family Center], Carmen Rubio [executive director of Latino Network]. There are a whole host of young ones who are involved in public service now. When I say opening up opportunities, I think about the Metro opening that just occurred. They finally decided that [ex-Gov.] Barbara Roberts would be their compromise choice. I love her, I respect her and she has much to bring to the position. But it was a missed opportunity to look around for an emerging leader and bring that person on board. We have to be "intentional" about bringing in new leadership.
So why don't you have the taste for being in politics anymore?
I've come to understand my role at this stage of my life is one I enjoy. It's teaching through my work at Portland State University—I've developed a course on black leadership, public policy and community development. That's where I find my joy.
But you got involved in the second attempted recall last year of Mayor Sam Adams.
The recall was about integrity and character. I was deeply troubled that we had a situation where an adult in power in an elected role asked a young person to lie for him. That was just totally unacceptable. The fact we live in a city where most of the people are willing to give that a pass deeply troubled me.
I got the sense from reading your memoir that you grew tired of being the requisite go-to person when somebody wanted to get the âblack perspectiveâ on something.
It was frustrating to be kind of pigeonholed. People assume you are capable of talking about issues of race, and certainly I can talk about that. But my interests are much more varied than that.
—Henry Stern
EXCEPTED with permission from Remembering the Power of Words: The Life of an Oregon Activist, Legislator, and Community Leader by Avel Louise Gordly with Patricia A. Schechter, published by Oregon State University Press, 2011.
Gordly speaks at Powell's City of Books (1005 W Burnside St.) 7:30 pm Monday, April 4.
Book collaborator Patricia Schechter's husband is city Commissioner Nick Fish, who praises Gordly as Oregon's "resident contrarian."
Gordly went back to school, attending PSU, a few years after giving birth to a son as a teenage mom in 1966.
Before being appointed to a state House seat in 1991, Gordly worked for the Urban League and was active with Portlanders Organized for Southern African Freedom, a group working to get government bodies to divest themselves of investments in the apartheid regime of South Africa.
A vacancy in the state House created by the retirement of Rep. Ron Cease (D-Portland) led Gordly to seek appointment to that seat from the Multnomah County Board of Commissioners.
Gordly won election to the House in 1992 and was reelected in 1994. She ran successfully for a state Senate seat in 1996 and was reelected in 2000 and 2004.
Gordly changed her party affiliation in 2006 from Democratic to Independent because of her distaste for partisanship. She rejoined the Democratic Party in 2008 so she could vote for Barack Obama in the party primary.
Gordly in 2010 was the chief petitioner and spokeswoman in the second recall campaign of Mayor Sam Adams. That campaign and its predecessor both failed to collect enough signatures to put a recall on the ballot.
WWeek 2015


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Niels Bohr
Niels Bohr was a Danish physicist who lived between 1885-1962. He investigated atomic structure, modifying Rutherford's old model of an atom by confining electrons to orbits of specific radii. Bohr also claimed that an atom's chemical properties are determined only by the valence (outermost) electrons.
After participating in the Manhattan Project, which produced the first nuclear bomb, Bohr spent the later years of his life promoting peaceful uses of atomic energy.


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Under this system of capitalism, so many in this society and so much of humanity are forced to endure great hardship and suffering, exploitation, injustice and brutality, while wars and the ongoing destruction of the natural environment threaten the very future of humanity. In the Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America (Draft Proposal) our Party has set forth an inspiring vision, and concrete measures, for the building of a new society, a socialist society, aiming for the final goal of a communist world, where human beings everywhere would be free of relations of exploitation and oppression and destructive antagonistic conflicts, and could be fit caretakers of the earth. But to make this a reality, we need revolution.
Many people insist, "there could never be a revolution in this country: the powers-that-be are too powerful, the people are too messed up and too caught up in going along with the way things are, the revolutionary forces are too small." This is wrong—revolution is possible.
Of course revolution cannot happen with conditions and people the way they are now. But revolution can come about as conditions and people are moved to change, because of developments in the world and because of the work of revolutionaries...as people come to see that things do not have to be this way...as they come to understand why things are the way they are and how things could be radically different...and as they are inspired and organized to join the revolutionary movement and build up its forces.
Revolution will not be made by acting all crazy—trying to bring down this powerful system when there is not yet a basis for that—or by just waiting for "one fine day" when revolution will somehow magically become possible. Revolution requires consistent work building for revolution, based on a serious, scientific understanding of what it takes to actually get to the point of revolution, and how to have a real chance of winning.
In order for revolution to be real there must be: a revolutionary crisis, and a revolutionary people, numbering in the millions and led by a far-seeing, highly organized and disciplined revolutionary party. Clearly, this is not the reality now. So, how can this come about? And what is the strategic plan?
The potential for a revolutionary crisis lies within the very nature of this capitalist system itself—with its repeated economic convulsions, its unemployment and poverty, its profound inequalities, its discrimination and degradation, its brutality, torture and wars, its wanton destruction. All this causes great suffering. And at times it leads to crisis on one level or another—sudden jolts and breakdowns in the "normal functioning" of society, which compel many people to question and to resist what they usually accept. No one can say in advance exactly what will happen in these situations—how deep the crisis may go, in what ways and to what extent it might pose challenges to the system as a whole, and to what degree and in what ways it might call forth unrest and rebellion among people who are normally caught up in, or feel powerless to stand up against, what this system does. But two points are very important:
1) Such "jolts" in the "normal functioning" of things, even if they do not develop all the way to a fundamental crisis for the system as a whole, do create situations in which many more people are searching for answers and open to considering radical change. The work of building the movement for revolution must be consistently carried out at all times, but in these situations of sharp breaks with the "normal routine" there is greater possibility, and greater potential, to make advances. This must be fully recognized and built on to the greatest degree possible, so that through such situations, leaps are made in building up the movement and the organized forces for revolution, creating in this way a stronger basis from which to work for further advances.
2) In certain situations, major events or big changes can happen in society and the world and can come together in such a way that the system is shaken to its foundations...deep cracks appear and magnify within the ruling structures and institutions...the raw relations of oppression are more sharply exposed...conflicts among the powers-that-be deepen, and cannot be easily resolved, and it becomes much more difficult for them to hold things together under their control and keep people down. In this kind of situation, for great numbers of people, the "legitimacy" of the current system, and the right and ability of the ruling powers to keep on ruling, can be called seriously and directly into question, with millions hungering for a radical change that only a revolution can bring about.
More needs to be learned, and will be learned, about how the revolutionary struggle can win when these conditions have been brought into being, but the basic strategic conception and approach has been developed for actually defeating and dismantling the oppressive forces and institutions of this system—and bringing into being new institutions of a new, revolutionary system—when there is a revolutionary crisis and a revolutionary people. (This basic conception and approach is set forth in "On the Possibility of Revolution"—and this is also included in the pamphlet Revolution and Communism: A Foundation and Strategic Orientation—published by our Party.)
But the possibility of revolution will never really ripen unless those who recognize the need for revolution are preparing the ground for this politically and ideologically even now: working to influence the thinking of people in a revolutionary direction, organizing them into the struggle against this system, and winning growing numbers to become actively involved in building the movement for revolution. This is what our Party is all about, and what we mean when we say we are "hastening while awaiting" the changes that make revolution possible. This is the key to breaking through the situation where there are not yet the necessary conditions and forces to make revolution, but those conditions and forces will never be brought into being by just waiting for them to appear.
All along the way, both in more "normal times" and especially in times of sharp breaks with the "normal routine," it is necessary to be working consistently to accumulate forces—to prepare minds and organize people in growing numbers—for revolution, among all those who can be rallied to the revolutionary cause. Among the millions and millions who catch hell in the hardest ways every day under this system. But also among many others who may not, on a daily basis, feel the hardest edge of this system's oppression but are demeaned and degraded, are alienated and often outraged, by what this system does, the relations among people it promotes and enforces, the brutality this embodies.
What is the way to carry out this work? Fight the Power, and Transform the People, for Revolution. This is a big part of the answer. People need to fight back, and people do fight back, against the many ways human beings, and the environment, are exploited, degraded, ravaged and even destroyed by this system. But to make that fight more powerful—and, more, to carry it through to put an end to all this—people need to learn that the fundamental problem is this capitalist system, and the solution is getting rid of this system and bringing into being a new system, socialism, aiming for the final goal of a communist world. Fight the Power, and Transform the People, for Revolution is a key part of our strategic approach, which provides a way for the Party to unite with and give leadership to people to change themselves as they take part in the struggle to change the world...to lift their heads and broaden their vision, to recognize what kind of world is possible, what their real interests are, and who their real friends and real enemies are, as they rise up against this system...to take up a revolutionary viewpoint and revolutionary values and morals as they join with others to resist this system's crimes and build up the basis for the ultimate all-out revolutionary struggle to sweep this system away and bring in a whole new way of organizing society, a whole new way of being...to become emancipators of humanity.
For all this to happen, and for the revolution to have a real chance of winning, leadership is essential. And there is such leadership. But there is also much work to do.
To support and strengthen our Party as the overall leadership of this revolution. The more our Party's revolutionary viewpoint and strategy is spread and gains influence throughout society...the more that people come to understand and agree with what the Party is all about, and join its ranks on that basis...the more the Party's "reach" extends to every corner of the country...the greater its organizational strength and its ability to withstand and to lead people forward in the face of government repression aimed at crushing resistance and killing off revolution—the more the basis for revolution will be prepared and the more favorable the chance of winning.
To learn from the Chairman of our Party, Bob Avakian, spread the knowledge and influence of his pathbreaking leadership, and defend and protect this rare and precious leader. Bob Avakian has dedicated his life since the 1960s to the cause of revolution and communism. While providing practical leadership to the Party and the revolutionary movement, he has deeply studied and summed up the world historical experience of the communist revolution and the socialist societies it has brought into being—the great achievements and the serious problems and errors—and has studied many other fields of human experience and knowledge. He has advanced the science of communism and made decisive breakthroughs in the theory, method, and strategy of revolution and the final goal of communism throughout the world. It is crucial for growing numbers of people to know about and study his talks and writings...to defend and protect him...to take up the leadership he is providing, which opens new pathways for revolution.
To much more fully wield our Party's newspaper, Revolution. This plays a pivotal role in carrying out our strategy. Through publishing works of Bob Avakian, and through many different articles, interviews, letters, graphics, and other features, Revolution enables people to really understand and act to radically change the world....It gives people a living picture and scientific analysis of what is going on in the world, and why....It exposes the true nature of this system, and shows how major events in society and the world are concentrations of the basic contradictions of this oppressive and putrid system....It brings alive the need and possibility for revolution and a whole new society and world....It heightens the ability of growing numbers of people, in all parts of this country, to act politically in a unified way, and to wrestle with and help find solutions to the problems of our movement, on the basis of a growing revolutionary consciousness....It is the key instrument in developing an organized political network, among the most oppressed and other sections of the people, which can have a growing impact on the political scene and the society (and the world) as a whole, building up the forces of revolution and influencing ever broader numbers of people....It provides a foundation and a means for extending the "reach" of the revolutionary movement and building up bases for this movement—in neighborhoods, where people work and go to school, and wherever people come together—and especially where they resist and rebel against this system.
All this can enable the revolutionary movement, with the Party at the core, to confront and overcome the very real obstacles in its path...to advance and grow, through ongoing work, and through a series of critical leaps in times of sudden breaks and ruptures with the "normal routine"...to prepare the ground, and accumulate forces, for revolution—and have a real chance at winning. It is how thousands can be brought forward and oriented, organized and trained in a revolutionary way, while beginning to reach and influence millions more, even before there is a revolutionary situation...and then, when there is a revolutionary situation, those thousands can be a backbone and pivotal force in winning millions to revolution and organizing them in the struggle to carry the revolution through.
For those who have hungered for, who have dreamed of, a whole different world, without the madness and torment of what this system brings every day...those who have dared to hope that such a world could be possible...and even those who, up to now, would like to see this, but have accepted that this could never happen...there is a place and a role, a need and a means, for thousands now and ultimately millions to contribute to building this movement for revolution, in many different ways, big and small—with ideas and with practical involvement, with support, and with questions and criticisms. Get together with our Party, learn more about this movement and become a part of it as you learn, acting in unity with others in this country, and throughout the world, aiming for the very challenging but tremendously inspiring and liberating—and, yes, possible—goal of emancipating all of humanity through revolution and advancing to a communist world, free of exploitation and oppression.


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The issue of generational politics came up in the discussion of my grandfather clause post, so I thought I would republish what I immodestly regard as the definitive refutation of the entire genre of "generation game" writing. I wrote it in 2000, so it's now the better part of a generation old, but as far as I can see, nothing I've written needs to be changed[1]. But, doubtless, the CT commentary team will find much that needs to be changed, or should never have been written, so have at it.
One of the standard ploys in journalism, marketing and political commentary is the generation game. The basic idea is to label a generation 'X' or 'Y', then dissect its attitudes, culture, and relationship with other generations. The most famous generation, of course, is that of the Baby Boomers, born between the end of World War II and the early 1960s, and their most enduring contribution to the generation gap is the 'Generation Gap' between children and their parents.
The generation game is played with particular vigour in cultural commentary, but its reach seems to be extending all the time. No US Presidential election would now be complete without voluminous commentary on the generational backgrounds of the contenders. There is even a branch of economics called generational accounting, which is supposed to show whether one generation is subsidising another through the tax and welfare system.
At first sight, discussion of this kind can carry with it an air of fresh insight, but most of it stales rapidly. Much of what passes for discussion about the merits or otherwise of particular generations is little more than a repetition of unchanging formulas about different age groups à the moral degeneration of the young, the rigidity and hypocrisy of the old, and so on.
Demographers have a word (or rather two words) for this. They distinguish between age effects and cohort effects. The group of people born in a given period, say a year or a decade, is called a cohort. Members of a cohort have things in common because they have shared common experiences through their lives. But, at any given point in time, when members of the cohort are at some particular age, they share things in common with the experience of earlier and later generations when they were at the same age.
Most of the time, age effects are more important than cohort effects. The primary schoolers of the 1960s were very like the primary schoolers of today and, of course, totally different from the middle-aged parents they have become. The grandparents of today are more like their own grandparents than the bodgies and widgies they may have been in the 1950s.
The same applies to the standard rhetoric that one age group applies to another. For example, Mark Davis in Ganglands quotes various baby-boomer pundits denouncing the younger generation as 'slackers' and dole bludgers'. In the 1970s, precisely the same thing was being said about the younger members of the boomer cohort, then in their late teens and early twenties. In turn, much of the prejudice about dole bludgers was derived from the mixture of horror and envy which greeted members of the first wave of baby boomers, the hippies of the 1960s, with their rejection of the work ethic and indulgence in sex and drugs.
Age-group posturing of this kind changes in response to changing social circumstances, but only very slowly. As far as the role of younger age-groups is concerned, nothing much has changed since the discovery, or invention, of the teenager in the 1950s. The discovery resulted primarily from the arrival of near-universal high-school education, which suddenly created a uniform mass experience, with an associated set of common rituals.
The discovery of the teenage generation was rapidly followed by the 'teenager problem' and then the 'generation gap'. The archetypal cultural statement of the 'teenager problem' is the film Blackboard Jungle which launched the first great Rock'n'Roll hit, Rock Around the Clock. The movie has all the usual clichés, and the then-mandatory happy ending in which enlightened adult authority is restored. The defining moment is the scene where the teenage delinquents smash a teacher's treasured collection of records from the swing era. The idea that each generation should have its own musical style, incomprehensible and repellent to older generations, has never been put more simply and brutally. Although it has gradually been stripped of any subversive content, the same idea dominates the music industry today, with products targeted at every demographic from preteens to golden oldies.
At the other end of the age scale, the increase in life expectancy has gradually weakened the hold of age-specific categories. Fifty years ago, few people could expect to live past eighty, and anyone over sixty was considered old. People aged between forty and sixty were middle-aged in the literal sense of being in the middle of their adult life. Today, hardly anyone between forty and sixty admits to being middle-aged. Middle age, if it exists at all, seems to commence in the late fifties, while government-sponsored advertising campaigns tell us that no-one is 'old', merely 'older'. A recent Harris Poll conducted for the National Council on Aging found that almost half the people between 65 and 69 now consider themselves middle-aged. So do one-third of people in their 70s. But these changes have taken place over many decades. The parents of the Baby Boomers were already taking umbrage back in the 1960s when their children referred to them as 'middle-aged and middle-class'.
Once we strip out the more-or-less constant social distinctions associated with membership of a given age-group, the idea that we can say much about any particular cohort becomes far more dubious. In fact, cohort effects are only of much importance between the ages of 16 and about 25. The experience of childhood is dominated by family and school, and, while both families and schools have changed since the 1950s, the rate of change from one decade to the next has been quite slow.
On the other hand, by the time the members of a given cohort reach their late twenties, their live courses have diverged so much that they cease to form a well-defined group with common experiences. The differences between men and women, rich and poor, workers and bosses, married and single, parents and nonparents count for much more than the commonality that comes from sharing a date on a birth certificate.
For the crucial decade from 16 to 25, however, common experiences related to growing up at a particular time can be very important. Whether the labour market is in a boom or a slump when you finish school can make a big difference to your subsequent career. For males, an even more important question is whether the years of military age coincide with a major war. Peacetime and wartime generations, or boom and slump generations, can be very different.
Vietnam was the perfect generational war. It was big enough that it required mass conscription of unenfranchised 18-year-olds (the lottery element and the deferment system only enhanced the unfairness of this), but small enough that it required no economic sacrifice from the adult electorate who voted for it. Still less was there any hint of centralised direction of labour or a general system of conscription for the entire male military-age population, as had been applied during World War II.
The generation gap was only heightened by the fact that the war took place during the last decade of an unprecedented (and subsequently unrivalled) 25-year boom. In times of high unemployment, there is a steady supply of young men willing to put on a uniform in return for a steady wage and full board, but few in the 1960s saw fighting the Vietcong as an appealing employment option. Even among those who went willingly, there was a sense of exploitation that has been reflected in the subsequent political rhetoric of Vietnam veterans, which is radically different from that of the older-generation RSL.
At least for males then, there is something in the idea of a 'Vietnam generation'. But the facile identification of this group with the 'baby boomers' is quite misleading. Demographically, the baby boom began in 1946 and petered out in the early 1960s, so that the beginnings of the baby boom and the Vietnam generation coincided. Economically and culturally, however, the Vietnam generation have a lot more in common with the 'baby bust' cohort, born during and just before World War II, than with baby boomers born after 1954.
Economically, the crucial dividing point was the breakdown of the Bretton Woods system of economic management in 1972, quickly followed by the oil shock of 1973. Those who entered the labour market before 1973 were faced with an abundance of jobs and easy access to career paths. They were mostly unaffected by the crises of the 1970s and early 1980s, which bore disproportionately on the young, that is, on the cohorts born between the late 1950s and the early 1970s.
It was not until the recession we had to have, from 1989 to 1992, and the waves of downsizing in the 1990s, that the end of postwar prosperity really hit the Vietnam generation and the baby bust cohort. Although the focus of policy attention remained firmly on youth unemployment, the real story of the 1990s was the disappearance of jobs for workers over 50, and particularly for men over 50. The employment rate for this group has fallen from nearly 100 per cent during the postwar boom to around 50 per cent today.[2]
The cultural affinity between the Vietnam generation and the baby bust cohort is equally strong. In fact, most of the cultural icons of the Vietnam generation were actually born before 1945. Obvious examples are the Beatles and Rolling Stones, not to mention James Dean, Marilyn Monroe and Elvis Presley. Throughout the 1960s, rock music was made by the children of the baby bust, who were in the fortunate position of having the largest audience in history. Other members of the baby bust cohort took the chance to establish themselves as the social and political voice of youth, a position which they then sought to maintain well into middle age.
The era of rock music as a generational statement ran from the mid-1950s to about 1970. The deaths of Jimi Hendrix, Jim Morrison and Janis Joplin, and the breakup of the Beatles are commonly taken to symbolise the end of the rock revolution. In fact, though, every decade has its rock martyrs from Buddy Holly in the 1950s to Kurt Cobain in the 1990s. What mattered more than the occasional deaths and breakups was the survival of the Rolling Stones, Pink Floyd and other megabands. Having started out as teenage rebels (sometimes with judicious adjustments to their official ages) these 1960s icons maintained their position at the top of the rock world as they went from their 30s into their 40s and 50s. The days when popular music belonged to the young were over, and the music industry was back in the saddle.
By the 1970s, when the later baby-boomers were in their teenage years, countercultural events like Woodstock had been replaced by the mass-market stadium rock of bands like Grand Funk Railroad The postures of youthful revolt persisted, but they were now merely marketing statements directed at one among many market niches. Middle-aged viewers of the Olympics are given the nostalgic opportunity to remember when they hoped to die before they got old, even as the same slogan is offered to their teenage children.
A combination of circumstances in the late 1950s and the 1960s created a generational moment for those who were young in that blissful false dawn. For that brief moment, the distinction between the young and the old seemed fundamentally important. Generational cliches took root and have become part of our culture, but they have outlived their usefulness. The winners and losers in a world of globalisation, attacks on the welfare state and resurgent market forces cannot be neatly parcelled into age groups, however often commentators on both sides of the debate attempt it.
fn1. One update is needed – the late baby boomers I distinguish from the Vietnam Generation have now been quasi-officially named Generation Jones
fn2. References in this para are to Australian experience, which differed slightly from that in other countries.