text:
Sidney M. Milkis and Jesse H. Rhodes
Department of Politics
University of Virginia
Prepared for delivery at the American Politics Workshop, University of Virginia, September 30, 2005.
The relationship between the executive branch and the American party system has never been easy. The architects of the Constitution established a nonpartisan presidency which, with the support of the Senate and judiciary, was intended to play the leading institutional role in checking and controlling "the violence of faction" that the Framers feared would rend the fabric of representative government. Even after the presidency became a more partisan office during the early nineteenth century, a development resulting from efforts to hold the executive office more accountable to Congress and state and local interests, its authority continued to depend on an ability to remain independent of party politics, especially during national emergencies. The parties, in contrast, were deliberately welded to the Constitution by Jeffersonian and Jacksonian reformers to thwart executive ambition and to keep power close enough to the people for representative government to prevail. Rooted in local associations, the parties were perceived as bulwarks of decentralization, providing a vital link between the offices of government and the people and balancing the interests of the national government with those of state and local communities (Milkis 1999: Chapter 2).
Administrative aggrandizement at the expense of party politics was particularly likely to happen when programs or benefits were championed as "rights." With the advent of what FDR termed an "economic constitutional order," a commitment to limited government gave way to support for programmatic rights, realized through programs intended to guarantee the social and economic welfare of the individual. "Entitlement" programs such as Social Security and Medicare were viewed as tantamount to rights and thus worthy of protection from the vagaries of party politics and elections (Milkis 1993; 1999: Chapters 3-5).
These developments were reinforced by the emergence of the national security state. As the New Deal prepared for war, Roosevelt spoke not only of the government's obligation to guarantee "freedom from want" but also of its responsibility to provide "freedom from fear"—to protect the American people, and the world, against foreign aggression. This obligation to uphold "human rights" became a new guarantee of security, which presupposed a further expansion of national administrative power (Roosevelt 1938-1950: v. 9, 671-672; Shefter 2002).
The creation of a modern executive charged with economic and international security resulted in a more active and better equipped national state, but one that has had troubling consequences for American democracy. Most damagingly, it has encouraged presidents to pursue their programmatic aspirations through executive administration rather than through collaboration with Congress and the parties, and thus has devalued collective responsibility for public policy. As the parties declined, the presidency, isolated from the stable basis of popular support they once provided and harried by a demanding constellation of interest groups, evolved, or degenerated, into a plebiscitary form of politics, in which citizens invested their support in an individual leader for a time, then all too often withdrew it (Tulis 1987; Lowi 1985). The unfulfilled promise of the "personal presidency" contributed to an ongoing crisis in public confidence in government evident in declining political participation and decreased public satisfaction with government performance (Lowi 1985; Milkis 1993, 1999).
Although the development of the modern presidency fostered a serious decline in the traditional, local and state patronage-based parties, the frequent eulogies to parties espoused during the 1970s and 1980s were premature (Aldrich 1995). Beginning with the New Deal realignment, and culminating with the presidency of Ronald Reagan, the erosion of old-style partisan politics permitted the development of a new party system, forging new links between the parties and constitutional officers (Milkis 1993, 1999; Herrnson 1988; Bibby 2002). However, while traditional parties were formed to constrain executive power, the "new" American party system, characterized by nationalized organization and programmatic objectives, seemed better suited to serving the political and policy ambitions of the modern presidency. Equally troubling was evidence that the nationalized party organizations, while valuable to office-seekers as "vendors" of campaign services, made at best only a small impression on the American public.
George W. Bush benefited from the "new" Republican Party that arose with the resurgence and transformation of conservatism during the Reagan presidency; just as surely, he used the powers of the modern presidency revitalized in the aftermath of September 11, 2001, to further advance and strengthen it. Indeed, no president since Franklin Delano Roosevelt has tended to the health of his party with such care and enthusiasm. Bush's active cultivation of Republican candidates and diligent fundraising have considerably strengthened the party organization, while his public displays of religiosity and steadfast use of moral language have served to consolidate a Republican identity of moral and religious conservatism that has energized Republican partisans. The president's dramatic intervention in the 2002 midterm elections helped Republicans achieve historic victories in the House and Senate. Building on the successes in the 2002 elections, Bush and his advisors designed and implemented the most ambitious grassroots campaign in the party's history for the 2004 elections. This "national party machine," composed of more than a million campaign volunteers across the country, was credited as a key to Bush's narrow but decisive victory over his opponent, Senator John Kerry of Massachusetts, in the presidential election and helping to increase Republicans' command of the Senate and House.
Bush's leadership of the Republican Party represents a considerable political achievement. The critical question at hand, however, is whether Bush's party leadership represents a significant new development in the party system, or merely continues the "new" party politics of the 1970s-1990s. Do the institutions and practices developed during the Bush presidency represent a new mode of presidential party leadership that will inform the electoral politics of the future? Do
the party innovations undertaken during President Bush's tenure permit the contemporary parties to perform the parties' historic role of moderating presidential ambition and mobilizing public support for political values and governing policies? Although the modern presidency's responsibilities for managing the national economy and waging the War on Terrorism render impractical the kind of accountability provided by the decentralized patronage parties, it is yet unclear whether modern parties represent an instrument of collective responsibility or a capitulation to and celebration of the modern presidency.
Before we can evaluate the importance of Bush's party leadership, it is necessary to describe and analyze (1) the national, programmatic party system as Bush encountered it; and (2) the party leadership of Bush's predecessor, Ronald Reagan. Once we understand the characteristics of the party system as Bush found it, we will have a benchmark against which we can identify innovations and calibrate their institutional significance. Similarly, an assessment of the innovativeness of Bush's party leadership is made possible only through comparison with that of past presidents. Thus, in the following two sections, we provide a brief discussion of the "new" party politics of the 1970s-1990s and of Reagan's party leadership strategies.
During the 1970s, political scientists kept a death watch over the American party system. The declining influence of the traditional decentralized, patronage based party organizations was reflected not only in the reform of the presidential selection process, which codified the candidate-centered campaign that the modern presidency portended, but also in the political loyalties of the American public.1 Institutional changes that deemphasized partisan politics and governance, combined with television's emergence as the most important platform of political action, begat an "age of ticket-splitting," in which Americans delivered a split verdict in national elections for all but four years between 1968 and 1992 (White 1982).
Organizational innovation during this period was also associated with a greater party emphasis on programmatic politics: increasingly, the national parties engaged in activities such as publishing public policy journals and distributing comprehensive briefing books for candidates (Milkis 1999: Chapter 6).
Many state parties followed the example of the national parties, acquiring increased capacity to serve candidates, and even the local parties in some (mostly urban) areas expanded their activities by the late 1990s (Reichley 2000; Bibby 2002: 28; Paddock 2005). Nonetheless, the rebirth of the parties as service vendors was accompanied by a trend toward nationalization of the party system. The national parties reined in their local affiliates with numerous procedural and substantive rules (Aldrich 1995; Maisel and Bibby 2002), and exploited campaign finance laws to increase their influence over state party committees and achieve national party objectives (Maisel and Bibby 2002:71; Bibby 2002: 42). 2 As a result, the traditional apparatus of both parties, based on patronage and state and local interests, gave way to a more hierarchically-organized, programmatic party politics, based on the national organization (Milkis 1999). The State of the Party-in-Government: The Resurgence of Congressional Partisanship
Just as the party organizations underwent a period of transformation and renewal, so congressional partisanship experienced resurgence (Sinclair 2002a, 2002; Davidson 2001; Pomper 1999, 2003). The dramatic intensification of partisanship in Congress was the product of equally dramatic shifts in the electorate following in the wake of the Civil Rights struggles of the 1960s. The Republican candidacy of Barry Goldwater and the passage of the Voting Rights Act in 1965 (Carmines and Stimson 1989) catalyzed a partisan realignment in the American South, with Southern white conservatives defecting in increasing numbers from their traditional Democratic allegiances to the Republican Party, and newly enfranchised (and generally liberal) African-Americans flocking to the Democratic Party (Rohde 1991; Beck 2003). Indeed, civil rights reform helped shatter the old New Deal order,: during the ascendancy of the New Deal coalition, Southern whites composed a solid Democratic voting bloc; since the enactment of the Voting Rights Act, a majority of the white southern electorate has not voted for a Democratic presidential candidate. which had previously allied conservative southern whites and northern liberals in the Democratic Party.
In the same period, large numbers of northerners with traditional Republican allegiances, following employment opportunities, came to settle in the South. The increasingly large number of Southern Republican voters resulting from these trends gradually replaced conservative Democratic representatives with conservative Republicans; at the same time, "the constituencies that elected the remaining Democrats became more like constituencies elsewhere, so the roll call voting of southern Democrats became more like the roll call voting of Democrats from other regions, so the roll call voting of southern Democrats became more like the roll call voting of Democrats from other regions" (Jacobson 2000:15). Thus, as Jacobson concludes, "the southern realignment left both congressional parties with more politically homogenous electoral coalitions, reducing internal disagreements and making stronger party leadership tolerable" (Jacobson 2000:15). Outside the South, similar, albeit more muted, patterns were observed, with more ideologically homogenous Republican and Democratic constituencies electing more conservative Republican and more liberal Democratic representatives, respectively (Jacobson 2001: 249; Jacobson 2000:17; Bartels 2000). These trends reinforced the movement toward greater internal ideological coherence within each congressional party and greater ideological dissimilarity between the parties. The results of these trends were congressional parties with greater internal coherence and external dissimilarity.
As the congressional parties became more internally homogenous (Sinclair 2002a) and externally dissimilar (Pomper 2003; Jacobson 2001; Jacobson 2000) in their ideological orientations, voting became a much more partisan affair, with members of Congress voting with their parties at much higher rates in the 1980s-1990s than they did in the 1970s.3 Moreover, partisans became more willing to grant their leadership greater power over agenda-setting, committee assignments, and institutional rules, with the hope of achieving more favorable partisan outcomes (Aldrich 1995; Rohde 1991; Aldrich and Rohde 2001; Pomper 2003). The full exploitation of these rules for partisan advantage by Democratic majorities in the 1980s and Republican majorities in the 1990s served to exacerbate inter-party tensions.
As the Republican and Democratic parties became more centralized, these organizations risked losing their connection with the American people. Indeed, party organizational transformation and intensified party conflict in Congress were not matched by resurgence in partisanship or political participation in the mass electorate. Although some more recent scholarship has suggested that mass partisanship is on the rebound since its low point in the early 1970s (Bartels 2000; Hetherington 2001; Fleisher and Bond 2001; Davidson 2001), other work has cautioned that evidence of increased mass partisanship must be tempered with the acknowledgement that as much as 40% of the electorate claimed political independence in the 2000 election, a greater proportion than identified with either of the major parties (Beck 2003).
Political engagement (measured by participation in politics and support for the political system) also failed to respond to party "renewal." Despite the rise of politically potent national party organizations, voter turnout remained soft, with less than 50% of the voting age population voting in the 1996 presidential election.4 In addition, the public expressed continuing high levels of frustration with the performance of the government and its officials.5
Critics of the national programmatic party system have charged that its characteristics have left the mass public either indifferent or alienated. Some have argued that the nationalized parties' heavy emphasis on providing fund-raising and services to individual candidates have distracted them from their traditional role in educating, organizing, and mobilizing the public, thereby preventing the reestablishment of strong institutional links between citizens and their government (Shea 1999; Shea 2003; Reichley 2000; Coleman 1996). As Reichley lamented, "by moving the direction of parties further and further from grassroots party organization and party identifiers, and by emphasizing process over substance…[party elites] weakened the bonds of emotion and self-interest that formerly attracted most voters to one major party or the other (Reichley 2000: 291; see also Sorauf 2002:92)." Further, Rosenstone and Hansen's (1993) work suggests that the national programmatic parties' emphasis on high-tech campaigning rather than grassroots mobilization accounts for more than half of the observed decline in voter turnout from the late 1960s to the early 1990s.
Equally important, some students of the nationalized party organizations suggested that, unlike their predecessors, the national programmatic parties served more as vehicles of presidential ambition than as organs of collective responsibility or mass engagement (Milkis 1993, 1999, 2005). Indeed, presidents continued to pursue their programmatic goals through executive administration rather than through the parties or Congress (Milkis 1993, 1999; Skowronek 1997). Moreover, as the presidency developed into an elaborate and ubiquitous institution, the personnel in the White House Office and Executive Office of the President preempted party leaders in many of their limited, but significant, duties: providing a link from government to interest groups, staffing the executive department, contributing to policy development, organizing election campaigns, and communicating with the public (Milkis 2005). The expansion of national administrative power that followed in the wake of the New Deal was directed not just to creating presidential government but also to embedding programs in a bureaucratic structure that insulated administrative personnel from electoral change (Milkis 2005a).
The unpopularity of national parties and Congress gave presidents little incentive to curb their personal ambition. Although some scholars found that increased congressional partisanship encouraged greater mass attachment to their partisan identities by making partisanship more salient with the public (Hetherington 2001), other research suggested that heightened Congressional partisanship actually increased public disdain for the parties and Congress (Hibbing and Smith 2001:48-49; Hibbing and Theiss-Morse 1995). Indeed, as Hibbing and Smith found in a recent analysis of public attitudes toward Congress, "the more that parties and institutions are at odds, the more the people believe the interests of ordinary Americans are being neglected" (Hibbing and Smith 2001:49). Raw and disruptive conflict between Congress and the President and between the parties in Congress rubs against the deep rooted antipathy to partisanship in American political culture; moreover, the traditional disdain for militant partisanship has been further aroused by the close alliance that contemporary Democrats and Republicans have forged with Washington based policy advocates.6 Since, as Hetherington (2001) shows, the effect of Congressional partisanship on mass partisanship was greatest among those with the highest levels of political sophistication (i.e. those most likely to be activists), a plausible conclusion is that the increased congressional partisanship of the 1980s-1990s energized political activists while failing to move (or even estranging) the broader public.While heightened congressional partisanship may have energized the most politically aware partisans, it seems not to have greatly strengthened partisanship in the broader public.
Thus, as the literature suggests, the changes in the party system beginning in the 1970s failed to overcome some of the fundamental problems created by the rise of the modern presidency and the administrative state. While the party organization and the party-in-government experienced a renaissance of sorts, the national programmatic parties largely failed to renew the ties between the public and the government, inspire greater public engagement with the political system, or moderate presidential ambition. Indeed, there was substantial evidence that the transformed party system actually weakened the public's engagement with the political process and facilitated presidents' administrative politics.7 RONALD REAGAN, REVITALIZED PARTISANSHIP, AND THE LIMITS OF THE NEW PARTY SYSTEM Ronald Reagan's two terms in office, revealing the great potential and imposing limits of modern presidential party leadership, is a critical backdrop to George W. Bush's efforts to strengthen the Republican Party. Although he was, in some ways, a vigorous partisan, Reagan's party leadership illustrates the ambivalent relationship between the modern presidency and the national programmatic party system. Even as he strengthened the Republican Party organization and drew new groups into the Republican coalition, Reagan's candidate-centered campaigns and his tendency to govern through bureaucratic channels short-circuited collective responsibility and forestalled the revitalization of partisanship in the electorate. Rhetorical Leadership As a party that expanded national administration, the Democrats established the conditions for the end of parties unless or until a party sprang up that was anti-administration. Reagan was the first modern president to issue a fundamental challenge to the emphasis that the New Deal and Great Society placed on administration and entitlements. The president's basic message, as William K. Muir has argued, was that "centrally administered government tended to weaken a free people's character. By overregulation and fiscal overindulgence, distant government demoralized and enervated its citizenry" (Muir 1988:288; see also Hamby 1992, chapter 8). Since 1964, in fact, when Reagan gave a nationwide television address on behalf of Barry Goldwater, he had consistently questioned the New Deal's redefinition of the social contract – the new idea of rights FDR championed that obviated the cultural underpinnings of limited government in the United States (Scaife 1983: 4-5).
Reagan's challenge to modern liberalism had important consequences for his party. His presidency would never fundamentally threaten the New Deal state (Hamby 1992, chp.8, Berman 1990; Mann 1990:22). Indeed, as Hugh Heclo has noted, Reagan's rhetoric had a serious "blind spot" – it failed to come to terms with the rise of "big government" as an important reality of modern America (Heclo 2003). Still, as Paul Allen Beck explains, "[Reagan's] assault on big government put liberalism on the defensive and lent such respectability to conservative ideas that they permeated the public more deeply than ever before (Beck 1988:161)." Reagan's forceful rhetoric thus fundamentally altered the national political agenda, placing traditional Republican issues such as tax and budget cuts, defense spending, and traditional morality at the center of American politics (Beck 1988:161; Berman 1990:11).
Moreover, by showing that conservative rhetorical appeals could lead to electoral victory, Reagan helped remove the last remnants of resistance to the party's move toward the ideological conservatism initiated by Barry Goldwater's 1964 presidential campaign. Goldwater's nomination signified a conservative shift in the Republican party; Reagan advanced GOP conservatism one step further by making the Republican party and program an electoral success, albeit primarily at the presidential level (Milkis 1993:270). Reagan's Efforts to Strengthen the Republican Party
Reagan's effort to inaugurate a new political era benefited from, and in turn helped to galvanize, the renewal of party politics. Whereas the national party organization suffered at the hands of presidents such as Roosevelt, Johnson, and Nixon, all of whom considered it an obstacle to their intentions, a case can be made that Reagan was remarkably concerned with nurturing party responsibility and organization (Milkis 1993:267).
Because the national and issue oriented party system that had begun to take shape by the late 1970s was associated less with patronage than with policy issues and sophisticated fund raising techniques, it did not pose as much of an obstacle to the personal and programmatic ambitions of presidents as the traditional system had. Indeed, by 1984, the GOP had become a solidly right of center party, made over in Reagan's image.
Significantly, it was Reagan who broke with the tradition of the modern presidency and identified closely with his party. Reagan's commitment to party was evident even during his run for the presidency: as the party's presidential candidate, he posed with Republican congressional candidates on the steps of the Capitol "to symbolize his association with the entire party ticket" (Reichley 2000:296). As president, Reagan's party leadership marked a sharp departure from that of previous modern presidents, especially from those who harbored ambitions for significant policy reform (Milkis 1993: 267). Indeed, whereas the national party organization suffered at the hands of presidents such as Roosevelt, Johnson, and Nixon, all of whom considered it an obstacle to their intentions, a case can be made that Reagan was remarkably concerned with nurturing party responsibility and organization (Milkis 1993:267).
Following the Republicans' disappointing showing in the 1982 elections, Reagan intervened to improve coordination between the White House, the national committee, and the legislative campaign committees. In January 1983, the President chose his close personal friend, Nevada Senator Paul Laxalt, to fill a newly created position, General Chairman of the GOP. Senator Laxalt's close associate, Frank Fahrenkoph, former chairman of the Nevada Republican party, replaced the ineffective Richard Richards in the traditional post of the RNC chair. The White House, with Senator Laxalt's support, then actively interceded to replace the head of the Republican Senatorial Committee, Senator Robert Packwood of Oregon, a frequent critic of the president, with a more reliable political ally, Senator Richard Lugar of Indiana. These developments enabled the Reagan administration to improve the coordination of campaign efforts and policy development within the party without undermining the GOP's organizational strength The president made a successful effort to ensconce allies in the Republican National Committee and the Republican Senatorial Committee, which enabled the administration to improve the coordination of campaign efforts and policy development without undermining the GOP's organizational strength (Fahrenkoph 1992; Milkis 1993:267).
Fahrenkoph and LaxaltReagan's allies at the RNC also oversaw the expansion of the Party's direct mail fundraising efforts, which grew from a base of twenty-four thousand contributors in 1975 to over two million by the mid-1980s (Busch 2001:65). The dramatic growth in the party's financial resources under Reagan's leadership "allowed Republicans to engage in unprecedented professional party staffing, voter contact, polling, media advertising, candidate recruitment and staff training, research and data sharing, party communication, and outreach" (Busch 2001:65).
Reagan worked hard to strengthen the Republicans' organizational and popular base, surprising his own White House political director with his "total readiness" to raise funds and make speeches for the party and its candidates. Indeed, Reagan exhibited an enthusiasm for partisan responsibilities unprecedented among modern presidents (Personal interview with Mitchell Daniels, assistant to the president for political and governmental affairs, June 5, 1986).8 As one account has it, "in 1983 and 1984 during his own reelection effort, Reagan made more than two dozen campaign and fundraising appearances for all branches of the party organization and candidates at every level…[and] During the pitched and ultimately losing battle to retain control of the Senate for the Republicans in 1986, Reagan played the good soldier, visiting twenty-two key states repeatedly and raising $33 million for the party and its candidates" (Sabato 1988). Former Republican Party Chairman William Brock, who had observed the relationship of every president since Eisenhower with the party, concluded in 1987 that "…Reagan has been in many respects an ardent party leader. Of the six presidents I have known, he has worked the hardest to strengthen the party" (Personal interview,: August 12, 1987). Strengthening the Republican Coalition Reagan's rhetoric and attention to party building were joined to important policy changes that served to disrupt the old Democratic coalition and forge new ties between the Republican Party and important constituencies. Tax cuts, coupled with dramatically increased defense spending, led to an increasing federal deficit which constrained Democrats' ability to provide resources and programs to constituents, while deregulation weakened the position of key Democratic constituencies (for example, labor and consumer groups vis a vis employers and business, respectively) (Ginsberg and Shefter 1990:337-338).
Just as Reagan's policies imposed strains on the Democratic coalition, so they served to broaden Republicans' electoral appeal with Southern whites, big business, working class voters, and the suburban middle class. Due in part to his identification with evangelicalism and his staunch anticommunism, Reagan's leadership helped advance the gradual realignment of Southern whites into the Republican Party (Ginsburg and Shefter 1990; Busch 2001; Black 2004). Reagan also made a largely successful effort to unify the business community, "[taking] advantage of the dissatisfaction of big business with high taxes and growing regulation to reattach it to small business as part of the Republican coalition" (Busch 2001:231).
Working class voters were wooed with a two-pronged strategy. Having weakened the links between Democrats and the working class by attacking labor unions, Reagan and the Republicans sought to attract blue collar voters by emphasizing moral issues and by making patriotic appeals, ultimately winning "a majority of Catholic voters and nonunion blue-collar households, as well as 46 percent of the union vote" in 1984 (Busch 2001:231;Ginsburg and Shefter 1990:345). Reagan's Republican Party also made considerable inroads among middle-class suburbanite voters, in large part by encouraging them to think of themselves as taxpayers (financiers of others' government benefits) rather than as beneficiaries themselves (Ginsberg and Shefter 1990:341-343).
The Reagan experience suggested how the relationship between the modern presidency and the modern party can be mutually beneficial. Republican support solidified the president's personal popularity and laid the political foundation for his programs in Congress, which helped the administration overcome the paralysis of divided government.9 In turn, the president served his fellow Republicans by strengthening their fund raising activities and by encouraging voters to extend their loyalties not just to him but to his party. Ultimately, Reagan's tenure witnessed dramatic growth in Republican party identification (to virtual parity with Democrats), growth in the proportion of Americans who believed that Republicans were best able to handle the country's most pressing problems, and an increase in Republicans' share of state legislatures and governorships (Beck 1988).
Reagan worked diligently to strengthen the party apparatus and draw new groups into the Republican coalition; however, at critical moments, he failed to present his programs in the strongly partisan terms that would give voters a compelling reason to endorse enduring Republican leadership or a fundamental reshaping of liberal programs (Milkis and Nelson 2003:357). Most important, Reagan's 1984 reelection campaign relied on the feel-good theme "Its Morning Again in America" rather than on sharp issue stands that clarified the choice between Democratic and Republican views of the future (Milkis and Nelson 2003:357-63; Milkis 1993; Mansfield 1987). Similarly, although the president made considerable efforts to help elect Republican congressmen in the 1986 midterm elections, the White House ordered the Republican National Committee to avoid a highly partisan campaign (Milkis 1993).
Reagan's failure to emphasize the differences between Republicans and Democrats and to make a strong case for his conservative programs may have undermined Republican efforts to complete the "Reagan Revolution." Following a disappointing 1984 congressional campaign in which Republicans lost two seats in the Senate and failed to recoup seats lost in the 1982 House midterm elections, Harvey Mansfield (1987:281) charged that
Reagan's failure to demand anything of the American people may have improved his own chances for re-election, but by reducing the size of the task [facing the country], it softened the argument for voting for his party. Why give up the apparent benefits of the Democrats' established programs if the new policies require no sacrifice? Why then replace Democrats with Republicans?
The results from the 1986 midterm were even worse for Republicans, as the party lost eight seats and its majority in the Senate, giving the Democrats full control over Congress. Again, contemporary analysts faulted the president for failing to provide a compelling reason for retaining a Republican majority (Ehrenhalt 1986:2803). The inability of Republicans to achieve unified government during Reagan's tenure cast a shadow over the "Republican Revolution" and ultimately prevented the fundamental restructuring of governmental priorities Reagan envisioned.
Given that the Reagan White House gained the RNC's complicity in emphasizing presidential politics, it is not surprising the national Republican Party also failed to mobilize grass roots partisan support. RNC Chairman Fahrenkoph designed an ambitious 8-year plan to strengthen the local party organizations by redirecting RNC resources to county and township organizations. However, there was little evidence by the end of the 1980s that the plan had succeeded (Milkis 1993:274).
Moreover, while Reagan's tenure saw an important increase in the percentage of Americans considering themselves Republicans, a significant proportion of the electorate remained alienated from both of the political parties. The share of "pure" independents remained approximately constant throughout Reagan's presidency, and at a proportion (between 10-12%) about twice that observed in the early 1950s10; and the proportion of independents (including party leaners) continued to exceed that of Republican Party identifiers. The continued weakness of mass partisanship during Reagan's tenure pointed to Republicans' and the president's failure to move beyond forms of media-based campaigning toward extensive engagement with and mobilization of the electorate. Reagan and the Administrative Presidency Spurred on by the limits imposed by divided government and by his belief that a strong national state was necessary to foster growth, oppose communism, and nurture family values, the Reagan White House often relied on executive administration to achieve its policy objectives. Reagan's wielding of the administrative presidency frequently short-circuited the legislative process and weakened the prospects for policy to emerge as the result of collaboration between different elements of the party (Milkis 1993: Chapters 10 and 11). His presidency thus ultimately failed to alleviate the crisis of the liberal order; indeed, it demonstrated that an institutionalized presidency forged for liberal purposes could be redeployed for conservative ends.
As numerous scholars have noted (Busch 2001; Milkis 1993; Rudalevige 2003), Reagan "pursued a campaign to maximize presidential control over the federal bureaucracy that was more self-conscious in design and execution, and more comprehensive in scope, than that of any other administration in the modern era" (Benda and Levine 1988). Many of the president's signature policies (such as the tax and budget cuts of 1981 and the "New Federalism" of 1982 (Milkis 1993; Rudalevige 2003)) were developed primarily in the Executive Office of the President.
The Reagan administration also "attempted to harness the permanent civil service bureaucracy, by ensuring through an elaborate screening mechanism that all political appointments – not only cabinet secretaries but the crucial 'subcabinet' of assistants, deputies, and lower officials – were filled with people committed to the president's program" (Busch 2001:59). The appointment of strong ideological conservatives at subcabinent levels – such as Ann Gorsuch at the Environmental Protection Agency, William Bradford Reynolds at the Civil Rights Division, and Clarence Thomas at the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission – ostensibly controlled the behavior of career civil servants and advanced Reagan's objectives of reducing environmental regulations and rolling back certain civil rights programs (Golden 2000). This administrative strategy often backfired, however, especially in the domain of environmental policy.11 Reagan's efforts to impose his will through his appointments suggested that his reformist ambitions outstripped the limited agreements that could be forged in a fragmented political system.
As even admirers have admitted, "Reagan also made frequent use of executive orders to impose his agenda to the fullest extent possible without congressional action, especially in the regulatory sphere"(Busch 2001:59, emphasis added; see also Milkis and Nelson 2003:360). Even in the area of regulatory relief, a project ostensibly designed to "get government of the backs of the American people," the Reagan administration's efforts came not through legislative change but through comprehensive reviews mandated by executive orders and executive task forcesadministrative action. Reagan's Executive Orders 12291 and 12498 mandated a comprehensive review of proposed agency regulations by the Office of Management and Budget (Milkis and Nelson 2003: 361); Reagan also appointed a Task Force on Regulatory Relief, headed by Vice President Bush, to apply cost-benefit analysis to existing rules. Comprehensive reviews were subsequently used to attempt to weaken environmental, consumer, and civil rights regulations (see Golden 2000; Milkis 1993; Harris and Milkis 1996).
Executive orders were not the only means used to achieve substantive (and controversial) policy ends through administrative means. Reagan's most controversial administrative action targeted Social Security. In May 1981, without consulting members of Congress, the president proposed deep and immediate cuts in benefits for early retirees—that is, persons who chose to retire with reduced benefits before the normal retirement age of 65. The administration also proposed to eliminate a statutory provision that guaranteed retirees a minimum benefit. The attempt to cut Social Security benefits sparked a furious reaction in Congress. Members of both parties repudiated the administration overwhelmingly, with the Senate voting 96-0 against the early retirement benefits and the House voting 405-13 against the minimum benefit proposal. Although Congress's opposition was bipartisan, Speaker Thomas "Tip" O'Neill turned the Reagan administration's mistake into a partisan issue that the Democrats exploited in the 1982 midterm election and for years to come In the aftermath of this debacle, O'Neill famously called Social Security the "
Nevertheless, the defeat did not discourage Reagan appointees in the Social Security Administration (SSA) from trying to cut Social Security through administrative action. Claiming authority from a 1980 law that mandated a review of the disability program, they engaged in a large-scale effort (ultimately affecting nearly half a million people) to purge the rolls of those whom they considered ineligible. (Milkis and Nelson 2003, 360-1). After the federal courts and congressional Democrats maintained that the Reagan administration's action violated the intent of the 1980 legislation, a two year struggle ensued that ended in Congress passing the Disability Benefits Act of 1984, which required the SSA to prove that a recipient's medical condition had improved before it could cut off benefits
The protracted battle over disability insurance testified dramatically to the Reagan administration's fervent commitment to challenging the social welfare policies of the past, with or without the authorization from Congress or the courts. The Iran-Contra affair revealed that this administrative ambition extended, with equal, if not greater fervor to foreign policy. The selling of arms to Iran in exchange for the release of hostages and the diversion of profits to the Nicaraguan Contras required the development of an alternative intelligence apparatus unknown to Congress, the circumvention of a 1985 congressional prohibition on aid to the Contras, and the violation of the administration's own pledges not to bargain with terrorists or to provide military assistance to Iran. Although it is unclear whether Reagan was fully aware of the diversion of funds from the arms sale to the Contras, the episode dramatically revealed the administration's determination to achieve its objective of aiding anti-communist forces, even if doing so required going outside normal congressional and bureaucratic channels. Many Republican members of Congress supported the substance of the president's actions, criticizing Reagan only for his secrecy and his failure to make the case for his policy to the American people.12
Reagan thus left an ambiguous legacy of party leadership. He enhanced the fund raising capacity of the Republican Party organization, articulated principles that reset the terms of political debate to the Republicans' advantage, and bolstered the Republican coalition. At the same time, the importance of presidential politics and administration may have reduced the prospects of a Republican realignment, discouraged an effective outreach to the potential grassroots supporters, and short circuited public debate and resolution about the challenges he posed to the liberal state.
From a historical perspective, Reagan's emphasis on executive administration was a logical response to the New Deal and the consolidation of the modern presidency. Given that the modern presidency established during the New Deal was designed to replace partisan politics with the non-partisan administration of the liberal state, it is not surprising that Reagan's challenge to liberal policies produced a conservative administrative presidency which complicated the reemergence of party politics. Ultimately, Reagan's administrative presidency exposed the "new" party system's inability to hold executive power accountable; at the same time, his two terms in office demonstrated that, absent a comprehensive partisan strategy, forceful and centralized executive administration could not nurture the substantial change in public values and institutions necessary to bring about an enduring political transformation. Moreover, because the conservative administrative presidency challenged the purposes for which the modern presidency had been forged, its wielding by Reagan prompted a raw and disruptive struggle between Congress and the presidency for control of the bureaucracy (Milkis 1993, 1999). This struggle, reflected most clearly in the series of investigations in which Democrats and Republicans sought to discredit each other, largely served to discredit partisanship and the government itself in the eyes of the public.
However, as fierce partisan battles were waged within the "beltway," the influence of Democrats and Republicans on the perceptions and habits of the American people continued to decline. For example, in the 27 states (plus Washington, D.C.) that register voters by party, the number of voters who chose not to identify with either of the major parties rose significantly during the 1980s and 1990s; just as important, with the exception of 1992, when a number of voters were drawn to the polls by H. Ross Perot's independent campaign, turnout in elections during these decades was chronically low, rivaling the ennui of the 1920s, when many women, newly enfranchised by the Nineteenth Amendment, were unfamiliar with voting and many states had registration laws that discriminated against recent immigrants and African-Americans (Cook 2004).


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The UPV UPdanay Donation Drive turned over initial relief assistance to UPV personnel who were survivors of Typhoon Odette in both Iloilo and Miagao campuses.
A sack of rice was also handed over to the family of Antonio Fajurano Jr., the UPV Security Guard who lost his life whilst on duty during the height of Typhoon Odette.
We appreciate the following for their generous donations:
Mr. Gilbert Arugay
Dr. Ramer Bautista
UP Hamilia Sisterhood
Angela Abacete
Sean Michael
Jessen Gail Bagnes
Zown Meneil Mioten
Hobie Manvel Gamponia
Teri Del Rosario
Viola Siozon
Carly Arriola Aujero
Salamat guid kag Padayon!


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In PLA's week 20 global wrap, we go to Brazil to cover LATAM's planned cargo fleet expansion with more 767-300ERsset for freighter conversion. We then fly to Paris where Geodis has opened a new cargo facility to ease the flow of exports and imports it handles over at CDG. We also have the latest on Lufthansa, Qatar, SmartKargo and FedEx to roundup the B2B industry updates in the week of 16-22 May. LATAM targets cargo fleet expansion by 2023 LATAM Group plans to add 10 B767-300BCFs (Boeing … [Read more...] about PLA Global Wrap: Week 20
AEI Delivers 3rd B737-400SF to Cargoair
Aeronautical Engineers, Inc. (AEI) announced that it has delivered the third B737-400SF 11 pallet position to Sofia, Bulgaria based Cargoair. The aircraft, built in 1990 is a high gross weight B737-400 with only 30,000 cycles. Cargoair will operate the aircraft under a long-term contract for the European integrator, DHL. Cargoair currently operates a total of six AEI converted freighters - three B737-300SF and three B737-400SF. The aircraft was modified by Commercial Jet in Miami, … [Read more...] about AEI Delivers 3rd B737-400SF to Cargoair
AEI to convert another B737-400SF for Cargoair
Aeronautical Engineers (AEI) has received an order for another B737-400SF 11 pallet position freighter from Bulgaria based Cargoair. The aircraft, built in 1990 (MSN 24691) is a high gross weight B737-400 with only 30,000 cycles and is undergoing modification at Commercial Jet's Miami facility. Cargoair currently operates three AEI converted B737-300SF freighters and two AEI converted B737-400SF freighters so this order represents the sixth AEI converted freighter that Cargoair will … [Read more...] about AEI to convert another B737-400SF for Cargoair


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No videos, backdrops or posters have been added to semana santa. Please can someone advise the best vantage points for viewing them and suggest some midpriced hotels nearby if possible. Retrouvez les 7 critiques et avis pour le film semana santa, realise par pepe danquart avec mira sorvino, olivier martinez, feodor atkine. Todas las grabaciones son del ano 2016 con sonido ambiente y grabado en full hd.
With david thornton, tenoch huerta, gabriel nuncio, lakshmi picazo. Semana santa is a 2015 mexican drama film directed by alejandra marquez abella. It was screened in the discovery section of the 2015 toronto international. Dali and her 8 year old son pepe take a vacation with dalis boyfriend, chavez. The earliest allusion to the custom of marking this week as a whole with special observances is to be found in the apostolical constitutions v. Semana santa ostensibly feels more focused on one point of view.
Post jobs, find pros, and collaborate commissionfree in our professional marketplace. Vimeo is an amazing video service for original creative work, but its also a company with real human employees. Notificaciones con avisos relevantes sobre las hermandades. In cordoba more than 30 of these processions occur, attracting many thousand tourists, as well as local residents. Staying in spain during the week before easter semana santa is an outstanding experience. Semana santa sees pasos of jesus and the virgin mary carried through the streets of towns and cities all over andalucia can also take place in april. Instead of bringing them closer, their beach holiday brings out things in each of them that threaten to pull. Semana santa semana mayor cordoba ver 2020 home facebook. Semana santa semana mayor cordoba ver 2020, cordoba veracruz. Chavez, dali and pepe belong to a middle class family who spends the easter holydays at the. People around the nation celebrate this week with large processions. Cordoba capital 2019 hoteles y alojamiento en cordoba. Instead of bringing them closer, their beach holiday brings out things in each of them that threaten to pull this emerging family apart. Semana santa 2014 34 semana santa 2015 39 semana santa 2016 26 semana santa 2017 48 semana santa 2018 55 semana santa 2019 50 semana santa cordoba 20 10 sevilla 20 via crucis magno cordoba 20 35 videos 2 vuelta ciclista a espana 1 xxxi media maraton cordoba 2.
Semana santa es una pelicula dirigida por alejandra marquez abella con tenoch huerta, anajose aldrete echevarria, esteban avila, david thornton, ano. Photos i liked but that did not fit into the previous two portfolios. Semana santa 2015 is available on netflix thailand. Holy week in the christian year is the week immediately before easter. It was screened in the discovery section of the 2015 toronto international film festival. Due to my childrens school schedule it happens to fall during semana santa which is march 2027. My partner and i would like to spend a few days in cordoba this coming march during holy week and want to see the processions. Monthly guide for traditional andalucian festivals fairs. Todas las grabaciones son del ano 2015 con sonido ambiente y grabado en full hd. Semana santa holy week in cordoba cordoba forum tripadvisor.
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Arigatou Services Co. Ltd. said its normalized net income for the fiscal third quarter ended Nov. 30, 2015, amounted to ¥82.70 per share, an increase of 98.5% from ¥41.67 per share in the prior-year period.
Normalized net income, which excludes unusual gains or losses on a pre- and after-tax basis, was ¥78.1 million, a gain of 98.4% from ¥39.4 million in the prior-year period.
The normalized profit margin rose to 3.8% from 2.2% in the year-earlier period.
Total revenue climbed 14.0% on an annual basis to ¥2.05 billion from ¥1.80 billion, and total operating expenses rose 11.1% year over year to ¥1.93 billion from ¥1.74 billion.
Reported net income grew year over year to ¥68.0 million, or ¥71.98 per share, from ¥31.0 million, or ¥32.81 per share.
As of Jan. 13, US$1 was equivalent to ¥118.29.


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From time to time i'm converting mkv to mp4 using ffmpeg in order to save disk space.
Currently i noticed that in some files multiple mjpeg streams where also included. Some of them were named cover.jpg
From the name cover.jpg
i assume that it is supposed to be displayed in some cases?!? But i never heard or saw that any program, eg. vlc, used an image to display anything from the video. So what is the use case of including pictures in a video file?
The files have one normal
video stream, maybe multiple audio streams, and about 4 mjpeg streams.


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Refund PolicyAt Chappell Training, we stand behind the ability of our software & training to get you results when you spend the time studying and implementing what you learn. Because of this we simply ask that you give the course a fair attempt. Unless otherwise stated on the specific products sales page and order form all of our products, all Chappell Training purchases are 100% non-refundable to protect the criteria in the program. If any questions at all, please reach out to our support staff via [email protected] and will receive an answer in 48 hours during normal business hours of operations Monday-Friday. Again, the reasoning behind our non-refundable policy is due to the infringement of intelligence and material provided in the Facebook Ads Expert Mastery 1.0 program, the Facebook Ads Expert Mastery 2.0 program, the Live Q&A Calls, the TikTok Ad Mastery program, and the 1on1 Ads Mastery Mentorship program. We have this guarantee to protect the value of our information and coaching. It's our responsibility to train you and coach you to the best of our efforts through our program. It is your responsibility to apply the learnings and coaching as we are here to provide a complete guide to grow your business but ultimately do not guarantee success.Cancellation PolicyIf you cancel the course or 1on1 ads mastery mentorship coaching calls you will not be able not be able to re-attend that call and it will count towards your allocated call slot.We do not offer any cancellation of payment plans. Once you access the course trainings or attend your first call we will not offer any payment plan cancellations or refunds. If you still wish to cancel services we can pause the payment plan until you are ready to resume services but we do not offer refunds.To request to speak with us at Chappell Training directly, please contact [email protected]
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InGoal Radio Episode 207with Marty Turco
We hope that you will enjoy InGoal Radio by subscribing with your favorite podcast provider.
Please take a moment to rate the show and leave a comment there; it would be sincerely appreciated!
The podcast remains free but if you'd like to hear just the feature interviews from each of our episodes - including nearly 250 in the archives - please check out our new Features-only Premium Podcast Channel:
Episode 207 of the InGoal Radio Podcast, presented by The Hockey Shop Source for Sports, features puck handling pioneer Marty Turco.
In the feature interview, presented by Sense Arena, In the feature interviews, presented by Sense Arena, Turco shares the story of how he invented the "Turco Grip" as the first goalie to turn the glove over when handling pucks while playing for the University of Michigan, changing the position and the game int the process.
Beyond the invention itself, Turco shares great insights into how he became the best puck-handling goalie in the NHL, including plenty of advice and drills applicable to young goalies — and coaches! — who want to get better at playing the puck themselves, and why that really doesn't have to mean chucking long sauce passes either. Turco also has some great thoughts on the position outside of handling the puck, as well as how a life of goaltending helped prepare him now for life in business working for the Dallas Stars and as an an entrepreneur as part owner of Kingsville Brewery.
All that, plus a trip to The Hockey Shop Source for Sports for a closer look at the Vaughn V9 padded undershirts and pants — they're on sale but can they really make you look bigger?


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More than 80 artists will hit Rifflandia stages this year, and for the first time, audiences can stretch their Rifflandia experience over two back-to-back weekends at two unique locations.
"This year is a really special Rifflandia experience," Jared Holland, organizer, said. "Instead of just one weekend like we've done in the past, we've spread the event over two weekends, two locations and have over 80 artists in our lineup, making this the biggest Rifflandia event to date!"
With roots reaching back to 2008, Rifflandia has remained one of the most popular and longest-running music festivals in Western Canada, showcasing local, up-and-coming performers alongside many of today's most popular national and international artists.
Welcoming more than 60,000 music lovers to Victoria every year, Rifflandia has continued to evolve and this year boasts one of the most exciting lineups to date, including Iggy Pop, Paris Hilton, Salt-N-Pepa, Diplo and many more.
To get the most out of the experience, the Super Pass gives festival-goers access to both weekends and all performances. Individual weekend passes or day-specific passes are also available.
Half of the festival will take place at Electric Avenue from Sept. 7-9 and the other half will take place at The Park, Sept. 15-17. Electric Avenue is licensed and is 19+, and The Park is licensed and welcomes all-ages.
Find more information about Rifflandia at rifflandia.com.
READ MORE: Victoria software developer creates tool to get music fans out to concerts


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Cricket Thread III - Printable Version +- Forums (http://india-forum.com) +-- Forum: Archives (http://india-forum.com/forumdisplay.php?fid=7) +--- Forum: Trash Can (http://india-forum.com/forumdisplay.php?fid=20) +--- Thread: Cricket Thread III (/showthread.php?tid=816) |
Cricket Thread III - Guest - 12-07-2006 Sidhu gets 3-year jail Cricket Thread III - gangajal - 12-08-2006 Ganguly seems to have proved his critics wrong! He together with Pathan stabilized the Indian innings. Cricket Thread III - Guest - 12-10-2006 Guruji I would wait till the tests before I give any verdict. BTW I have never watched Jaffer play. Is he leftie ? Cricket Thread III - Guest - 12-11-2006 Jaffer turns out to be a rightie too - maybe the SA bowlers couldnt figure out lefties very well. Did anybody watch the match ? Meanwhile this is Saurav's problem..  Cricket Thread III - Guest - 12-12-2006 QUOTE(rajesh_g @ Dec 11 2006, 06:25 AM)Jaffer turns out to be a rightie too - maybe the SA bowlers couldnt figure out lefties very well. Did anybody watch the match ? Meanwhile this is Saurav's problem..  [right][snapback]61982[/snapback][/right]  point taken, he still has his weaknesses which can be exposed but with all that he still managed to score a half century in his first international outing in 8 months (that too in alien conditions), while others who have had already a lot of time to acclimatize themselves, don't have such glaring weaknesses as Ganguly, hardly showed any spunk. Without sounding patronizing or pedantic would like to say that a man's character is more than just the sum of his strengths and weaknesses and Ganguly is a good example of this. Ah.. that sounds like a good quote. Cricket Thread III - Guest - 12-13-2006 Kartik I actually read somewhere that his posture has changed, he doesnt lean much on the frontfoot , so maybe this was momentary lapse. Lets hope that is the case. Maybe somebody who has watched him play recently can comment. Cricket Thread III - Guest - 12-13-2006 QUOTE(rajesh_g @ Dec 13 2006, 12:24 AM)Kartik I actually read somewhere that his posture has changed, he doesnt lean much on the frontfoot , so maybe this was momentary lapse. Lets hope that is the case. Maybe somebody who has watched him play recently can comment. [right][snapback]62059[/snapback][/right]  Yeah I read that too, but I don't know what is its implication and effect on his batsmanship?? Cricket Thread III - Guest - 12-13-2006 Some pointers on what has changed in his technique. Nice article for a die hard Ganguly fan to read. http://content-usa.cricinfo.com/india/cont...ory/272255.html Exorcising the demons Jamie Alter December 13, 2006 Sourav Ganguly played with confidence and an air of calmness © Getty Images Straight off the bat, this is not just about the runs he scored. This is about a man who came, saw and conquered - if only for the moment - the demons in his head, the ghosts in his past. This is about a man with so much to prove, recalled to his country's cause not so much because he was in form but because the so called 'marquee' players had all but lost themselves to the Indian management's faith; a former captain let down by his own board, yet who had done little to suggest over the past ten months that he had the cojones to play Test cricket again. This is about Sourav Ganguly and his 141-ball, 224-minute 83 against the Rest of South Africa at Potchefstroom, as strong a statement of intent as there can be. When he walked in, the Indians had lost Wasim Jaffer, Virender Sehwag and Sachin Tendulkar with just 37 on the board. When Ganguly left, they had crossed 200, 115 splendid runs had been added with Irfan Pathan, and had taken a huge step towards securing a morale-boosting tour win. And a man with reason to feel embittered had done enough to show his detractors that he belonged there at that very moment. This was an innings of so many dimensions and emotions. He was wary about the balls he played, he arched his back, he watched his back lift, he cover drove, he edged, he was dropped, and he copped a nasty Nantie Hayward lifter smack above the right ear. Given all that had transpired over the past year, given the conditions of his selection, and given the situation the Indians were in, Ganguly walked out to the middle at Potchefstroom on December 7 with a fathomable amount of pressure on his shoulders. Countless television channels in India filled the airwaves with images of Ganguly batting for hours at the nets, running laps around the Eden Gardens, and stressing on how serious he was about making a comeback. For those who chuckled at the footage and Ganguly's quotes about sorting out technical difficulties, it is important to raise here the issue of his technique. After the first day's play, Ganguly revealed what had been noticed in his innings: "In India, I take a leg-stump guard. Here, I decided to take a middle-stump guard. When you are out of the team, you get a lot more time to analyse your batting, otherwise you're just going from one series to another and you don't get much of a chance. I've had time on my hands and I've worked on certain things." Too true. He was no longer flip-flopping with a tentative front foot shuffle or just plain stuck in expectancy of the short ball. Rather, he played with upright balance, distributing his body weight better, his shortened backlift allowing him to play much straighter. And his head was still. Absolutely still. Where Jaffer misread the movement of the ball, Sehwag the pace and length, and Tendulkar and Laxman were drawn into tame prods outside off stump, Ganguly got right behind the line, played with a full face of the bat, and soft hands, and kept the ball as close to the ground as he could. 'I've had time on my hands and I've worked on certain things' © Getty Images His first boundary was a glance down to third man, the second a four to the point fence via a misfield but, once in the 20s, he produced two shots that revived memories of the greatness he used to perch upon. First, Morne Morkel, the day's wrecker-in-chief, pitched ever so slightly on a full length and was driven through cover and mid-off. Hayward served up a half-volley outside off stump and was square-driven through point. There was a moment of worry, and I'm sure scoffing in some corners, when he ducked into Hayward's next ball and had the medical staff out for an examination. But in the bowler's next over, Ganguly slapped consecutive fours through point and extra cover, one back-foot, the other elegantly off the front, to indicate that he was not in South Africa to be intimidated. The bouncers, ducking, and cover driving - and the odd word from Hayward - continued between Ganguly and the South African pacers all morning and afternoon, until he finally departed, edging an attempted cut off Friedel de Wet to the 'keeper. What thoughts rested or raged in his head as he stepped over the ropes and made his way to the crease, only Ganguly will know. What he felt when he mistimed a drive to midwicket and picked up a single to get to 50, we can assume. What he felt when he walked back into the Indian dressing room, with 83 hard-earned runs to his name, the knowledge that he had done what a famed top-order hadn't, should not be surmised. Therein lies the beautiful complexity of an estranged individual. There was a bittersweet touch to his contribution following a second-innings duck, but for his unwavering focus, judicious shot selection, and resolve to get into perfect position, Ganguly's 83 should merit automatic selection for the first Test at Johannesburg. He said - on his recall "They [critics] told me that I had achieved everything in any case, played for the team for 11 years, been captain for five - what else did I want to get out of the game? But I just felt I still had it in me to play at the highest level for longer. At some level, I felt my career will be incomplete if I simply give up now." They said - Greg Chappell on Ganguly's move to take middle-stump guard "It was a smart move. It showed that he had applied his mind and come up with the right method to overcome the conditions. He looks calm, relaxed, very fit. He looks like he's worked hard on aspects of his game. He's applying both mind and method and that's showing." Chappell speaks, in praise again, of Ganguly's footwork "That was very important too [play off the front foot as much as possible]. It allowed him to take his decision just that much time later. By leaning forward, he was able to judge the length of the ball accurately, which also allowed him to leave the right balls. That's why he could also play his shots without too much of a problem." From the inside - Dilip Vengsarkar, India's chairman of selectors "It's good to score runs in the first match of a tour and it will stand him in good stead for the Tests, which are the ultimate. I hope he performs, I think he has it in him to score runs and it is good to see him back." Comment on this article Jamie Alter is editorial assistant of Cricinfo © Cricinfo Cricket Thread III - Guest - 12-15-2006 From the report on cricinfo it seems like 300 would be a good total. VVSL was unlucky to get out. The stage is set for Saurav. If he can manage to get India to 300 then he will be a hero. Lets wish him the best.. <img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/cheers.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='cheers.gif' /> Cricket Thread III - Guest - 12-17-2006 Dada has answered his critics (like me ) !!! <img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/india.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='india.gif' /> <img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/india.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='india.gif' /> VVSL should take the lead to 400 and put it out of reach of SA.. <img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/rocker.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='rocker.gif' /> http://content-usa.cricinfo.com/rsavind/co...ory/272996.html Coach Arthur.. QUOTESourav Ganguly was expected to be set up with the short ball, but he showed oodles of courage and application to make 51 not out and 25 over two innings. "We had our plans, but we couldn't execute them properly," said Arthur. "But hats off to Sourav, he came in and did a very good job."  Cricket Thread III - Guest - 12-17-2006 Anybody seen Sreesanth's over the top reaction after hitting a sixer against Andre Nel. It's amazing to say the least and it also warmed my heart a lot. Sreesanth gave Nel back his own medicine and has probably quietened him for the rest of the series. Kudos to Dada for being his own old self, but also for returning as a far more sober and more determined person. Laxman has gained back his silken touch. Good omen for India. Just hope we wrap it up quickly tomorrow to achieve an unexpected maiden Test win in SA. Cricket Thread III - Guest - 12-19-2006 <img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/india.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='india.gif' /> India score maiden Test win in South Africa QUOTEAnybody seen Sreesanth's over the top reaction after hitting a sixer against Andre Nel. It's amazing to say the least and it also warmed my heart a lot. Sreesanth gave Nel back his own medicine and has probably quietened him for the rest of the series.  Don't miss it: It's on web!! Cricket Thread III - gangajal - 12-19-2006 Ganguly didn't just score some vital runs. He added some spine into this side. Cricket Thread III - Guest - 12-19-2006 Viren Check this one out too.. <img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/smile.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='smile.gif' /> http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=84...174&q=sreesanth Cricket Thread III - Guest - 12-19-2006 Rajesh: QUOTESreesanth is known to be a self-taught expert in dance. <img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/b_cowboy.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='b_cowboy.gif' /> link Cricket Thread III - Guest - 12-19-2006 One of the greatest ever wins in the history of Indian cricket. And it was so comprehensive. Also it was supposedly on a pitch suited to our opponents strengths. Now others will think twice before making bouncy pitches. Thats what makes it a very significant win as it will set all other teams in the world to rethink their strategy against India. Its not as if we have defeated Zimbabwe on a bouncy pitch, but rather a full blown strong test side, which has just walked over us in the ODIs. On a bouncy pitch the greatest asset for a team is great wicket taking bowlers. Batsmanship is about doughtiness rather than flamboyance. And it was only a matter of time when, with the amazing amount and quality of fast bowling talent coming up in the country, that it developed and added teeth to our attack. I think looking at the future, we will struggle to win Test matches in Sri Lanka rather than in South Africa or New Zealand bcos apart from Sri Lanka becoming a stronger test side, we dont see any superb talent emerging in spinning. Apart from Harbhajan there is no other great young spinning talent. Anyway lets savour this win for the moment. Nothing has been sweeter than this. Amazingly stats say that since 2000 this team ( or rather the core of it at least) has won the last 13 of India's 27 wins away from home. Imagine we have been playing since 1933 and half of our overseas wins have come from the present team in the last six or so years. That in itself is something significant. Now that we have found a sweet spot and thrust the nail in, lets ram it home in the next two games and nail the series. Cricket Thread III - Shambhu - 12-19-2006 Now India's challenge is to not be blown out in upcoming tests.. Cricket Thread III - Guest - 12-20-2006 The key is the openers (esp Viru). He has been in SA for long enough now. A big one is due. Cricket Thread III - Guest - 12-21-2006 Not directly related to desi cricket but Warnie and McGrath are retiring !! Within next 1-1.5 yrs Oz wont be the #1 team. Cricket Thread III - Guest - 12-21-2006 Dont know if this is cricket or not - but a very interesting take on the new Kerala ! http://content-usa.cricinfo.com/ci/content...ory/273399.html |


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- Nagaoka University of Technology
- Topics
- 2014.12
- 2014 JNTO Award for Contribution to Invitation and Hosting of International Conferences Awarded
2014 JNTO Award for Contribution to Invitation and Hosting of International Conferences Awarded
The executive committee of "The Second International GIGAKU Conference in Nagaoka" was given the "Award for Contribution to Invitation and Hosting of International Conferences" by the Japan National Tourism Organization (JNTO).
The award was established in 2008 to raise public awareness of the meaning of invitation and hosting of international conferences and the further promotion by praising achievements made by hosts of international conferences, cities, and promotion organizations. This year marks its seventh anniversary. The award ceremony was held at Tokyo International Forum on December 9, in which a total of 12 projects were awarded: four projects in the category of Invitation of International Conferences and eight projects in the category of Hosting of International Conferences (including "The Second International GIGAKU Conference in Nagaoka").
[Reasons behind the Award]
In collaboration with Nagaoka Tourism Convention Association, they implemented the conference mutual cooperation from the planning phase. It was an international conference originated from an independent plan as well as a pioneering model for other local areas as an example of international conferences held in local areas. In addition, holding the conference on a regular basis has improved the international profile of the region.
They encouraged students to participate. Then with a view to developing leaders to lead the next generation, advanced the development of human resources capable of providing leadership from perspectives of global and innovation.
Nagaoka City has been forming industrial clusters, particularly in machinery industries, from far in its past; historically, it has fostered an enthusiastic climate for the development of human resources, originating in the spirit of "Komehyappyo." By holding conferences with full use of the characteristics, they contributed greatly to the vitality of local industry, the further deepening of research and discussion, and internationalization.
- President Dr. Niihara being given a commendation shield
- Tri-Institutional Joint Social Gathering Held in Vietnam
- Joint Symposium with Hanoi University of Science and Technology Held in Vietnam
- 2014 Party for International Students at Nagaoka University of Technology Held
- International Students Accepted by the SAKURA Exchange Program in Science
- 2014 JNTO Award for Contribution to Invitation and Hosting of International Conferences Awarded
- Department of Materials Science, Chulalongkorn University and Department of Materials Science and Technology, Nagaoka University of Technology Hold Joint Colloquium (NUT-CU Materials Science and Technology Colloquium 2014)


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25 Jul
The conventional diagnosis of hepatitis E virus (HEV) outbreaks rests on the detection of anti-HEV IgM antibodies. However, IgM antibodies develop after 4-5
days of infection. An early-diagnostic marker is imperative for timely diagnosis of the outbreak and also initiation of control measures. In hospital settings, HEV antigen is an early diagnostic marker of acute infection.
Though detection of HEV RNA by reverse transcriptase polymerase chain reaction (rtPCR) is the gold standard for demonstration of active viremia, HEV antigen assay can be used as an additional diagnostic marker to confirm active viral replication in serologically positive samples.


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A large portion of Woodbury County will be in a burn ban starting today at 6 p.m. The areas included in the ban are: Anthon, Bronson, Correctionville, Cushing, Danbury, Lawton, Moville, Oto, Pierson, Salix, Sergeant Bluff, Sloan and Smithland.
This only applies to the portions within Woodbury County, according to the Iowa State Fire Marshall.
The National Drought Monitor shows Woodbury County and much of Northwest Iowa continue to experience conditions ranging from abnormally dry to extreme drought. Some locations in northeast Nebraska and southeast South Dakota are one step further, reaching exceptional drought.
The University of Nebraska Board of Regents on Friday signed off on a plan to allow for the sale of beer, wine and liquor at Husker men's and women's basketball games beginning this season.
The board met at the University of Nebraska at Kearney and approved the change on a 7-0 vote.
Under terms of the pilot project, which lasts through the 2023-24 season, 90% of the net revenue from alcohol sales would go to the city.
The city holds the liquor license for the arena, as well as a $10 million alcohol liability insurance policy, and is responsible for choosing what concessions are sold -- including alcoholic drinks.
Last week, Husker athletic director Trev Alberts said UNL expects its 10% share of the net revenue will generate roughly $100,000 this year.
The Iowa Racing and Gaming Commission is planning to raise the penalty against casinos for underage gambling and violations of the self-ban.
During their meeting Thursday they discussed raising the minimum penalty from one to three thousand dollars.
Large Iowa energy users said Thursday they're exploring buying electricity on the open market, potentially bypassing the state's utilities in an effort to lower their power costs.
A representative of Iowa's utilities said they are concerned the move is an effort to deregulate their markets and could lead to a less-reliable energy supply and higher costs for other customers.
Iowa Agriculture Secretary Mike Naig says a "significant" percentage of landowners should agree to let carbon pipelines run through their property before any developer is granted eminent domain authority to acquire land from unwilling property owners.
John Norwood, a small business owner and Polk County Soil and Water Commissioner, is the Democrat who's running against Naig.
Norwood says the pipelines aren't the right answer for the long term success of the ethanol industry.


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The Engagement Project
A nationwide tour featuring Dr. Del Tackett's The Engagement Project for people
interested in diving deep into an explosive new take on evangelism in the 21st century.
With live discussion and through 10 50-minute videos, the events prepare participants to
lead small groups in their communities. Videos include small group discussions, expert
interviews, on-the-street interviews, animation, illustrations and more.


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'Setting is for Tablet' - Recipes, as seen at OUSDS
These recipes have been kindly provided by Rebecca Howard - one of the previous squash reps.
Gingerbread Folk (Favourite biscuit recipes)
You can use extra golden syrup instead of treacle if desired, and extra ginger/cinnamon instead of mixed spice. Decorate with dried fruit, icing or whatever strikes you.
- 4 oz. butter
- 4 oz. brown sugar
- 1 tbsp. black treacle
- 1 tbsp. golden syrup
- 1 tsp. orange juice
- 8 oz. SR flour
- 2 tsp. ground ginger
- 1 tsp. mixed spice
- Gingerbread man cutter
Preheat oven to 180 C. Cream together butter, sugar, treacle, syrup and orange juice. Add the flour and ginger. Roll out on a floured surface. Cut out shapes, put on greased baking trays, decorate and bake 10-15 mins.
Fudgy Cookies
- 200g dark chocolate
- 30g butter
- 100g sugar
- 2 eggs
- 1 egg yolk
- 170g flour
- 1 tsp. bicarb.
- ½ tsp. vanilla
Melt chocolate and butter in a saucepan. Mix sugar and eggs. Combine the two mixtures, add flour. Freeze dough 2 hrs, then roll into balls, put on greased trays and bake 7 mins. at 180 C.
Flapjacks (Mummy's Recipe)
Tip: Line baking tin with greased greaseproof paper in order to be able to get the flapjacks out, and the paper off, afterwards.
- 4oz butter
- 4oz golden syrup
- 3oz sugar
Preheat oven to 190 C. Melt the butter and syrup in a saucepan. Mix in the rolled oats and sugar (and anything else you may like to put in, e.g. ground ginger, dried fruit, chocolate chips – but the unadorned version is really nice). Bake 20 mins, until lightly browned. Mark into pieces and leave to cool. Then get the pieces out of the tin… I think this is nice to eat unbaked but hot from the saucepan.
Lemon Biscuits
Makes 100 cookies!
- 225 g butter
- 140 g sugar
- 1 beaten egg yolk
- 2 tsp. lemon juice
- 280 g plain flour
- Grated rind of 1 lemon
- 115 g icing sugar
- (Optional: 140 g chocolate, 30 thin strips of lemon rind)
(Optional decoration: melt the chocolate and dip the strips of rind. Leave to cool)
Mix butter and sugar, then beat in egg yolk and lemon juice. Sift in the flour and stir. Halve the dough into 2 balls and chill in fridge for 30-60 mins. Preheat oven to 190 C. Grease 2 trays. Roll out dough and cut out thin rounds. Bake 10-15 mins. When cool, ice (follow instructions on icing sugar packet - the recipe's icing instructions are duff) with lemon icing, and add optional decoration if desired.
Shortbread (Mummy's Recipe)
The secret is not to have the oven too hot, and not to leave the shortbread in too long.
- 4oz plain flour
- 2oz cornflour
- 4oz butter/margarine
- 2oz caster sugar
- Optional flavouring eg vanilla
- grated rind of 1 orange
Sieve flours together. Cream butter until soft, then add castor sugar, beat until pale and creamy. Add orange peel etc if using. Work in the flour mixture a spoonful at a time. Get it to stick together and lift or press onto a greased baking tray or tin, ideally in an 8 inch circle, with prettily pinched pattern round the edge. Prick with fork, cut partly through into portions with the back of a knife. Leave to chill 15 minutes then bake 35 minutes at 335F or Gas Mark 3.
Bonnag (Traditional Max, a bit like a scone loaf)
- 1 lb plain flour
- Sour milk
- 1 tsp. each of bicarbonate, cream of tartar and sugar.
- Raisins
Preheat oven to gas 3. Mix ingredients to a soft dough and add raisins. Put in a greased tin (12 x 6 in. or similar) and bake 40-45 mins.
Butterscotch Biscuits (Favourite biscuit recipes)
- 8 oz. light brown sugar
- 4 oz. butter
- 1 tsp. vanilla essence
- 1 beaten egg
- 12 oz. SR flour
Preheat oven to 180 C. Melt butter, sugar and vanilla over a low heat. When this has cooled, add beaten egg. Sift flour in a bowl and make a well in the centre; pour in the egg/butter/sugar mixture. Knead to a stiff dough (this will be quite dry, don't worry). Roll out and cut out 2 inch rounds. Put on greased baking tray and bake for 20 mins.
- 1 kg (!) white sugar
- 1 tin (c.400g) sweetened condensed milk
- 100g butter
- Some ordinary milk
- 12 x 6 inch (or similar area) tin/ dish, greased and lined
In a saucepan, damp the sugar with the ordinary milk (not too much, just enough for it to stick together). Add the condensed milk and butter and mix over heat. The mixture will take about 10 mins. to come to the boil, during which it should be stirred continuously. If there are brown streaks, turn the heat down. When it boils, turn the heat down and let it bubble for 20 mins., stirring occasionally. Then turn the heat off and stir vigorously. It should reduce and thicken quite a lot. When it does feel thick and stiff, and if the spoon encounters grittiness on the bottom of the pan, it's time to test. Take a teaspoonful and plunge it into cold water. It should form a sticky mass which isn't runny. (DON'T taste test at this point!) Then pour your mixture into a receptacle and leave to set.
A white chocolate version ('whities') is also possible.
- 225 g margarine
- 400 g sugar
- 110 g chocolate
- 170 g flour
- 4 eggs
- Tsp. each of vanilla and bicarb.
- 100g choc. chips
Preheat oven to 160 C. Melt margarine and chocolate, then add sugar, then vanilla, eggs, choc. chips and flour. Put in 23 cm. pan, and bake 50 mins. Let cool 12 hrs.
Versatile Biscuits
These can be flavoured with cocoa powder, ginger, lavender etc., and/or adorned with chocolate buttons, Smarties, or whatever takes your fancy...
- 6 oz. butter
- 4 oz. sugar
- 1 beaten egg
- 12 oz. SR flour
Preheat oven to 180C. Cream butter and sugar in a bowl, then add the egg, then the flour. Put spoonfuls of the mixture onto greased baking sheets and bake for 15-20 mins.


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Starting Rock (Sedimentary)
Location Change
Anybody else feeling a little warm?
Ah this happens all the time kid, you'll get used to it.
Rock Melts
This happens all the time, don't worry.
I, a sedimentary rock, sat in my home cave. Then, a tornado hit my home and took me along with it!
Magma Descends
Here he goes!
With the tornado dragging me along with it, I found myself near a volcano, lonely, and feeling warm. It felt like the Earth's interior was releasing energy causing me to warm up. My new friends say this is normal so I don't panic
Magma Rises
He's back!
Soon, I started getting BOILING HOT. I then began to melt into magma. I asked for help from my rock friends. But they stood there with no worries. Earth's interior was releasing a lot of energy!
Magma Transforms into Igneous Rock
See we told you you'd be fine!!!
For some time, I slowly go through the cracks of Earth under the plates and it feels really weird. Again, my careless rock friend seem to not care. :(
Please save meeeeee!
Now, I rise and see my friends again!
Hey guys! It was dark and creepy down there.
I now get a little colder and I become more like my friends. My friends tell me I'm just getting older and now I'm just like my friends! I guess it was ok after all! I thought my friends were crazy! Thanks to the earth's interior I fit in with my friends!
Wow! I look just like you guys!
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Harmet Singh (pictured) (photo Jim Allnatt, HPPC) in action for the newly promoted Howick College First Xl against Avondale College at Lloyd Elsmore Park on Saturday.
It turned out to be a tight struggle for the first innings before Howick chased down Avondale's total of 118, scoring 119/7.
Wickets were spread around the Howick bowlers with Prabhjot Singh taking 3/22, Harmet 2/20, Connah Thompson 2/33 and Ben McKendrick 2/23.
Wicket keeper Tom Paranthoiene took three good catches.
After reaching 79 before losing its second wicket with Sam Hosking scoring 32 and Harmet Singh 23 the Howick lads made hard work of reaching the required 119 by losing 5 more wickets on the way.
Still a great win in a tight match leaving Howick College second in the table with two wins and a draw.


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We have all the information you need about public and private dental clinics that provide single visit root canal in Athens, Greece. Compare all the dentists and contact the single visit root canal clinic in Athens, Greece that's right for you.
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258 106th Ave NE
Suite 201
Bellevue, WA 98004
(425) 240-0410
They are your trainers. They have been called to serve you! They are those who have tirelessly studied mechanics and anatomy to understand how your body works; the ones who will jump into the trenches with you and help coach you out; the ones who love what they do.
They are also a fitness community built upon composition analytics, progress tracking, nutrition education, and high-intensity training.
Nearby Dining
- Cépaé258 106th Ave NE (adjacent)
- La Parisienne French Bakery258 106th Ave NE (adjacent)
- L'Experience Paris258 106th Ave NE (adjacent)
- FogRose Atelier10606 NE 2nd St (134 feet SE)
Nearby Shopping
- New Dimensions Frame & Mirror206 105th Ave NE (338 feet W)
- Omega Photo210 105th Ave NE (362 feet W)
- INGEAR10655 NE 4th St (405 feet NE)
- Between Friends137 106th Ave NE (533 feet SW)
Nearby Old Bellevue Parking
- NE 2nd St between 106th Ave NE and 106th Pl NE N side10604 NE 2nd St (79 feet S)
- 106 Ave NE between Main and 2nd, E side217 106th Ave NE (92 feet NW)
- 106th Ave NE between NE 4th and NE 2nd, E side505 106th Ave NE (101 feet NW)
- NE 2nd St between 106th and 107th N side208 106th Pl NE (138 feet SE)


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Patti Hirahara was born in California in 1955 to Frank and Mary Hirahara. Patti grew up in Anaheim, California and graduated from California State University, Fullerton with a Bachelor of Arts in Communications in 1977. Hirahara runs Productions by Hirahara, a public relations and television production firm. Her career in public relations and marketing includes extensive work with the Japan External Trade Organization (JETRO). Hirahara has also produced works in television and print media. In November 2010, Patti donated to Washington State University the first installment of what was to become the George and Frank C. Hirahara Photograph Collection of Heart Mountain, Wyoming.
The Patti Hirahara Collection contains newspapers pertaining to her family, her father's and grandfather's photographs of Heart Mountain Relocation Center, and the incarceration of Japanese Americans during World War II. The newspapers are mainly from California and Seattle but there are several from the Northwest Region. Issues of the Rafu Shimpo and the North American post comprise the bulk of the collection.
Within the collection Ms. Hirahara has noted several articles that reference the George and Frank C. Hirahara Collection and specific items within the collection. Reference to material from the Hirahara Collection include photographs contained in Manuscripts Archives and Special Collections, exhibits featuring the Hirahara Collection, and the programs for the stage musical Allegience, which gives thanks for the use of photograph for the set design, and for the Los Angeles Area Emmy Awards. A documentary titled Witness: The Legacy of Heart Mountain won 3 Los Angeles Area Emmys and was co-produced and written by David Ono. The collection also includes 2 photocopies containing maps for incarceration centers, which were euphemistically called "Relocation Centers".
The materials in this collection are arranged chronologically. Within the chronological arrangement, materials are arranged alphabetically by title.
This collection is open and available for research use.
Copyright restrictions apply.
[Item description]
Patti Hirahara Collection, 1955-2020 (SC 014.7)
Manuscripts, Archives, and Special Collections, Washington State University Libraries, Pullman, WA.
The Patti Hirahara Collection was donated to Washington State University by Patti Hirahara 2014 (MS.2014.28), 2015 (MS.2015.08, MS.2015.10), 2017 (MS.2017.23), and 2021 (MS.2021.09).
This collection was processed by Natasha Miller and Steven Bingo in 2014. A grant from the National Park Service provided funding for processing and digitization of materials about Heart Mountain. In 2021, Gayle O'Hara and Nathan Miller updated the finding aid to include more recent accessions.
In 2021, in response to evolving societal understanding regarding the language used to describe the impact of Executive Order 9066, this finding aid was revised to more accurately provide context to the mass incarceration of people of Japanese ancestry during World War II.
George and Frank C. Hirahara Photograph Collection of Heart Mountain, Wyoming, 1932-2016
Tom T. Hide Collection, 1925-2012
Okubara Family Collection, circa 1943-2008
Takeda Family Collection, 1938-circa 2012
Kenneth Nishiyori Collection, 1942-1944
George and Doris McIntyre Papers, 1944-1945
Mari Tsuruyama Okumura Collection, 1936-2014
Terry Ishihara Collection, 1989-2012
Mike Mackey Collection, 1940-2002
Heart Mountain High School
Fusataro Nakaya Photographs, circa 1944
Nabata Family Collection of Heart Mountain Photographs, circa 1942-1945
Frank Chin Oral History Collection, 1974-1986
Inez Puckett McEwen Collection on Japanese-American Incarceration, 1942-1943
Japanese American Redress Collection, 1976-2000
This collection is indexed under the following headings in the online catalog. Researchers desiring materials about related topics, persons, or places should search the catalog using these headings.


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Featured Home:
4705 Down Setting Road Cumming GA 30028 [Map] |4 Bedroom, 3 full & 1 half Bath · 3,057sqft |Homesite 1|$479,900
If you are in the market for a new home, Cumming is a great area to live. Minutes from GA 400, this area allows you easy access to the best of Atlanta, yet provides a rural lifestyle. At Fields Bridge 6 homes are already under contract in Phase I and 2 additional homes are under construction and will be ready for spring move-in!
Located in North Forsyth county, Fields Bridge offers a modern, urban farmhouse-style home with outdoor living options. Some other options include side-entry garages, three-car garages and each home is situated on a spacious half-acre homesite. This unique development will only have 28 opportunities with upgraded finishes and private backyards.
The Cumming area is well-known for its award-winning schools and easy proximity to Coal Mountain, Sawnee Mountain Preserve, Lake Lanier and the North Georgia Premium Outlets.
Fields Bridge offers community activity fields, a picturesque creek with bridge and walking paths, and a fishing pond for fun and relaxation.
Vivienne Plan – Modern farmhouse inspired! This Vivienne plan will feature an open concept floor plan, covered rear patio, natural stone counter, vaulted master bedroom with upgraded lighting and more. The main level features a foyer flanked by the study/office. The wonderful common area welcomes you to a great room with fireplace, formal dining room and kitchen with island and large walk-in pantry. There is a powder room on the main level and an optional covered rear porch. Upstairs, relax and retreat to the Owner's Suite with bath featuring a double vanity, separate shower and garden tub plus large walk-in closet. Enjoy the extra loft space upstairs along with three more bedrooms, one with a Jack & Jill and one with a private bath. Upstairs laundry for convenience. Two car side-entry garage.
Homes Starting From the $500s Address 4705 Down Setting Rd., Cumming, GA 30028 Directions From Atlanta on GA 400 North, take HWY 369 West to Hubert Martin Rd. Turn Right and travel 1 mile to Fields Bridge located on the right, or use GPS. Phone Contact the sales consultant today at 678-578-6818 to schedule a tour or for more information.