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text:
Skin patches have been around for quite some time. They're mostly used to deliver medication to patients in a controlled manner. But skin patches haven't made their way to the field of cancer medicine–until now. Researchers at Purdue University say that they've developed an innovative wearable patch that will be just as effective as standard skin cancer treatments and doesn't come with the side effects that other treatments bring. The tech is still in development, but so far, it looks like a possible game-changer.
The future of skin cancer treatment?
Some alternatives to conventional skin cancer treatments exist, but they're painful and not as effective. The Purdue researchers think they've managed to solve both the pain and effectiveness issues with their new technology that reduces the entirety of melanoma treatment to a simple wearable patch.
"We developed a novel wearable patch with fully miniaturized needles, enabling unobtrusive drug delivery through the skin for the management of skin cancers," said Chi Hwan Lee, assistant professor of biomedical engineering and mechanical engineering at Purdue University. "Uniquely, this patch is fully dissolvable by body fluids in a programmable manner such that the patch substrate is dissolved within one minute after the introduction of needles into the skin, followed by gradual dissolution of the silicon needles inside the tissues within several months."
Delivery of cancer drugs through nanoneedles
When applied to the skin, the patch delivers cancer medication through silicon nanoneedles that are absorbed into the body over the course of a few months. When developing the patch, the researchers placed the needles on a thin, water-soluble medical film, which can also be dissolved and absorbed by the skin into the body.
"The uniqueness of our technology arises from the fact that we used extremely small but long-lasting silicon nanoneedles with sharpened angular tips that are easy for their penetration into the skin in a painless and minimally invasive manner," Lee said.
The needles used in the patch contain nanoscale pores to provide a "large drug loading capacity," in a manner comparable to traditional microneedles, according to the researchers. When the patch is applied to the melanoma site, the needles then release the chemotherapy drug of choice into the skin. After delivering the drugs, the needles automatically dissolve into the patient's tissue fluid. Lee came up with the idea after his daughter expressed her fear of needles when talking about vaccinations.
Promising, but not quite there yet
The technology is still in development, however. It's not known when it will make it to the market, but Lee and his team recently managed to secure a patent for it, together with the Purdue Research Foundation Office of Technology Commercialization. The researchers are currently looking for new partners to continue making improvements to the patch.
To sum up
A team of Purdue University researchers, aware of the frustrating side effects of conventional skin cancer treatments, decided to develop an alternative: a wearable patch that delivers medication through nanoneedles that eventually dissolve into the skin. The wearable patch apparently has no side effects and is reportedly as effective as traditional chemotherapy. The new technology, although still in development, could one day replace standard melanoma therapies.
Written by Natan Rosenfeld
- Bioresorbable, Miniaturized Porous Silicon Needles on a Flexible Water-Soluble Backing for Unobtrusive, Sustained Delivery of Chemotherapy
- Wearable patch may provide new treatment option for skin cancer – Purdue University News
- OTC – Office of Technology Commercialization – Purdue University
- New Treatment Patch Option for Skin Cancer – European Medical Group

subset: commoncrawl


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Community Extensions Roundup 2021
In late 2020 we launched a new home for YOOtheme Pro extensions from our amazing developer community. And in just one year the number of extensions almost doubled. Simply, Wow! In addition to a lot of free extensions, it's really exciting to see more and more small businesses developing commercial extensions for YOOtheme Pro. Today we want to give you a quick roundup of all the highlights. Let's go.
Make sure to subscribe to our YouTube channel and join our Discord Chat Server for all news and discussions.
ZOOlanders is known for their very popular Essentials for YOOtheme Pro extension. Last year they improved it even further. They added a source manager that allows you to load content from CSV files, database tables, Google Sheets, YouTube, TikTok and Instagram directly into your page builder layouts. Additionally, they added new features to their powerful form builder, refined the access conditions and expanded their icon library with 12k new free-to-use icons. We think it's really a must-have.
Flart Studio
Next is Flart Studio. This newcomer really surprised us with an amazing collection of new elements for YOOtheme Pro. If you ever need any kind of subitems within a multiple items element, Flart Studio is the place to go. Their elements can have nested subgrids, lists or even sliders. They are extremely versatile and have tons of options that allow you to build very advanced layouts. There are ultimate pricing, grid and switcher elements which have filters, lightboxes, can show items in sliders and so much more. Their Table element has an instant search, ordering and even pagination. And their Load More element can extend any other element with a load more button or infinite scrolling. Many of their elements are free, so definitely check them out.
Herzog Dupont
Another well-known developer of high quality free elements is Thomas from our support team. His elements are like our own elements and have the same set of features. Last year he released a new Slideshow Grid element, which you may know from Widgetkit. It displays a grid where each item has three images shown in a slideshow. And he has another Lottie element to display Lottie animations. Besides that all his elements are now bundled into the Herzog Dupont extension and can be installed from the Joomla! extension or the WordPress plugin directories with just a click. Since the extension is completely free, it's a no-brainer. Go and get it!
This next name may be familiar to our Joomla users – DJ Extensions. They created a YOOtheme Pro integration for their popular DJ-Catalog2 eCommerce extension. So in addition to WooCommerce, VirtueMart and Pro2Store, you can now also use YOOtheme Pro to design DJ-Catalog2 shop as well. There are two other extensions for both WordPress and Joomla – DJ-Flipbook to display PDF files in a grid and DJ-Accessibility to improve accessibility standards right from the YOOtheme Pro customizer.
Molotov Design
Another newcomer on our Extensions page is Molotov Design. They released a really cool Image Editor that allows you to edit an image, for example apply filters or crop it, directly in the YOOtheme Pro page builder. This is very handy and a real-time saver.
Joomla Pro
For everyone who is eagerly awaiting the mega menu functionality in YOOtheme Pro we have great news, there already are two extensions you can use. The JP Mega Menu extension from Joomla Pro allows you to create a mega menu with the YOOtheme Pro page builder. This way you can create a complex builder layout for each menu item.
Alternatively, Rene Kreijveld published a free Mega Menu Module for Joomla on GitHub. It does not have the page builder but uses modules to create a mega menu in YOOtheme Pro.
One of the first extension developers for YOOtheme Pro, Cloudfood, released a Typer element that displays text with a typewriter effect and a Simple Lottie element for Lottie animations.
Alex Revo
Last but not least, Alex from our support team developed the Revo Page Builder Toolkit extension. It extends YOOtheme Pro in different areas with smaller UX improvements. For example, image meta data is shown on hover, CodeMirror automatically resizes, and there are many new device presets for the device preview buttons and more.
And that's our community extensions roundup. Now go ahead and explore our Extensions page and find something for your next project 😉 By the way, there are even more extensions in the making which we will cover in our next roundup. So if you're also working on a YOOtheme Pro extension, let us know, and get on our Extensions page and into the roundup.


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Armin Le Grand yazdı
SvxShapePolyPolygonBezier was an implementation for the UNO Shape group of polygons with bezier parts (filled/unfilled/ closed/open), e.g. com.sun.star.drawing.OpenBezierShape. It was differing from SvxShapePolyPolygon just by supporting drawing::PolyPolygonBezierCoords instead of the simple drawing::PointSequenceSequence and some details. This leads to problems - the ShapeType *does change* e.g. when you edit a non-bezier Shape in Draw/Impress and change parts to curve (also when closing, see ShapeTypes above). This is why SvxShape::getShapeType() already detects this identifier by using thze internal ShapePolyType (e.g. OBJ_PATHLINE). So there is no reason to have two separate UNO API imple- mentations for sthe same type of SvxShape at all. Get rid of the extra one and unify this implementation detail. Also cleaned up double basegfx tooling for conversions of UNO API Poly/bezier data and B2DPolygon. Adapted test for "tdf113946.docx", see comment there. Adapted test for "tdf90097.rtf", see comment there. Also needed to use the Linux values, also check comment there. Adapted test for "tdf105127.docx", see comment there. Adapted test for "tdf85232.docx", see comment there. Had to fic a problem with test for "tdf96674.docx"- the adaption of the RotateAngle for line objects goes havoc together with the UNO API when scaling is involved. That old aGeo rotate stuff just kills the existing rotation due to numerical inprecise stuff. The UNP API - in trying not just to apply a rptation, but manipulate the existing one then goes wrong in not re-getting the current rotation value anymore. ARGH! This is the original reason for the ols tdf#96674 task - i doubt that the additional code to make a line not exactly hor/ver is needed. Checked and it is not needed, thus removed the change from tdf#96674 in shape.cxx. Change-Id: I2bb8d4cfe33fee3671f3dad60e5c18609a394f9d Reviewed-on: https://gerrit.libreoffice.org/56614 Tested-by: Jenkins Reviewed-by: Armin Le Grand <firstname.lastname@example.com>
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b2dclipstate.cxx | ||
canvastools.cxx | ||
gradienttools.cxx | ||
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The Need for Social-Emotional Skills in Elementary School
SEL programs are essential for healthy emotional and social development.
Posted September 11, 2023 Reviewed by Davia Sills
Key points
- Children need to feel safe, connected, and respected for optimal learning to occur in school.
- Teaching social-emotional skills helps to address these needs.
- While most parents now want such programs, some have political beliefs about what might be included in them.
- Parents need to be involved in the establishment of such programs.
Every aspect of a child's behavior in the classroom is influenced by their emotions, some of which help foster learning while others inhibit it. Additionally, their behavior is further influenced by their social skills. Yet, few schools provide the education necessary to develop vital skills in recognizing, accepting, understanding, and managing emotions or to build essential social skills. Teaching skills to understand and manage feelings is essential for the sake of children, both for their emotional well-being and for enhancing their openness to learning.
Emotional intelligence entails making room for and giving ourselves permission to feel uncomfortable feelings. Ignoring them diminishes our capacity to connect with our authentic selves. This is often a major underpinning of emotional disturbance, such as anxiety, depression, and anger.
Social skills inform children's interaction with classmates, teachers, and administrators. Together with emotional skills, they can enhance active presence and participation or withdrawal and isolation.
Recognizing, accepting, understanding, and managing our emotions is important for every aspect of adult life. Even when we believe our beliefs are predominantly influenced by our reasoning and logic, it is our emotions that play a dominant role in forming these beliefs.
A mega-study of 213 school-based, universal social and emotional learning (SEL) programs involving 270,034 kindergarten through high school students showed an 11 percent increase in these skills following their participation (Durlak, Weissberg, Dymnicki et al., 2011). Compared to controls, SEL participants demonstrated significantly improved social and emotional skills, attitudes, behavior, and academic performance.
Another mega-study of 82 programs involving 97,406 students also performed follow-up assessments that ranged from 6 months to 18 years following participation in the programs (Taylor, Oberle, Durlak et al., 2017). Participants continued to show significant gains compared to controls in social-emotional skills, attitudes, and indicators of well-being.
Personal experience
I started my professional career as an elementary school teacher in the South Bronx in the late '60s. I very quickly learned that optimal learning can only occur when children feel safe, connected, and respected. This requires creating an atmosphere that supports the cultivation of such values. Achieving this task depends not only on the teacher's emotional intelligence and disciplinary skills but also on the children's ability to identify and regulate their emotions.
Unfortunately, the emphasis then, as it still is in many schools now, is to focus on reading, writing, and arithmetic. And so, I incorporated the teaching of social and emotional skills into those subject areas. When a character in a story was angry, I helped the children explore the reasons that triggered such anger. I helped them to understand that anger is a reaction to some form of threat that might trigger negative feelings.
I emphasized identifying emotions and validating their feelings in an effort to help increase their capacity to sit with them. I also pointed out that having feelings is distinctly different from acting on them. I underscored the need to pause to reflect on their feelings so as to respond rather than react to them.
On one occasion, all students attended a presentation by the neighborhood policemen in our school auditorium. When we returned to the homeroom, I asked my class to write a composition about the police.
One child immediately showed anger in his facial expression and called out, "I'm not going to write a composition about police. I hate them!"
I calmly responded, "So, if that's how you feel, write about why you feel that way, and we'll discuss it afterward."
His tense, angry facial expression morphed into an excited smile, reflecting great surprise. "Really?" he responded.
I said, "This is an exercise in writing."
Subsequently, he produced the longest composition he had ever written. He was clearly driven by his feelings and felt empowered to be authentic in his writing. I reviewed it and then invited him to read it out loud. He cited several reasons based on his observations of how some police had treated some people in the neighborhood—from cursing at children to smacking a drug user to the racial slurs he heard them make about residents in the South Bronx.
I validated how those experiences could make him angry and then helped him to recognize the hurt, sadness, and disappointment behind his anger. I then asked the others to describe situations in which they were glad to have police. In this way, I wanted to help him and the class see the more complicated picture, including the fact that some of his classmates reported some very favorable interactions with the police.
Fortunately, I had been a psychology major. Additionally, from my own therapy, I learned a lot about emotions and the need to feel safe when discussing them. And most importantly, I learned that being able to talk about and label them was key to self-awareness and emotional regulation.
The challenge
Unfortunately, not every teacher has a sufficient understanding of psychology to address such issues. And this makes sense when they have so much pressure from the administration and parents about what should be taught. However, whether or not they are directly taught, children learn a great deal about emotions and social skills from their parents, peers, teachers, reading, administrators, religious leaders, and the media. Only when we clearly define these skills can we provide children with those that are most beneficial for their emotional and social-emotional development.
Teachers are currently experiencing a major challenge in terms of tightened constrictions regarding what they can teach. More than ever, they are being forced to teach in a way that responds to the comfort of parents rather than what children might need to learn.
Now, as when I taught, parents are concerned about the teaching of emotions. They may believe it is their responsibility to teach their children about feelings. However, just like many educators, they may lack the knowledge and skills to do so.
Currently, many schools have even reduced the funding for social-emotional skills. This is a response to parents who may have certain political beliefs about what might be included in the curriculum. Some are concerned that their children will be forced to learn empathy for others when they view such learning as a product of "Wokeness."
Teachers, school administrators, and mental health personnel need to emphasize the need for such learning. They may need to educate parents about the role emotional intelligence plays in learning and in emotional and social development. Such information should also provide a clearly stated message about what will be included in such a curriculum. And as found in one broad survey, the vast majority of parents want SEL programs in schools (although they have issues with the title of such programs) (Northern and Petrilli, 2021). This report also emphasizes the need to involve parents in the discussion of these programs.
Including the cultivation of social-emotional skills in the classroom helps provide a greater sense of safety and openness to education in all areas of the school curriculum. In doing so, it provides an atmosphere that is conducive to curiosity, motivation, and learning. It helps children to be more fully present in the learning process. And with presence comes a sense of connection that is essential for healthy development, including respect for oneself and others.
Durlak, J., Weissberg, R., Dymnicki, A., et. al. (2011) The impact of enhancing students' social and emotional learning: a meta-analysis of school-based universal interventions. Child Development, Vol. 82, (1), 405-432.
Taylor, R., Oberle, E., Durlak, J., et. al. (2017) Promoting positive youth development through school-based social and emotional learning interventions: a meta-analysis of follow-up effects. Child Development, Vol. 88 (4), 1156-1171. doi.org/10.1111/cdev.12864
Northern, A. and Petrilli, M. (2021) How to sell SEL: parents and the politics of social-emotional learning. https://sel.fordhaminstitute.org/


text:
Source: The Catastrophe
Published: 1927
Transcriber: Jonas Holmgren
Public Domain: Marxists Internet Archive (2008). You
may freely copy, distribute, display and perform this work; as well as make
derivative and commercial works. Please credit "Marxists Internet Archive" as
your source.
AND so the Provisional Government, by means of legislative initiative, began to lay the foundations of the new democratic state. The work proceeded swiftly. Towards the end of the summer the new organic laws began to make themselves felt in the increasing systematization of the nation's political life and the strengthening of the administrative apparatus. But while this work was in progress it was necessary to live, i.e., to command at the front, to restore order in the rear, to circumscribe and bring within the limits of the possible the flaming appetites of individual groups and classes. All these wanted all they could get—all liberty, all rights but no obligations.
This extremism, this lack of moderation in the demands made upon the government was to be explained by the fact that the population, never having participated in the government of the country and only now, for the first time, realizing its boundless power, believed that the government was omnipotent and that its resources were unlimited—now, as before, after three years of the wear and tear of war and of economic exhaustion. To stop the destructive sweep of the elemental revolutionary tempest it was necessary to reveal to the people all the wounds and ulcers of emaciated Russia, to rouse in the heart of every soldier, workman and peasant concern for Russia.
Not the egoistic instincts of capitalist Russia but the real interests of Russian democracy itself, just come into power, required the protection of industry from destructive experiments by the workers, the restoration of authority at the front and a struggle against anarchic sentiments in the village. The basic interests of Russia demanded from all citizens the greatest possible self-control and the subordination of all one's personal, class and caste interests to the fundamental problem of the moment—the salvation of the country and of the state.
Russia could escape from her insurmountable difficulties only in the measure in which the people developed the feeling of political discipline and political responsibility. In the development of this feeling in the masses, the government could play a great part, but only on the condition of growth and strengthening of confidence in the government. While an old, traditional organ of authority, supporting itself upon a strong administrative apparatus, can continue to exist for a long time, even after having lost the confidence of the country, no new government can possibly afford such a luxury, in the absence of even the simplest and most primitive instruments of compulsion. In this case, obedience to the demands of the new government depends entirely upon the good will of the people, who follow the instructions of the government only to the extent to which it has their confidence. The development of authority constituted the cardinal condition for Russia's safe emergence from the crisis of war and revolution.
However, the more intensively the organization and solidification of democratic organizations around the Soviets proceeded, the wider grew the psychological gulf between the revolutionary government and the revolutionary democracy in the Soviets. Every action of the government was regarded with suspicion by the leading circles of the Soviet and subjected to close examination from the point of view of the interests of the proletariat and of the "revolutionary people." The speeches and articles of the Soviet leaders, playing the role of a "benevolent" parliamentary opposition, in themselves contained nothing evil or criminal. Under normal conditions, with a parliament and a parliamentary majority to fall back upon, all this would have been even useful to the government. But the leaders who essayed the role of the opposition were in reality bound not to a minority but to a majority in the country. And this majority, untried and inexperienced in any parliamentary theories and party doctrines and having no conception of parliamentary practice, interpreted literally all the sharp criticisms directed against the government by the self-appointed opponents. The Soviet press sowed the wind of opposition and the government reaped the revolutionary storm.
This situation finally became impossible and intolerable. All the leading members of the Provisional Government understood well the source of the political tension and of the brewing crisis. They all understood that it was necessary to change the composition of the Provisional Government in a manner corresponding to the real disposition of forces in the country. Foreign Minister Miliukoff alone stuck to his own theory that all the power after the Revolution must belong to the representatives of those elements of Russian society which are termed, according to the nomenclature of socialist ideologists, the bourgeoisie.
Miliukoff is one of the most striking and most brilliant figures of intellectual Russia. His name is inextricably bound with the last decades of the struggle against Czarism, to the history of which he added many brilliant pages.
An historian by nature, Paul N. Miliukoff is by temperament a statesman of great ability. In his youth he followed the call of science, but his fighting instinct, rather than police persecution, prompted him to alter his career. In the end, instead of a venerable scientist, Russia received in him one of her greatest political leaders. But the very historical attributes of his mind taught Miliukoff to understand political events post factum, to look at them more or less from the perspective of distance. Miliukoff sees life more clearly through a book or an historical document. Having analyzed the past, he proceeds to draw corresponding conclusions, in accordance with all the rules of political logic. Thus, having worked out his program, his strategic and tactical plan, Miliukoff proceeds to carry it out with all the fervor of a political leader who is thoroughly convinced of the wisdom of his judgment, failing to take into consideration, however, the circumstances of to-day and, what is frequently more important, of to-morrow.
This lack of political intuition is not an irreparable fault under normal conditions in one's political activity, but in periods when minutes mean years and months become equal to decades, when the link between to-day and to-morrow is broken, the clash between precise and well-ordered schemes of political activity and life rushing on at blinding speed becomes catastrophic.
P. N. Miliukoff came to the foreign office with a well conceived plan of foreign policy. In the autumn of 1916 this plan was still quite in place. But in March, 1917, it was of no more use or, rather, it became an historical document fit only for the archives. To put it more concretely: the trouble was not in the aims set by the first minister of foreign affairs of the Provisional Government but in the methods chosen by him in his struggle for their realization. The Russia that had to declaim daily about the Dardanelles, the cross on St. Sofia, and to whom it was necessary to speak constantly of war to a victorious conclusion— that Russia ceased to exist on March 12, 1917. The New Russia which had come to take her place, lived under a new war psychology and wanted to hear new war slogans and to set new war aims.
The fundamental change in the language of her diplomacy and her diplomatic methods, incumbent at that time upon the Provisional Government, did not, of course, in any way prejudice Russia's actions after victory. Victory has its own logic and creates in the victor its own psychology. In war, diplomacy is only one of the means of struggle, of war propaganda. It must speak in a language corresponding to the attitude and sentiments of the country at war.
"You may speak as you like and what you like," said Gutchkoff to Miliukoff at a meeting of the Provisional Government, "but say only that which bolsters up the fighting capacity of the front."
Even before that, early in April, on my way with Miliukoff to General Headquarters at Mohileff, I told him the same thing but in another way:
"It is necessary now to change entirely the language of all our diplomatic notes and declarations."
This opinion of an "inexperienced diplomat" provoked the horror of the new minister and of his associate, Prince G. Trubetzkoy, a professional diplomat.
My words and the "opportunist diplomacy" of Gutchkoff were not a misfortune for Russia. Its misfortune was Miliukoff's refusal to yield in form to the new national psychology in all his declarations.
It would be of no interest to describe here in detail the casuistical dispute which continued for two months between Miliukoff and the Soviet, between the Rietch, organ of the Constitutional-Democratic party and the Izvestia, organ of the Soviet. The only interest this dispute has for us now lies not in its substance but in the consequences. At that time all those endless discussions—whether or not Russia's war aims had changed after the Revolution, whether or not Russia had in reality abandoned her claims to the Dardanelles, whether or not the Allies should be officially informed of the new war formula proclaimed solemnly to the Russian people by the Provisional Government on April ninth—reacted painfully on the nerves of the people, exhausted by the War, and provoked the greatest irritation. The Provisional Government itself had found the proper way of presenting Russia's war aims to the people in the following declaration:
Leaving it entirely to the people, in close unity with the Allies, to decide all questions in connection with the World War and its solution, the Provisional Government believes it to be its right and duty to declare immediately that the aim of Free Russia is not domination over other peoples, not to deprive them of their national patrimony, not the forcible seizure of foreign territories, but the establishment of a stable peace on the basis of the self-determination of peoples. The Russian people do not seek the extension of their external power at the expense of other peoples, nor do they include in their aim the enslavement and humiliation of any other peoples.
This formula, which served as the basis of President Wilson's famous fourteen points, did, at any rate, reflect closely the idealistic aspirations of the Russian people as a whole for an early, just, democratic peace. At any rate, the Provisional Government's war aims manifesto had nothing in common with the former declarations on this question, which Russia had been accustomed to hear from the lips of the Czar's foreign minister, S. D. Sazonoff, and his successors during the War.
Nevertheless, the unanimous desire of the Provisional Government not to aggravate the differences about Russia's war aims, and to follow closely its solemn declaration, was not in any way reflected in Miliukoff's personal conduct and particularly in his policy as editor of his official party organ. Immediately upon the government's declaration of its war aims, the Minister of Foreign Affairs let it.be known that this declaration, addressed to the Russian people, did not in any way bind him as minister of foreign affairs, in his policy. Miliukoff's declaration, coming upon that of the government, which had succeeded in satisfying and placating the Soviet leaders, produced the impression of a bomb explosion. A veritable verbal war ensued. And not Miliukoff alone but the authority of the government itself, which had barely begun to consolidate itself, was the sufferer.
The outburst of hatred against Miliukoff in the Soviet revealed the entire deep psychological crisis of the government, the crisis of lack of confidence, which began brewing on the very first day of the Revolution, due to the contradiction between the composition of the government and the disposition of forces in the country, and which had to be eliminated if the country was to escape new and extremely dangerous perturbations.
Miliukoff's personal declarations were already being accepted in all revolutionary, democratic and socialist circles as evidence of the Provisional Government's duplicity.
Because of my position in the Revolution and in the Provisional Government I happened to be in closer touch with the people and felt more keenly the beating of the nation's pulse than the other members of the government.
I saw the helplessness of Gutchkoff, as minister of war and marine, in his efforts to stem the tide of anarchy and dissolution in the army and navy. I saw the complete helplessness of the Minister of the Interior, in his struggle to overcome the anarchy in the cities and villages without the support of the revolutionary social forces. I felt the decline of my own influence in the struggle against the Bolshevist demagogues because of the slippery, dualistic policy of the Soviet in making its confidence in the government conditional on this or that point of theoretical casuistry.
However valuable the principle of unity of the Provisional Government was, the government that was born in the first minutes of the Revolution, and much as it was important to keep all the original members of the cabinet in the government, because of their solemn oath to lead the country to the Constituent Assembly, and however desirable Miliukoff's presence in the Provisional Government was, his continuance as minister of foreign affairs was becoming a real national danger. On the other hand, it was no longer possible to tolerate a situation in which the leaders of the revolutionary democracy in the Soviet, who had the advantage of tremendous moral authority, did not share direct responsibility for the fate of the country.
It became necessary to force developments. On April twenty-fifth, late in the evening, I informed the press that the Provisional Government was preparing to consider the question of dispatching a note to the Allies, informing them of Russia's new war aims, as proclaimed by the Provisional Government on April ninth.
In some way my statement appeared in the press the next day in garbled form. Anticipating developments, the newspapers announced that the government was already discussing the note to the Allies.
Some of the members of the government had already decided to bring this question before the entire cabinet.[1*] However, no such discussion by the cabinet as a whole had yet taken place.
For this reason the Minister of Foreign Affairs was quite justified in demanding from the Provisional Government an official denial. On April twenty-seventh the newspapers reported: "The government has not discussed and is not preparing any note on the question of war aims."
This denial provoked a veritable storm. As was foreseen, Miliukoff was compelled to agree immediately to the dispatch of a note to the Allies on the question of war aims. But now this act assumed an exaggerated importance in the eyes of public opinion, being regarded as having been forced by the Soviet and, what was worse, by the Petrograd garrison.
Because of the acute situation, the war aims note to the Allies was edited by the entire cabinet.[2*] We spent the whole night doing this in the office of Minister of War Gutchkoff, who was quite ill. The contents of the note should have satisfied the most violent critics of Miliukoff's "imperialism." However, what developed was a psychological break which cost us very dearly. The lack of confidence in and the hostility to Miliukoff in the Soviet and in the Democratic-Revolutionary circles in general was so great that these elements were no longer able to consider and to grasp the contents of the note. Revolutionary hysteria began.
At a special meeting the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet adopted a resolution of sharp protest against the new "imperialist" declaration of the Provisional Government, and Lenin, who had just arrived from Switzerland, via Germany, hastened to dispatch his lieutenants to the barracks.
On May third the Finnish Guards Regiment appeared in the streets of Petrograd. Fully armed, with red banners and placards denouncing the Provisional Government, particularly Miliukoff and Gutchkoff, the troops marched to the Maryinsky Palace. All over the city appeared armed detachments of workmen and soldiers. The government was at that moment not in the Maryinsky Palace, which was surrounded by the armed mob, but on the Moika, at the office of Gutchkoff. Here appeared General Korniloff, commander of the Petrograd military district, with the request for the government's permission to call out troops for its protection.
Unanimously the government declined any such protection. We were all confident of the wisdom of our course and felt certain that the population would not permit any acts of violence against the government.
And, in truth, on the same day appeared an explanation by the Soviet of Workmen's and Soldiers' Deputies declaring that it had not summoned the troops to demonstrate against the government. Previous to this, immense throngs had appeared in the streets in a great demonstration in honor of the Provisional Government and, particularly, of Miliukoff.
This first mobilization of Bolshevist forces ended rather ludicrously for Lenin, but not without the sacrifice of a number of lives as a result of the shooting in the streets.[3*] The spilling of innocent blood had also a sobering effect on the leaders of the revolutionary democracy. The Soviet chieftains hastened to repudiate the Bolshevist adventure. On agreement between those leaders of the Soviet who were loyal to the government and the latter, the government made public, on May fourth, an explanation of the Foreign Minister's note of May first.
As a matter of fact this explanation explained nothing, for there was nothing to explain. What it did was to emphasize points of importance from the point of view of popular psychology. The government pointed out that its note was sent by unanimous agreement of all the members of the government. In other words, the Soviets and army committees were informed that in this Miliukoff and Kerensky were in complete agreement. None of the ministers wished to repudiate solidarity with Miliukoff as a member of the Provisional Government, but the Ministry of Foreign Affairs had to be transferred, none the less, to some one else who would be able to conduct the nation's foreign policy by methods more elastic. Such was the opinion of the entire Provisional Government, with one or two exceptions. The question of readjustment of portfolios within the government was formally presented by me.
On April fourth I demanded from the government, on threat of leaving the cabinet, the transfer of Miliukoff to the Ministry of Education. At the same time the question was boldly raised of obtaining the immediate entrance into the government of Soviet leaders and leaders of the socialist parties. On May eighth the cabinet crisis became a fact. Rejecting the advice of the most prominent leaders of his own party (V. Nabokoff and M. Vinaver), P. N. Miliukoff refused to accept the portfolio of education and left the government. Simultaneously I sent a communication to the Temporary Committee of the Duma, the Soviet and the Central Committee of the Party of Social-Revolutionaries. In this communication I declared that henceforth the Provisional Government had to include not merely individual and casual representatives of the democracy, but men "chosen formally and directly by the organizations they represent." I also made my continued participation in the government contingent upon the agreement of all Left parties following the inclusion of their representatives in the ministry.
My communication was only the final, formal step in the development of the struggle for a coalition government. From the very beginning of April the government had unanimously decided to obtain, at all costs, the inclusion in the cabinet of representatives of the Soviet and of the socialist democracy. Prince Lvoff announced this categorically at his conference with the executive committee of the Soviet on May fourth.
It was not so easy, however, to bring this to realization. For not only were some of the liberals decidedly opposed to the participation in the "bourgeois" government of representatives of the so-called labor democracy, but this opposition was equally strong on the part of the orthodox Marxists in the Soviet. Shortly before the acute cabinet crisis, F. Dan, one of the most prominent leaders of the Mensheviki, had branded as "calumny" the very suggestion of the Soviet's agreement to participate in the reconstruction of the government.
"The supreme power is the Provisional Government," he had declared, "while the revolutionary democracy, represented by the Soviet, makes its influence on the progress of political life felt by means of uninterrupted organized pressure upon the government, and by control over it."
In fighting for a government coalition, so obviously essential to the interests of the country, those of us who never followed rigid party lines were thus compelled to break through the blockade of theoretical formula; and dead political blue prints piled up against us by the orthodox custodians of party doctrine, both in the socialist as well as in the bourgeois camp. Very soon the crisis grew more acute because of the departure from the government of War Minister Gutchkoff. I will speak of him and of the causes of his resignation later. At this point I will only say that with his departure the first cabinet of the Provisional Government concluded its existence. The romantic period of the Provisional Government came to an end.
On its departure, the first cabinet of the Provisional Government left behind for the nation a political testament which still continues to stir one's mind and heart. In drawing up the balance sheet of its short but extremely difficult and intensive work, the government addressed to the nation the following words of warning which were destined to become a terrible prophecy:
The Provisional Government cannot conceal from the population the difficulties and obstacles it has found in its work. It cannot, also, refrain from mentioning the fact that these difficulties are increasing and are provoking serious alarm for the future.
Called into life by a great popular movement, the Provisional Government regards itself as the agent and custodian of the people's will. As the basis of political administration it has chosen not violence or compulsion but the voluntary subordination of free citizens to the government they have themselves created. It seeks support not in physical but in moral forces.
From the very beginning of its existence the Provisional Government has never violated these principles. It has not been responsible for the shedding of a single drop of the people's blood nor has it sought to erect barriers of force against any current of social thought.
Unfortunately and to the great peril of liberty, the building of new social buttresses for strengthening the country is lagging far behind the process of dissolution called forth by the collapse of the old political order. Under these circumstances, with the refusal of the government to resort to the old, compulsory methods of administration and other artificial means of raising the prestige of authority, the difficulty of the task confronting the Provisional Government becomes insurmountable.
The elemental urge of individual groups and elements of the population, as represented by the politically least intelligent and least organized of these elements, to achieve their desires and obtain satisfaction of their demands by methods of direct action and seizure, threatens to destroy internal unity and discipline, and to create fertile ground for acts of violence stimulating hostility to the new order, and for the cultivation of private interests and ambitions to the detriment of the general interest and of the fulfillment of civic duty.
The Provisional Government considers it its duty to declare frankly and definitely that such a state of affairs makes administration of the country extremely difficult and threatens, in its consequence, to bring the country to internal dissolution and defeat at the front.
There rises before Russia the terrible vision of civil war and anarchy which will destroy liberty. The dark and tragic road so well known to history, the one leading from liberty through civil conflict and anarchy to reaction and restoration of despotism, must not be that of the Russian people.
But Russia did not escape this Road of Crucifixion, for, amidst the horrors of war and the outbursts of civil conflict, the people did not have enough willpower, patience and discipline to stand fast on the brink of the precipice.
There was only one way of salvation—the union and cooperation of all the living, creative forces of the country, regardless of their political and social aspirations!
In May, 1917, we of the Provisional Government succeeded in laying the foundations of such union. After some resistance the Soviet, by a considerable majority (forty-one to nineteen), decided to accept the proposal of the Provisional Government for the participation of the Soviet in the government of the country. The old Soviet formula of conditional confidence, so destructive to the Provisional Government seeking to stand above party, was definitely abandoned.
Very soon the Soviet leaders and the leaders of the Left parties themselves, as members of the government, came under the blows of demagogic Bolshevist propaganda and of the impossible demands of the mobs run amuck. They then realized the entire scope of their responsibility towards the future of Russia. Only on the morning of May eighteenth, with the formation of the new coalition Provisional Government, did it become possible for the government, for the first time since the Revolution, to govern, to demand and to command.
[1*] It was precisely in these difficult April days that the beginning was laid of that compact group within the Provisional Government which continued to exist up to the days of the Korniloff rebellion (in September) and which was termed the "Triumvirate" (Terestchenko-Nekrassoff-Kerensky). In April there were five of us, the others being Prince Lvoff and Konovaloff.—A. K.
[2*] In these days was formed within the cabinet a special committee for preliminary consideration of all domestic and foreign questions relating to the conduct of the War. Those named on the committee were Prince Lvoff, Miliukoff, Terestchenko, Nekrassoff and myself.— A. K.
[3*] In the evening there was shooting beneath the windows of the Ministry of Justice, where I had as guests several members of the French socialist delegation, who had come to Russia to urge the Russian workers to continue the War to a victorious end. Particularly patriotic, frequently with tears in his eyes, was Marcel Cachin, who subsequently became leader of the French Communist party. While in my office he did not seem to relish the too close shots of the revolutionary proletariat.—A. K.
Last updated on: 2.17.2008


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STANFORD, Calif. – Stanford athletic director Bob Bowlsby has met with the entire Orange Bowl-winning Cardinal football staff since the departure of coach Jim Harbaugh to the San Francisco 49ers on Friday.
Bowlsby is moving ahead in his search for Harbaugh's replacement, first determining who the internal candidates might be. Bowlsby said Saturday he has spoken with each member of the staff but wouldn't categorize any of the sessions as formal interviews.
"I've talked to the whole coaching staff a number of times over the last day," Bowlsby said.
President John Hennessy — on hand at Maples Pavilion to honor women's basketball coach Tara VanDerveer for her recent 800th victory — said the school would like to find Harbaugh's replacement soon but also work to hire the right person. National signing day the first week of February is approaching in a hurry and there is recruiting to be done.
The position is expected to be a sought-after job considering the team's commanding 40-12 Orange Bowl win last Monday that capped a 12-1 season. Not to mention Heisman Trophy runner-up Andrew Luck's announcement Thursday he will return to school for another year to quarterback the team.
There are a couple of potential contenders on the Cardinal staff, including offensive coordinator and former Stanford receiver David Shaw and associate head coach Greg Roman.
Harbaugh will surely consider bringing Stanford defensive coordinator and linebackers coach Vic Fangio with him to the Niners.
"We're going to get it done quickly because obviously it's important for the team," Hennessy said. "But getting the right person is the most important thing. We'll take the time we need."
Safety Wayne Lyons out of Dillard High in Florida announced his verbal commitment to Stanford on Saturday during U.S. Army All-American game in San Antonio.
Stanford finished with a school-record 12 wins this season a year after Harbaugh led the Cardinal to a Sun Bowl berth for the school's first bowl appearance since 2001.


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Vesta Stevens Downer, 92, a longtime resident of the city of Falls Church, died at home of natural causes on November 22, 2016, with family by her side. Born in Chester, Nova Scotia, when her father brought her pregnant mother from Connecticut to visit the place of his birth, she became a naturalized citizen of the U.S. at age 21.
During the Great Depression, the family moved around Connecticut, due to her father's series of jobs that included college professor, Congregationalist minister, chemist, schoolteacher, and farmer. Vesta attended a one-room, rural schoolhouse before gaining admission to Norwich Free Academy. She obtained a B.A. from the University of Vermont in 1945 and a Masters in Social Work from Smith College in 1950. After graduate school, she worked in Baltimore as a social caseworker and at the Arlington Mental Health Center.
She married Robert E. Downer, a congressional aide, in 1952. Settling in Falls Church, they had two daughters. Eventually, a new job with the Department of State led to a Foreign Service position for Bob, and the entire family moved with him to posts in the Philippines and Thailand. After five years in the Foreign Service, they returned to the same home they had lived in in Falls Church, and the girls attended George Mason High School.
While in Bangkok, Vesta started a much-needed drug-treatment center for American Embassy dependents. On returning to the U.S., she re-established her social work career, working at Crossroads drug-treatment center in Fairfax and then Woodburn Community Mental Health Center in Annandale, and maintaining a private psychotherapy practice. She supervised graduate students, was on the board for social work licensure, and was instrumental in securing health-insurance coverage for psychotherapy performed by social workers in Virginia.
Both before and after retirement, she enjoyed traveling all over the world with groups of seniors and ecological researchers. In 1995, as a member of the Older Women's League, she attended the United Nations International Conference on Women, and while she did not witness First Lady Hillary Clinton's "Women's rights are human rights" speech at that event firsthand, she did watch it live on a closed-circuit television in another room.
For years, she would go every summer with a group that cleaned and maintained a cabin on the Appalachian Trail. She loved gathering with her daughters and their families at Bethany Beach, Delaware. She was active in the Democratic Party and a variety of liberal and feminist causes, and was president of the Falls Church Democratic Committee for a time in the 1960s. She was for a number of years a member of Emmaus United Church of Christ in Vienna, Virginia.
A devoted runner since the age of 50, she frequently entered women's 5K and 10K races, often coming in first in her division. In her 80s and beyond, even after giving up running, she still could be seen faithfully walking her one or two miles around the block whenever the weather permitted. She was a prodigious knitter, providing many relatives with handcrafted baby blankets, and when there was no one she knew to give afghans to, she donated them to churches and homeless shelters. She was a crossword-puzzle devotee, an avid gardener, a voracious reader and an inveterate letter writer, often penning "gotcha" letters to the editor, chiding newspaper staff on poor grammar and usage, or expressing her political views in no uncertain terms.
Her family life was marred by tragedy: Her younger sister, helping with the World War II effort on the home front, was killed when the milk truck she was backing up a ramp at a farm overturned. Her younger brother died at 35 of a heart attack and two other brothers died in infancy.
More recently, her younger daughter, Ann Downer-Hazell, a children's book author, died in 2015 of ALS. Although acquainted with grief, Vesta lived a full life and gave unstintingly both to those she loved and to those in need. She is survived by a daughter, Judith E. Downer (Mrs. Alan Gordon), of Rego Park, New York, a son-in-law, Ed Hazell of Somerville, Massachusetts, and two grandsons.


text: All the basics on a budget for your next visit to Lake Placid at the Rodeway Inn ® near the Olympic Center and Whiteface Mountain. Stretch your dollar further so that you can spend it on dining and entertainment around the hotel. Just off State Route 73, guests enjoy convenience to numerous area attractions such as Lake Placid Village and the Lake Placid Olympic Ski Jumping Complex. Free parking means it is easy to get around the area to hot spots including Mirror Lake and many Olympic venues such as the Speed Skating Oval.


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When it comes to bikinis, I've got a problem. Some girls are into bags, some are into shoes – bikinis are my weakness. I own a ridiculous amount – I can't even reveal the number out of fear that my friends will stage a 90210-style intervention. But no matter how many I collect, there's only one I can't live without and that's the Little Black Bikini (LBB). When you find one that fits perfectly in the right style, it's an investment piece and the foundation to a good summer wardrobe.
Mine recently needed replacing so I put the call out to Australian swimwear label Seafolly and they came back with the LBB of my dreams. Triangle tops are my favourite style – they look good under clothes and stay on during water activities. I also prefer black bikinis to have a little more detail, so I'm loving the subtle spaghetti straps on this one. I pretty much only wear skimpy bottoms, which is why I didn't go for the matching ones – instead I pared the top with Seafolly's classic black Brazilian bottoms. I wear these with pretty much every bikini top I own and I have them in white too – they're a summer staple.
This post was shot at Cape Panwa Hotel in Phuket, Thailand where we stayed for four incredible days as their guests. It rained most of the time we were there, but the rooms were so luxurious we had just as much fun shooting indoors.
Seafolly bikini top and Seafolly bikini bottoms.
Video and photography by Jamil Hassan.


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My Prayer Every Time I Walk Into Work
Lord, on my own, I can do nothing. You are the One Who everything.
It takes a lot of hard work and personal sacrifice to become a physician. Yes, the rewards - both financial and professional - can be immense, but it is no small feat to be given the honor and privilege to care for patients as a doctor. For this, I am eternally grateful to the Lord our God.
As such, every time I walk into work - anywhere I work in the country - I say this prayer:
Lord my God, I disavow my might, my power and my knowledge and seek solace and refuge in Your Might, Your Power, and Your Knowledge, O Strong One.
In Your Name, The Healer, do I begin my shift, Lord my God, and in Your Name, The Healer, do I end my shift, Lord my God.
Lord my God, nothing is easy except that which You make easy, and You make sadness and difficulty - if You so will - easy.
My Lord! Expand for me my chest! Make my affair easy for me! And untie a knot in my tongue that they may understand my speech.
The last paragraph is the prayer of Moses when he was charged by God to go onto Pharaoh and take the Children of Israel out of bondage in Egypt. This prayer is a source of strength and solace, and it helps give me the ability to care for the very sick patients who come into my care in the ICU.
Lord, always be there for me to help care for Your children who are sick. Amen.