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seperating update loop of game from update loop of rendering
Antriel replied to aylictal's topic in Phaser 3Looking good now Technically not. It's there to improve the smoothness and avoid frame skips. Even if the display has the same refresh rate as physics, it will eventually go out of sync (frame skips, etc.). What happens then is that you could possibly be juuuust not enough to update physics, so you render the same frame again. That will cause visible stuttering. Alternatively, if your user has higher refresh rate display (120/144, even more Hz displays are pretty common now), you essentially limit them to whatever your physics update is. By providing alpha or however you call it. That is, a relative value of how close we are to next update, and then use that for interpolation, you essentially remove the stutter and enable smoother movement than your physics update rate is. The interpolation itself looks like this: `obj.pos = (obj.next_pos - obj.old_pos) * alpha + obj.old_pos;` Where `obj` is whatever you update in physics and `pos` is whatever property that is (x, y, rotation usually). The `old_pos` and `next_pos` are previous and current values respectively. So in your physics update, first thing you do (before running physics) is `obj.old_pos = obj.next_pos` for all objects. And then instead of updating `pos` directly in your physics update, you update `next_pos`. At a cost of at most one physics step additional input latency (which is really negligible in the whole picture), you get smooth movement at any display refresh rate (if it's high enough for smoothness that is :D). Alternatively, you could run your physics using this approach at much much higher rate, say 200 Hz. And then interpolation stops being that useful. This is usually done if you need very stable physics and can afford the computational time (as you would be running multiple physics update per frame).
luschn reacted to a post in a topic: Facebook Share Popup Blocked in pointerdown Event
phaser Facebook Share Popup Blocked in pointerdown Event
Antriel replied to luschn's topic in Phaser 3https://github.com/photonstorm/phaser/issues/3497 I'm literally working on some hacking solution for my project atm. I'm thinking, instead of pointerdown, use pointerover/out to store some global `action` variable while it's rolled over. And before game boots add `document.addEventListener('click', function(event) { ... });` where you handle the stored action, if any.
how to destroy particle Emitter ?
Antriel replied to Lightnet's topic in Phaser 3You must destroy the created particle manager. Not the emitters. var particles = this.add.particles('spark'); var emitter = particles.createEmitter(); emitter.setPosition(400, 300); emitter.setSpeed(200); emitter.setBlendMode(Phaser.BlendModes.ADD); this.time.delayedCall(3000, function() { particles.destroy(); });
Does this version support typescript?
Antriel replied to bosyeaiue's topic in Phaser 3It's work in progress but yes: https://github.com/photonstorm/phaser3-docs/tree/master/typescript That said you can work with any JS without any defs in TS. So the answer to your question would be implicit yes.
seperating update loop of game from update loop of rendering
Antriel replied to aylictal's topic in Phaser 3Few notes: Phaser 3 smooths out deltaTime so I can't see it ever being over 1000. That check isn't really needed. You pass the raw elapsed time to `phys()`. That's not fixed timestep, you should pass `frameduration` (which is really bad name imo, it's not duration of the frame, it's your physics timestep). What you pass into render isn't `delta`, it's progress towards next update that is to be used as interpolation value. I usually call it `alpha`, and although the name doesn't matter, I would avoid calling it `delta` as that's not what it is.
seperating update loop of game from update loop of rendering
Antriel replied to aylictal's topic in Phaser 3I'm not very versed in terms as far as math and physics goes, but basically physics engines use only approximations to calculate what happens. There's a few approaches and each have their pros and cons. If you take basic Euler: position += velocity * dt; velocity += acceleration * dt; You will find out that different `dt` will give you different result within the same time. Semi-implicit Euler (just swap those 2 lines) is lot better, but still wrong. You can read pretty good article about it here. So basically, to have predictable and stable physics, you want to run your `physics.update(dt)` with fixed `dt`. That means it's the same every time. But that also means you can't just call it once every frame, because time between frames won't be exactly `dt` every time. So you do something like: var accumulator = 0; var physicsTimestep = 1/60; function renderUpdate(timeSinceLastFrame) { accumulator += timeSinceLastFrame; while(accumulator >= physicsTimestep) { accumulator -= physicsTimestep; physics.update(physicsTimestep); } render(timeSinceLastFrame); }
Alternative HTML5 Platform to Adobe Air?
Antriel replied to ncm123's topic in General TalkMore precise would be to say that browsers support svg rendering and Phaser can use that to generate textures to render. The main difference is that you can't easily scale things around while maintaining pixel perfect rendering and anti-aliasing for free. OpenFL had some swf rendering thing that worked on html (real vector rendering), but I'm not sure if it's still there and works (this was many years ago).
seperating update loop of game from update loop of rendering
Antriel replied to aylictal's topic in Phaser 3Yes, alright. Except that it might not be stable on gpu-synced displays. Using provided delta time is of course the way to do anything, but you can't always apply it raw like that. Thus the need for fixed timestep for physics and basically any kind of numerical integration. As I mentioned before, even simple `speed += acceleration * dt` will behave differently at different dt.
seperating update loop of game from update loop of rendering
Antriel replied to aylictal's topic in Phaser 3When it comes to syncing with server, it gets much more complicated. Depending on the approach you take, from simple interpolation from past data with a buffer through basic prediction and correction to converging prediction. All these, even though work similarly to rendering interpolation with fixed timestep physics, are there to solve different kind of problem though. I wrote an article about Entity Interpolation for multiplayer games, but it's not really aimed at total beginners. That said I do link to other articles that describe the basics, so all this should get your started.
seperating update loop of game from update loop of rendering
Antriel replied to aylictal's topic in Phaser 3RAF will fire as fast as it can, synced to display refresh rate. So on 60 Hz display, you get 60 Hz or less. On 144 Hz display it will run 144 Hz or less. On g-sync/freesync/hdmi 2.1 vrr, it can be anything. What needs to be understood here is that phaser doesn't provide you with proper game update loop. It gives you RAF loop (or fallbacks). It's on your to handle whatever you need, e.g. fixed timestep physics with interpolation. V3 had recently added automatic fixed timestep and manual update options to matter.js physics. I'm not sure if the automatic fixed timestep is still running off RAF (which makes the option kinda pointless), but you can use the manual option in any case. In my case, if the game is mostly async tween actions (think match 3 sliding stuff), I just use tweens and don't care about deltatime. As soon as I have any kind of physics or time based logic (even simple speed += acceleration), I switch to fixed timestep with interpolation. I did describe my approach in at least one topic here
Update gfx positions. After move or in outer loop?
Antriel replied to hashi's topic in Coding and Game DesignIn that case it doesn't really matter, whichever is easiest. When doing it during physics loop you might save yourself additional iteration, but that's negligible so really whichever you like more.
Update gfx positions. After move or in outer loop?
Antriel replied to hashi's topic in Coding and Game DesignIt seems to me that maybe you misunderstood what interpolating positions means. Fixed timestep for physics is great, but that means you are out of sync with render rate. You want to update gfx positions inside the RAF loop, but you can't just set them to what physics tells you it's at at that time. Or well, you can, but then you are limiting yourself to whatever frequency your physics runs (not to mention frame pacing issues). The optimal solution is to do what that article explains and update position within your reneder loop by interpolating: `State state = currentState * alpha + previousState * ( 1.0 - alpha );` which would translate to something like `obj.gfx.x = obj.body.prevX + (obj.body.x - obj.body.prevX) * alpha;` I once talked about this approach here too: But if you don't want to interpolate, then it doesn't really matter where you update the positions.
Update gfx positions. After move or in outer loop?
Antriel replied to hashi's topic in Coding and Game DesignThis is best: https://gafferongames.com/post/fix_your_timestep/ You can't tell how often will requestAnimationFrame fire, so you should interpolate your positions.
fariazz reacted to a post in a topic: update vs render - frequency
update vs render - frequency
Antriel replied to fariazz's topic in Phaser 3Actually, by default it is backed by RequestAnimationFrame, which can run at whatever. You shouldn't assume 60 FPS for your logic.
typescript defs
Antriel replied to tiggus's topic in Phaser 3Docs are the current priority. I haven't heard of any ETA, but it probably won't be long now. Meanwhile there's and modified ones here Although there's really not much reason to wait, you don't really need the defs to make something

subset: commoncrawl


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In a slow start to the day (news wise), Blackburn boss Mark Hughes has admittedhe would jump at the chance to bring Ryan Giggs and Paul Scholes to Ewood Park, if they decided to move on in the pursuit of first team football.
The veteran Manchester United duo are no longer guaranteed first-team action in every game for the Old Trafford outfit as Sir Alex Ferguson has recently purchased the quality Anderson and silky yet morbidly arrogant Nani.
In the last few days, there have been suggestions that Giggs and Scholes could head down the League in the closing stages of their career to get more chances.
And former United striker Hughes, who played alongside the duo during his second spell with the Red Devils, knows they would fit in wel at Ewood if the opportunity presented itself.
Hughes told Sky Sports: 'If players like Giggs and Scholes came on the market, then everybody would be interested, irrespective of age.
'They have the capacity to affect games at Premier League level.'
And Hughes is hoping to be afforded more transfer funds to invest in the squad in the summer to keep Rovers among the clubs challenging for regular European football.
He added: 'We have done well in the last two or three years to be able to bring the right quality at the right price and they have always been able to produce for us. I have got to keep on doing that.
'We need a little bit more investment this year than we possibly have in recent years just to make sure that we keep going in the right direction.
'We will need funds to keep adding to the squad.
'There is a group of Premier League clubs in that middle tier and in any given year you can be top of that pile or at the bottom of it and it is important we stay at the top of it.'
Bit of gossip for you there guys, don't say I don't spoil you.
would be fantastic to sign one or both if they became available! They still have a lot to offer.


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Fox's Jon Scott was not the only Fox News personality to make hideous comments over Easter weekend. Fox host Jesse Watters and contributor Herman Cain shared a couple of jokes about killing Mexicans who try to climb over Donald Trump's border wall.Read more
Fox's Jon Scott Lectures Muslims: If You Don't Like Negative Portrayal On Homeland, 'Don't Burn People Alive And Set Off Bombs'
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Fox's Earhardt Attacks Sen. Warren's Patriotism For Questioning Trump's War Strategy
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The legendary pianist Joe Albany, whose career was largely fouled up by drugs, recorded several rewarding sets during 1971-82. This solo album (originally recorded for the Japanese Trio label before being made available domestically on an obscure SeaBreeze Lp) is relaxed, thoughtful and shows off Albany's roots in the bop era although the pianist generally sounded at his best in a trio setting. Highlights include "A.B. (After Bird) Blues II," "You Stepped Out Of A Dream" and "A Night In Tunisia."
This CD combines together two unrelated solo piano sets. The nine performances by Thelonious Monk are a bit familiar since these renditions (which are highlighted by "'Round Midnight," "Well You Needn't," "We See" and "Hackensack") had been previously reissued by GNP/Crescendo and Mosaic. However the 13 selections (including three alternate takes) by Joe Turner (no relation to singer Big Joe Turner) are much rarer. Turner, a talented American stride pianist who spent most of his life living in France, had only recorded ten songs as a leader prior to this 1952 session and is in top form for such numbers as "Hallelujah," "Between the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea," "Wedding Boogie" and three versions of "Tea for Two." This CD is easily recommended to jazz piano collectors who do not already have the Monk selections.
Joe was an easy listening pop singer who died in the early eighties while still in his prime. This collection contains the best of his music from 1965 to 1979. Some of the songs are of French origin and it would appear from the credits that he co-wrote some of them. He sings one of the tracks here (The guitar don't lie) in English, although the other 45 tracks are all in French. Apart from the French songs, there are a number of other songs that he sings with French lyrics. It is clear from the titles that at least some of them have completely new lyrics rather than being translated from the original. I conclude this review with a list of some of the songs that might be familiar to you, to give you an idea of his range of material. Despite his easy listening style, the sources of the songs are diverse, including country and folk as well as mainstream pop songs.
In 2002, Ace released Big Joe Louis & His Blues Kings/The Stars in the Sky, which contained two albums – Big Joe Louis & His Blues Kings (1989, originally released on Blue Horizon) and The Stars in the Sky (1992, originally on Tramp) – by Big Joe Louis & His Blues Kings on one compact disc.
Official Release #98. Is it a group? Is it a band? Is it real? Yes, Yes & Yes! But, Oh Nooooooo! It never toured. This fine lineup brings with it stuff you've never heard before. This is the fifth album in the Joe's Corsaga that started with Joe's Corsage (covering pre-Freak Out! recordings from The Mothers circa 1965-1966) in 2004 and seemed to conclude with 2008's Joe's Menage (cassette tape produced by Zappa, recorded from 1975 Virginia). This covers the band that rehearsed in the Summer of 1975 but never toured. This band is consisting of the following Napoleon Murphy Brock, Robert "Frog" Camarena, Denny Walley, Novi Novog, Terry Bozzio and Roy Estrada.
As this lavishly boxed, four-CD distillation of his Pablo sessions proves, Joe Pass was probably the guitar-playing equivalent of Art Tatum on the Norman Granz roster – not only for his vast output, but also for the all-encompassing, almost orchestral way in which he got around his instrument. The set is divided equally into four sections – disc one for his astounding solo electric and acoustic guitar sides, disc two for studio recordings with various groups, disc three for various live recordings solo and with groups, disc four the delicate Ella Fitzgerald and other duo partner sessions and quartet pieces backing Sarah Vaughan…


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Middle East
Sisi to Egyptian Islamists: surrender or die
A suicide bombing this week at Egyptian Military Intelligence headquarters in the city of Ismailiya has been claimed by Ansar Beit al Maqdis. This organization is a Salafi Jihadi group with links to organizations of a similar kind in the Gaza Strip. Eleven people, including six soldiers were wounded in the bombing.
The Ismailiya attack is the latest episode in a growing Islamist insurgency against the de facto rule of General Abd al Fatah al-Sisi and the military in Egypt. It was of particular significance because the city lies just west of the Suez Canal, outside of the Sinai Peninsula. In the poorly policed area of northern Sinai, jihadi groups have been active since the military coup of July 3, and even before it.
But the Ismailiya bombing represents only the second time that Ansar Beit al Maqdis has managed to strike west of the canal. This attack may well be a sign of things to come.
Yet while the growing violence in Egypt undoubtedly constitutes a security headache for the Egyptian regime, it contains no political threat to General Sisi and those around him.
Salafi terrorists are not going to take power in Egypt. They are an irritant, but the political result of their activities is likely to be growing support for Sisi, and calls for harsher measures mirroring Hosni Mubarak's crackdown on similar groups in the 1990s.
A crackdown would have wide public support. The ongoing activities of the jihadis, meanwhile, at least as long as they do not exceed a certain volume, provide a useful backdrop to the continued presence of the army at the center of public life in Egypt.
The growing pitch of Islamist violence is an indication of the vanishing options that Sisi has left available to the Islamists.
Since the July 3 coup, he has deliberately sought to exclude the Islamists from political life in every possible way, thus leaving them only the options of effective marginalization or a turn to force.
Shortly after the coup, the Muslim Brotherhood was declared an illegal organization and its assets seized. Leaders of the movement, including incumbent President Mohammed Morsy, were arrested. On August 14th, the army engaged in a bloody crackdown on the movement's sit-in at the Rabia Mosque in Cairo.
Subsequent months have seen a series of stormy and violent demonstrations by the Brotherhood, demanding the release of their leaders and the dropping of all charges against them, and that the group be permitted to return to political activity.
The latest of these took place on October 6th, the day on which Egyptians mark the 'victory' of the 1973 October War. Supporters of the Muslim Brotherhood sought to make their way to Tahrir Square, while protesting the detention of Morsy and calling al-Sisi a 'murderer.'
The response of the security forces was harsh and uncompromising. Around 50 people were killed in the subsequent clashes. Scores were wounded, 200 members of the Muslim Brotherhood were detained.
Along with the uncompromising response on the streets, the military government has sought to directly link the stormy Brotherhood demonstrations in the cities with the insurgency erupting in Sinai.
Thus, a statement released to the press by Interior Minister General Mohammed Ibrahim after the Ismailiya attacks asserted that "The Muslim Brotherhood has a new source of funding, as is indicated by the attack on Monday morning against South Sinai Security Directorate using a booby-trapped vehicle driven by a suicide bomber."
By turning to force, Egypt's Islamists would be 'playing' the security forces on the latters' home turf, with no hope of victory. But political activity is also closed to them.
In current discussions over amending the Egyptian constitution, meanwhile, it appears that an amendment to article 54, which deals with the foundation of political parties, is set to be approved. The amendment will prohibit the creation of political parties on a religious basis, or political activity based on religion.
Even the Salafi al-Nour party, which is largely cooperating with the military controlled government, initially objected to this (though it now appears to have recanted.)
Other Islamist groups are struggling to come up with a response. The Gamaa al-Islamiya movement, a formerly terrorist group which entered politics after the toppling of Mubarak, expressed the Islamists' dilemma in the clearest way.
Speaking to al-Ahram newspaper, one of its leaders said that after Mubarak's fall, they had 'became engaged in the political process. We made some mistakes, of course. Such is the nature of the political game. But now society wants to ban us. How are we supposed to persuade our youth not to engage in politics and not to turn to violence again?"
The answer, from the point of the view of the present Egyptian authorities, is something like 'that's your problem.' General Sisi's approach may appear unfamiliar to contemporary western observers because he is not seeking to hold the Islamists to a stalemate and then seek an accommodation. Rather, his goal appears to be strategic victory in his battle with the Muslim Brotherhood and the smaller Islamist factions. To this end, he is offering them two alternatives: accept political oblivion – or choose to resist it, and be destroyed by the army.
Middle East
The Saudi Export of Ultra-conservatism in the Era of MbS – an Update
There has long been debate about the longevity of the Saudi ruling family. One major reason for doubts about the Al Sauds' viability was the Faustian bargain they made with the Wahhabis, proponents of a puritan, intolerant, discriminatory, anti-pluralistic interpretation of Islam.
It was a bargain that has produced the single largest dedicated public diplomacy campaign in history. Estimates of Saudi spending on the funding of ultra-conservative Muslim cultural institutions across the globe and the forging of close ties to non-Wahhabi Muslim leaders and intelligence agencies in various Muslim nations that have bought into significant, geopolitical elements of the Wahhabi worldview are ballpark. With no accurate date available, they range from $75 to $100 billion.
It was a campaign that frequently tallied nicely with the kingdom's deep-seated anti-communism, its hostility to post-1979 Iran, and the West's Cold War view of Islam as a useful tool against Arab nationalism and the left – a perception that at times was shared by Arab autocrats other than the Saudis.
The campaign was not simply a product of the marriage between the Al Sauds and the Wahhabis. It was long central to Saudi soft power policy and the Al Saud's survival strategy. One reason, certainly not the only one, that the longevity of the Al Sauds was a matter of debate was the fact that the propagation of Wahhabism was having a backlash at home and in countries across the globe. More than ever before theological or ideological similarities between Wahhabism or for that matter Salafism and jihadism were since 9/11 under the spotlight.
The problem for the Al Sauds was not just that their legitimacy seemed to be wholly dependent on their identification with Wahhabism. It was that the Al Sauds since the launch of the campaign were often only nominally in control of it. They had let a genie out of the bottle that now leads an independent life and that can't be put back into the bottle.
That is one major reason why some have argued in the past decade that the Al Sauds and the Wahhabis were nearing a crunch point. One that would not necessarily offer solutions but could make things worse by sparking ever more militant splits that would make themselves felt across the Muslim world and in minority Muslim communities elsewhere in multiple ways including increasing sectarian and intolerant attitudes in countries like Indonesia, Malaysia, Bangladesh and Pakistan.
The rise of Mohammed bin Salman clearly challenges these assumptions. For one, it raises the question to what degree the rule of the Al Sauds remains dependent on religious legitimization as Mohammed moves de facto from consensual family to one-man rule in which he anchors his legitimacy in his role as a reformer.
It also begs the question of what would ideologically replace ultra-conservative Sunni Muslim Islam as Saudi Arabia's answer to perceived Iranian revolutionary zeal. The jury on all of this is out. They key lies in the degree to which Mohammed is successful in implementing social and economic reform, his yet to be clarified definition of what he envisions as moderate Islam, and what resistance to his religious redefinition and social reforms will emerge among members of the religious establishment and segments of the population.
Mohammed has so far dropped tantalizing clues, but neither said nor done anything that could be considered conclusive. In fact, what he has not done or said may be more telling, even if it would be premature to draw from that conclusions of the potential limits of change that he envisions. On the plus side, he introduced social reforms that enhance women's opportunities and relaxed restrictions on cultural expression.
At the same time, he has whipped the religious establishment into subservience and positioned them, including key vehicles like the World Muslim League that the government used to fund and propagate ultra-conservatism, as forces against extremism and militancy and in favour of religious tolerance and dialogue. In February, Saudi Arabia agreed to surrender control of the Great Mosque in Brussels after its efforts to install a more moderate administration failed to counter mounting Belgian criticism of alleged intolerance and supremacism propagated by mosque executives.
Saudi officials have spoken of a possible halt to the funding internationally of religious institutions although an apparent agreement to pump $1 billion into the building of hundreds of mosques and religious centres in Bangladesh would suggest otherwise. The failure in Brussels and the fact that there is little reason to believe that the religious establishment has experienced a true change of heart or that Saudi Arabia has satisfactorily completed a revision of its text and religious books suggests that the kingdom is ill-prepared to propagate a truly moderate form of Islam in Bangladesh or anywhere else.
In some ways, the question is whether this matters as much outside the kingdom as it does domestically. The parameters have changed with Mohammed's grip on power but the fact that the religious establishment was willing to ultimately compromise on its theological principles to accommodate the political and geopolitical needs of the Al Sauds has been a long-standing fixture of Saudi policy making.
For the Wahhabi and Salafi ulema, the public diplomacy campaign was about proselytization, the spreading of their specific interpretation of the faith. For the government, it was about soft power. At times the interests of the government and the ulema coincided, and at times they diverged.
Yet, more often than not the requirements of the government and the family took precedence. While contacts between Wahhabi and Deobandi scholars from the Indian sub-continent go back to the 1930s, if not earlier, Saudi scholars were willing to put their differences aside as Deobandis emerged as a powerful force among the anti-Soviet mujahedeen in the 1980s and subsequent anti-Shiite strife in Pakistan.
The problem in mapping the financial flows of the campaign is that the sources were multiple and the lines between the funding streams often blurred. No doubt, the government was the major funding source but even than the picture is messy. For one, who constitutes the government? Were senior princes who occupied powerful government positions officials or private persons when they donated from their personal accounts in a country in which it was long difficult to distinguish between the budget of the government and of the family?
On top of that, the government had multiple funding streams that included the foreign ministry using its network of diplomatic missions abroad, the multiple well-endowed governmental non-governmental organizations such as the Muslim World League that often were run with little if any oversight by groups like the Muslim Brotherhood with their own agenda, institutions in the kingdom like the Islamic University of Medina and its counterparts in Pakistan and Malaysia, as well as funds distributed by Islamic scholars and wealthy individuals.
Adding to the complexity was the fact that there was no overview of what private donors were doing and who was a private donor and who wasn't. This pertains not only to the blurred lines between the government and the ruling family but also to Saudis of specific ethnic heritage, for example Pakistanis or Baloch, as well as Saudi intelligence. At times members of ethnic communities potentially served as government proxies for relationships with militant anti-Shiite groups like Sipah-e-Sahaba and Lashkar-e-Taiba and their successors and offshoots in Pakistan.
Further complicating a financial assessment is the lack of transparency on the receiver's end. In some cases, like Malaysia the flow of funds was controlled by authorities and/or a political party in government. In others like Indonesia, money often came in suitcases. Customs officials at airports were instructed to take their cut and allow the money in with no registration.
In other words, while the Saudis donated they seldom prior to 9/11 and the 2003/2004 Al Qaeda attacks in the kingdom exercised control over what was done with the funds. The National Commercial Bank when it was Saudi Arabia's largest financial institution had a department of numbered accounts. These were largely accounts belonging to members of the ruling family. Only three people had access to those accounts, one of them was the majority owner of the bank, Khaled Bin Mahfouz. Khaled would get a phone call from a senior member of the family who would instruct him to transfer money to a specific country, leaving it up to Khaled where precisely that money would go.
In one instance, Khaled was instructed by Prince Sultan, the then defense minister, to wire $5 million to Bosnia. Sultan did not indicate the beneficiary. Khaled sent the money to a charity in Sarajevo that in the wake of 9/11 was raided by US law enforcement and Bosnian security agents. The hard disks of the foundation revealed the degree to which the institution was controlled by jihadists.
At one point, the Saudis suspected one of the foundation's operatives of being a member of Egypt's Islamic Jihad. They sent someone to Sarajevo to investigate. The investigator confronted the man saying: 'We hear that you have these connections and if that is true we need to part ways.' The man put his hand on his heart and denied the allegation. As far as the Saudis were concerned the issue was settled until the man later in court testimony described how easy it had been to fool the Saudis.
The measure of success of the Saudi campaign is not exclusively the degree to which it was able to embed religious ultra-conservatism in communities across the globe. From the perspective of the government and the family, far more important was ultra-conservatism's geopolitical component, its anti-Shiite and resulting anti-Iranian attitude.
The man who was until a couple of years ago deputy head of Indonesian intelligence and deputy head of Nahdlatul Ulema, one of the world's largest Islamic movements that professes to be anti-Wahhabi, symbolizes the campaign's success in those terms. He is a fluent Arabic speaker. He spent 12 years in the Middle East representing Indonesian intelligence, eight of those in Saudi Arabia. He professes in the same breath his dislike of the Wahhabis and at the same time warns that Shiites, who constitute 1.2 percent of the Indonesian population and that includes the estimated 2 million Sunni converts over the last 40 years, are one of the foremost domestic threats to Indonesian national security. This man is not instinctively anti-Shiite but sees Shiites as an Iranian fifth wheel.
The result of all of this is that four decades of funding has created an ultra-conservative world that lives its own life, in many ways is independent of Saudi Arabia, and parts of which have turned on its original benefactor. A study of Pakistani madrassas published earlier this year concluded that foreign funding accounted for only seven percent of the finances of the country's thousands of religious seminaries.
The fact that ultra-conservatives are no longer wholly dependent on Saudi funding is a testimony to the campaign's success. This realization comes at a crucial moment. Post 9/11 and even more so in the wake of Al Qaeda attacks on targets in Saudi Arabia in 2003/2004, Saudi Arabia has introduced strict controls on charitable donations to ensure that funds do not flow to jihadist groups.
There is moreover no doubt that Saudi funding in the era of Mohammed bin Salman is unlikely to revert to what it once was. The Saudi-funded Bangladeshi plan to build moderate mosques, the relinquishing of control of the Grand Mosque in Brussels, and the World Muslim League's newly found propagation of tolerance and inter-faith dialogue as well as its effort to reach out to Jewish communities would suggest that Saudi money may be invested in attempting to curb the impact of the kingdom's decades-long funding of ultra-conservatism.
Yet, there are also indications that Mohammed bin Salman is not averse to funding militants when it suits his geopolitical purpose. The US Treasury last year designated Maulana Ali Muhammad Abu Turab as a specially designated terrorist on the very day that he was in the kingdom to raise funds. Abu Turab is a prominent Pakistani Islamic scholar of Afghan descent who serves on a government-appointed religious board, maintains close ties to Saudi Arabia, runs a string of madrassas attended by thousands of students along Balochistan's border with Iran and Afghanistan and is a major fund raiser for militant groups.
Abu Turab's visit to the kingdom came at a time that Saudi and UAE nationals of Baloch heritage were funnelling large amounts to militant anti-Shiite and anti-Iranian Islamic scholars in Balochistan. It is unclear whether the funds were being donated with Mohammed bin Salman's tacit blessing.
What is clear, however, is that the funding and Abu Turab's visit coincided with the drafting of plans to destabilize Iran by exploiting grievances and stirring unrest among Iran's ethnic minorities, including the Baloch. Those plans have not left the drawing board and may never do so. The funding nevertheless raises the question how clean a break with support of ultra-conservatism Mohammed bin Salman is contemplating.
Edited remarks at The Middle East and the Geopolitics of Religious Soft Power, Schar School of Policy and Government, George Mason University and the Center for Middle East Policy at the Brookings Institution, Washington DC 18-19 April 2018
Middle East
Where will the proxy war in the Middle East last?
A direct US strike on one of the Syrian Army bases is a new development in the terrorist war that began six years ago against Syria. The attack, which took place after accusing the Syrian government of using chemical weapons in the region of Khan Sheikhon in the Syrian Arab Republic, raised several questions, among which are the most prominent:
What are the realities and purposes of using chemical weapons in the current situation? Why did the Western countries accuse the Syrian government of using chemical weapons without any documents and opposed the Russian request to form a neutral truth-clarifying committee to clarify the facts? Why the US government headed by Donald Trump did does not pay attention to Russia's request for unilateral action to ignore international law and interference in other domestic affairs? What does it mean to handle this attack? What are the likely outcomes and consequences of this attack?
1- Syria after the use of chemical weapons in arid groups in the East Hemisphere region in 2013 and tensions in the area after the threat of a massive attack on Syria by former US President Barack Obama by mediating Russia he agreed to destroy his chemical weapons in order to prevent any excuse and accusations from the United States and Western countries. As a result, the United Nations Monitoring Committee (UNSC) announced that it was carrying out its mission in full cooperation with the Syrian government, under the supervision of the United Nations, the Syrian Chemical Weapons Depot.
The purpose of the Syrian disarmament was to prevent Syria from attacking bases of armed groups in the eastern submersion. The goal was also to create space for Syria, and to intervene in the United States to shift the balance of power in favor of armed groups. The Zionist regime, the Zionist lobby in the United States, the warlords and anti-Syrian states, were pushing for such an approach to force Obama to engage in a frantic war in Syria.
Now under the conditions of the Jabhat al-Nusra in Khan Sheikhon region, a chemical strike has taken place that the Syrian army has managed to defeat the attacking armed groups in the suburbs of Hamma and remove the areas under the control of this group. The army also plans to continue fighting in other areas of armed groups and to launch attacks on Jabhat al-Nusra bases in the province of Idlib. With the support of the allied army on all fronts and the achievements of many, as well as the removal by the White House, the Department of State and the United States Mission to the United Nations, that the US government's priority is the defeat of ISIS, Bashar al-Assad and the Syrian people should determine the fate of Assad. These issues have led to the outrage of the terrorist armed groups and their supporting countries and the American warlords. Hence, they have taken measures to use chemical weapons in Khan Sheikhon and have accused the Syrian army of using this type of weapon to achieve the following objectives.
They are struggling against the Syrian government by accusing the Syrian government of using chemical weapons that were sacrificed by a number of citizens. They demanded that they undermine the status of the Syrian government in international circles and any negotiation.
They are also pushing for the Syrian government to squeeze on the military front to force the army to attack terrorists at various fronts to prevent the terrorists from defeating and collapsing. The goal is to give the terrorists fresh breath and to rebuild their queues once again.
The warlords have called on Trump's positions to change their position on Assad and the fight against terrorism to attack Syrian military bases, especially military airports. This is a topic that the Washington Research Center has been reporting on. French Foreign Minister Marc Ayro said the chemical test was a testament to the new US administration after its position on Assad's fate.
2- Accordingly, Western countries quickly accused Assad of using chemical weapons and opposed Russia's request for a neutral truth-clarification committee to determine the facts. They tried to achieve the stated goals and mislead public opinion and cover the realities and exonerate the Nusra Front. They also demanded that chemical weapons remain in the hands of the terrorist groups if they continue to use it and continue their erosion wars in Syria.
3- The US government's move to launch a missile attack on the Syrian airspace appears to be in contrast to the Tramp position. He has surrendered to warlords. He wants to align with the warlords, in order to reduce the opposition that the supporters of the supporters of the terrorist groups inside Syria have taken to take action. He also wants to show off with Obama, who hesitated to attack Syria in 2013.
But the US invasion showed that Washington is attacking the government, the Syrian people and the Syrian army with the help of the terrorists, and that the terrorists are instrumental in serving US plans to occupy Syria. America is the largest terrorist country in the world and a terrorist organization. It does not fail to ignore international law and the sovereignty of other countries, and always plays the role of police in the implementation of forest law. It has a right to charge, convict and enforce justice.
4.Consequences of probability
Indeed, the US invasion of Syria has shown that America is directly involved in the terrorist war against Syria. The move came after the West realized that the terrorists were on the brink of destruction, and that the victory of the Syrian national government and the axis of resistance were decisive. The role of the United States will prove this to the people of Syria, the Arab countries and the world's public opinion that what is happening in Syria is the plan of America, the West, Zionism and the reactionary Arab state aimed at destroying Syria and destroying its national system. This has led the Syrian people to support more than their leader, and his legitimacy and his unique role in confronting colonial forces, terrorism and Western-affiliated institutions are strengthened.
The US attack on Syria has led Russia to end its air coordination with the United States in the Syrian heavens. This is a practical measure against the ignorance of international law by the United States and its neglect of Russia's position. Russia emphasized that the Syrian army did not carry out a chemical attack, and the army had no chemical weapons, and these were terrorist groups that possessed chemical weapons. Hence, it is better not to accuse the Syrian government of any reason and evidence. There is no doubt that Russia's reaction to the developments in Syria will be great. This does not allow US fighters to cover the Russian missile defense coverage. In addition, it is likely that Moscow will provide advanced weapons to the Syrian army to defend against any attack on missiles and fighter jets. It is not possible for Russia to neglect this attack that ignores Russian red lines in the Syrian territories. This is particularly the case when US attacks on Syria and its attempt to rid the terrorists of failure to Russia's strategic goals of sending its troops to Syria.
US action on the Syrian army's attack will not only lead to a conflict with the Syrian army and its allies. But there is also the possibility of a conflict with Russia. This is the issue Moscow and Washington are trying to avoid. Because of this will lead to a world-wide destruction of devastation.
Hence, it is likely that the US invasion would be to reduce domestic opposition that Tramp has faced since coming to power in the United States. He has called for this attack to strengthen his position against his enemies without rejecting his opposition to a new and more costly war than the Iraq war.
Trump has said he wants to get the US economy out of recession and solve the US unemployment crisis, and to repair US infrastructure that needs a trillion dollars.
Middle East
Forcing Peace: New vs. Old Pathways in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict
Someone once said that, "doing the same thing over and over again and expecting different results is the mark of insanity." I would posit that U.S. policy in the Middle East, specifically that relating to the Israeli-Palestinian peace agreement falls squarely into that category. For the last forty plus years, try as it may, the policy of the U.S. has failed, and failed miserably, to produce the desired results. The policy of the U.S. towards this issue must change radically if positive results are expected in the near-term.
Anyone contemplating creating an alternative policy that might change the performance dynamic of the principle parties borders on hubris. The literature on this subject is literally overwhelming. It is difficult to conceive that new ideas and alternative thinking on the subject is even possible; after all, the experts have spoken. But in the growing shadow of failure, something different must be tried. Peace between Israel and Palestine is possible. There are two potential paths forward: one with its roots in the past; and the other with its trajectory dependent on a radical new policy that will act as a non-voluntary force function on both sides.
Path 1:President Mahmoud Abbas and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu demonstrate that they are the right men at the right time in history and can successfully negotiate a lasting peace agreement between Palestine and Israel. History is not in their favor. Both leaders in the past have exhibited heightened levels of nationalism which could cognitively bias their ability to put aside political differences and focus on legitimate compromise that could benefit both sides and create a lasting peace. Of the two, Abbas actually seems the more pliable.
Path 2:The implementation of a U.S.-sponsored, United Nations-implemented policy that essentially removes the Palestinians and the Israelis from the decision-making process. Such a policy has never been successfully attempted on the international level and will require significant support from the U.N. Security Council and the general membership. Given the current state of affairs in the Middle East and the contempt that much of the Arab community feels towards Israel, this might not be as tough a sell as it sounds. After fifty years of intransigence, the world is ready to see this problem solved and therefore might be willing to consider strategies never before considered.
Israel, in an attempt to stay solvent and secure, has been seriously brokering deals with its neighbors since at least 1967 following its success on the battlefield against a formidable Arab alliance that included Egypt, Syria and Jordan. Some of these deals were successful, including the Israeli-Egyptian Peace Treaty signed at Camp David in 1978 and the Israeli- Jordanian peace Treaty signed in the Arava valley of Israel in 1994.Unfortunately, dozens of other deals simply fell into the dustbin of history. Interestingly enough, the successful ones were a byproduct of the interaction between powerful and aggressive leaders on both sides that had the right combination of leadership attributes and communication skills to pull it off, namely Sadat and Begin (1978) and Rabin and King Hussein (1994). Personal chemistry between the parties didn't hurt and often helped to get through the rough spots; minimal trust between individuals was essential to create a joint vision of a peaceful future that both sides could live with. They might not love each other, but at least they were able to see the advantage of respecting each other for a greater objective.
Key issues on the table:
Though there is a plethora of reasons for these two Semitic cultures to hate each other, there are just as many reasons why a negotiated settlement would benefit both sides. Figure 2 lists just some of the more important issues that need to get hammered out before any settlement agreement is possible. Many of these issues have been on the negotiating table before with little progress. There are two "hot button" issues in particular that can and usually have blown out any possible deal: namely, the status of Jerusalem and Israeli settlements in the West Bank. Any final settlement will have to solve this particular conflictual Rubik's cube.
Over the years, the negotiating teams from both sides were stacked with "big guns" like Begin, Rabin, Peres, and Barak from Israel and Arafat and Abbas from Palestine. Certain personality combinations seemed to work better than others and it was often the case that failure to close the deal was caused by external forces as when Rabin was assassinated in '95. His death stopped the forward progress. The '96 election of the ultra-right-wing Netanyahu ultimately lobotomized that potential deal. Discussions between the two sides dried up for at least the next four years. But once again, in the case of Rabin, we can observe the impact that a strong leader, willing to take on the established and entrenched policies of their own government bureaucracy, can have on the dynamics of supposedly entrenched conflict.
Critique of current policy options:
Since the days of the Carter Administration, the policy of the United States towards the Israeli-Palestinian peace process has been one of engagement from a safe distance. The policy constructs of every President from Carter to Obama has had a central tendency to allow, if not to outright push, the two parties to seek a mutually beneficial solution, i.e. "work this out on your own and we'll be there to help out with the paperwork and take the credit." When attacks by terrorists in Jerusalem or Tel Aviv happened, as they often did, or additional Israeli settlements were built on the West Bank, as they often were, the U.S. would cajole the offending side to alter its behavior and return to the negotiating table. U.S. dollars were often spread around the table as enticement.
On May 19, 2011 Obama gave a Middle East policy speech in which he described a "new approach" to the age-old issues plaguing the region. This new policy trajectory would focus on "promoting democratic reform, economic development, and peace and security across the region" (Cordesman, 2011, 3). This policy lacks specificity, a method for execution, and a fundamental understanding of the key issues. It also ignores the history of the conflict and the complex nature of relations in the region. This is a pie-in-the-sky policy statement with no teeth: very much the same old platitudes that have defined U.S. policy for the last fifty years toward the conflict.
Trump has seemingly broken with the policies of the last five administrations. He does not embrace the two-state solution, but he does have his favorite team. "Since taking office, US President Donald Trump has shown unfailing support for Israel in its conflict with the Palestinians, distancing himself from the two-state solution and recognizing Jerusalem as Israel's capital" (AFP, 2018, 3). Mahmoud Abbas wasted little time in responding and "accused the United States of 'deplorable and unacceptable measures' that 'deliberately undermined all peace efforts" (AFP, 2018, 5). As of this writing, Trump's regional policies, like his credibility, is crumbling fast throughout the Middle East. "Trump's apparent intention to abandon the two-state framework, explicitly or implicitly by failing to exert pressure on both parties to accept it, will greatly increase the probability of conflict among Israel, Iran, and the US" (Buonomo, 2017, 2). A byproduct of these actions could involve a serious uptick in the levels of violence directed at both the U.S. and Israel. Thus, Trump's attempt at new and innovative policies are not helping the situation and may be exacerbating the regional raw feelings that have always been there. With a politically wounded Donald Trump and U.S. involvement possibly marginalized in the process, it becomes even more paramount to understand the nature, character, and psychology of the two key figures at the center of the storm, Mahmoud Abbas and Benjamin Netanyahu.
A Leadership Profile Model was constructed using qualitative information provided in open sources. Based on the narratives and appraisals offered in the literature, qualitative judgments were made on a scale of 1 to 5 concerning Abbas' and Netanyahu's leadership profile. Such a model provides a very high-level view into the characteristics and abilities of both leaders to successfully meet and carry through on a negotiated settlement. From this high-level view, a limited perspective can be formulated.
The most striking differences between Netanyahu and Abbas is in the psychological profile. Netanyahu is clearly more egocentric, does not work that well with others, is somewhat Machiavellian in his approach to politics, is not very transparent, does not easily trust others, can be very aggressive when pursuing a goal, and, in fact, uses others to achieve his goals and then takes the credit for it.At first glance, when comparing the two leaders, this is not a marriage made in heaven. Further psychological studies are required in order to truly assess whether these two men can overcome their obvious differences and work together for the common good.
New policy resolutions or proposals for consideration:
If the overall results of the psychological study above is supremely negative, then the aforementioned extraordinary policy must be executed by the United Nations and supported materially, financially, and operationally by the United States. Such a policy must, by definition, include the fifteen points outlined in Figure 4below. This policy is designed to be equitable: neither side is going to get exactly what it wants, but both sides are going to get exactly what each needs to be sovereign, safe, and free.
It is recognized up front that this policy is extraordinarily harsh and gives the two parties very little wiggle room. But these same parties have had almost fifty years to work out their differences and have essentially achieved nothing in all that time. Some countries are using the dispute for their own leverage and own strategic agendas. This temptation must be permanently removed. Continuing to trust Israel and Palestine to get this done on their own is problematic unless Netanyahu and Abbas can figure a way out of this morass and passed their own negative psychological leadership proclivities. Sticking to old pathways will not achieve this. The need for radical new pathways must be recognized.
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Very happy with the service I received, MOT done and few minor issues resolved. Well within the promised timeframe. Second time using Eagle Autos and will continue doing so.
Very happy with the service and honest advice. Even though the initial issue turned out to be a bigger issue that they were unable to fix. A suspected puncture that turned out to be a shredded inside tyre. I was advised of another local garage where I could get my tyre replaced and he offered to call and arrange for me to go down there. Very appreciated even though they didn't get my business. Would definitely recommend and deal with them in the future, hard to find honest garages these days.
Thank you guys- Kyle and Roberto. Great garage, work done to a professional standard. Highly recommended, would use again, good dealings.
Excellent Service. Quote was accurate and verified. Work was done quickly and to a very high standard. Would use again. Highly recommended.
Good quickly job. Highly recommended to anyone who need car repairs. Ralph
Had to have bodywork repair & indicator light replaced. Sam was very helpful and on collecting my car 3days after, I was very impressed., not only with the repair but my car was polished & hoovered inside as well as washed outside, tyres were also cleaned & polushed. They even put a car fresh on my rear view mirror. They weren't the cheapest quote as the cheapest was a distance away & had no reviews re. bodywork whereas Kingston Motors were near to me & had 2 positive reviews re. bodywork. Was worth paying the difference of £30. I would use them again. You just need to call them, they don't have a Receptionist so I wouldn't depend on them getting in touch.... Not a problem, after all they're busy.
Fast response and work carried out to a good standard. Initial issue was found to be wrong and full work completed. Reasonably priced in comparison to others looked at. Job well done.
I was very pleased with this garage and would certainly recommend and use them again. I found them to be honest and competitively priced. They were also polite, friendly and not in the least pushy. Two small problems occurred and not only were these resolved extremely promptly but l also received some money off my bill. I left them thinking l would trust them completely.
We arrived at 08.30 with our Ford c-max for a new clutch we were told it would be ready for 5pm very reasonable price as per quote and a good job done car ready on time will use this garage again thanks guys
Friendly staff, helpful and no surprises with the price. Would definitely recommend.
Very good service, I was really happy with the customer service
Good service nice people
Good service. Was kept informed of what was needed the whole time.
Very nice and friendly Garage. Allow me to bring my own parts to put on the car at a reduced price. Would definitely recommend.
Bad service
Really nice guys, completed the work on my car and explained all work done. Would recommend to all.
Excellent and swift service. Thank you.
Got car MOT'd and serviced by Sloane Services. It was more expensive than the online quote, but that was because it needed two new shocks and two tyres, and fitting the shocks was a lot more labour. So it was good value, and it was done to time and they were a pleasure to deal with.
Helpful at providing advice!
Professional and friendly approch. Work properly done in really a short time. Highly recommented.
Good value for money. Paul was very friendly and he fixed my car In no time. Very nice and satisfactory experiance. I Will recommend to everybody who want good service. Thanks Paul, just in time to organise my trip.
Friendly and efficient service, wouldn't hesitate to recommend!
Paul was really helpful and had the fan and re-wiring done within a couple of hours and I picked my car up the same day. They also cleaned it for me which was an added bonus and greatly appreciated! Im sticking with this garage from now on!
Like most car owners, I have my preferred garage but tried Paul and his team when my usual place couldn't urgently schedule a repair to pass an MOT. Paul took the car in the next day, talked me through the whole process, gave me options and completed an excellent job exactly when he said he would. Would highly recommend.
Happy, would use again
they did a great job!
was very happy with their service
There was a bit more work than original spotted. the under body rusted parts are now been refurb with a layer of extra protection against the salted English road. They also send me pictures and video of their work before collection. Happy with the work.
Perfect job was done in couple days the price was bit higher then wat was quoted from the start but was happy to pay extra to get it done
74 reviews
Absolutely fantastic service. In the pouring rain they came out and fixed my alternator. I would recommend them to anyone. Fantastic job and went above and beyond for me. I've found my London mechanic, I'd advise you use them too!
Very nice and friendly Garage. Allow me to bring my own parts to put on the car at a reduced price. Would definitely recommend.
Brilliant Service to Cambelt and Water pump change, and also the price included a change of alternator belt which was old. The initial quote was £140 but of course they were experts enough to determine the deteriorating alternator belt which I then had to change. My car engine now feels like a brand new Audi
There was a bit more work than original spotted. the under body rusted parts are now been refurb with a layer of extra protection against the salted English road. They also send me pictures and video of their work before collection. Happy with the work.
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Turnitin's back-to-school program, "Rethink Feedback," features new, free resources and tools this fall. The new elements are designed to help K–12 teachers and higher ed instructors teach proper methods of attribution, improve student writing skills and avoid plagiarism.
The free back-to-school resources include:
"Teachers intuitively know — and research supports — that there are best practices to giving feedback to students in writing exercises," said Jason Chu, education director at Turnitin, in a prepared statement. "Feedback that is appropriately constructive, specific, actionable and given at the right time drastically improves how much a student learns about good writing."
Earlier this year, Turnitin added Revision Assistant to its product lineup. The program, designed for grades 6-12 and developmental writing in higher education, extends teachers' reach by giving students immediate feedback during the writing process.
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