text:
Quick Search: Choose Model and Year, then enter search topic.
Page: 320
Vehicle Identification Data
When ordering spare parts or making inquiries, always quote the vehicle identification number.
Vehicle identification number
You will find the vehicle identification number at the bottom left behind the windshield and under the front passenger's seat.
Safety compliance sticker
The safety compliance sticker is your assurance that your new Porsche complies with all applicable Federal Motor Vehicle Safety Standards which were in effect at the time the vehicle was manufactured.
The sticker also shows the month and year of production and the vehicle identification number of your car (perforations) as well as the Gross Vehicle Weight Rating and the Gross Axle Weight Rating.
Tire pressure plate
The plate is attached to the door sill area on the driver's side.
Vehicle data carrier
You will find the vehicle data carrier in the "Maintenance" booklet. It contains all important data about your vehicle.
This data carrier cannot be re-ordered if it is lost or damaged.


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subset: commoncrawl


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Ours is a religiously eclectic community. Were mostly Catholic but theres also a strong Protestant presence, and beyond those theologies we have every kind of faith-based prospective imaginable and just about all of us are OK with that.
Of course, the law of the land specifically our First Amendment right to worship as we please sets the national tone for religious tolerance but, still, there is a greater acceptance out here in the Southwest than in some other parts.
If you currently subscribe or have subscribed in the past to the Las Vegas Optic, then simply find your account number on your mailing label and enter it below.
Click the question mark below to see where your account ID appears on your mailing label.
|ZIP Code:


text:
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We have an immediate and ongoing need for locum tenens urology call coverage in Georgia. Looking to hire two board certified or board eligible urologists to cover 24-hour call shifts 7-14 days per month. Cases will consist of routine bread and butter urology and cystoscopy procedures.
Dates Needed: ASAP - ongoing
Hours Per Day: 24
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Provider Availability: 24-Hour Call
Assignment Type: Inpatient
Assignment Duration: Locums
Facility Type: Health System
Call Required: Yes
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Government: No
Reference ID: ORD-057967-MD-GA
Job Posting ID: 982909
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Cannon, Cannon, Cannon
Recommended Stories
Daily Comment
Money Is the Oxygen on Which the Fire of Global Warming Burns
What if the banking, asset-management, and insurance industries moved away from fossil fuels?
Personal History
How I Learned to Cycle Like a Dutchman
In the bike-friendly Netherlands, cyclists speed down the road without fearing cars. For an American, the prospect is thrilling—and terrifying.
Constance Wu's Hollywood Destiny
Being Constance Wu.
A Neurologist's Notebook


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Pizza theft no 'prank'
I found two assertions [December 22: "Purloined Pies: Prank or Delivery Threat"] concerning.
Eugene Williams states that Domino's and Papa John's decision not to deliver to unsafe areas was motivated by "obvious racism."
I worked for Ray Sellers and Tom Hutton, the owners of Domino's Pizza in Charlottesville and the Shenandoah Valley for six years. I never knew either to make a decision based on the racial make up of their customers.
Like most business owners, they would not alienate their potential customers in this way. They never exhibited any views or engaged in any action that could be considered racist. In fact, I have known them to terminate business relationships with people who did exhibit racist tendencies.
The second point is even more serious. Mr. Williams calls the robbery "a bad prank." According to the quoted police report, "Seven or eight young black males appeared from behind the bushes. One pushed the driver. Then they grabbed the pizzas and ran into Blue Ridge Commons."
These young men conspired and assaulted a delivery driver. One young man battered a driver, and at least one young man stole $40 worth of merchandise.
This was no "prank"; this was a series of premeditated crimes. Most disturbing is Mr. Williams' assertion that being a victim of violent crime is part of the driver's job. No segment of our society, including law enforcement, has an expectation of being a victim of violent crime every day on the job.
According to your article, Williams is a "long-time civil rights activist." As such, he must have some reputation and influence in your community. Yet, instead of using his position to decry this violent crime, he is actually enabling future criminals.
I applaud both companies for making a business decision based on the safety of their employees.
Jason Clarke


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Results 1 to 1 of 1
Thread: LE Appreciation Day
01-09-2017, 21:36 #1
LE Appreciation Day
Lost two officers today in FL. on of all days LE Appreciation Day. I found it fitting to log in to thank all my fellow LE.
Be safe.
FXF4You can stand me up at the gates of hell but I won't back down... Tom Petty
From this day to the ending of the world.... We in it shall be remembered. We gallant few, we band of brothers. For he today that sheds his blood with me. Shall be my brother.Shakespeare


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A List of the Drawings
I just love your Draw Write Now books! I have the eight-book boxed set and have been enjoying them every week with my four and five year-olds. I am trying to incorporate the lessons with my social studies/history plans; it is working wonderfully! My question: is there a full list of the drawings in all eight books? I am finding myself, for example, hoping there is an owl and needing to search the Table of Contents of all eight books to find what I need.
Yes, Donna!
Here's the list:
pdf download (49kb)
Another option is to use the search box. For example, insert "owl" in the search box and the result shown is "Draw Write Now, Book 2."
Note: The search box is found on the footer of each page of this website.


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Conservatives are taking a big risk throwing a hissy fit over the new HHS state waiver initiative to experiment with welfare-to-work methods.
Charging President Obama with scheming to "gut" welfare reform's mission of moving aid recipients into the workforce is the usual baseless nonsense. The initial announcement itself clearly explains that the waivers from federal requirements are so states can try "demonstration projects" geared toward "improving employment outcomes" which will need " a federally-approved evaluation plan." Further, "failure to meet performance targets" would lead to "termination of the waivers and demonstration project."
Complaining about the circumvention of Congress may have some merit, though HHS released yesterday a thorough explanation of their legal reasoning. If conservatives want to take HHS to court, a judge can sort it out.
But what I don't understand is, if conservatives think that the current law doesn't allow for state experimentation to develop innovative welfare-to-work solutions, why don't they get busy passing a law that does?
Don't conservatives always attack liberals for clinging to federal control at all costs, no matter how effective the program, no matter how much innovation is being suffocated?
Because the fact is: federal welfare reform isn't working, and we could use some innovation right about now.
Whatever success the original welfare-to-work law may have had when job openings were more plentiful (and that success is highly debatable) stringent work requirements are clearly a bust when job openings are scarce.
You can't move from welfare to work when there isn't work. And that's where welfare reform's federal rigidity has proven cruel.
As The New York Times reported in April, "recent studies have found that as many as one in every four low-income single mothers is jobless and without cash aid — roughly four million women and children."
The paper interviewed one family headed by single mom whose aid had been cut off because of welfare reform's time limits. It's not pretty:
The boy worries about homelessness, but his younger sisters, 9 and 10, see an upside in scavenging.
"It's kind of fun because you get to look through the trash," one of the girls said.
"And you get to play in the park a little while before you go home," her sister agreed.
You might think that someone serious about making reform work, liberal or conservative, would look at that report and say: what should we do now to make the law better? What should we do to make the law work when jobs are hard to get?
Yet conservatives in Congress have done nothing.
And when HHS tries something limited — it can't get rid of the time limits on aid, for example — that is squarely in line with supposed conservative belief in using states as laboratories of reform, conservative lawmakers attack it on legal technicalities, instead of making new law to put to rest any confusion.
Or worse. Conservative columnist Dick Morris — who claims direct involvement in the 1996 welfare reform law while serving President Clinton — brazenly quotes the HHS directive out of context to charge the agency with gutting the work requirement:
The regs say that "vocational educational training or job search/readiness programs" "count as well" in meeting the basic condition that recipients work in order to receive welfare benefits. The Congress specifically prohibited the use of education or training to fulfill the requirement…
…then-Senate Republican Majority Leader Trent Lott (Miss.) was particularly suspicious that future HHS secretaries might dilute the work requirement, just as the administration has done. He worked overtime with counsel to make sure that education and training would not be used to substitute for the work provision. "I don't want anyone going to a truck drivers school that advertises on a matchbook cover and avoiding work," he told me. Now the administration has done just what Lott feared and the act prohibited.
First, Morris isn't accurately characterizing current law.
"Vocational educational training" is explicitly listed as a legitimate "work activity" though it's capped at 12 months, as is, "job skills training, "education directly related to employment" and "study leading to a certificate of general equivalence" albeit for a limited number of hours per week.
Nor does Morris properly explain the new "regs."
HHS did not decree that all limitations are removed from vocational education. It suggested as an "example" of a possible pilot, "[p]rojects that test systematically extending the period in which vocational educational training or job search/readiness programs count toward participation rates … to determine through evaluation whether a program that allows for longer periods in certain activities improves employment outcomes."
So the whole point would be to test whether additional vocational education "improves employment outcomes" and if it didn't, the pilot would be scrapped.
Maybe 12 months of vocational education isn't enough time for someone to learn a new trade. Maybe the current federal requirement is too arbitrary. Why not run a test and find out if there's a better way?
It's about learning what works, not basing rigid federal rules on knee-jerk conclusions, as conservatives are now advocating.
This isn't the first time conservatives have abandoned their previous support for states as laboratories of reform.
There's this thing known as "ObamaCare" which is primarily based on the principle of state flexibility.
Further, President Obama has offered to speed up the ability of states to receive health reform waivers, so they can test alternate approaches to expanding coverage and reducing cost. Conservatives have responded with silence.
Conservatives have a choice. They can work with President Obama and show that they are serious about using states to innovate policy solutions. Or they can prove that they are not serious at all.
As of now, they have two strikes.


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Please note: the explanation of terms below is intended for guidance only; for contractual definitions, refer to the policy wordings.
Annual payment - a one-off payment in advance to cover a year's insurance. This is the cheapest way of obtaining cover.
Annual policy - all Musicguard policies, even when paid by direct debit, are annual policies and cover you for a full 12 months unless cancelled by either party under our standard cancellation terms.
Associates - this is our term to describe other people you wish to include on your public liability/personal accident cover. These can be band members, assistants or colleagues but they must be resident in the UK.
Breakdown - this provides cover for any electronic item (up to seven years old from date of manufacture) and all musical instruments against failure due to a mechanical, constructional, electronic or electrical defect. If you select breakdown cover there is a Ł50 compulsory excess for each and every item. If you choose a voluntary excess, this will not be in addition to any compulsory excess.
Commencement date - the date that the policy starts.
Depreciation - due to the limited life expectancy of portable laptops we apply a deduction to any claim for wear, tear and depreciation on any laptop over 18 months old. The maximum age we can insure a laptop is up to 60 months or 5 years.
Evidence of ownership - to pay out for an insurance claim, we need to be certain that you were/are the owner of the insured items. Evidence can be shown by, for example, an original receipt clearly showing the item and date of purchase. Alternative evidence can include a bank or credit card statement, photographs, a copy receipt from the retailer, packaging or literature.
Excess - this is the amount of money that you contribute towards the cost of a claim. With Musicguard there is no excess as standard on instrument or equipment insurance, but you can choose to pay a voluntary excess – and doing so will reduce your premium, typically by around 12.5%.
There is a Ł500 excess for claims made for damage to a third persons property.There is a Ł50 excess (for each and every item) for breakdown claims.
See also minimum claim.
Flexicover - a policy unique to Musicguard. If you only take up to 50% of your equipment value away from your home or studio, your premium is reduced. All your gear is insured but you only pay extra for what you use when performing. Hire cover and Ł1 million public liability/personal accident cover is included as standard.
Forcible and violent entry - entry to a property that clearly shows damage to the lock, building, room or vehicle, caused as a direct result of theft.
Hire of equipment - Musicguard's version of a courtesy car! Musicguard cover ensures that you are able to keep playing if your equipment is stolen or damaged. We will pay for the hire of alternative equipment whilst yours is awaiting repair or replacement (subject to an approved claim).
Home and studio - one of the Musicguard policies, this covers your equipment at a single location only. Hire cover and Ł1 million public liability/personal accident cover is included as standard.
In vehicle - this covers your equipment whilst transported in a vehicle. When at the insured location the insured property must be removed from the vehicle. This does not cover your equipment whilst in transit unless it is kept in a rigid-bodied case. See also security requirements.
Insured location - this is a single, specified place where you store your equipment, typically your home or studio.
Laptop - means portable laptop computers, notebooks, and their accessories, including adaptors, cards, cases, data storage devices, networking accessories, docking stations, security devices and webcams.
Locked luggage compartment - this can be:
Minimum claim - we don't handle claims for less than Ł100 – any claim over this amount is for the full amount and no excess is deducted (unless you have chosen to take a voluntary excess).
Musical equipment - insured items must be music related. This might include amps, drums, mixing equipment, disco lighting etc - you cannot insure unrelated items like trailers, security devices, mobile phones, towbars etc.
Musician - our collective term to describe general players, bands, groups, DJs, VJs, entertainers, solo artistes, sound engineers, technicians and producers.
Period of insurance - the length of time for which you are covered, all Musicguard policies run for a period of 12 months even when being paid by monthly direct debit.
Personal accident - if you have an accident whilst playing or using your equipment, this provides cover up to Ł10,000 for death & permanent total disablement and Ł5,000 for loss of limb or eye.
Personal liability - this is the same as public liability.
Policy summary - this is a brief outline of the terms and conditions including any significant exclusions or conditions of an insurance policy. The summary is not a substitute for reading the full policy wording.
Policy wording - this sets out in full the terms and conditions of your insurance cover. It is essential that you read the wording and comply with any terms and conditions it sets out. We have made it as straightforward as possible to read and understand.Much of the information provided on this site is for guidance – only the relevant policy wording can be taken as a binding contract.
Premium - the amount you pay (either a single amount in advance or by credit agreement with Thistle Insurance Services Limited) to provide annual insurance cover for your instruments and/or equipment.
Property - when we refer to property we don't only mean buildings but also personal items, such as a laptop, a table or car… basically anything!
Public liability - this provides cover against damage to persons or property caused by your proven negligence. Musicguard includes Ł1 million cover as standard but you can upgrade to Ł2 or Ł5 million.
Replacement value - this is the price an item would normally cost new in a store including VAT rather than a specially discounted or sale price or ebay bargain!
Select - this Musicguard policy covers all your equipment at any location (subject to the area cover you choose). Hire cover and Ł1 million public liability/personal accident cover is included as standard.
Serial number - the unique code that identifies your instrument or item of equipment. It is essential that we have the serial number for any item valued over Ł750. You do not need to have the number in order to apply for cover, but the serial number (and proof that it relates to the item insured) will be required in the event of a claim.
Sum insured - this is the total value of your equipment and instruments.
Terms of business - the basis on which you do business with us. Click for more information.
Third-party liability - this is the same as public liability.
Voluntary excess - an excess is the amount you contribute towards the cost of a claim. Paying a voluntary excess will reduce your premium BUT in the event of a claim, this is the amount that will be deducted from your claim.
We use cookies to manage your application, report traffic statistics, track referrals of visitors, and target advertising. By using this site you are consenting to this. You may change these settings at any time. Please note - Our cookie policy changed on 5/1/2015.
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Musicguard is a trading style of Thistle Insurance Services Limited. Thistle Insurance Services Limited is authorised and regulated by the Financial Conduct Authority. FRN 310419. Lloyd's Broker. Registered in England No. 00338645. Registered office: Rossington's Business Park, West Carr Road, Retford, Nottinghamshire, DN22 7SW.


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Directory Proxy Server 5.2 is a connection based router. In Directory Proxy Server 5.2, a client connection is routed to a specific directory server. All requests on that client connection are sent to the same directory server until the connection is broken or until the client unbinds.
Directory Proxy Server 11g Release 1 (11.1.1) is an operation based router. However, for compatibility, this version of Directory Proxy Server can be configured as a connection based router, as described in the following procedure.
Create and configure one or more connection handlers as described in Creating, Configuring, and Deleting Connection Handlers.
You can also use the default connection handler.
Configure all connection handlers to route requests to the root data view only.
For example:
$ dpconf set-connection-handler-prop -h host1 -p 1389 myConnectionHandler \ data-view-routing-policy:custom data-view-routing-custom-list:"root data view"
Create and configure a data source for each back-end LDAP server as described in Creating and Configuring LDAP Data Sources.
For example:
$ dpconf create-ldap-data-source -h host1 -p 1389 myDataSource host2:2389
Create and configure a data source pool as described in Creating and Configuring LDAP Data Source Pools.
For example:
$ dpconf create-ldap-data-source-pool -h host1 -p 1389 myDataSourcePool
Attach all of the data sources to the data source pool as described in Attaching LDAP Data Sources to a Data Source Pool.
For example,
$ dpconf attach-ldap-data-source -h host1 -p 1389 myDataSourcePool myDataSource
Configure each data source to authenticate clients by using BIND replay as described in Forwarding Requests With Bind Replay.
For example:
$ dpconf set-ldap-data-source-prop -h host1 -p 1389 myDataSource \ client-cred-mode:use-client-identity
Configure affinity between the client connection and the data source pool as described in Configuring Client Affinity.
For example:
$ dpconf set-ldap-data-source-pool-prop -h host1 -p 1389 myDataSourcePool \ enable-client-affinity:true client-affinity-policy:read-write-affinity-after-write


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By Yasser Latif Hamdani
Source: PakTeaHouse
"Ahmadis are Muslims, If They Say They are Muslims and No One, Not Even the Sovereign Legislature, has the Right to Say Otherwise". Muhammad Ali Jinnah (05 May 1944).
(Credit: Pakteahouse.net By Yasser Latif Hamdani)
The poison of ignorance and extremism that Bhutto and General Zia jointly fathered during their dictatorial regimes has fully indoctrinated even those who otherwise describe themselves as educated.
This week the Large Hadron Collider at the CERN inched closer to the discovery of Higgs Boson or the God Particle as it were. In this extraordinary story of human achievement, Dr. Abdus Salam is a key player who put Pakistan on the map of theoretical physics. In his homeland though, a group of self-styled champions of Islam have started a posthumous campaign of scurrilous slander claiming that Dr. Salam was giving out nuclear secrets. Forget that even a confirmed bigot like General Zia held a ceremony in our only nobel prize winner's honour or that no one ever accused Dr. Salam of any such thing; in Pakistan to be a hero you have to actually transfer technology to Iran, Libya and North Korea.
Now consider the case of 11 year old Sitara Akbar. Every Pakistani and his mother in law are citing her as a crowning national achievement, blissfully oblivious of the fact that she is an Ahmadi. To them her religion is suddenly unimportant or irrelevant or is it? How many Sitara Akbars have been expelled from our schools for being Ahmadi? How many productive citizens of this republic have been killed and maimed for believing differently?
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's National Assembly imagined itself the Islamic equivalent of the Council of Nicea. Just as that ancient bastion of Christian orthodoxy excommunicated unitarian Christians for not believing in the trinity of the father, son and the holy ghost, the National Assembly saw it fit to – primarily at the instigation of the Prime Minister and his law minister- declare an entire sect non-Muslim. Just like the post hoc elevation of the principle of trinity at Nicea, Pakistan's National Assembly located Islam in the principle of the finality of Prophethood.
This act of our sovereign legislature stood in sharp contrast to the view of this nation's founding father. On 5 May, 1944, in response to demands of the orthodox vis a vis Ahmadis, Jinnah made it absolutely clear that anyone who professes to be a Muslim is a Muslim and welcome in the Muslim League and that those who were raising the issue were trying to divide the Muslims. Here I am forced to say that I am inclined to accept Jinnah's view and reject the collective wisdom of our sovereign legislature. There are several reasons which may be cited in this regard:
- First and foremost Pakistan is bound by the United Nations' charter. Therefore Pakistan is bound to ensure freedom of religion for all its citizens and freedom of religion means freedom of religion according to the definition of the subject of the said freedom.
- Identity is subjective not objective. The state of Pakistan or any other state cannot tell an Ahmadi that he is not a Muslim because it is intrinsic to the faith of an Ahmadi. This is an inviolable, inalienable right as part of right to life which every state in the world is bound to protect. If Ahmadis say they are Muslims they ought to be accepted as such.
- Pakistan is a signatory to the ICCPR and without reservations since June 2011. Therefore every piece of legislation that discriminates against Ahmadis or forces a label upon them is ultra vires the ICCPR.
- The Islamic argument: According to the Holy Prophet (PBUH) anyone who utters the Kalima Shahadah is a Muslim. None of the Kalimas, including the Primary Kalima Shahadah contains any reference to the principle of the finality of Prophethood as understood by the Muslim majority today.
- Finally because by conduct and promise, Pakistani state is estopped from claiming otherwise. In 1947, Pakistan laid claim to Qadian as a Muslim holy place, a counter-blast to Sikh claims on Nankana Sahib and Hassan Abdal. Similarly in 1946 elections which is the basic referendum on the question of Pakistan, Ahmadi votes were instrumental in getting Muslims Pakistan. These are undeniable facts of history.
Therefore- fully aware of the stigma attached to this statement- I concur with Quaid-e-Azam Mahomed Ali Jinnah, thefounding father of Pakistan that Ahmadis are Muslims, if they say they are Muslims and no one, not even the sovereign legislature, has the right to say otherwise.
Suggested reading
Are Ahmadi Muslims: A Collection of Articles?
Are Ahmadis Muslims? Let us ask Prophet Muhammad
Kripkean Dogmatism: The Best Metaphor to Understand Religious and Political Debates
Categories: Asia, Pakistan, Sectarianism


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Health and Environment Linkages Initiative
HELI is a global effort by WHO and UNEP to support action by developing country policymakers on environmental threats to health. Environmental hazards are responsible for an estimated 25% of the total burden of disease worldwide, and nearly 35% in regions such as sub-Saharan Africa.1
HELI encourages countries to address health and environment linkages as integral to economic development. HELI supports valuation of ecosystem 'services' to human health and well-being – services ranging from climate regulation to provision/replenishment of air, water, food and energy sources, and generally healthy living and working environments. HELI activities include country-level pilot projects and refinement of assessment tools to support decision-making.
Promoting better access to knowledge and tools
Promoting better access to policy-relevant tools and knowledge about health and environment linkages is a third HELI activity, and the focus of this web portal.
There are two ways to navigate this site. You may search by category of tool. Or you may search by priority risks to environment and health, that are a special focus of HELI. In each priority risk category, you will find a "one-stop shop" containing directories of web-accessible resources and policy briefs. Links and information are focused on the human and monetary 'cost' of environmental hazards to health; practical 'solutions' that address the environment-health linkage; and case study examples of good practice and action.
Scientific data and assessment
Tools for collection, analysis and reporting of environment and health data, including monitoring and mapping of environment and health trends/indicators; and environmental burden of disease assessment.
Impact assessment
Tools for linked consideration of health and environment impacts in policy and development decisions.
Economic assessment
Tools for economic valuation of linked health and environment impacts, as integral to the assessment process.
- Vector-borne disease
- The urban environment
- Indoor air pollution and household energy
- Water, health and ecosystems
- Climate change
- Toxic substances
Many resources in the directories are accessed through existing World Health Organization and United Nations Environment Programme portals, and through portals of other United Nations institutions. Links to selected resources available through other organizations, e.g. international and bilateral development agencies; academic and research institutions; and government/civil society, also are provided (see selection criteria and disclaimer).
The development of the HELI web site was made possible with funding from Environment Canada and Health Canada.
1Health and environment in sustainable development: five years after the earth summit. Geneva, Programmes on Health and Environment, World Health Organization, June 1997 and Smith KR, Corvalán, Kjellstrom T. How much global ill health is attributable to environmental factors? Epidemiology, 1999, 10 (5): 573-84.


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Financial Aid Steps of the Torero Countdown
- 2019-20 Guide to Applying for Financial Aid at USD - Undergraduates
- Financial Aid Timeline
- Navigating "My Financial Aid" on the MySanDiego Portal
- How to Create an FSA ID
- Student Budget Calculator
- 25 Fun & Free Things to do in San Diego
- Free Fun
California Licensure Exam Pass Rates
Per California Assembly Bill (AB) 2086, the following information is made available to provide access to California license examination passage rates for graduates of University of San Diego programs that require California licensure. Data will continue to be updated as California licensing and/or regulatory agencies make the data electronically available.
School of Leadership and Education Sciences - Teacher Credential Program Data
Financial Aid Web Pages
Online Financial Aid Applications
- FAFSA on the Web
- Renewal FAFSA on the Web
- To request a PIN
- Saving for College - Private College 529 Plan
- Frequently Asked Questions
- Information Provided by the IRS on 529 Plans
- Financial Aid Information Page (This Web site has extensive information in financial aid and related topics)
- U.S. Department of Education The Student Guide to Financial Aid
- USD (Access to USD departments, financial aid and others)
- FERPA (Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act)
- California Student Aid Commission (CSAC) (e.g., Cal Grant and other state programs)
- WebGrants For Students (Information about your Cal Grant)
- National Student Loan Data System (NSLDS) (Detailed student loan information)
- Federal Student Loan Repayment Plans
- Mapping Your Future (CSAC Publication)
- Sallie Mae's Scholarship Search (Free Scholarship Search Tool - accurate, secure, and free of ads!)
- Federal Perkins/National Direct Student Loan Programs – Teacher Cancellation Benefits
- Entrance/Exit Loan Counseling
- Selective Service System (Registration information)
- Federal Loan Ombudsman
- Is it a Scam?
- Tax Breaks for Higher Education
- Higher Education Tax Benefits
- Edfund Money Management
- "Accumulating Money" - Money Management Tips and Information
- Helpful Money management information for all Students
Impact of Drug Conviction on Federal Financial Aid Eligibility: Under the Higher Education Act, a student may become ineligible for federal student aid if convicted of possession and/or the sale of illegal drugs while enrolled as a student and receiving federal aid.
Information about Losing and Regaining Financial Aid Eligibility for a Drug Conviction
Important Telephone Numbers
To Ask:
- If the FAFSA has been processed * (319) 337-5665
- About general information regarding federal aid,
Questions about the Student Aid Report (SAR) ***(800) 4-FEDAID
For hearing impaired with TDD availability ***(800) 730-8913
- About your Cal Grant, including residency requirements (888) CAGRANT (224-7268)
- About default management with ECMC (916) 526-7900
- About loans sold to Education Services (such as Academic Financial Services Association) (800) 835-4611
- About loans sold to Sallie Mae (such as United Student Aid Funds) (888) 272-5543
- About your Selective Service status (847) 688-6888
- For help with your federal loans: Federal Loan Ombudsman (877) 557-2575
To Request:
- A Duplicate Student Aid Report (SAR) or to add a school to a SAR** *(319) 337-5665
- Free copy of tax information (800) 829-1040
- Tax Transcript Order Line (800) 908-9946
*Central Time
**Must have DRN number, which is found on upper right hand corner of page 1 of SAR
***Eastern Time


text:
Cisco 2008 IACP Super Session - Part 1
Check out the first section of video highlights of Sheriff Lee Baca, Los Angeles County, and Connie Rice, Co-Director, Advancement Project, talking at the Cisco Systems Super Session about changing the paradigm in dealing with gangs. Filmed at the IACP 2008 law enforcement tradeshow.
Are you using PoliceOne for training? Track Your Roll Call Training with PoliceOne Academy. Access our library of more than 1,200 courses and videos and manage your training on the most powerful online training tool for law enforcement. Schedule your Free Demo now


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In 2006, a commercial began to air on cable television that showed happy babies gurgling through their year-one milestones. "A baby's first smile of recognition," a voiceover says. "That first rollover. The first step, and first word are miracles of a baby's life." Over graphics of a growing brain, a narrator announces that the first five years of development are critical and tells parents to "seize this small window of opportunity" to reach another milestone with their children: learning to read. The commercials direct parents to a toll-free number to buy Your Baby Can Read, a five-disc set that costs $200.
A number of educational experts considered the product a scam—babies don't learn to read from watching DVDs because babies can't learn to read. Prominent among the critics was Susan Linn, a 63-year-old child psychologist and founder of the watchdog group Campaign for a Commercial--Free Childhood. In April 2011, she complained to the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) about the product's advertising claims. For Linn, those claims aren't just false; they're dangerous. The American Academy of Pediatrics recommends that children under 2 watch no television. The Campaign for a Commercial-Free Childhood points to numerous studies that show spending time in front of television and other multimedia screens as an infant reduces school performance, increases incidence of disorders like Attention Deficit Disorder, and contributes to health problems like obesity later in a child's life. More important for Linn is what children watching television don't do: They don't learn from a three-dimensional, tactile environment, they don't interact with their parents, and they don't discover how to be creative. "Babies learn kinetically, through hands-on exploration of the world," Linn says.
The advertising strategy for Your Baby Can Read changed a few weeks after the complaint, but it was hardly what Linn and her colleagues hoped for. Friends and fellow advocates from around the corporate-responsibility world—the people who tend to notice ads—e-mailed to say that when they searched on Google or Yahoo for Susan Linn's name or for the Campaign for a Commercial-Free Childhood, an ad for Your Baby Can Read was displayed on top of the search results. The ad read, "Your Baby Can Read Works."
Your Baby Can Read had used Google's AdWords program and a similar one on Yahoo to buy ads that display anytime Susan Linn's name and the name of the campaign are searched. (No one at the campaign used Microsoft's Bing, so they don't know if that search engine had a similar ad.) Linn had never thought much about Google or AdWords and was outraged that a company could buy her name—and, she felt, her influence and implicit endorsement. "The default shouldn't be that you can be a tool for advertising against your will," she says. "Especially for a company you find morally repugnant."
Linn's biggest weapon is her reputation. She and the campaign have a good relationship with the press, and when she files a complaint, it usually gets attention. News articles that mention her name lead to a spike in Google searches; the longer the FTC fight dragged on—it remains unresolved—the more clicks Your Baby Can Read was poised to get.
The campaign wanted to disassociate itself from the ad right away, but contacting Google was harder than expected. Shara Drew, a program coordinator and the organization's Web master, had to create an AdWords account just to get a phone number for the advertising department. She reached a sales rep who tried to sell her a counter ad on Your Baby Can Read. "She didn't see anything wrong with the ad," Drew says, "and said it wasn't breaking Google's policy unless it says Susan Linn's name in the ad."
Throughout the summer, while the ad remained up, Linn and the other campaign members complained to their most influential friends, some of whom had contacts at Google. Drew also filled out an online complaint form but never heard back. The campaign met with the FTC about its case against Your Baby Can Read and mentioned the Google ad to officials there. Because Google won't comment on its accounts, the campaign can't be sure which tactic was most effective, but by September the ad was gone. It was gone from Yahoo searches, too.
Google's AdWords policy on proper-name searches is only a single line: "We do not monitor the use of proper names in AdWords ads or keywords." Yahoo and Bing have similar policies. Many ad campaigns are set up by filling out an online form, which means a company like Your Baby Can Read never has to speak to a salesperson at Google. If an ad violates an explicitly stated policy, certain words in the ad's text will prevent it from being published. If it doesn't, it goes up.
Privacy advocates say that Linn's case raises an issue that they haven't encountered before but expect to see again. Most court rulings on challenges to Google's policies have allowed the ads under the free-speech rights of companies because they encourage competition—across the Web, firms advertise when people search for their competitors. But Linn is an advocate against companies, and one of the companies with which she is wrangling used her as an advertising tool. In the future, other companies could do the same and could potentially, through AdWords, intimidate, silence, or undermine the work of anti-corporate activists. Marc Rotenberg at the Electronic Privacy Information Center, or EPIC, says his organization has seen corporations use their online presence to try to drown out critical content, but not in this way. "I've never heard of a situation where AdWords were used to compete with the speech of an individual," he says. "If this is done in a way that's intended to suppress or direct political speech, that's a really bad thing."
Linn, who grew up in Detroit, began her professional life not as an activist but as a ventriloquist. She started studying ventriloquism at age 6 with a sock puppet she called Sidnafer Dragon. By the time she was 17, she had developed her most famous puppet, Audrey Duck, and entered Boston University's theater department. She left after two years to join the Clearwater troupe led by the folksinger Pete Seeger, which performed shows about the environment while sailing up and down the Hudson River in New York, before deciding to work for and with children.
She returned to school, earning a Ph.D. in counseling psychology from Harvard University's education school, and began to perform as a ventriloquist in local and national theaters, on children's television, and for videotapes she produced. Linn invented a job for herself as a puppet therapist at Children's Hospital in Boston, using puppets to counsel children with serious illnesses. Puppets like Audrey Duck provide a psychological screen that helps children express feelings that make them uncomfortable or that they think will get them in trouble. Other therapists had used dolls in this type of therapy, but Linn's experience as a performer made her especially suited for the work. "Her puppets are like alter egos," says Dr. Alvin Poussaint, a Harvard psychiatrist and civil-rights advocate with whom Linn has worked. "I don't know anyone that uses puppets the way Susan does."
Her reputation for working with children got her onto the long-running PBS show Mister Rogers' Neighborhood—beginning in 1971, she was an occasional guest in the Neighborhood of Make-Believe. Then, as now, she didn't have the kooky energy one might imagine of a puppeteer turned child advocate; Linn, much like Fred Rogers, instead exudes the calming influence of a therapist. Short, with dark hair and a reassuring smile, she is an adult who takes the travails of childhood seriously and can turn pain and sadness into a rainy-day kind of happiness. In one memorable episode, which aired in 1971, Audrey Duck visits Mister Rogers' Neighborhood after one of the characters in the Neighborhood of Make-Believe buys a new television. Audrey becomes upset because her own television is small, and she's afraid her friends won't want to visit her house. Linn reassures Audrey that her friends like her for her personality, not her possessions. Afterward, when the other characters ask whether she wants to watch TV, Audrey decides she'd rather do something with her hands: She wants to make cookies. "The seeds of the work I'm doing now were there," Linn says. "I think that, probably aside from love and friendship and kindness, creativity has always been important to me. Even then, it was clear to me that there were ways that too much screen time would destroy explosive imagination."
When Linn began working with shows like Mister Rogers' Neighborhood, children's television was new and its reach still limited. The Federal Communications Commission monitored and regulated all television, and networks had to meet broad guidelines that limited commercials during children's shows and imposed requirements that some programs be educational. Harvard helped develop and produce educational programming like Sesame Street. PBS aired other shows, like Reading Rainbow and 3-2-1 Contact, mostly designed to get preschool-aged children ready for school and to supplement learning for kids who had already started. Advocates believed a limited amount of educational television could be good for children over 2. "There was a lot of hope for media for children," Linn says. "There was a great creative flowering and a burgeoning communications culture."
Even then, advocates saw a need to curb corporate influence on children's programming. A group in Newton, Massachusetts, Action for Children's Television, sought to remove commercials from children's shows and improve their quality. In 1977, working with the Center for Science in the Public Interest, the group urged the FTC to ban all advertisements for children under 8—who don't understand the concepts of selling and persuasion and, according to most evidence, are unable to distinguish commercial content from regular programming. The group also called for a ban on commercials pitching high-sugar foods to children under 12.
After the FTC adopted the ban on high-sugar foods, including cereals, a three-year fight with Congress over the ban ended with a defunded FTC that lacked the ability to regulate marketing to children. Then, Ronald Reagan's administration deregulated television altogether in 1984, spawning cartoons like Strawberry Shortcake, He-Man, and Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles that were essentially long commercials for toys. Advertising aimed at children exploded and became protected by legal rulings that expanded the free-speech rights of companies. Linn got a taste of this when she was working with Poussaint in his media program at the Judge Baker Children's Center in Boston. The program provides a number of services to children, including counseling to those with mental-health problems. In the mid-1990s, Linn and Poussaint developed a pilot for a show designed to teach coping skills about a diverse soccer team in South Boston. The pilot for Willoughby's Wonders won two New England Emmys, but the show struggled to get financing. An offer of funding came from McDonald's, on the condition that the teenagers in the show work at the fast-food franchise. Linn and Poussaint declined, and the show never aired.
Shortly after the failure of Willoughby's Wonders, PBS imported the Teletubbies series from Britain. Teletubbies featured four brightly colored creatures from outer space that talked in a nonsense language and had televisions in their stomachs and protruding rings in their heads, which made it easy for toddlers to hold on to the doll versions of the characters. On television, a toddler face looked down from a bright yellow sun and watched the Teletubbies' antics. It was one of the first television shows designed to catch and keep a baby's attention.
Although PBS would claim, at times, that the show was aimed at 2-year-olds, some promotional materials marketed it as educational for toddlers as young as a year old. The proliferation of commercial content targeted at young children sparked a shift in Linn's work, and she became more of an advocate than a performer. In 1999, she wrote an article in The American Prospect with Poussaint about Teletubbies, warning that the show's entrance into the American market augured a bad future for children's television. Their warning was prescient: "The success of Teletubbies means that, in an industry known for copycat programming, we can look forward to a whole raft of other programs geared toward babies." By the mid-2000s, products like Baby Einstein, Brainy Baby, and BabyFirstTV were being marketed to parents as educational for infants younger than 2. Baby Einstein, a Disney brand, earned about $200 million annually.
Linn would later launch a fight against Baby Einstein—a fight that would force her to sever her ties with the Judge Baker center. In 2000, she had founded the Campaign for a Commercial--Free Childhood after she organized a protest against the Golden Marble Awards, an industry event that celebrated the best advertising for children. The campaign resided within the center, where she and Poussaint still worked. Linn organized rallies, conferences, and letter-writing campaigns against companies that advertised to children and shows that she felt exploited kids. Her targets included Nickelodeon, which had been an early contributor to the campaign, for airing junk-food advertisements. Poussaint says it cost him regular consulting gigs with the children's network and cost the group its donation. "Susan's non--compromising, but I don't say that in a bad way," Poussaint says. "She will not bend or be bought. She will not be bought."
Linn's battle against Disney's Baby Einstein began with an FTC complaint in 2006 for false advertising claims, which led, in 2009, to Disney refunding its Baby Einstein customers and to The New York Times writing a series of articles critical of the product. The Times called the refunds a "tacit admission that they did not increase infant intellect."
Linn was quoted in the articles. Disney then accused the campaign of failing to maintain the confidentiality agreement reached as part of the settlement and put pressure on the center. Poussaint says he and Linn were chastised in front of the Judge Baker board, and Linn refused to back down. The center cut the campaign loose in March 2010, and Poussaint moved his operations to the Harvard Medical School, causing the center to cancel a gala at which he was to be honored.
The campaign maintained most of its funding, however. From its new home in a sterile downtown office building, Linn filed the complaint against Your Baby Can Read.
Even before the AdWords debacle, Linn and other advocates had turned their attention to the Internet. "We can't think about TV anymore," she says. "We used to be able to keep advertising in its place, and now it's everywhere. No generation of parents and children have ever had to cope with it on this scale." Sites like McWorld and Nickelodeon exist as interactive children's entertainment packages, designed to advertise to children across platforms, many of them on devices small enough for children to hold in their hands. A September 2010 analysis by The Wall Street Journal found that the 50 most popular websites for teens and children installed 30 percent more tracking tools than did the most popular adult sites.
For Linn, these sites—like the Google ad on her name—are a result of the advertising saturation that began in the 1980s. The children who grew up watching shows like Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles are now adults, and they are accustomed to a world in which the rights of companies take precedence over rights to privacy and commercial-free spaces. "There's this sense that it's just normal for companies to have rights that trump our rights," she says. "Like the right to force someone to be a tool for advertising against our will. That's never been possible before."
Linn is only half right, says Berin Szoka, a founder of the libertarian-minded think tank TechFreedom. "It's never been true that we've had the right to stop anybody else using our name," he says. Szoka says the only difference now, with the Internet, is that we're more likely to hear about, and see, the methods companies use to get our attention. "A lot of this hysteria is based on a phenomenon we typically see when we talk about panics around new technology," he says. "What unsettles people is that these interactions are taking place in an environment that is different, that's outside of the norms that govern interpersonal interaction." In Szoka's view, we'll become as accustomed to advertising online—even if it's more targeted and more personal than it ever has been before—just as we got used to the ways in which radio and television changed our lives.
The free-speech rights of corporations explain why Google and other search engines tend to take a hands-off approach when it comes to defining their ad policies: If Google interfered, it would be accused of favoring some companies over others. Justin Brookman of the Center for Democracy and Technology says that's why there are new concerns raised every time a new Internet product is introduced. "This is a new environment," he says, "and no one's entirely clear where the legal parameters are right now."
The biggest battles are over trademarks—the legal means that allow one business to distinguish its products from those of a competing business. Google permits companies to buy ads on searches of the names of their competitors, but about 20 companies have over the years argued that buying their names for advertising purposes violates their trademark rights. Most of those cases lose because courts rule that companies buying the ads have free-speech rights to go after their competitors, but these lawsuits are really about companies using the tools available to them to try to control their online presence. Individuals are more and more concerned with controlling their online personas, too, but have fewer ways to fight—individuals, for instance, can't trademark their names. Advocacy groups like EPIC and the Center for Democracy and Technology often protest how companies use the information many of us offer up freely when we join social-networking services like Facebook or use services like Google's e-mail system, Gmail. Advocates argue that those companies routinely violate our privacy by scanning our information, mining data to target ads, and, sometimes, using our social connections to increase advertising's reach. Facebook, for example, recently settled a class-action lawsuit after it allowed companies to use the names and pictures of some users in ads that were targeted at their online friends. That possibly violated already established law against using someone in an endorsement without his or her explicit permission.
An ad like the one Your Baby Can Read took out on Susan Linn's name pushes the privacy debate into a new realm. Most people likely don't know that their names can be bought for advertising purposes. There are legitimate free-speech reasons for allowing companies to buy ads on proper names; politicians, for example, often target other politicians in ads, and that's as true online as it is off. From Google's perspective, trying to disallow proper-name ads might cause more problems than it solves, because it would face challenges over the speech rights of advertisers. It would also cut into the business Google gets from people-finder services, like whitepages.com and Intelius, which advertise on almost every proper-name search.
In the increasing push to monetize the Internet, proper names are used for business purposes every day. The question—especially as ads become more localized—becomes whether private citizens have a right to guard how their information and identities are used. That's especially true if private citizens raise their profiles by exercising their free-speech rights—becoming advocates, like Linn, against a big company, speaking out against a political campaign, or signing an online petition.
When she first learned of the Your Baby Can Read ad, Linn says she felt violated. "I experienced it as one more escalation of commercial intrusion and one more freedom being eroded," she says. Suddenly, the advocate who couldn't be bought was being bought against her will. Linn's not launching a new campaign against Google. But she does see her experience this summer as part and parcel of the work she does and the message she wants to send: Advertising, whether it's aimed at children or adults, carries costs, and the scales have tipped so far in favor of corporations that individuals bear almost all of them. Danny Sullivan, editor of Search Engine Land, a website that covers tech, says Linn's perception is why these privacy fights keep escalating. "We probably are well overdue for updates on how we deal with privacy, and not just privacy on the Internet but privacy in general," he says. "You have to strike that balance between why we have public information and trying to protect privacy in an age when suddenly information that—even though it was public, was hard to get to—is now much more easily accessible."


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And right below that is the OWS logo, the communist clenched fist symbol alongside the blaring declaration, "OccupyWallStreet — the revolution continues worldwide!"
Revolution. Lots of talk about revolution amongst the OWS demonstrators and the websites, blogs, publications, and media networks that support them. But what is it they are actually calling for? "Revolution" is one of those words that have many meanings. Congressman Ron Paul's presidential campaign uses the term but with decidedly different intentions and objectives in mind than the bulk of the OWS protesters. Dr. Paul's "revolution," for instance, calls for abolishing the Federal Reserve System, as well as Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac — for starters. The Fed, Fannie, and Freddie are three of the institutions most responsible for the housing bubble/mortgage meltdown, the bailouts, and the transfer of hundreds of billions of dollars to Wall Street insiders at Goldman Sachs, JPMorgan Chase, AIG, Citibank, Morgan Stanley, Bank of America, Wells Fargo, et al.
The Fed, Fannie, and Freddie are not capitalist institutions; they are socialist, fascist, Marxist institutions. The Fed is a central bank with virtual monopoly control of credit, as called for by Karl Marx in the The Communist Manifesto (plank number five in his ten-plank program).
The Fed, Fannie, and Freddie do not promote free-enterprise capitalism; they promote crony capitalism, the kind of arrangement where the politically connected are rewarded with special treatment and public funds, which is precisely what one should expect, since they are political, statist institutions. But in all the talk of revolution amongst the Occupy Wall Street crowd, there is scarce mention of abolishing these institutions that allow the immoral funneling of taxpayer dollars from Main Street to Wall Street. Some of the OWS revolutionaries may criticize these institutions (when they mention them at all), but the folks at The Fed, Fannie, and Freddie, and their Wall Street plutocrat beneficiaries, couldn't care less — as long as the street protesters merely criticize, babble, bloviate, and agitate … but leave the funneling institutions alone so that the Wall Street banksters and their political allies can continue their global robbery spree. In fact, the various unofficial proposed lists of demands by the OWS revolutionaries (see here, for example, and here) not only fail to mention The Fed, Fannie, and Freddie, let alone call for their abolition, but instead advocate a vast expansion of government programs, spending, and control. One of the favorite proposals of many of the OWS activists is a global financial transaction tax, which they like to call the "Robin Hood Tax" (see here and here), but which is a rehash of the "Tobin Tax" that socialist globalists have been promoting for years to empower the United Nations as a global tax man.
All of the OWS proposed expansions of state power will create ever bigger and more crushing government with ever-increasing corruption and infinitely more opportunities for politically-connected insiders to exploit. So it is not unfair to suggest that when the "leading" voices of the Occupy Wall Street movement call for world revolution, they mean socialist, communist, Marxist-Leninist revolution — or some collectivist, statist variation thereof.
Dictatorship of the Professoriate
The biggest influence responsible for this Marxist-Leninist direction of the OWS demonstrations comes not from Marx's proletariat but from the radical, bourgeoisie professoriate: the Red, Pink, and Green professors. The continuing OWS occupation at New York City's Zuccotti Park is a prime example. It is surrounded by colleges and universities that are hotbeds of collectivism and radical, counter-culture activism. Many of the student activists (i.e., professional SDS revolutionists) who shut down campuses with violent and destructive demonstrations in the 1960s came back as teachers and took over the classrooms. Many have been ensconced in those same institutions for decades as tenured professors and have been using their positions to educate, agitate, and activate new generations of revolutionaries. We have previously mentioned the Brecht Forum/New York Marxist School, which is near Zuccotti Park and has provided much of the leadership for OWS, as well as many of the other leftist political activities in New York City. Despite its notoriety as a center of communist activism (or, more probably, because of this notoriety), it continues to be generously funded by radical foundations and New York City's taxpayers. The Brecht Forum/New York Marxist School web site boasts:
Our programs are funded in part by Manhattan Neighborhood Network, The Bardon Cole Foundation, The Rosa Luxemburg Foundation, The Surdna Foundation, and by public funds from the New York State Council on the Arts and the New York City Department of Cultural Affairs in partnership with the City Council.
In addition to the New York Marxist School, which more less flies its red flag proudly, a legion of Marxoid professors carry forth somewhat more subtly at nearby taxpayer-supported institutions: Bard College, City University of New York (CUNY), State University of New York (SUNY), Columbia University, Brooklyn College, Hunter College, the New School, Pace University, Cooper Union, Queens College, Baruch College, Kingsborough Community College, and other nests of subversion in the Manhattan area's groves of academe. For many years, the CUNY campus hosted the annual the Socialist Scholars Conference, the yearly grand palaver of Marxist academics. CUNY and SUNY faculty always provided large contingents of "scholars" to these events. In 2004, the organization changed its name from the Socialist Scholars Conference (SSC) to Left Forum, and in 2008 moved its annual gathering to Pace University, near New York City Hall in lower Manhattan. Despite the venue change, the same activists continue to hold forth. Many of them are members and leaders of the Democratic Socialists of America, the U.S. branch of the infamous Socialist International.
Many of these SSC/Left Forum professors signed the CUNY faculty statement of support for "the CUNY student movement in solidarity with Occupy Wall Street, including the student strike organized by our students on November 17, along with the protests on November 21 against the prospect of tuition hikes to be decided on by the Board of Trustees, and any future non-violent protests."
"Non-violent" protests? The press releases and public statements by OWS spokespersons continually assert that the movement is about passionate, peaceful, non-violent, and law-abiding citizens conscientiously exercising their First Amendment rights. For many participants that may be true (or may have been true at the start), but OWS leaders, by their announced commitment to "direct action," civil disobedience, and "disruption," and their already proven record of defiance of lawful authority, disruption of public services, and violation of the rights of the actual 99 percent of the public they claim to represent, have shown that the revolution they propose is cut from the same Marxist-Leninist cloth as that of the SDS/Weathermen/Black Panther radicals of the 1960s and 70s. They intend to transform the hedonistic, idealistic, and anarchistic impulses of the students and youthful OWS activists into hardened revolutionary zeal. They hope that by provoking clashes with the police more students will be radicalized.
Here are a few of the tenured revolutionists who are leading the OWS march toward chaos and violence while collecting comfortable salaries, pensions, benefits, and speaking honoraria from our taxpayer-funded colleges and universities:
Angela Davis — A Black Panther Party activist and longtime organizer/spokesperson for the Communist Party USA, Angela Davis was twice the vice presidential candidate on the Communist Party ticket. In 1969 she visited Communist Cuba for a month and provided Fidel Castro with a bonanza of propaganda concerning the supposed glories of his totalitarian regime. In 1970 she purchased the guns that were used to hijack a courtroom in Marin County, California, in an attempt to free imprisoned murderer George Jackson and fellow Black Panthers. That attempt ended with Judge Harold Haley and three others shot to death and an additional three hostages wounded. Davis fled to avoid prosecution for her part in the kidnap/murder conspiracy and was on the FBI's Ten Most Wanted fugitive list until her capture two months later. Thanks to a massive, global, "Free Angela Davis" propaganda campaign organized by Communist Parties worldwide, together with her defense team's trial delays, skillful jury selection, and manipulation by Davis's team of communist lawyers, and alibis provided by communist liars, Davis was acquitted of all charges. In 1979 Davis was awarded the International Lenin Peace Prize by East Germany, then one of the world's most despotic communist regimes. (She had studied and received her doctorate in philosophy there years earlier.)
In spite of these and many other additional notorious activities, Angela Davis has been accorded numerous accolades from American academe, notwithstanding the fact that she has conducted no original scholarly research or published anything other than her political polemics. According to her Wikipedia entry, "Davis is currently a Distinguished Professor in the Women's and Gender Studies Department at Syracuse University. She also worked as a visiting professor with the Syracuse University Department of African American studies." Davis is also a professor of feminist studies at the University of California, Santa Cruz, where she is one of only five professors ever awarded the honor of "presidential chair." She has lectured at many other universities and has been the commencement speaker or keynote speaker at hundreds of colleges and universities over the years. In 1997 she declared herself to be a lesbian and has since added militant homosexual advocacy to her racial and class warfare activism. She brings all of these issues and more to her Occupy Wall Street appearances, where she can count on being greeted by young revolutionaries as a revered avatar, and where she can be counted on to condemn the United States as the uniquely evil representation of capitalism, racism, colonialism, sexism, and imperialism.
Below is a video of "Distinguished Professor" Angela Davis, on October 30, 2011, addressing the Occupy Wall Street demonstration at Washington Square Park in New York City:
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Frances Fox Piven — At the 1966 Socialist Scholars Conference in New York City, Piven presented what has come to be known as the Cloward-Piven Strategy, a plan for bankrupting cities and states through the proliferation of government spending programs. This would force the local governments to seek aid from the federal government, which would itself be vastly overextended, causing "a profound financial and political crisis." This, in turn, would make it easier to organize welfare recipients and the unemployed into street agitation and protests for still more government programs. This strategy was fleshed out in more detail in subsequent books, particularly her 1971 Regulating the Poor: The Functions of Public Welfare, written with her husband and collaborator Richard Cloward, and her more recent January 10-17, 2011 article entitled "Mobilizing the Jobless" for The Nation magazine, which had also served as the original forum for publishing her Cloward-Piven Strategy in 1966. The Nation, for which she has been a regular contributor, is the oldest existing magazine of the ultra-left in the United States. It supported the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia in 1917, and over the past century has supported virtually every other communist revolution around the globe, while also reliably taking the Marxist-Leninist line on most domestic issues.
In "Mobilizing the Jobless," Piven, writing in January of this year, was vexed that the American Left is lagging behind its European counterparts in mobilizing the masses for strife and chaos. She wrote:
So where are the angry crowds, the demonstrations, sit-ins and unruly mobs? After all, the injustice is apparent. Working people are losing their homes and their pensions while robber-baron CEOs report renewed profits and windfall bonuses. Shouldn't the unemployed be on the march? Why aren't they demanding enhanced safety net protections and big initiatives to generate jobs?
She is hopeful that "mass protests" can be initiated. The jobless, she says, "have to go from being hurt and ashamed to being angry and indignant." According to Piven, "a kind of psychological transformation has to take place; the out-of-work have to stop blaming themselves for their hard times and turn their anger on the bosses, the bureaucrats or the politicians who are in fact responsible." She continues:
Local protests have to accumulate and spread — and become more disruptive — to create serious pressures on national politicians. An effective movement of the unemployed will have to look something like the strikes and riots that have spread across Greece in response to the austerity measures forced on the Greek government by the European Union, or like the student protests that recently spread with lightning speed across England in response to the prospect of greatly increased school fees.
Formerly a professor at Columbia University, Piven has been a professor of political science and sociology at City University of New York since 1982. She is a longtime member of the Democratic Socialists of America and currently serves as an honorary chair of the DSA. Piven has been associated with the Institute for Policy Studies (IPS) and its Transnational Institute as a lecturer, Visiting Fellow, or Visiting Scholar for many years. As we have previously noted, the IPS is "a radical Marxist-Leninist organization with strong ties to the Soviet KGB and Cuban DGI. With few exceptions, the ITT/IPS cadres have always favored communist regimes, terrorist groups, revolutionary movements and radicals of every stripe — as long as they spew sufficient venom against the United States." Piven and other IPS veterans — Marcus Raskin, Saul Landau, Phyllis Bennis, John Cavanaugh, Robin Broad, Tariq Ali, Sara Anderson — hope to escalate the OWS demonstrations into sustained disruptions that can be harnessed for political pressure to build more socialism. Piven has also appeared as a speaker and panelist at the Brecht Forum/ New York Marxist School.
Professor Piven can be seen here at an OWS "teach-in" advising college students to be ready for various forms of direct action, including "street battles":
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Todd Gitlin — A president of the SDS in the early 1960s, Gitlin is often cited as one of the more "moderate" of the former student radicals of the era, since he advocates working through the Democratic Party and criticizes the strident rhetoric and tactics of many of the leaders of the hard left. He was interviewed by Jeremy Hobson of Marketplace.org on October 19, 2011. Hobson tells his TV/Internet/radio audience:
….Well, to help us understand more about the protests, we're joined now by Todd Gitlin. He's perhaps best known for his role as president of Students for a Democratic Society, which was a major force in the big liberal demonstrations of the 1960s. Now he's a professor at Columbia University. Todd Gitlin, good morning.
(Yes, according to Hobson, Gitlin and SDS helped organize "big liberal demonstrations" in the 1960s. Which is somewhat like saying that Al Capone and his thugs helped organize the Italian immigrant business community in Chicago. The SDS "demonstrations" were noted for their violence, riots, intolerance, destruction, Marxism, and anti-Americanism — and many other negative attributes.)
One of the main points Gitlin made in his Marketplace.org interview was the positive contribution (from his point of view) that the OWS demonstrations have made in changing the media focus from Tea Party demands about cutting government spending and debt to the OWS demands for more spending, taxing, and regulation.
Said Gitlin:
We've gotten off the debt obsession, and we've gotten onto a more sophisticated version of the regulation discussion, and we're growing up.
The title of Gitlin's 1980 book on mass media, The Whole World Is Watching, which has been adopted as one of the iconic chants of Occupy Wall Street, originated with the violent SDS demonstrations at the 1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago.
Bill Ayers — His infamy as a leader of the murderous Weather Underground terrorists and his unrepentant embrace of the same revolutionary "ideals" (He still calls himself a "small 'c' communist") should forever brand him as a pariah, but his ideological soul mates in the media and academia continue to whitewash him as a reformed man and a "distinguished" professor of education reform. We have previously detailed the sordid criminal record and continuing left-wing activities of Ayers and Bernadine Dohrn (his wife and cohort in crime, also now a "respected" professor) and their close ties to Chicago "community organizer" Barack Obama here, here, and here.
Ayers and Dohrn have been active with many of their old comrades in forming both the new SDS to train a new generation of communist activists and the Movement for a Democratic Society (MDS) to regroup, rebuild, and renew the old New Left of the 1960s. (Dohrn was one of the first board members appointed to the new MDS).
Ayers can be seen on this video at a street teach-in advising admiring students on tactics for Occupy Wall Street demonstrations:
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Barbara Ehrenreich — An honorary co-chair of the Democratic Socialists of America (along with Frances Fox Piven and Cornel West), Ehrenreich's support for OWS is chronicled on the DSA website here.
She is a veteran panelist/speaker/participant at the Socialist Scholars Conference/Left Forum and the Brecht Forum/New York Marxist School.
Although not currently holding a professorship, Ehrenreich, a prolific writer, is a frequent speaker on the college circuit and her books and articles are staples on the required/recommended reading lists of many university classes. The Harvard University Library's biographical profile of Ehrenreich provides this curriculum vitae for her:
In addition to her earlier work at the State University of New York-Westbury, Ehrenreich was employed or appointed by several other universities. Between 1979 and 1981, she served as an adjunct associate professor at New York University and as a distinguished visiting professor at both Sangamon State University and the University of Missouri at Columbia. She also served as Regents' Lecturer at the University of California at Santa Barbara (1989), Writer-in-Residence at Ohio State University at Athens (1992), Wayne Morse Chair at the University of Oregon at Eugene (1997), and Harper's/McLaughlin Teaching Fellow at the Graduate School of Journalism at the University of California at Berkeley (1998, 2000). Ehrenreich was also appointed as a fellow at the New York Institute for the Humanities (1981-1993), the John Simon Guggenheim Memorial Foundation (1987), the Institute for Policy Studies in Washington, D.C. (1990-) where she now serves as a trustee ...
The Institute for Policy Studies (IPS), as we've noted above, is a major center of hardcore Marxist-Leninist activists who are very involved in the OWS movement.
Cornel West — One of the most celebrated OWS spokesmen and promoters, Cornel West is a Professor of Religion and African American Studies at Princeton University. He has taught previously at Harvard, Yale, and the University of Paris. His books are required reading texts in many college courses. West is an honorary co-chair of the Democratic Socialists of America and was one of the keynote speakers at the March 18-20, 2011 Left Forum at New York's Pace University.
Professor West is a longtime friend of Louis Farrakhan and was an adviser to Farrakhan's 1995 Million Man March. While he frequently extols peaceful activism and is usually presented in the major corporate media as a voice of moderation, he has long demonstrated that his "democratic socialism" embraces the most extreme variants of Marxism-Leninism and Maoism. He has been a frequent speaker at the Brecht Forum/New York Marxist School and has had a curious relationship with the Revolutionary Communist Party (RCP) and its projects. The RCP is an extreme Maoist communist sect led by former SDS/Black Panther activist Bob Avakian, who continues to write from his self-imposed exile in Paris, France. It is considered extreme even by most other communist groups and is noted for inciting violent street clashes with the police (which this correspondent has witnessed on many occasions). On April 29, 2011, Cornell West appeared at UCLA for a much-hyped program with Carl Dix, one of the founders of the RCP. Although it was billed as a "dialogue" between supposedly divergent viewpoints, West and "Comrade Carl" appeared to disagree on few fundamentals other than religion, Dix being an avowed atheist and West proclaiming to be a Christian, albeit a Marxist one at that. (See here, and here,)
Here are two of the many videos of Cornel West's Occupy Wall Street commentaries that can be seen on YouTube and elsewhere:
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{youtube width="500" height="265"}QEAzzLvvBzw{/youtube}
The above-mentioned individuals represent but a small sampling of the subversive professoriate that are a major catalyst of the Occupy Wall Street movement. Mark Rudd, Marcus Raskin, Arthur Waskow, Stanley Aronowitz, Saul Landau, Chris Cutrone, Marianna Pavlovskaya, Suresh Naidu, Joseph Stiglitz, Mark Naison, Heather Gautney, Ward Morehouse, Jack Hammond, and Noam Chomsky comprise a few of the many other academic activists who are pushing and exploiting the Occupy Wall Street movement in the hopes of achieving socialist revolution.
Thumbnail photo at top: AP Images
Related articles
Obama's Terrorist Ties and Radical Roots: The Ayers Connection
Denial of Emeritus Status to Bill Ayers Causes Brouhaha
Obama's Friend Ayers: Kill 25 Million Americans
Occupy Wall Street: Lawlessness & Communist Revolution
Big Soros Money Linked to "Occupy Wall Street"
Unions, Socialists Join Forces to "Occupy Wall Street"
Former SEIU Union Official Exposes Plot to Collapse U.S. Economy
Wall St. Protesters Push "Robin Hood" Tax


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After former Jet Blue flight attendant Steven Slater made headlines a few weeks ago by allegedly cursing out an unruly passenger, grabbing two beers, and deploying the inflatable emergency slide, he soon found himself sliding right into jail—but returning to society a quirky new breed of hero. (And he's currently got the 212,718 Facebook fans, not to mention rumored reality show offers, to prove it!) With Steve's big finish in mind, we asked users to vent about your ultimate "last straw" moments—it seems that quite a few of you have especially had it with your boyfriends, as opposed to your jobs! Here are a few anecdotes that were just too juicy to keep to ourselves.
"I came home after a long day of work to find a MySpace message left open on my computer. My boyfriend had been writing to his ex and explaining to her that he was currently living with his 'lame-ass girlfriend.' I had been nice enough to let him move in with me after his sister had thrown him out a few days prior. Needless to say, I'm no longer the 'lame-ass girlfriend.' I made a point of helping him with his things...right over my third story balcony."—Cassie
"When I learned that my boyfriend cheated on me, I threw all of his clothes out the door onto the lawn when it was raining. What a surprise he got when he came home!"—Deb
"A few years ago, my then-boyfriend was cheating on me. I'd seen some of the giveaway emails, and knew exactly where the girl lived, so when he left for 'work', I made my way over to her apartment building to find his car in her parking lot. I then let all the air out of his tires and attached a little note onto his car that said, 'I hope Ashley's paying you for overtime.' After that, I packed up his stuff and threw it out of the house."—Danielle
"My ex had his penis pierced and loved to show it off to anyone that would look. After he wronged me, I figured that since he liked showing off his junk so much, I'd help him out a bit...by cutting the crotch out of every single pair of his pants!"—Natalie
"My ex and I broke up after I caught him cheating. When I kicked him out, he said that he wanted everything back that he had bought for our house. Well, I loaded everything in my car, drove down to the beach, and threw it all in the water. I then took a few pics and messaged him, telling him he might need to wait for low tide to come fetch his shit!"—Melissa
Do you have an outrageous "last straw" moment that you feel tops even these? Tell us all about it in the comments!


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By ,
Published January 13, 2015
Nic Kerdiles had a goal and an assist to help Wisconsin hang on to beat Colorado College 3-2 on Saturday night in the WCHA championship game, giving the Badgers an automatic bid to the NCAA tournament.
Tyler Barnes scored with 17 seconds left in the first period to put Wisconsin (22-12-7) on top, and the Badgers stayed ahead the whole night to end the season for the Tigers (18-19-5). Both teams needed to win to move on because their records aren't strong enough for an at-large spot in the 16-team field.
Sean Little also had a goal for Wisconsin after having one waved off earlier in the game.
Charlie Taft scored for the second time in two games, and Rylan Schwartz had a goal and an assist for Colorado College.


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2018 Snapper Pro S200xt 5901280
Stock Image
In Stock
Kevin's Repair
Snapper Pro
S200xt 5901280
The S200xt is equipped to ride for a full day of work with impressive features and premium components. Available with our iCD™ Cutting System deck in 61" and 72" cutting widths, the S200xt will cut your big jobs down to size. This machine delivers maximum performance and productivity.
- 500 Hour Oil Change: Vanguard™ engines with Oil Guard System reduce maintenance time and costs by up to 60%***
- Powerful Engine: Vanguard™ BIG BLOCK™ engine provides increased horsepower and more torque.
- Integrated Transmission: Dual, commercial Hydro-Gear® ZT-5400 Powertrain® Transaxles deliver unmatched power and durability.
- Accessibility: Quick removal of the floor pan provides convenient access to the top of the deck for easy cleaning and service.
- Smooth Controls: Pillow block bearing on control mounts make for long lasting smooth, precision control.
- iCD™ Cutting System: The innovative iCD™ Cutting System allows for better airflow, discharge and superior cut quality. (48" models)
- Foot-operated Deck Lift: The easy-to-use deck lift takes the effort out of adjusting cut height. Cutting height ranges from 1.5" - 6" in 0.25" increments.
- Engine Brand: Briggs & Stratton® Commercial Series
- HP (gross) *: 27
- Displacement (cc): 810
- Number of Cylinders: 2
- Starting Type: Electric
- Fuel Tank Capacity (gal): 5
- Transmission: Dual, commercial Hydro-Gear® ZT-5400 Powertrain® transaxles with 9" mounted cooling fans
- Ground Speed-Fwd (mph): 0-10
- Ground Speed-Rev (mph): 0-5
- Cutting Width (in): 61
- Height-of-Cut (in): 1.5 - 5
- Belts: Custom 5V belt with Kevlar™ cords
- Deck Construction: iCD™ Cutting System
- PTO: Electric
- Spindles: Cast-iron, greaseable
- Frame Rail: 2 x 2, 7-gauge
- Bearings: Greaseable tapered caster yoke bearings
- Finish: Powdura® super durable power coat, a high gloss powder coat with excellent impact resistance and outstanding salt and U.V. protection
- Drive Axles: 1.375 Tapered
- Drive Tires (in): 24 x 12-12
- Caster Tires (in): 13 x 6.5-6 Pneumatic
- Overall Length (in): 79
- Overall Width (in.) deflector down / deflector up (model): 76/63
- Dry Weight (lbs): 1190
- Seat Package: Mid-back with armrests
- Roll Over Protection System with retractable seatbelt: Standard, 165-degree foldable
- Instrumentation: Hour meter, Fuel level gauge
- Controls/Safety Group: Seat actuated engine kill, blade, clutch safety switch, neutral and parking brake safety circuit / adjustable twin steering controls
- Parking Brake/Safety Circuit: Internal Transaxle
- Warranty (Engine) **: 3-Year limited manufacturer's warranty
- Warranty (Balance of Machine) **: 4-Year limited warranty (48 months) or 500 hours, whichever occurs first. Unlimited hours during the first 2 years (24 months). Coverage on other components varies, please see operator's manual for complete details.
NOTES:*All power levels are stated gross horsepower at 3600 RPM per SAE J1940 as rated by Briggs & Stratton. ** See operator's manual or dealer for complete warranty details. Refer to engine operator's manual for engine warranty.
- Engine Manufacturer
- Briggs & Stratton®
- Horse Power
- 27 hp
- Engine Type
- Commercial Series
- Displacement
- 810cc
- Transmission
- Dual, commercial Hydro-Gear® ZT-5400 Powertrain® transaxles with 9 in. mounted cooling fans
- Wheel Size
- 24 x 12-12 in.
- Fuel Capacity
- 5 gal.
- Deck Size
- 61 in.


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I am in the +5 camp too. Architectures are generally free of implementation assertions or assignments. The concepts of WSDL must be captured. But other service descriptions for semantics, policy, should not be precluded. MikeM >-----Original Message----- >From: ext Champion, Mike [mailto:email@example.com] >Sent: June 01, 2003 12:04 PM >To: firstname.lastname@example.com >Subject: Counting noses on "is SOAP and/or WSDL intrinsic to the >definitio n of Web service" > > > > > >Chris said (and Ugo +1'd) > >> And, for the record, I am still very much opposed to any effort >> to generalize "Web service" for purposes of this >architecture document >> that does not have SOAP and WSDL at its core. IMO, >interoperability is why >> we are doing Web services in the first place, and you cannot achieve >> interop if there are thirty one flavors of Web service >technology stacks. > > >Since we're proposing text for section 1.5 of the document, >and we're doing >triage on issues to see how close we are to consensus, let's >see where we >stand on this one. I'd appreciate hearing from everyone who >cares about >this (and if you want to debate someone else's position, >please change the >subject line). > >Heres's what I would consider to be the range of plausible >opinions: (the >ordering of some of the options is a bit arbitrary, but try to >get into the >spirit of the thing here ...) > >-10 Neither are necessary; if two machines can agree on how to >provide/consume services over the Web, they are doing "Web services." > >-5 Neither are necessary, but XML is. It's XML that provides the secret >sauce that allows machines to communicate in a standards-based >but loosely >coupled way over the Web > >0 SOAP or WSDL is necessary, it depends on the details of the >application > >+1 WSDL is necessary, but not SOAP > >+2 SOAP is necessary, but not WSDL > >+5 Both are necessary "conceptually" but not literally. > >+10 Both are necessary, at least as far as the scope of the >WSA document is >concerned. > >"Mu" [1] would also be an acceptable vote; that would indicate >your sense >that this scale is meaningless, or orthogonal to your >conception of what is >important. I would imagine that Mark B. would be in the "mu" >position, but >I could be wrong :-) > >A few scenarios that might help: > >Would something like photos.yahoo.com be a "web service" if >they documented >their URLs and POST formats well enough for programmers to use >the service? >Such a service would allow one to use HTTP POST to put images >in a gallery >and then, depending on the query parameters in the URI, get >them back in >difference sizes, formats, orientations, etc. If you think >this is a Web >service, I think you would vote -10. > >Would something like photos.yahoo.com that only worked with >SVG images and >used XQuery (extended with operations to store data as well as >query it) be >a "Web service?" If so, would would probably vote -5 > >Would the "photos" service sketched out above be a Web service >if they .... > >- Published either a SOAP or a WSDL interface description? Vote 0 >- Published a WSDL description of how to access the service >(with or without >SOAP)? Vote +1 >- Defined a SOAP interface and documented it with example code? Vote +2 >- Published a DAML-S description (or some other formal >language description) >of both the data formats and protocols needed to access the >service? Vote >+5 >- Defined a SOAP interface *and* published a WSDL description of the >interface? Vote +10 > > >[1]"mu means 'no thing'. Like 'quality' it points outside the >process of >dualistic >discrimination. mu simply says, 'no class; not one, not zero, >not yes, not >no'. >It states that the context of the question is such that a yes >or no answer >is in >error and should not be given. 'Unask the question' is what it says." >- Robert M. Pirsig from Zen and the Art of Motorcycle >Maintenance. http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/0553277472 > >Received on Monday, 2 June 2003 10:43:51 UTC
This archive was generated by hypermail 2.3.1 : Tuesday, 6 January 2015 21:41:07 UTC


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Mexico City Immersion Program
Saludos! The International Counseling Psychology program at Alliant International University's Mexico City campus invites you to come to Mexico this summer! Join us to engage and dialogue, and to be a part of an experience aimed at transforming how we approach clinical work in our interconnected world.
The Summer Spanish Language and Cultural Immersion program is designed and implemented on the foundation of five educational pillars:
- Critical Pedagogy
- Liberation Psychology
- Self of the Therapist Focus
- Pointillism Approach to Culture
- Spanish Language Training for Mental Health Workers
Prepare now to be part of this life impacting educational experience! It is a great opportunity to meet faculty and future colleagues (from multiple campuses and universities) who share your passion about social-justice oriented mental health approaches from an international perspective! Here is a small sample of what this year's program will include:
- The option to earn a Certificate in Latin American Family Therapy.
- Spanish training for mental health workers.
- Learn Latin American originating approaches to mental health from leading Latino and International experts.
- Two within country trips to different regions in Mexico.
- Exposure to indigenous healing practices and the opportunity to participate in a Temezcal.
- Clinical theories and ideas for serving impoverished and oppressed communities.
- Increased awareness of how U.S. culture shapes mental health approaches and opportunities to gain international clinical competencies.
Academic Courses
A number of academic courses will also be offered, three of which will help you meet the requirements for the Certificate in Latin American Family Therapy. We will have outstanding faculty joining us this summer who draw on ideas from Paulo Freire's critical pedagogy and you have the experience of being co-creators of knowledge with them! The classes offered for Summer 2016 are:
- PSY 6643 Critical Issues in Latin America (3 units)*
- PSY 6317 Parent-Child Therapy (3 units)
- PSY 6303 Group Therapy (3 units)
- PSY 6311 Introduction to Psychopathology (3 units)
- PSY 6654 Latin American & Liberation Psychology*
- PSY 7312 Sex Therapy (2 units)
*Required for those interested in earning the Certificate in Latin American Family Therapy
Application Requirements
- Applicants must be currently enrolled and in good standing in (a) An undergraduate psychology program; (b) A graduate mental health training program; or (c) have graduated from an accredited mental health training program.
- Applicants must submit a 1-2 page essay describing their reasons for being interested in being part of an immersion program focused preparing clinicians to work with Latino communities. Essays should be sent via email to Ms. Vania Quiroz and Dr. Jason Platt.
- Applicants need to arrange for a brief phone interview with Dr. Jason Platt.
Program Fee: $3,500
+ Air travel to/from Mexico City (arranged by participant)
+ Tuition for any of the courses taken during the program
Includes housing, Spanish coursework and materials, the majority of breakfasts and suppers for the first four weeks and some meals during the travel week, lectures, entrance fees to program activities, and two travel to other regions in Mexico.
Typically financial aid is available. Please meet with your local campus financial aid office to make arrangements.
There is a $500 discount for those who complete the application process and enroll in the program early.
Next Steps
1. Email Dr. Jason Platt and confirm that you are interested in participating in this year's immersion program.
2. Please arrange a time for an interview with Dr. Platt.
3. Secure your spot for the 2016 program by submitting a non-refundable deposit of $250 by December 1, 2015 for the discounted rate or by March 15, 2016 for the standard rate. Please make the check payable to Alliant International University and put "Mexico Summer Immersion Program" in the memo section and mail it to the address below:
Alliant International University
10455 Pomerado Road, M-17
San Diego, CA 92131-1799
4. Apply for a passport if you do not already have one. For more information, please consult the State Department website at:
5. Consult with your home campus program director about the possibility of attending the program and to confirm whether academic courses can be used to meet existing program requirements in your home program.
6. If you wish to earn the Certificate in Latin American Family Therapy, please contact the admissions office to request an application
7. Contact your local financial aid office to learn about financial aid options for this program.
8. Check out what publications like APA's Gradpsych and the CAMFT's The Therapist have to say about this program and how it can benefit your career:
9. Buy a journal and your plane ticket!
For any additional questions, please contact the program director:
Jason Platt, PhD
Program Director
Counseling Psychology Program
Alliant International University-Mexico City Campus
Take care, and we look forward to having you visit beautiful Mexico soon!


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Swedish clogs were first made in Troentorp just outside Bastad in the south of Sweden over a hundred years ago in 1907. The small Swedish clog factory was started by August Johansson who had spent the previous 8 years learning his trade from a local cobbler in the Bastad area.
Over the years the production process developed and in 1942 August's sons, Borje and Stig, took over the clog factory. The Swedish clog craftsmanship has been past from generation to generation and the wooden clogs are still made with real nails, wet lasting and our Original and Ideal soles to give the clog boots and sandals their characteristic comfort and style.
The Troentorp heritage is still prominent in today's collection as many of the women's clogs and men's clogs have been in production since the 60s and 70s. Real craftsmanship, history and retro.
1. The alderwood footbed is not varnished so the foot is in contact with natural wood. Alderwood absorbs moisture and helps keeping the feet dry and happy during long working days.
2. Widths of instep vary so it is important to choose the right model and last. Choose a model with padded instep for extra support or wooden clogs with laces or adjustable straps for flexibility.
3. Each cowhide upper is carefully prepared and wet-lasted to give the wooden clogs maximum comfort and durability.
4. Indentation for the big toe for increased comfort when standing in your clog sandals.
5. Real nails are used instead of staples. Most Swedish clogs are made with staples but the nails give Troentorp their characteristic look.
6. The bottoms are constructed to promote even weight distribution across the foot. The raised heels and extra arch support help reduce lower back strain and discomfort for the legs and feet.
7. Our Ideal bottoms are constructed with a footbed of alderwood and a thick PU sole, which make the clog sandals softer and quieter to walk in.