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The American Immigrant Policy Portal
Global Perspectives
AND WORKING TO PROTECT MIGRANT RIGHTS AND PROMOTE IMMIGRANT AND REFUGEE INTEGRATIONArranged
in order of publication date with the most recent on top. Scroll down for all entries. We regret that we may not be able
to repair broken links promptly.The conclusions and recommendations of the authors are
not necessarily endorsed by Diversity Dynamics.As immigrants move around the world in growing numbers, other
countries are working to maximize the benefits of immigration, promote immigrant integration, and create cohesive societies. Many
countries, for example, have developed integration plans and designed innovative integration programs. At
the same time, the world community seeks throgh collaborative action to manage the flow of people crossing international borders,
either to escape war and persecution or in pursuit of economic opportunity. Learn more about these initiatives in this
group of reports and studies.
Global Migration Crisis, Social Science Research Network, April 23, 2019, 4 pp. Authors: Amnon Rubinstein & Liav Orgad Building on data contained in a larger published study, this paper lists "ten reasons why international migration
is one of the greatest challenges of our time." The first reason is based on numbers. Although the international migrant
population in 2017 is only 3.4 percent of the world's population compared to 2.6 percent in 1960, it is seven times
higher in the developed regions than in the developing regions. A second reason is the changing character of migration. Whereas
a few decades ago, most migrants were "labor workers;" today more than 50 percent are family migrants, a population
more likely to develop lasting ties to their new homelands. Another reason relates to demographic trends in many Western countries,
where the total fertility rate has dropped below replacement levels and where aging populations will require continued migration
to bolster worker to retiree ratios in order to fund pension and health care costs for the elderly. The authors also
posit the existence of a "Western identity crisis," involving the need to "cultivate a common 'bond'
that goes beyond the global economy and political liberalism; a bond that is global and yet keeps a core that distinguishes
the 'here' from the 'there.'" The authors assert that "we are witnessing an interesting
phenomenon in which states seek to protect their unique identity, but cannot clearly specify what it is." The
authors also discuss what they perceive to be the excesses of multiculturalism, including affording protections to "anti-liberal
minorities" that seek to undermine the freedom and rights of others.
Migration as Decolonization, 71 Stanford Law Review (2019, Forthcoming), 78 pp. Author: Tendayi Achiume This
paper criticizes existing legal frameworks that allow nation-states to exclude so-called economic migrants on the basis that
they do not have the same claim for extra-national protection that refugees do. In fact, the author suggests, the historic
impacts of colonialism and the continuing existence of neo-colonialism have created such a degree of interdependence between
colonizing and colonized states that residents of colonized states have every legal right to consider themselves part of the
body politic and community of the colonizing nation-state. For this reason, "economic migrants" from Third World
countries have the same rights to mobility that their counterparts in First World countries have long enjoyed as a birthright.
In fact, the author notes, economic out-migration from Europe to colonized countries was key to those countries becoming economically
and politically subordinated. The author asserts that rather than expanding the class of migrants who deserve protection
due to their vulnerable sociopolitical or sociocultural status, the right to "economic" migration should be established
by the continued existence of unequal and exploitative relations between nation-states. The report acknowledges that this
decolonization at the individual level is not the only strategy that should be promoted, but it concludes that for now it
may in fact be easier to enact than full independence. The author also explains that this right to mobility does not
only pertain between a particular pair of countries related by colonization. Given that colonizing states benefitted from
an international system of colonization, the author suggests that residents of colonized countries have the right to migrate
to any country that was a part of that system. (Erik Jacobson, Montclair Sate University)
Breaking New Ground: Ten Ideas to Revamp Integration Policy in Europe, Migration Policy Institute (Europe), January 2019, 24 pp. Authors: Meghan Benton & Aliyyah Ahad Written primarily for a European audience, this report is based on the deliberations of the Integration Futures Working
Group, which from 2016 to 2018 held a series of meetings to reexamine immigrant integration policy in European countries.
The Working Group questioned the prevailing view of immigrant integration as a two-way process in which immigrants and host
societies adjust to one another. Described in the report as defectively "linear" and "simplistic,"
this view was enshrined in the Common Basic Principles for Immigrant Integration Policy in the European Union, adopted in
2004. As European societies undergo rapid change and become more diverse culturally, linguistically, and economically, immigrant
integration becomes a "moving target," where preconceived notions as to requirements and outcomes often fail to
achieve desired results. Instead, according to the authors, integration might be better understood as a "dynamic and
continuous process of creating links between multiple, complex moving parts" and as one facet of a society-wide process.
In an effort to break out of stale thinking on integration, the authors identify ten "toolbox" ideas to
guide policy-makers as they rethink the purpose and process of immigrant integration. Many of these ideas, such as supporting
workers to retool for changing labor markets and rethinking social protection systems to support workers in the gig economy,
are designed to benefit all workers, not just immigrants. Equally broad in application is the admonition to help all people
develop the skills they need to live in "superdiverse" societies.
Creativity amid Crisis: Legal Pathways for Venezuelan Migrants in Latin America, Migration Policy Institute and Organization of American States, January 2019, 22 pp. Authors: Andrew
Selee et al In the past three years, more than three million people have fled Venezuela due to a collapsing
economy, severe food and medical shortages, and political strife. Projections estimate that as many as 5.4 million Venezuelans
may move abroad by the end of 2019. Eighty percent of these migrants have settled in Latin America, primarily Colombia, Peru,
Ecuador, Argentina, Chile, Brazil, Panama and Mexico. Few immigration systems have been built to manage migration at this
scale and pace. "Creativity amid Crisis: Legal Pathways for Venezuelan Migrants in Latin America" explores how
neighboring countries have creatively responded to the crisis by facilitating entry and residence. Some countries use existing
visa categories to allow Venezuelans legal entry. Brazil, Colombia and Peru run temporary programs to regularize the status
of those already in the country. Only Mexico has granted refugee status to Venezuelan asylum cases. As asylum systems and
local resources become strained, some governments, such as Panama, Ecuador and Peru, have taken steps to limit future arrivals
by raising entry requirements. However, many Latin American governments foresee long-term advantages by offering legal status
to fleeing Venezuelans and continue to look for creative ways to economically and socially integrate new migrants -- setting
an example for governments around the world. The report notes that the Venezuelan crisis is an opportunity to update government
processes and strengthen public services so that they benefit both newcomers and long-term residents.
Balancing Acts: Policy Frameworks for Migrant Return and Reintegration Migration Policy Institute, October 2018, 26 pp. Authors: Kathleen Newland & Brian Salant One of the most contentious practices in migration policy is the compulsory return of failed asylum seekers and other migrants
to their countries of origin. How countries, including the United States, return migrants can have major implications both
for local communities and for bilateral relations between countries, as destination and origin countries can be pursuing different
agendas. Balancing Acts: Policy Frameworks for Migrant Return and Reintegration examines the type of returnees (solicited,
voluntary, reluctant, pressured, obliged, forced) and the multiple policy frameworks involved (rule of law, humanitarian,
development, reintegration, security, political). The brief looks at the scale of compulsory returns and the types of reintegration
assistance available that can increase developmental benefits of large-scale returns and mitigate any deleterious affects
on communities of origin. The authors note challenges such as the narrow scope, short time frames and structural issues present
in current return practices. The international community addressed these challenges in the 2018 Global Compact for Migration:
a compromise between countries on returns, readmission and reintegration. The Compact details concrete steps receiving countries
can take to ease the burden on countries of origin. The brief stresses the importance of developing a system that is lawful,
respectful of human rights, sustainable for reintegration, politically feasible and supportive of development and security.
The authors explain that developing such a system requires communication, cooperation, compromise and flexibility among all
Shifting Tides: Radical-Right Populism and Immigration Policy in Europe and the United States, Transatlantic Council on Migration, August, 2018, 33 pp. Author: Martin A. Schain Written
by a professor of political science at New York University, this paper was commissioned to guide deliberations at the 18th
plenary meeting of the Transatlantic Council on Migration, held in Stockholm in November of 2017, and addressing the topic
of "The Future of Migration Policy In a Volatile Political Landscape." The paper is divided into three main
sections: the reason for the upsurge in support for radical-right parties and platforms; their record of accomplishment; and
policy recommendations to blunt their impact and weaken their base of support. Key drivers of support for these parties have
been the economic crises arising from globalization and the shift to a service economy, the "unmooring" of voters
from traditional left and right parties, and anxieties surrounding growing diversity arising from immigration, although areas
with lower levels of migration seem to be greater hotbeds of populist support. The author suggests that immigration concerns
are more a symptom than a cause of the growth of these parties, that immigration was not always the inspiration behind the
formation of these parties, and that governments would be misguided to "steal their thunder" by embracing restrictive
and economically counter-productive immigration policies. Instead, he recommends the following strategies: first,
excluding populist radical-right parties from governing coalitions to "send a clear normative message" that their
ideas are unwelcome; encouraging the political mobilization of immigrant voters and their children; and most importantly,
"thinking creatively about how best to serve citizens who have benefitted the least from globalization and modern economic
transitions." One example of a concrete step that could be taken would be to empower trade unions to have genuine
collective bargaining powers, especially in the newer and large unregulated sectors of the economy. "Ultimately,"
the author writes, "radical-right populism is not a pathology of a political system gone awry but rather a manifestation
of rapid and intense societal change, and a governance system that can appear out of touch and ineffective in addressing the
public's genuine concerns."
Does Migration Increase Happiness? It Depends, Migration Policy Institute, June 21, 2018, 8 pp. Author: Martijn Hendriks This article reviews available evidence from the social science literature on the effects of migration on the happiness
of both migrants and native-born residents in immigrant-receiving countries, with special attention to the 2018 World
Happiness Report published by the UN Sustainable Development Solutions Network. Researchers define Happiness
in two ways: affectively using mood questions, and cognitively using questions to determine overall satisfaction with
life. According to the 2018 World Happiness Report, based on a Gallup survey of some 36,000 migrants from more than
150 countries, international migrants worldwide evaluate the quality of their lives on average 9 percent higher after migration
(based on a comparison with those who stayed behind). However, there were wide variations in happiness levels based on countries
of origin and destination: for example, a gain of 29 percent for migrants from Sub-Saharan Africa moving to Europe, but negligible
gains or negative results for Latin American and Caribbean immigrants moving to North America or Europe. The authors also
note that happiness gains tend to level off the longer immigrants live in the destination country, perhaps because they "evaluate
their conditions in the host country through an increasingly critical lens." Although the author notes that "the
literature on migrant happiness is in its infancy," he asserts that current evidence "suggests that human migration
contributes to a happier world."
Engaging Communities in Refugee Reception: The Potential of Private Sponsorships in EuropeMigration Policy Institute (Europe), September 2017, 15 pp.Author: Susan FratzkeThis policy brief
examines the range, nature and potential of private refugee sponsorship programs in Europe and Canada. Private
sponsorship involves the participation of voluntary community groups in the process of refugee resettlement and integration.
The paper begins with the identification of three different models of private sponsorship, varying in the degree of
government involvement in the resettlement process. The paper then looks at the major obstacles and roadblocks to successful
implementation of each model. Finally, the author offers a number of recommendations for policy makers interested in developing
such programs, including moving quickly to engage those who want to participate before their interest fades, providing the
right amount of coordination and oversight, and building strong working relationships among key actors. She further suggests
taking an incremental approach to program development, achieving clarity as to overall goals, and realistically assessing
sponsor capacity.
In Search of Common Values Amid Large-Scale Immigrant Integration Pressures,Migration Policy Institute (Europe), June, 2017, 30 pp.Authors: Natalia Banulescu-Bogdan &
Meghan BentonThe problem at the heart of this paper is how European states dealing with large-scale immigration attempt to define
and enforce some sort of shared values and norms while simultaneously respecting the cultural and religious rights of newcomers.
The analysis stresses the complex nature of the situation, as there are forces within host societies that remain welcoming
to newcomers and other that explicitly declare antipathy towards them. The authors identify two main ways governments
attempt to manage integration and maintenance of a sense of common values. The first are efforts to define and instill shared
national values (e.g., classes for newcomers), and the second is by restricting minority practices that appear to be in conflict
with those values (e.g., the wearing of the burqa). The authors believe that each approach is problematic. For
example, they suggest that efforts to promote "common" values that can be read as intended to change the behavior
and beliefs of just one segment of society can produce a backlash (e.g., such as women deciding to wear burqas only after
they have been banned as a means of protest). They also believe that restricting minority practices is often done for
political expediency rather than towards actually promoting integration. Their recommendations focus on a pragmatic
approach, calling for evidence-based decision making and ensuring that any calls for restrictions of practices are proportionate
to actual harm being produced. Though the report speaks in general terms about immigrant integration pressures, most of the
examples it provides draw on cases involving Muslim immigrants (Erik Jacobson, Montclair State University).
Weathering Crisis, Forging Ahead: Swedish Asylum and Integration Policy,Transatlantic Council on Migration, June 2017, 31 pp.Author: Susan FratzkeProduced
with the cooperation of the Swedish government, this report is based on interviews with local and national service providers
and policy officials in Sweden. The report chronicles changes in the Swedish asylum system, at the outset the most welcoming
in Europe, after the unprecedented influx of more than 160,000 asylum-seekers mostly from the Middle East in the Fall of 2015
– the highest number per capita in the entire European Union. The surge in arrivals strained the entire system, creating
processing backlogs, exhausting the supply of temporary housing, and limiting access to support services. As a result, the
government undertook a broad overhaul of the entire system in October of 2015, designed to stem the flow of new arrivals and
enable local authorities to deal more expeditiously with those who had already arrived. Initially, border checks were introduced
on the Danish border, but were later dropped when Denmark did the same on its border with Germany. At the same time, many
asylum applicants were no longer granted permanent residence, but only temporary status pending a subsequent review of conditions
in their home country. Conversions to permanent residence could only occur if the applicant can prove that he/she is self-supporting
through employment. These policies have come in for criticism by service providers and immigrant advocates who feel that they
will interfere with the integration of newcomers into Swedish society.
International Migration Outlook 2017OECD Publishing, 2017, 361 pp.Each year, the OECD publishes this summary report on migration
trends in all OECD member countries and selected non-member countries. For the third year in a row, permanent migration flows
into the OECD area have increased, reaching 5 million people in 2016 (a 7 percent increase over the previous year), well above
the previous peak period, observed in 2007 before the economic crisis. The report includes separate sections on each county,
as well as chapters devoted to labor market outcomes and family reunification issues throughout the OECD area. The report
notes a slight improvement in employment rates from the previous year, with two out of ever three immigrants working. However,
migrants tend to be overrepresented in jobs involving routine tasks, exposing them to the greater risk of lay-off as automation
advances. The report finds that almost 40 percent of the total migrant inflow is family-related, and that in many OECD countries,
more than 10 percent of marriages occur between a citizen and a foreigner. The report also provides information on asylum
and refugee requests, including a chart showing the number of asylum applications per million population.Rebuilding after Crisis: Embedding Refugee Integration in Migration Management Systems,Migration Policy Institute, Transatlantic Council on Migration, March, 2017, 17 pp.Authors: Demetrios G. Papademetriou, Meghan Benton, & Natalie Banulescu-BogdanThe
destabilizing effects of the recent migration and refugee crisis have given European and North American governments impetus
to reform their migration management systems. This report examines existing issues and potential steps that policymakers can
take to achieve successful refugee integration in the coming years while preserving the integrity of the system as a whole.
As communities attempt to adjust to newcomers' differences and public institutions are challenged to do effective outreach,
local authorities are struggling to implement appropriate policies and allocate resources for disadvantaged populations, including
immigrants. The authors offer a comprehensive discussion of the difficulties and tradeoffs of managing large-scale refugee
flows, from acknowledging the interdependence of migration and integration systems when balancing short-term humanitarian
needs with long-term integration investments, to managing public expectations of integration while promoting refugees as assets.
The report also addresses the challenges of coordinating shared responsibility for integration across multilevel governments
and agencies, balancing timely labor market integration against broader integration goals and job quality, and promoting policy
innovation while weighing the risks of experimentation. To improve refugee integration outcomes, the authors recommend policymakers
coordinate integration and asylum policies for a more coherent system, invest in promoting newcomer involvement to benefit
whole communities, incentivize participation by the private sector in hiring refugees, and engage all elements of society
by promoting a positive and inclusive narrative to build public trust. (Sarah Purdy for The ILC Public Education Institute)
New Approaches to Refugee Crises in the 21st Century: The Role of the International Community,Transatlantic Council on Migration, October 2016, 12 pp.Author: Katherine NewlandPrepared for
the 15th plenary meeting of the Transatlantic Council on Migration, this paper expresses cautious optimism regarding
the development of new and innovative solutions to the world refugee crisis. The author begins by pointing out how the three,
so-called "durable" solutions to refugee displacement (integration into countries of first asylum, third county
resettlement, and voluntary repatriation) appear to be inadequate to current need. In most years, only 200,000 places are
available for third country resettlement -- making only a small dent in easing the plight of the world's 21 million refugees.
In addition, most countries of first asylum are reluctant to open their labor markets, and sometimes even their educational
systems, to refugees. And the number of refugees able to safely return to their home countries in 2015 reached the lowest
point in more than 30 years. Newland points out, however, that the "extraordinary" number of international meetings
devoted to the subject of refugee protection in 2016, capped off by first United Nations Summit Meeting in New York to address
the needs of refugees and migrants, may be laying the groundwork for new and more effective approaches. Previously sacrosanct
silos, such as those for refugee resettlement and humanitarian assistance, are beginning to crumble. Likewise, the possibility
that refugees could become actors for development is also gaining traction. In addition, some countries are experimenting
with programs to give refugees the opportunity to work and study on a temporary basis. It is no longer tenable, according
to Newland, to allow "accidents of geography" to determine how refugees disperse in the world. Nor is it acceptable
to allow traffickers and criminal elements to take advantage of the present dire situation. If these nascent efforts bear
fruit, we may be successful in "bending the arc of the prevailing narrative about the world's displaced people, from
bearers of needs and risks to bearers of talents, skills, and energies from which all can benefit."
People on the Move: Global Migration's Impact and Opportunity (Executive Summary)McKinsey Global Institute, December, 2016, 28 pp.Authors: Jonathan Woetzel et alConsidered by some to
be the world's number-one private-sector think tank, the McKinsey Global Institute (MGI) "combines the disciplines of
economics and management, employing the analytical tools of economics with the insights of business leaders." This report
on the significance of migration for the world economy finds that the world's 247 million cross-border migrants "contributed
roughly 6.7 trillion, or 9.4 percent, to global GDP in 2015 - some $3 trillion more than they would have produced in their
origin countries." Some 90 percent of this economic boost from migration occurred within just 25 destination countries,
including of course, the United States, which received a $2 trillion gain in GDP - the largest of all 25 countries.
Reviewing more than 40 studies on the impact of immigration on the wages and employment of native-born workers, the authors
find little evidence of adverse affects. The McKinsey report, however, finds "surprisingly little emphasis" in most
destination countries on "creating a pathway for new arrivals to become more fully integrated into their new homeland."
Suggesting that integration policy is a "critical complement to entry policy," the McKinsey study examines integration
in three dimensions: economic, social, and civic; identifies indicators for each of these dimensions; and using data from
the OECD, provides scores for each indicator for 18 different countries, including the U.S. The report notes that no country
performs well across all dimensions of integration. Finally, the report gives examples of promising interventions to support
Free Movement in South America: The Emergence of an Alternative Model?Migration Policy Institute, Migration Information Source, August 23, 2016, 7 pp.Author: Diego Acosta This
brief provides a short overview of the history of migration policy in South America, in terms of both regional and extra-regional
movement. It suggests that as South American states were developing in the post-independence period, they adopted free
movement policies that were a departure from other states' policies at the time. After a turn away from such free movement
during the time when many South American states were controlled by military dictatorships, the author suggests that there
is an emerging discourse that is supportive of free movement at regional and national levels. The author suggests that
three principles inform this discourse: support for open borders, the understanding of migration as a fundamental right, and
the noncriminalization of irregular migration. The brief outlines the nature of the discourse and the political realities
that either support or hinder the project of ensuring free movement. It highlights the multiple regional agreements already
in place that provide a structure for an expansion of free movement, along with the particular commitments of a number of
states already committed to the idea. On the other hand, the brief notes that some of the agreements that assert the
need for equal treatment of individuals who have moved from one state to another have no legal mechanisms to ensure that these
rights are respected. The author sees in South America's openness to free movement a hopeful contrast with trends in the Global
North towards more restrictive policies, but he notes the complicated nature of the project. (Erik Jacobson, Montclair
State University)
Integrating Refugees into Host Country Labor Markets: Challenges and Policy Options,Transatlantic Council on Migration, October, 2016, 46 pp.Author: Maria Vincenza DesiderioNoting that refugees and asylum seekers among all newly arrived migrants have the greatest
difficulty finding and retaining work, particularly in the European context, this report suggests ways that receiving societies
can promote the goal of early employment. Prepared for the 2016 Plenary Meeting of the Transatlantic Council, the report begins
by analyzing how refugees have fared in host country labor markets. On average across 12 European countries, 55 percent of
refugees were employed in 2014, compared to 58 percent of family migrants, 73 percent of labor migrants, and 83 percent of
those who were employer sponsored. The authors then discuss the specific challenges facing refugees and asylum seekers, including
career interruptions and difficulties transferring human capital, transitional housing in locations inaccessible to job markets,
and difficulties obtaining authorization to work. The bulk of the report discusses specific policies designed to promote early
labor market integration, including pre-departure language or vocational training, early assessment of skills and education,
targeted skill recognition procedures to gain access to regulated labor markets, bridging programs to overcome educational
gaps, entrepreneurship programs, and "fast track" courses for refugees. The report gives examples of promising
practices in Sweden, Finland, Denmark, Germany, and Canada.
Protection through Mobility: Opening Labor and Study Migration Channels to Refugees,Transatlantic Council on Migration, October, 2016, 45 pp.Authors: Katy Long & Sarah RosengaertnerPrepared for the 2016 meeting of the Transatlantic Council, this paper discusses the advantages
of, as well as the practical obstacles to, using regular migration channels to ease the global refugee crisis. According to
the authors, "the question this report...seeks to answer is not whether greater refugee mobility is desirable,
but how such mobility could work in concrete terms for the betterment of both refugee and host communities." As most
regular migration channels tend to favor skilled immigrants, such approaches will likely benefit only a small fraction of
the world's refugees, although Syrian refugees might benefit disproportionately due to their higher educational attainment.
If refugees are admitted as students or granted temporary work authorization, then agreements will have to be reached with
countries of first asylum to allow refugees' return if they violate the terms of their admission and if conditions remain
unstable in their home countries. Receiving countries may also have to waive administrative fees and change documentation
requirements to reflect the special circumstances of refugees. The report gives many examples of initiatives around the world
to introduce greater flexibility into regular migration programs in order to open up pathways for refugees. The authors observe,
however, that these types of arrangements should not be viewed as a panacea, but "as an additional tool in the protection
Tackling the Global Refugee Crisis: From Shirking to Sharing ResponsibilityAmnesty International, 2016, 39 pp.Assessing the outcome of the United
Nations General Assembly's High-Level Meeting on Refugees and Migrants, held in New York in September 2016, Amnesty International
finds that the session "collectively, and spectacularly, failed the 21 million refugees of the world." If
all, or most, countries were to take their fair share of refugees, then no one country would be overwhelmed. As it is now,
only 30 countries offer resettlement opportunities to refugees, and in the most recent year of record, these countries provided
only about 100,000 places, insufficient to meet the needs of the 1 million refugees deemed by the United Nations to be the
most vulnerable. The authors also point out that U.N. requests for humanitarian relief for refugees in countries of
first asylum have also fallen short. The Amnesty report provides a country-by-country survey of the world refugee landscape,
urges more countries to step up to the plate through the introduction of a "system that uses relevant, objective criteria
to show each state what their fair share looks like," and proposes meaningful steps to alleviate pressure on countries
of first asylum, often shouldering a burden well beyond their means and capacity.
In Challenge Lies Opportunity: How the World Must Respond to Refugees and Mass Migration,The Elders, September, 2016, 20 pp.Formed by Nelson Mandela, the Elders are an
independent group of world leaders who have come together to advance world peace and human rights. This report reflects their
concern for the plight of the growing number of people forced to leave their countries of origin, and their alarm over "the
rise of toxic narratives in the West and elsewhere surrounding refugees and migration." The Elders see the mass movement
of people "not so much as a short-term problem to be fixed but as a lasting reality that must be properly managed."
The report sets out four key principles that should underlie a coherent international response: better coordinated response
mechanisms to large flows of people; enhanced assistance to major refugee-hosting countries; increased resettlement opportunities
and additional pathways for refugees; and respect for human rights and protection. It is also important for countries to "move
beyond words and pledges to concrete actions and delivery."
New Models of International Agreement on Refugee Protection,Journal on Migration and Human Security, 4:3 (2016), 16 pp.Author: Susan F. MartinProfessor Emeritus in International Migration at Georgetown University, Susan F. Martin directs her attention in
this article to the challenges facing the world community in managing the displacement of people from a variety of humanitarian
crises around the world. Often, these are crises not covered in formal international treaties, such as the 1951 UN Convention
Relating to the Status of Refugees. She points out that an average of 26.4 million people were displaced annually since 2008
by acute natural hazards, such as hurricanes, cyclones, tsunamis, earthquakes, epidemics and pandemics. Others were
displaced by environmental degradation, drought, famine, climate change, and situations of generalized violence and political
instability. Legal frameworks for protecting these people, Martin suggests, are "woefully inadequate." While some
have called for renegotiating the 1951 convention to cover these situations, or for the development of new international treaties,
there is little likelihood that such approaches would succeed. Rather, she sees promise in the effort to develop standards
and guidelines that could be embraced by nations on a voluntary basis. She reviews in detail the Nansen Initiative, launched
in 2011 with the goal of protecting people displaced across borders by natural disasters and the slow onset effects of climate
change. By 2015, the Initiative had produced the "Agenda for the Protection of Cross-Border displaced Persons in the
Context of Disasters and Climate Change," which was endorsed by 109 governmental delegations. Governments are free to
use the Agenda as a guiding document and to adopt those recommendations that are consistent with national law. Martin concludes
by listing reasons to be optimistic about this more pragmatic approach.
Prospects for Responsibility Sharing in the Refugee Context,Journal on Migration and Human Security, 4:3 (2016), 14 pp.Author: Volker TürkAs Assistant High Commissioner for Protection of the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), Volker Türk
knows something about the challenges facing the international community in dealing with the forcible displacement of 65.3
million people -- the worst refugee crisis since World War II. In this essay, he describes the scope of the problem and outlines
a set of "new or emerging approaches" that hold out promise for dealing with the crisis in a meaningful way. One
change he cautions against, however, is any attempt to revise the 1951 U.N. Refugee Convention because such an attempt "may
inadvertently result in many of the hard-won advances in negotiating international refugee protection being undermined."
Instead, what is required is an agreement on the part of the world community to share responsibility for addressing the needs
of today's refugees, much as the world came together to resolve past refugee crises, such as those in Hungary and Southeast
Asia. This year's Secretary-General's report calls for a Global Compact on Responsibility Sharing for Refugees, which Türk
calls the "centerpiece of humanitarian action for future engagement in mass influx situations as well as in situations
of protracted displacement." Other approaches include the development of new pathways for admission, such as student
visas and scholarships, medical evacuation, and family reunification; an increase in cash-based assistance to countries of
first asylum to permit the integration of refugees into educational and social service systems; and greater employment opportunities
for refugees both in countries of first asylum and settlement.
Welcoming Cities and the Policy and Practice of Refugee and Immigrant Integration: A Transatlantic Perspective,American Institute for Contemporary German Studies, Issue Brief, June, 2016, 8 pp.Author: Susan
Downs-KarkosHow are cities in Germany and the United States responding to the challenge
of building welcoming communities? What can local leaders in the U.S. learn from their counterparts in Germany, and
vice-versa? These are two of the questions addressed in this essay by Susan Downs-Karkos, Director of Strategic Partnerships
at Welcoming America. She also provides an overview of the Welcoming Communities Transatlantic Exchange, "a first-of-its-kind
opportunity for sharing ideas, approaches, and inspiration" among local welcoming community leaders in the U.S. and Germany. The
first exchange occurred in April 2016, when representatives from five German cities spent nine days touring welcoming communities
in Georgia, Idaho, Missouri, and Ohio. The next exchange will involve a delegation from the United States visiting German
cities in the fall. Welcoming America will also undertake a six-month study exploring the "feasibility of establishing
a Welcoming Germany city network to facilitate stronger connections among German cities..."
Improving Education for Migrant-Background Students: A Transatlantic Comparison of School FundingMigration Policy Institute & The Expert Council of German Foundations on Integration and Migration,June, 2016, 43 pp.Authors: Julie Sugarman, Simon Morris-Lange, & Margie McHughIn
order to overcome the disadvantages faced by migrant-background students, such as lack of native language proficiency, limited
or interrupted formal education, low socioeconomic status, and in some cases, the impact of physical and psychological trauma
endured in countries of origin, policy-makers in immigrant-receiving countries have devised various supplemental school funding
mechanisms. This report, funded by a grant from the German foundation Stiftung Mercator, compares and contrasts supplemental
funding mechanisms in four countries: Canada, France, Germany and the United States. The report details the mechanics
of school funding in each country. There are three main approaches: weighted formulas that increase the amount of
school aid for migrant-background students; categorical funding, i.e. separate funding streams to meet the needs
of these students; and reimbursement, where schools spend money on these students and then get reimbursed according
to predetermined rules. Each mechanism is the product of local circumstances and political traditions, but certain overarching
principles can be identified. First, policymakers need to clearly identify the disadvantage they seek to remedy and the criteria
they will use to determine whether progress is being made; second, they also need to manage the tension between flexibility
and accountability, i.e. rigid systems make it difficult to address local needs; third, governments need to produce granular
and relevant data, ideally at the level of student outcomes, to determine whether interventions have been successful; and
finally, funding mechanisms should be subject to periodic review to ensure that they are responding to changing circumstances
and new challenges.
What's So Special about Canada? Understanding the Resilience of Immigration and Multiculturalism,Migration Policy Institute, Transatlantic Council on Migration, June, 2016, 21 pp.Author: Daniel
HiebertThis paper attempts to explain Canada's relatively positive outlook towards immigrants
and immigration, and teases out some elements of the Canadian approach that may be replicated by other governments. Canada's
consensus on immigration depends in part on viewing immigration through the lens of economic and demographic interests rather
than as a test of the integrity of the nation. The downside is that there has been less sympathy for admissions for humanitarian
reasons. Political consensus comes in part from the fact that 40 percent of voters are first- or second-generation immigrants,
and so appealing to these voters is in the interests of the major political parties. The government involves a wide range
of stakeholders in setting admission policy and implementing immigrant integration-including provincial and local governments
and the private sector. In 2014-2015, the government's integration services budget averaged $4,000 per permanent resident.
Some of the money was spent to prepare Canadian society for the newcomer population, and most of these funds go to local governments
and nonprofit agencies in Local Immigration Partnerships, whose core principle is to foster "welcoming communities."
Here are some lessons that might be drawn from the Canadian experience: first, the issues of immigration and integration should
never be part of the same narrative as national security; second, governments should be more forthcoming about fertility decline
in the native population, and how immigration might alleviate the consequent problems of workforce and economic decline; third,
bring more stakeholders into the immigration and integration policy and implementation process, to spread a sense of ownership
over immigration; fourth, communicate policy decisions clearly and follow through in order to maintain the public's trust;
fifth, demonstrate that the government is attentive to policy outcomes, and when unintended outcomes arise, implement
corrective action; and sixth, diversify immigration across categories and source regions, so there is no one group around
which resentments may coalesce. (Maurice Belanger, Maurice Belanger Consulting)
Fatal Journeys: Identification and Tracing of Dead and Missing Migrants, Volume 2International Organization for Migration (IOM), 2016, 108 pp.Editors: Tara Brian & Frank LaczkoThe second in IOM's series of global reports on missing migrants, this report provides an
update on global trends in migrant fatalities since 2014 and examines the challenges facing families and authorities seeking
to identify and trace missing migrants. A record number of 5,400 migrants are estimated to have died trying to cross borders
in 2014, and an additional 3,100 lost their lives in the first five months of 2016. IOM estimates that more than 20,000
migrants have died trying to reach their destination over the last 20 years. Noting that "tens of thousands of families
of missing migrants are living in limbo, not knowing the fate of their loved ones," the report proposes a five-point
plan of action, involving equal treatment, i.e. responses to migrant deaths should follow the same humanitarian practices
when loss of life occurs in commercial shipwrecks, air crashes, natural disasters, or other fatal accidents; standardization
of procedures for the identification of the dead; greater efforts to support families, assist their search for missing relatives,
provide them with information, and support them while they wait for definite news; development of international and regional
databases for both victims and family members searching for missing relatives; and a program of research to better assess
the scale of the problem, the challenges faced by local authorities, and the impact on families left behind.
The Global Feminization of Migration: Past, Present, and FutureMigration Policy Institute, June 1, 2016, 9 pp.Authors: Katherine M. Donato & Donna GabacciaDespite a recent "flurry of scholarly attention" to a phenomenon often called the "feminization
of migration," the authors of this article argue that the global migration of women and girls has a long history and
that the "biggest shifts towards gender balance occurred before 1960" -- although these changes went unnoticed by
many scholars and policy makers. Part of the problem stems from some ambiguity as to the meaning of the term, as well as a
failure to recognize that gender variations exist across world regions and individual countries. Often, no one explanation
suffices for trends observed in the aggregate. In order to make greater sense of gender factors in migration, the authors
recommend a shift in terminology. To avoid placing undue emphasis on routine and predictable variations in gender balance,
the authors prefer terms such as "gender-balanced" (47 to 53 percent female), "female predominant" (more
than 53 percent female), and "heavily female" (more than 75 percent female).
No Way Out? Making Additional Migration Channels Work for Refugees,Migration Policy Institute Europe, March, 2016, 40 pp.Authors: Elizabeth Collett,
Paul Clewett & Susan FratzkeAsserting that "a displacement crisis of historic proportions has enveloped
the globe," the authors of this report, funded by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, propose a series
of policy initiatives beyond the traditional "durable solutions" of local integration, third country resettlement,
and repatriation. With nearly 20 million refugees in the world today, the old approaches are insufficient to cope with
the problem. In 2014, only 103,800 refugees were resettled in third countries and only 126,000 returned to their countries
of origin. Moreover, most countries of first asylum were unwilling to allow refugees to participate in local labor markets.
In addition to these traditional solutions, the authors explore the possibility of opening up existing labor, education, and
family migration pathways to refugees. Although "in theory" refugees are eligible to move through these pathways,
"in reality, pathways are often blocked by practical, technical, and political obstacles." Among possible strategies
to loosen up the system would be for governments to create exemptions to visa caps for refugee populations, expand the categories
of eligible family members beyond the nuclear family, or offer additional points to refugee applicants in points-based systems.
Another approach would be to allow refugees to pursue higher education opportunities in third countries. However, development
and humanitarian organizations would have to offer preparatory courses, either online or in person, in countries of first
asylum, so that refugees can fill gaps in their training and qualify to participate in these programs. Clearly, given the
scope of the crisis, governments need to "move the needle on refugee mobility" and begin to think outside the box.
The Germany-Turkey Migration Corridor: Refitting Policies for a Transnational Age,Transatlantic Council on Migration, Migration Policy Institute, February, 2016, 24 pp.Author:
Yasar AydinCommissioned by the Council to inform deliberations at its 12th
plenary meeting in Lisbon, this study traces the twists and turns of migration movements between Turkey and Germany over the
last 65 years and concludes with recommendations to better enable both countries to benefit from these movements. Although
the flow of migrants was primarily uni-directional for most of this period, i.e. from Turkey to Germany, it has become "much
more circular in recent years, with immigration from Germany to Turkey now outpacing flows in the opposite direction."
Improvements in the Turkish economy, along with structural reforms to facilitate the return of Turks living in Germany, have
combined to encourage both members of the Turkish diaspora, and other Germans, including retirees, to settle in Turkey. At
the same time, with the exception of Turkish students, who enroll in Germany universities in substantial numbers, new migration
from Turkey to Germany has slowed to a trickle, with most new migrants being skilled professionals. The author believes that
the increased circularity of movement between the two countries should not be seen as a threat to either country, nor as a
sign of a failed integration policy. "Increased circulation can aid integration attempts in both countries, encourage
bilateral cooperation in a variety of fields, and help stem skills shortages in both countries' workforces."
Emigration Trends and Policies in China: Movement of the Wealthy and Highly SkilledMigration Policy Institute, Transatlantic Council on Migration,February 2016, 23 pp.Author: Biao XiangCommissioned by the Council for its 12th plenary meeting in Lisbon, this study
examines emigration trends from China since the introduction of market-oriented reforms in the 1970s. Although China
supplied 4 percent of the world's migrants in 2013, its share is disproportionately small considering that the Chinese make
up 20 percent of the world's population. Before 1949, Chinese emigrants were primarily low-skilled or unskilled; today, wealthy
and highly-skilled migrants tend to predominate. Indeed, high-skilled migration is rising fast, while low-skilled is largely
stagnant. For example in 2014, Chinese nationals received 85 percent of all immigrant investor (EB-5) visas in the United
States. Similarly, in Australia, Chinese nationals received 87 percent of all Significant Investor Visas between 2012 and
2015. These numbers will likely hold steady, if not increase, in the future, as polling suggests that many wealthy Chinese
are seeking to leave the country, in part to escape high levels of pollution, a legal climate not conducive to entrepreneurship,
and fears about long-term political and social stability. The number of students going abroad to study is also skyrocketing.
China is the largest source country of foreign students in the U.S., making up 31 percent of all such students. Most of these
students cover their own expenses, rather than relying on scholarship support, making them an important income stream for
American universities. The report also discusses the impediments to unskilled emigration. Despite comprising 25 percent of
the world labor force, China contributed only 1 percent of unskilled international labor migration in the 2010s. "Increasingly
detailed government regulations have slowed down the recruitment process, while driving up costs for migrants as more and
more actors become involved."
Europe's Migration Crisis in Context: Why Now and What Next?Migration Policy Institute, September 24, 2015, 8 pp.Authors: Natalia Banulescu-Bogdan & Susan
FratzkeThis article provides an overview of the refugee protection crisis facing Europe
- a crisis that, according to the author, may well persist into the foreseeable future and become the "new normal."
The authors suggest that old approaches are inadequate for dealing with the present reality. The current refugee resettlement
system offers resettlement opportunities to roughly 105,000 -- less than 1 percent of all refugees displaced globally (2014
data). As almost half of the world's refugees have been displaced for five years or more, a "care and maintenance"
approach has led to the "warehousing" of refugees. Many of these refugees in countries of first asylum, including
Syrians in Jordan and Lebanon, are barred from working and sending their children to school and endure conditions of extreme
poverty. Moreover, donations from the international community have not kept pace with the scale of the relief needs, leading
to a cut in food rations for refugees. In addition to these "push" factors, the use of social media, facilitating
communication along migratory routes, coupled with policy pronouncements by European governments, have created enabling (or
pull) factors encouraging migration to Europe. The authors suggest that Europe needs to think about migration challenges in
a much more "comprehensive" manner. "Giving in to the impulses to erect bigger fences without concomitantly
dealing with the root causes of these movements will only serve to deepen the pockets of smugglers, not reduce the flows themselves."
Rethinking Emigration: Turning Challenges into Opportunities: Council StatementTransatlantic Council on Migration, Migration Policy Institute, November, 2015, 17 pp.Author:
Demetrios G. PapademetriouThe author wrote this paper in preparation for the 12th plenary meeting
of the Transatlantic Council on Migration held in Lisbon in 2015 and devoted to the theme: "Rethinking Emigration: A
Lost Generation or a New Era of Mobility." The paper focuses on the phenomenon of "brain drain" in the
European context, i.e. the growing numbers of educated Europeans from economically distressed countries like Greece, Ireland,
and Italy who are migrating to other parts of the European Union and overseas. Previously dynamic countries that had attracted
immigrants are now reverting to their traditional roles as countries of emigration. The loss of this educated cohort can deal
a serious blow to the struggling economies of these countries. However, the scale of the problem needs to be kept in perspective.
Only 2.8 percent of E.U. citizens reside in a different country from their country of citizenship, compared to 5.6 percent
of U.S. residents who live in a different state than they did five years earlier. Many educated Europeans go abroad for temporary
periods and may return home to raise families. Nonetheless, the paper contains suggestions as to how governments can take
advantage of their "diasporas" in other countries. First and foremost, they should be treated as "extensions"
of the "national talent and expertise pool" and "engagement" should be the responsibility of specific
departments of national governments. Engagement strategies might include: "(1) granting political and legal rights (such
as dual nationality and property rights) to keep nationals invested in their country of origin and to potentially facilitate
their return; (2) setting the stage for diaspora members to use their talents and resources to create or facilitate economic
opportunities in their homelands; and (3) motivating engagement by creating and nurturing emotional links."
World Migration Report 2015: Migrants and Cities, New Partnerships to Manage Mobility,International Organization for Migration, 2015, 202 pp.This year's report focuses
on the intersection of migration and urbanization. The authors observe that researchers and policy makers working in the areas
of urban planning and sustainable development often overlook migration. "There is a glaring absence of the mention of
migrants," they note, in United Nations planning for the 2016 Habitat III conference in 2016 devoted to the development
of a new global urban agenda. Yet, migration, both internal and international, is a major driving force behind the movement
of people to cities. The current world urban population of 3.9 billion (54 percent of humanity) is expected to grow to 6.4
billion by 2050, making urbanization "the dominant challenge of the twenty-first century." If cities are to manage
this growth, and reap the benefits of migration-induced diversity, they must integrate and invest in their migrant communities.
The report examines the various urban settings impacted by migration, the vulnerabilities faced by migrants, and how urbanization
and new mobility patterns can contribute to urban revitalization and poverty reduction.
Beyond Asylum: Rethinking Protection Policies to Meet Sharply Escalating Needs,Transatlantic Council on Migration, 14 pp.Author: Demetrios G. PapademetriouThis "statement" on refugee and asylum policy was produced by the 13th plenary meeting of the Transatlantic
Council on Migration held in Brussels in December of 2014. The document argues that the global refugee protection system
has failed to meet the needs of not only the soaring number of refugees in the world, but also the communities providing protection.
In 2013, 86 percent of the global refugee population resided in developing countries - countries which bear the brunt of this
massive displacement of population. The Council calls for the creation of a "comprehensive protection strategy,"
predicated on the importance of early intervention and an "all-of-government approach," involving the coordination
of ministries in the humanitarian, development, security, and migration sectors. "Governments far from the frontlines
of a crisis will need to come to terms with the idea that intervention is most effective early on - before chaos has erupted
- or risk missing opportunities to lower the long-term costs of a crisis." The statement envisions the mobilization of
existing development resources to aid refugee populations, as well as the "tweaking" of migration policies to allow
more refugees to use student and temporary worker mechanisms to migrate legally to more advanced countries. Other prescriptions
include greater involvement on the part of middle-income countries, and more effective public information policies in western
countries to ensure continued public support of refugee protection efforts. In order to avoid "protection fatigue,"
national governments and international actors must find ways to "break the current cycle of instability, conflict, and
forced displacement."
Immigration's Enigma Principle: Protection and Paradox,Keynote Address, Academic & Policy Symposium, Center for Migration Studies,October
28, 2015, 6 pp.Author: David A. MartinIn reflecting on the chaotic refugee situation in Europe and the
disarray it has caused among members states of the European Union, David A. Martin, Distinguished Professor of International
Law at the University of Virginia and former General Counsel of the Immigration and Naturalization Service during the Clinton
Administration, puts forward the concept of the "enigma principle" as a guide to policy development in the field
of refugee protection. The principle is borrowed from the movie "The Imitation Game," which told the story
of Alan Turing and his team of British code-breakers during World War II. Once they cracked the Nazi code, they had to make
agonizing decisions about when to intervene to stop an attack. If they acted too swiftly, they would alert the Germans that
their communication system had been breached. The decryption had "to be used strategically and selectively, in order
to preserve its long-term potential" to save lives. What does this principle have to do with refugee protection? Martin
believes that "protection must observe limits, sometimes painful and counterintuitive limits, in order to maximize protection
strategically." Third country resettlement cannot be implemented "for all who might have a just claim,"
especially given the level of displacement in the world today. His position "is a product of realism about the
strains that migration, especially high-volume migration or sudden influxes, can bring to a society, about the material capacities
of receiving states, and, most importantly, about preservation of the political space needed to
minimize backlash and keep a healthy level of relocational opportunity alive."How the World Views Migration,International Organization for Migration, 2015, 59 pp.Authors: Neli Esipova et alBased on Gallup interviews with over 183,000 adults in more than 140 countries, this report represents "the first steps
toward understanding the lenses through which people view immigration at a global level." The researchers asked two questions:
"in your view, should immigration in this country be kept at its present level, increased or decreased?" and "do
you think immigrants mostly take jobs that citizens in this country do not want (e.g. low-paying or not prestigious jobs),
or mostly take jobs that citizens in this country want?" With the important exception of Europe, people in every region
of the world are more likely to want immigration levels to either stay the same or increase. In the case of Europe, there
is a sharp difference of opinion between people in Northern and Southern Europe. "The majority of adults in Northern
European countries - except for those in the United Kingdom - would like immigration levels to either stay the same or increase,
while most residents in Southern European countries would prefer to have lower levels of immigration..." People with
university degrees and younger people throughout all regions tend to be more positive about immigration. With regard to the
second question seeking opinions on the prevalence of job competition, the way people answer the first question tends to be
predictive as to how they answer the second.
Rethinking Global Protection: New Channels, New ToolsMigration Policy Institute, Transatlantic Council on Migration, April, 2015, 12 pp.Author: Kathleen
NewlandNoting that the international system for the protection of refugees is under unprecedented strain, with
the numbers of displaced people at highs unseen since World War II, the author reviews the reasons for the current crisis
and describes two new approaches with the potential to reform and reinvigorate the current protection regime. One involves
integrating development programming with the traditional "care-and-maintenance models of protection." An example
is a recent decision by the European Union to provide a 180 million euro developmental aid package for Syrians displaced by
war. Another approach, which is only in the planning stages, would open channels of regular mobility to refugees, including
labor migration, family reunification with relatives already resettled elsewhere, and international study programs. Efforts
to help displace people obtain travel documents and security clearances would expedite their participation in such programs.
The author notes that the Refugee Convention makes no reference to humanitarian assistance to refugees, yet that has become
the "default response to refugee crises." As humanitarian assistance inevitably falls short and offers little hope
of a long-term solution, these types of new tools and approaches should be considered. This research was commissioned for
the 2014 plenary meeting of the Transatlantic Council, which was devoted to theme of" Refitting the Global Protection
System to Meet the Challenges of Modern Crises."
Korea should face its demographic crisis head onBrookings,
June 18, 2015, 7 pp.Author: Katharine H.S. MoonThis short paper discusses the implications of South
Korea's extremely low birth rate of 1.19 children per woman -- one of the lowest fertility rates in the world.
A recent government survey revealed that fewer than 50 percent of female respondents felt that marriage was something they
should do in life. In this context, immigration becomes crucial to sustaining the Korean labor force, continuing the country's
economic growth, and maintaining the strength of the Korean military. Changes are already apparent in Korean society.
"The face of the homogeneous South Korea we once knew is literally changing before our eyes as hundreds of thousands
of foreign-born women marry Korean men." These women tend to be from the three Asian countries of China, Vietnam, and
the Philippines. Korean society is changing to accommodate this diversity. No longer do most Koreans believe that a "Korean
bloodline" is essential to being Korean, and school authorities are revising textbooks to showcase the increasing heterogeneity
of Korean society.
Into the Mainstream: Rethinking Public Services for Diverse and Mobile Populations,Migration Policy Institute Europe, June, 2015, 41 pp.Authors: Meghan Benton, Helen McCarthy,
& Elizabeth CollettAccording to the authors, this report represents "the first systematic attempt
to analyse how mainstreaming was being developed at the local level, and specifically how its principles (such as whole-of-government
cooperation, local flexibility, or diversity awareness) were being applied." Synthesizing findings from UPSTREAM, a five-country
European project to assess how governments at all levels were responding to the immigrant integration challenge and whether
their efforts represent a trend toward "mainstreaming," the report explores six areas of activity: educating
immigrant children, addressing inequalities in accessing publicly funded services, building cohesive communities, improving
funding flexibility at the local level, designing "whole-of-government" approaches, and using data to promote integration
outcomes. The report describes the "essence" of "mainstreaming" as "a shift away from stand-alone
policies that target newcomers toward a whole-of-government approach to diversity across the society at large." The authors
point out, however, that mainstreaming can have both positive and negative outcomes -- positive if it brings about greater
coordination across government to address the needs of immigrants and other groups, or negative if it becomes "an excuse
for retrenchment and inaction." The report concludes with a series of recommendations to "ensure that services are
attuned to the needs of diverse groups and new arrivals," a process that the authors describe as "diversity- and
mobility-proofing public services." Among the recommendations are the following: set up structures for horizontal
coordination across governmental departments, rebrand mainstreaming as "adapting services to diverse and mobile populations,"
and rigorously audit and evaluate services to ensure that targeted groups are being effectively served.
The Return of Banishment: Do the New Denationalization Policies Weaken Citizenship,European Union Democracy Observatory on Citizenship (EUDO)Authors: Audrey Macklin
et alThrough its Citizenship Forum, EUDO encourages "open debates based on evidence and knowledge, and
conducted in a spirit of mutual respect." A scholar expert in a particular area initiates each debate. For this
debate on the subject of legislation passed in several countries, including the UK and Canada, permitting the revocation of
citizenship for individuals involved in terrorist activities abroad, the kickoff contribution is by Audrey Macklin of the
University of Toronto. She argues that such laws are unwise because they fail to accomplish any worthwhile purpose.
Of the 13 respondents, four are affiliated with American universities or law schools: Linda Bosniak (Rutgers), Peter
Spiro (Temple), Peter H. Schuck (Yale), and Daniel Kanstroom (Boston College). Describing such laws as "security-related
theater," Spiro agrees with Macklin. Schuck, on the other hand, can envision circumstances when denationalization may
be justified, especially when there are proper safeguards against government abuse of this power. Kanstroom agrees with Macklin's
conclusion, but not how she arrives at it. He would ground the argument against denationalization in a human rights framework;
this type of law, he contends, is symptomatic of a broader effort by governments to deny people basic human rights through
exclusion and deportation. Bosniak draws lessons from the debate surrounding the assassination of U.S. citizen Anwar al-Awlaki.
She observes that although citizenship status is more secure in the U.S. than elsewhere in the world, the willingness of the
government to resort to assassination as a "technique for permanent elimination" makes the discussion about citizenship
Destination China: The Country Adjusts to its New Migration Reality, Migration Policy Institute, March 4, 2015, 6 pp.Author: Heidi Østbø HaugenAlthough immigrants remains a small fraction of China's overall population (594,000 out of a total population of 1.35 billion),
the number has been steadily rising, according to this report, spurred in part by a "relatively lenient" visa policy
dating back to the 1985 Law of Administration of Entrance and Exit of Foreigners. After an 8-year process of review, China
adopted a comprehensive new law to govern immigration in 2012, designed in part to combat illegal entry and residence. The
new law mirrors legislation in the West, which seeks to encourage high-skilled immigrants while discouraging low-skilled.
Specifically, the new law makes it easier for overseas Chinese to take up residence in China and introduces a new visa category
to attract more skilled foreigners without prior ties to China. The article also describes the plight of irregular migrants,
particularly Africans, who are often at the mercy of local authorities who can act harshly or leniently in a system characterized
by a "de facto decentralization of immigration law enforcement." Many immigrants are in a catch-22
situation, unable to regularize their status and unable to leave the country, because of the jail time and heavy fines imposed
under the law.
Supporting Immigrant Integration in Europe: What Role for Origin Countries' Subnational Authorities?Migration Policy Institute Europe, February, 2015, 27 pp.Authors: Özge Bilgili &
Llire Agimiit's not often that policymakers in immigrant receiving countries examine the role of sending countries,
particularly regional authorities and cities within those countries, in helping to integrate immigrants. This report, based
on an examination of the literature and interviews with key officials, seeks to unravel the connection. As such, it is "the
first attempt to investigate how the activities of origin countries regional and local institutions may improve the lives
of emigrants to member states of the European Union (EU)." The report is a work product of the INTERACT project
funded by the European Union -- described as "the first comprehensive attempt to explore the role of origin countries
in the integration of migrants in destination countries." The report notes that many immigrant-origin countries (including
Morocco, Turkey, and Mexico) now operate on the assumption that well-integrated immigrants have more to offer their countries
of origin than immigrants who are not. However, the activities on the national level often overshadow initiatives on
the regional and local level. One example of the latter are the city-to-city exchanges that help create a climate of acceptance
for immigrants in their new societies. The report also gives examples of local initiatives in the area of health and employment.
The researchers conclude with a summary of the challenges involved in promoting greater local-to-local cooperation, Including
constraints in origin countries, such as a lack of resources on the local level to engage in these kinds of activities, and
constraints in destination countries, including the eclipse of the multicultural model and concerns over human rights violations
in origin countries.
Aiming Higher: Policies to Get Immigrants into Middle-Skilled Work in Europe,Migration Policy Institute & International Labour Organization, November, 2014, 34 pp.Authors: Meghan Benton et alThis report summarizes some of the key findings and lessons learned from a 6-country
study of efforts to promote the labor market integration of immigrants in Europe. In general, the report finds little
cause for optimism; immigrant unemployment and underemployment have been "intractable" problems in most countries.
Few programs look at the progression of immigrants in the labor market, as opposed to their need for entry level work. Efforts
to mainstream immigrant integration by using the resources of public employment services have not yet produced favorable results,
in part because staff members are not trained to deliver services to the immigrant population and few staff members
specialize in this area. The report offers a series of recommendations for policymakers, including improving the incentives
and training for public employment agencies to address immigrant integration issues; funding partnerships between employers
and training institutions to support apprenticeships and work experience programs; improving the coordination of policies
and information sharing among all agencies and levels of government with responsibility for integration outcomes; and more
effective evaluation of integration programs, e.g. looking at their impacts over the long-term. The authors also encourage
investments in distance learning in order to reach immigrants who are already working, albeit in entry level work, and to
minimize costs in a time of fiscal austerity.
International Migration Outlook 2014,Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), December, 2014, 428 pp.Prepared for the OECD's 2014 High-level Policy Forum on Migration, this publication is the 38th in a series of
annual OECD publications on global migration. Immigrants now make up 10 percent of the population, or 115 million people
, in the 34 OECD countries. The publication includes reports for each of these countries detailing major policy changes and
developments during the previous year. The publication also includes an essay on how member states are facilitating the labor
market integration of immigrants, with particular attention to skilled immigrants, who constitute a growing percentage of
all immigrants in the OECD space. Another essay discusses how member states are trying to calibrate labor migration to spur
economic development. Finally, a summary essay looks at migration trends across all OECD member states. Migration rebounded
in 2013 showing an average increase of 1 percent with significant variations from country to country. The authors note that
Germany has now become the 2nd most important destination for immigrants (up from 9th place in 2009),
whereas the intake of immigrants in the U.S. shrank by 4 percent in 2013 compared to the previous year.
Comprehensive Immigration Reform(s): Immigration Regulation Beyond Our Borders,Yale Journal of International Law, Vol. 39, No. 1, 2013 University of Iowa Legal Studies Research
paper No. 14-17, 86 pp.Author: Stella Burch EliasHow should responsibilities for immigration be divided
between federal, state, and local governments? This is the question that the author of this study seeks to answer through
an examination of the experience of three other countries with federal systems: Australia, Canada, and Germany. Despite
the Supreme Court's 2012 ruling in Arizona v United States reasserting the federal government's supremacy in the
immigration arena, the author argues that inclusionary policy-making on the state and local level will likely
increase, as exclusionary policies fade. Noting that there has been a "gap in scholarship" on the "interjurisdictional"
nature of immigration policy-making, she attempts to fill this gap by examining the "rich points of comparison"
in the evolution of other federal systems grappling with high levels of immigration. Although it is "too soon to regard
any system as a paradigmatic, well-established, and successful alternative to the current American model," the three
countries "appear to be approaching some degree of convergence and consensus" in their willingness to engage state
and local partners in immigration policy-making. There are three main conclusion to the study: first, that states could play
a more active and meaningful role in the initial selection of immigrants; second, "the power to inquire into immigration
status should be exercised sparingly and, where possible, should only be attempted under the direct supervision of federal
immigration officers;" and third, the kinds of immigrant integration plans that have been implemented in the three countries
are worthy of study in the U.S., even if the U.S. federal government lacks the power under the 10th Amendment to
impose such a plan on the states.
No Quick Fix: Policies to Support the Labor Market Integration of New Arrivals in Sweden,Migration Policy Institute (MPI) and International Labour Office, September, 2014, 22 pp.Author:
Henrik EmilssonProduced with financial support from the European Union, this report is
part of a project undertaken by MPI and the International Labour Office called "The Labor Market Integration of New Arrivals
in Europe." Despite major policy reforms in Sweden designed to address persistently high unemployment rates among immigrants,
the author observes that Sweden has "not yet broken the back of this considerable challenge." The problem
is especially severe among non-European migrants and those who were admitted to Sweden as humanitarian migrants. On the demand
side of the labor market, employers are reluctant to hire newcomers because of high minimum wages, strong job protection legislation,
and "large tax wedges" (the difference between workers' take-home pay and what it costs to employ them). The author
reviews the various reforms that have been put in place since 2006 to address the problem, including moving responsibility
for Sweden's immigrant "introduction" program to the public employment service (PES), offering bonuses to immigrants
who complete the introduction program quickly, the development of a new training course called Shortcut for higher
skilled immigrants, providing subsidized work experiences (subsidies of 80 percent of employer wage costs are available for
a maximum of two years), and offering Swedish courses for professionals in particular occupational areas. The author, however,
is dubious that these measures will prove effective. "Despite increased government spending, improved access to labor
market services, and a willingness to try innovative measures, outcomes have not improved... Changing immigration policy -
or perhaps, completely redesigning the basic structure of the welfare state - might be the only way to significantly improve
Building Inclusive Cities: Challenges in the Multilevel Governance of Immigrant Integration in Europe,Transatlantic Council on Migration, Migration Policy Institute, September, 2014, 17 pp.Author:
Dirk GebhardtThis paper examines the level of coordination between EU national and local governments on immigrant
integration policy and practice. The author notes that cities and national governments often pursue conflicting objectives.
As city administrations are more sensitive to the needs of immigrants and to the importance of social cohesion, they tend
to pursue "soft" inclusion policies that aim to empower immigrants and provide them with the civic, social, language,
and economic skills to contribute to the community. This approach often collides with the "hard" approach
of national governments that may limit the rights of particular categories of immigrants. Some national governments, particularly
in the Nordic countries, have pursued active and successful partnerships with local governments, but most have not. The paper
describes a range of innovative programs that have been developed in European cities to promote immigrant integration. These
programs are grouped into four categories: adapting local institutions to better reflect the diversity in the community, combatting
discrimination, adapting local employment services, and addressing the negative effects of segregation. The author concludes
with three overarching recommendations: improve policy coordination between national and local governments in areas of shared
competence, ensure that integration programming is rigorously evaluated at all levels, and utilize EU frameworks and funding
to support "vertical" coordination as well as "horizontal" coordination.
Advancing Outcomes for All Minorities: Experiences of Mainstreaming Immigrant Integration Policy in
the United Kingdom,Migration Policy Institute (MPI), July, 2014, 27 pp.Author: Sundas Ali & Ben GidleyThis is one of four country reports by MPI on efforts to "mainstream" immigrant integration in the European Union
(the other reports cover Denmark, France, and Germany). Despite its large immigrant population (13 percent of the UK's population
in 2011 was foreign-born), the UK has generally pursued integration goals under the label of "minority" policy,
with a strong emphasis on antidiscrimination and race relations. Important pieces of legislation were the 1976 Race Relations
Act, which protects people from discrimination based on national origin. A follow-up law in 2000 (Race Relations
Amendment Act) obligated local authorities to promote equality of opportunity and amicable relations between people of
different racial backgrounds. As the UK traditionally grants considerable authority to regional and local governments, much
of the report discusses sub-national initiatives to promote integration through broader programs, such as social cohesion,
education, youth, and general diversity programs
Future EU Policy Development on Immigration and Asylum: Understanding the Challenge,Migration Policy Institute Europe, May, 2014, 11 pp.Author: Elizabeth CollettDespite unstable times, the European Union is developing the next phase of its immigration policy. This brief
reviews the situation since the 1999 Tampere Programme, the first attempt to develop a policy framework and common language
on immigration for Member States. Due to the global economic downturn, the Arab Spring, the Lisbon Treaty, and changing national
concerns, the Stockholm Programme (2010-14) has been less effective than its forerunners. More effort has been spent reviewing
existing legislation than developing new frameworks and regulatory consensus. Furthermore, the global economic crisis has
created a level of instability that has reduced cooperation on immigration-related matters . Moreover, the Arab Spring exodus
prompted discussion of reintroducing internal borders, which overshadowed collaborative migration policy, and anti-immigration
parties increased their share of the electorate in several countries. This MPI brief is the first of three that will be released
to guide policy development on immigration post-Stockholm. According to the author, future policy development requires looking
10-15 years ahead to examine needs, develop a collective vision of success, and devise benchmarks to measure success
in the short-term. New policy must have inherent value for governments, achieve goals that require partnerships to accomplish,
and demonstrate value for the people of all member states. (Colin Liebtag)
Moving Up or Standing Still? Access to Middle-Skilled Work for Newly Arrived Migrants in the European
Union,Migration Policy Institute & International Labour Office, July, 2014, 25 pp.Authors:
Meghan Benton, Susan Fratzke, & Madeleine SumptionThis summary report marks the completion of a series
of six case studies on integration outcomes for immigrants in six E.U. countries: the Czech Republic, France, Germany, Spain,
Sweden, and the United Kingdom. The project seeks to identify the conditions enabling immigrants to obtain employment
upon arrival and to progress from lower-skilled work to middle-skilled jobs. Among factors that seem to be associated
with employment and that are analyzed in the report are: education levels; visa category at entry, e.g. employment,
refugee, family reunification; and source countries, e.g. E.U. vs non-E.U. In some countries (Czech Republic, Spain,
and the U.K.), initial employment rates were high; in other countries, employment rates were lower but improved over time.
While most immigrants eventually find employment, the path to better-paying jobs seems to be blocked. The "brain
waste" problem is especially noticeable for the many well-educated immigrants that these countries have attracted over
the last decade. "In every country, immigrant remained more likely than the workforce on average to be in low-skilled
work after several years, even after education levels were taken into account." The case study findings raise several
questions for policy makers in Europe, including whether current integration services for new arrivals are working, whether
and how to provide "a second chance to acquire skills," whether pathways can be created from low-skilled to middle-
or high-skilled employment, how to adjust admission policy to ensure better employment outcomes, and how to respond
to the diversity in background and skill levels of the immigrant population.
Moving Up the Ladder? Labor Market Outcomes in the United Kingdom amid Rising Immigration,Migration Policy Institute and the International Labour Office, 2014, 21 pp.Author:
Tommaso FrattiniOne of six, country-specific case studies in a research project called "The Labor
Market Integration of New Arrivals in Europe," this report examines the first decade of the 21st century -- a period
of "unprecedented boom" in immigrant arrivals in the UK. From 2000 to 2012, the percentage of foreign-born
workers rose from 9.7 percent to 15.6 percent of the working-age population, the great majority of whom came from member states
of the EU, including the "new accession" countries of Central and Eastern Europe. These new arrivals have
been, on average, younger and better educated than the native population. For example, 47 percent of immigrants from
the new accession countries have been "highly educated," compared with 26 percent of the native-born population.
The rate for immigrants from outside the European Union is even higher at 51 percent. However, the employment rate for
immigrants as a whole in 2012 (68 percent) was lower than the rate for natives (73 percent) but with significant variations
depending on region of origin. The report examines immigrant occupational trends by industry sector and finds disturbing
evidence of "brain waste" among highly-educated immigrants, some of whom find themselves stuck in low-wage occupations.
A Work in Progress: Prospects for Upward Mobility Among new Immigrants in Germany,Migration Policy Institute and International Labour Office, 23 pp.Author: Nadia GranatoThis study examines employment trends for three cohorts of immigrants who arrived in Germany over the
last decade: the first between 1998 and 2000, the second between 2003 and 2005, and the last between 2007 and 2009. The author
classifies immigrants according to their countries of origin, with six groupings used to simplify the analysis, two of which
(EU-15 and EU Eastern European) refer to other countries of the European Union. During the periods in question, immigration
from EU Eastern European states rose while immigration from Turkey declined. Employment rates upon arrival were highest for
the most recent cohort of immigrants. For all cohorts, however, employment rates were highest for immigrants from other EU
countries and lowest for immigrants from Turkey and non-European countries. The report goes on to track employment outcomes
for all groups over time, including the extent to which immigrants occupy low-skilled, middle-skilled, and high-skilled occupations.
European Modules on Migrant IntegrationEuropean Commission, February, 2014, 19 pp.Developed with input from migration experts
in the European Union, the European Commission has published the final version of its Modules on Migrant Integration. The
purpose of this project "is to provide a common language and a reference framework regarding integration." According
to the authors, modules should go beyond simply the collection of good practices. "Modules should take knowledge exchange
to the next level by providing Member States with negotiated recommendations on how to improve their integration policies
and practices, based on the best existing evidence of what works." The Modules cover three main areas: language
and acclimation courses, receiving society commitments, and immigrant civic participation. The receiving society area is broken
down into four sub-sections: preventing discrimination, ensuring equal access to public services, ensuring equal access to
the labor market, and improving the public perception of migration and migrants. The civic participation area encompasses
political participation, intercultural and interreligious dialogue, and participation in civil sector organizations. The Modules
include side bars discussing the evidence base (rated as low, medium, or high) for recommended practices.
Slow Motion: The Labor Market Integration of New Immigrants in France,Migration Policy Institute (Europe), May, 2014, 22 pp.Authors: Patrick Simon &
Elsa SteichenThis report assesses the labor market outcomes of recent immigrants to France, with particular
attention to employment rates. The analysis probes differences based on time of arrival, educational level, nationality background,
and gender. Structural barriers, such as prohibitions against the hiring of foreign-born people in certain occupations, and
the French government's policy of prioritizing family migration over economic migration, have resulted in overall employment
rates for immigrants being 10 percentage points lower than native workers in 2011. The report also finds that "overqualification
is widespread," especially among immigrants from North Africa and sub-Saharan Africa. From 2003 to 2011, it ranged from
39 percent on average among all new immigrants (compared to 20 percent for natives and 32 percent for long-established immigrants)
to 55% for newly arrived North Africans and 61 percent for newly arrived sub-Saharan Africans."
Supporting Immigrant Integration in Europe? Developing the Governance for Diaspora Engagement,Migration Policy Institute (Europe), May, 2014, 63 pp.Author: Maria Vincenza DesiderioAs more and more immigrant origin countries recognize the development potential of their diasporas abroad, and
understand the connection between immigrant integration in receiving societies and successful diaspora engagement, the potential
for dialogue and collaboration between immigrant origin and immigrant receiving countries on policies and programs for immigrant
integration has grown. This is the thesis of this paper produced by the INTERACT Project, which explores how policies of governments
and non-state actors in origin countries complement or contradict the integration strategies of member states of the European
Union. Now that some of the traditional origin countries of European migrants, e.g. Morocco and Turkey, have entered a "transition"
stage, acting themselves as magnets for migrants while continuing to send their own citizens abroad, the basis for such
cooperation may be even stronger. The paper maps out the complex, multi-level and multi-layered governance structure of migration
in both the European Union and three major sending countries: India, Morocco, and Turkey. Describing this effort as
"one of the first of its kind," the authors urge the development of "a comprehensive and frequently updated
international database of institutional actors participating in the design and implementation of integration-related policies..."
Additional research, the authors continue, should also focus on the potential for collaboration between local and regional
authorities in origin countries and their counterparts in the European Union. Finally, the paper suggests that "an incremental,
modest, and flexible approach to cooperation," such as dialogue between policy makers in specific sectors and limited-scope
agreements between a small group of countries with similar characteristics, "is more likely to bear fruit in a reasonable
time-frame, than broadly comprehensive and overly ambitious negotiations."
The Future of Immigrant Integration in Europe: Mainstreaming approaches for Inclusion,Migration Policy Institute, March, 2014, 36 pp.Authors: Elizabeth Collett & Milica PetrovicThis report examines "the next generation of immigrant integration policymaking" and defines "mainstreaming"
as "the effort to reach people with a migration background through social programming and policies that also target the
general population." In place of, or in addition to, stand-alone integration programs, mainstreaming involves the
effort to "embed" immigrant integration into programs that serve the general population. The report is based on
ten months of research including an extensive literature review, detailed country case studies, in-depth interviews, and study
visits to four countries: Denmark, France, Germany, and the U.K (MPI Europe will be publishing separate reports on integration
efforts in each of the four countries over the course of the coming year). According to the authors, the idea of mainstreaming
immigrant integration has emerged only recently, and little research has been produced on the subject, largely because of
its complexity. The impulse to mainstream services stems from the fact that European societies are becoming more diverse,
with growing numbers of second-and third-generation immigrants, who may face barriers not fully addressed in traditional integration
programs. In addition, there is a widespread perception that there has been only "glacial progress in narrowing educational
and employment gaps between native and immigrant populations" and that "some populations are becoming ever more
segregated from mainstream society." The report argues that a successful mainstreaming strategy needs to address three
critical elements: discourse, governance, and policy. Each of these elements can be "deliberate" or "de facto
or organic." An example of a deliberate discourse strategy would be Germany's National Action Plan on Integration. An
example of a de facto discourse strategy would be the social inclusion and 'big society" plans in the U.K. The
report is replete with examples of mainstreaming approaches in the four countries. Although the authors note that it is too
soon to identify best practices, especially as evaluation and assessment of new policies and practices are lacking, the authors
conclude by recommending "a number of elements that policymakers should take into account," including setting clear
goals, building political will, and creating regular coordinating and reporting mechanisms.
Climate Change Refugees,Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy (forthcoming), February 26,
2014, 19 pp.Author: Matthew Lister This paper makes the case for
a "modest" change in the international definition of refugee in order to grant protection to certain types
of "climate change refugees." i.e. those displaced when "an entire state or territory is rendered uninhabitable."
The meaning of the U.N. definition of refugee is someone with "a well-founded fear based on persecution." Those
fleeing their homes due to climate change are not considered to be persecuted, and are therefore excluded from refugee status.
According to the author, however, the "logic" of the refugee convention, in particular the principle of non-refoulement
to a life-threatening situation, suggests a different approach. Refugee status should be granted to those affected by "environmental
disruptions" anticipated to be permanent and severe enough to eliminate the possibility for a minimum standard of living.
This paper provides the example of a sinking island with limited fresh water availability as a scenario in which individuals
should be granted refugee status as a result of climate change. In this example the sinking island would no longer be able
to sustain the original island population due to limited fresh water resources, and therefore portions of the population would
require relocation and resettlement. Considering the pervasive global impact of climate change, adoption of this new definition
of refugee would not apply to all groups affected by environmental disruptions-such as temporarily displaced persons or individuals
able to relocate internally within their country. Rather the proposed expansion of the UNHCR refugee status would be reserved
for individuals whose communities are uninhabitable, and where internal resettlement is not a feasible option. The author
suggests that legally defining this protection for climate change refugees is a necessary first step to address this issue
and the needs of those requiring resettlement due to environmental factors. (Jade Flora-Holmquiest)
Human Rights, Climate Change, Environmental Degradation and Migration: A New Paradigm,International Organization for Migration & Migration Policy Institute, March, 2014, 11 pp.Authors: Rabab Fatima, Anita Jawadurovna Wadud & Sabira Coelho In
this policy brief, IOM and MPI explore the extent to which existing international human rights frameworks cover the plight
of people displaced by environmental degradation or climate change, particularly in the vulnerable areas of south Asia and
the Pacific. Most of the existing guidelines and instruments only cover people displaced by sudden-onset natural disasters,
not migration caused by slow-onset environmental degradation. This report identifies three main weaknesses with existing
standards: victims are not provided any entitlement to enter or stay in another country; there are no criteria to distinguish
between voluntary and forced movement; and questions regarding statelessness are not addressed, as when island states disappear
over time. Despite the identified drawbacks, IOM and MPI argue that taking a soft law approach towards climate environmentally
forced migration is more realistic and preferable over a hard law approach. The authors argue that the soft law approach
is a suitable option in the interim period before the international community develops a legally binding solution, which is
often an arduous and lengthy process. Researchers in the field predict that millions of individuals will become displaced
as a result of climate change and environmental degradation in the future-in 2012 alone there were 29 million people displaced
by extreme weather events. The authors note that there is a "growing recognition that the international protection of
'people on the move' is no longer simply about refugees. Just as the international community worked to develop the Guiding
Principles on Internally Displace Persons in the 90s, so too can the same be done for environmentally-induced refugees.
Without a universal definition of these environmentally displaced persons, the international community lacks the framework
from which to establish rights and protections for this highly vulnerable category of migrants. (Jade Flora-Holmquist)
Human Smuggling and Trafficking into Europe: A comparative Perspective,Migration Policy Institute, February, 2014, 23 pp.Author: Louise ShelleyThe research for
this report was commissioned by the Transatlantic Council on Migration for its 8th plenary meeting in Washington,
D.C., in June of 2012 devoted to the theme of "Curbing the Influence of 'Bad Actors' in International Migration."
In 2010, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, there were an estimated 140,000 trafficking victims
in Europe, generating an annual profit of approximately three billion dollars for exploiters. The extent of the human
smuggling problem in Europe is hard to gauge, although its scope can be inferred from the size of the unauthorized immigrant
population in the European Union, which was estimated to be from 1.9 million to 3.8 million in 2008. In this report smuggled
migrants are understood to be consensual participants, paying smugglers to aid their illegal entry into another country. Trafficked
persons however, are unwilling, often enslaved and exploited, participants in commercial sex work or forced labor. Although
a delineation is made between smuggling and trafficking in this report, these categories are often less distinguishable in
reality-e.g. individuals who begin as consenting smuggled migrants, may then become trafficked persons exploited by their
smugglers. Whether smuggled or trafficked, these individuals are highly vulnerable populations, often the victims of severe
and/or repeated human rights violations. MPI reports that victims in Europe have fewer protections available to them than
victims in the U.S.-for example, in several European countries, temporary visas, protections or other forms of assistance
are dependent upon a victim's usefulness and cooperation in the prosecution of perpetrators; more durable solutions such as
the "T" visa in the U.S. are not available. The report discusses smuggling routes, the profile of traffickers and
smugglers, the profile of victims, smuggling routes, the role of corruption in expediting the movement of people, and the
impact of smuggling and trafficking on European societies. MPI offers the following policy proposals in response to
the expanding global issue of human smuggling and trafficking: reduce demand for trafficked women and forced labor by
enlisting the help of governments, the private sector, and civil society; enhance awareness of and adherence to countertrafficking
policies among consumers and businesses; address policy discrepancies between and within countries; decrease profits for exploiters;
and improve labor laws to allow for the legal migration of workers. (Jade Flora-Holmquist)
Morocco: Setting the Stage for Becoming a Migration Transition Country?Migration Policy Institute, Migration Information Source, March 19, 2014Author: Hein de HaasStarting in the 1970s, large numbers of Moroccans began to emigrate to Europe and more recently to North America. There
are now 3 million Moroccans in western and southern Europe, with the largest share in France, and another 1 million elsewhere
in the world. Morocco's current population is 33 million. Since the mid-1990s, however, Morocco has also become a destination
country. Migrants from West Africa (particularly people from Senegal and Mali who can travel visa-free to Morocco), the Democratic
Republic of Congo, the Philippines, China, and even Europe, have turned Morocco into a possible "migration transition"
country -- defined by the author as a country of declining emigration and growing immigration. While some migrants use Morocco
as a transit country in their quest for political asylum in Europe, many others are putting down roots in Morocco. In response
to some hostility and discrimination directed at these newcomers, a "vibrant civil-society sector" has emerged to
champion the interests of Morocco's immigrant communities. According to the author, "The recently announced new
immigration policy reform, which includes provisions for regularization of unauthorized migrants, may signal that Moroccan
society is gradually coming to terms with these new migration realities." The paper also discusses the role of
remittances in Moroccan development and efforts by Morocco to engage with its overseas diaspora.
Bordering on Failure: Canada-U.S. Border Policy and the Politics of Refugee ExclusionHarvard Law School, Harvard Immigration and Refugee Law Clinical Program, November, 2013, 107 pp.Authors: Efrat Arbel & Alletta Brenner This report on the bi-lateral
Safe Third Country Agreement (STCA) between the U.S. and Canada analyzes how asylum seekers have been impacted by the agreement
over the last seven years. The report reiterates many of the concerns expressed in an earlier 2006 report. "The STCA
prohibits foreign nationals who first set foot in the United States from making claims in Canada, and vice versa." The
STCA therefore forces large numbers of asylum seekers to return to the U.S. where "several key aspects of U.S. asylum
law and policy fall below international standards and fail to ensure fundamental protection for asylum seekers,"
One of the core enforcement methods used under the STCA is the Multiple Borders Strategy (MBS), which seeks to "push
the border out" and "[subject] asylum seekers to border inspection offshore" resulting in the deflection of
thousands of asylum seekers from reaching Canadian borders. The authors note that these policies create gaps in jurisdictional
authority, as well as increase the occurrence of human smuggling and other unauthorized border crossings. The report finds
that although the stated goal of the STCA is to increase border protection, the STCA is actually making the border less secure
and enabling Canada to avoid its legal obligation to protect the rights of refugees and asylum seekers. (Jade Flora-Holmquist)
Becoming Canadian: Making Sense of Recent Changes to Citizenship RulesInstitute for Research on Public Policy, January 16, 2014, 15 pp.Author: Elke WinterThis analysis from Canada's oldest, non-partisan think tank finds fault with changes in Canadian citizenship rules since
the Conservative Party came to power in 2006. These changes include: the introduction of a new citizenship guide; the
development of a new citizenship test; the tightening of language requirements for citizenship; steps to safeguard against
the fraudulent acquisition of citizenship; and modifications to the citizenship ceremony. The author suggests that these
changes have largely escaped scholarly attention, but that they matter greatly as naturalization "is the quintessential
procedure of turning outsiders into full members of the national community." The development of a new citizenship
test, for example, with its emphasis on "conceptual," as well as fact-based questions, and a higher pass score,
was designed to "raise the value" of citizenship. However, according to the author, the new test introduced
"a class- or education-based bias into the process of becoming a Canadian citizen." The new test led to an increase
in failure rates from less than 10 percent on the old test to over 25 percent on the new one. Particularly disadvantaged were
applicants with a high school education or less, whose pass rate dropped to 55 percent. Another change of dubious value,
according to the author, was the requirement to submit proof of language competency either English or French, which led to
a sharp drop in grants of naturalization. The author also closely examines the government's contention that fraud, through
the evasion of residency requirements and "marriages of convenience," is rampant in the naturalization process.
The author concludes that the naturalization process should be a "stepping stone" in the integration process,
not its culmination, and that "the growth of a distrustful, accusatory and punitive tone in citizenship discourse is
Building New Skills: Immigration and Workforce Development in Canada,Migration Policy Institute (MPI), Transatlantic Council on Migration, November, 2013, 16 pp.Authors: Karen Myers & Natalie ConteThe research for this paper was commissioned by MPI for the Transatlantic
Council on Migration's ninth plenary meeting, held in Madrid in December of 2012 and devoted to the topic of maximizing
immigrant skills. Myers & Conte are researchers for the Social Research and Demonstration Corporation in Ottawa. As Canada
is often perceived to be as a leader in immigrant integration, conference organizers felt that the Canadian experience would
help inform the Council's deliberations. The paper is divided into two parts. The first section examines the "mainstream"
Canadian workforce development system and finds that the "complexity" of the system, narrow eligibility requirements,
and the "supply-driven" nature of the system tend to exclude many immigrants from participation. The second part
of the paper looks at specialized employment and training programs for immigrants, particularly in the province of Ontario.
Four types of programs are described: employment support services through agencies specializing in working with immigrants,
bridge training programs, mentoring programs, and paid internships for internationally trained workers. The authors
also discuss the role of various English (and French) language learning programs in helping to facilitate employment. Finally,
the authors reference the on-going debate in Canada as to whether the two systems (mainstream and specialized) should be merged
or integrated, but note that there has been very little systematic evaluation of the effectiveness of these two systems in
serving immigrants.
What We Know About Circular Migration and Enhanced Mobility,Migration Policy Institute, September, 2013, 10 pp.Author: Graeme HugoThe defining features of circular migration, according to Graeme Hugo, are that the mover spends significant
periods of time in both the origin and destination countries, "lives" in both places, and often has location-specific
capital in both countries. Although there has always been circular migration, the volume of such migration has increased greatly
in recent years due to advances in transportation and communication. This brief addresses two main questions: first, what
policies can maximize the economic benefits of circular migration; and second, how can origin and destination countries work
together to improve the management of such migration. To a certain extent, circular migration has gotten a bad name,
based on the post-World War II European experience with guest labor and the more recent abuses of migrant labor in a number
of Middle Eastern and Asian countries. However, according to Hugo, "these problems are often the result of poor
governance and should not be viewed as inevitable consequences of circular migration itself." The author concludes with
a number of "best-practice" recommendations, including implementing admission policies that judiciously mix circular
and permanent migration and introducing procedures that enable hassle-free, cross-border mobility. He also cautions
against the traditional "silo-ization" of migration policy and development assistance. The two should be closely
integrated in order to reap the maximum economic benefit from migration.
Environmental Change and Migration: What We Know,Migration Policy Institute, September, 2013, 11 pp.Author: Susan F. MartinThis policy brief, prepared for the 2013 UN Global Forum on Migration and Development, describes
four main environmental changes related to increased migration: changing weather patterns resulting in drought and desertification,
rising sea levels, natural disasters, and competition over natural resources leading to civil conflict. Desertification and
sea level change tend to affect migration over larger time horizons while disasters and competition bring swift, large scale
relocations. Depending on the triggering factor, migrant populations will have different needs and varying impacts on
the resources of receiving communities. Most environmentally-induced migration will occur within countries. Migrants
crossing international boundaries because of slow-onset environmental change may appear to be labor migrants, whereas those
escaping natural disasters or civil conflict may resemble traditional refugees, even though they don't meet the current legal
definition of the term. The author recommends two policy initiatives to deal with increased migration pressure due to environmental
change: first, allow legal options for people to migrate for environmental reasons; and second, support disaster risk
reduction and conflict mediation strategies to reduce the pressure to migrate. She also urges the participation of diasporas
and other members of the affected populations in implementing these strategies, and calls for more research on the relationship
between environmental change and migration.
Demography and Migration: An Outlook for the 21st Century,Migration Policy Institute, September, 2013, 13 pp.Author: Rainer MünzThis paper suggests that there are flaws in the conventional wisdom about the future of world migration. According to the
author, one cannot be sure that people will continue moving from youthful to aging societies or from poor to rich countries.
There are many reasons for the author's skepticism, including impressive growth in many middle-income and low-income countries
and increased global competition for migrant labor. Countries, such as Angola, Brazil, Chile, Malaysia, and South Africa,
are attracting migrants from neighboring countries who might otherwise have gone overseas. For these reasons, policy
makers in developed countries will have to "think more strategically about how to attract qualified workers."
This might involve negotiating bilateral, multilateral, or regional recruitment agreements with sending countries conditional
upon investments in the educational systems of those countries; mutual recognition of educational credentials; and social
welfare protections for migrants. Receiving countries may also have to look at other solutions to labor force needs,
such as increasing the retirement age and encouraging greater labor force participation on the part of women.
Integrating Europe's Muslim Minorities: Public Anxieties, Policy ResponsesMigration Policy Institute, May 10, 2013, 8 ppAuthors: Meghan Benton & Anne Maark NielsenThis paper discusses the challenges facing European governments in trying to integrate Muslims, who will likely
comprise nine percent of Europe's population by 2030. The authors review efforts to restrict religious practices considered
antithetical to European democratic or secular traditions, such as headwear for women, and the perceived security threat in
the aftermath of 9/11 and other terrorist incidents within Europe. The paper also reviews some of the policy responses to
these challenges, including establishing hierarchical structures, or National Muslim Councils, to facilitate dialogue with
these communities; providing financial and other support to religious education and institutions to encourage the development
of a "homegrown form of Islam;" and addressing educational inequities and discrimination in the workplace, important
in light of the working class origins of the majority of Europe's Muslim immigrants.
Migration and Environmental Change: Assessing the Developing European Approach,Migration Policy Institute, May, 2013, 7 pp.Authors: Andrew Geddes & Will SomervilleThis policy brief summarizes recent research on the impact of environmental change on migration and points out that
some of the original assumptions about this impact have been disputed. For example, environmental change can actually "trap"
people and slow migration, if people lose their livelihoods, slip into poverty, and lose the resources necessary to migrate.
Indeed, if they do move, they may put themselves at greater risk by moving to burgeoning cities located along sensitive coast
lines in their own countries. The authors observe that "the most pressing challenges associated with migration
linked to environmental change are those of urban governance in fast-growing cities in parts of Asia and Africa" and
that "increased migration to Europe as a direct result of environmental change is very unlikely." Indeed,
rather than environmentally-induced migration creating tensions and conflict in immigrant-receiving countries, "the reverse
may be the case (where conflict over scarce resources could be increased by an inability to migrate." The Brief concludes
with three policy recommendations for European decision makers, including "strategic thinking that might seek to support
migration as a form of adaptation (author's emphasis)."
How Free is Free Movement? Dynamics and Drivers of Mobility within the European
UnionMigration Policy Institute, March, 2013, 25 pp.Authors: Meghan Benton
& Milica PetrovicNoting that "the European
Union provides the closest thing to a 'laboratory' on open borders," the authors of this study seek to examine
what is known about intra-European mobility, especially since the 2004 and 2007 enlargements of the European Union (EU). Regrettably,
the knowledge base on the impacts of free movement is "slim," largely because official data sources don't capture
its full extent. Despite the relative ease of movement, intra-EU movement is small compared to non-European. While 4.1 percent
of EU residents are from outside the EU, only 2.5 percent are EU nationals living in another member state. The countries with
the highest percentages of EU nationals are: Luxembourg (37.3 percent), Belgium (6.8 percent), Ireland (6.5 percent) and Spain
(5.0 percent). However, fully 80 percent of all EU nationals live in just five countries: Germany, Spain, the UK, France,
and Italy. However, cross-border commuting and short-term migration for study or seasonal work are likely to be missing from
the official data. The report also assesses the impact of intra-European mobility on the labor markets of receiving countries
and examines the effects of the economic crisis on migration. However, few conclusions can be drawn from the paucity of available
Facing 2020: developing a new European agenda for immigration and asylum
policy,Migration Policy Institute, February, 2013, 7 pp.Author: Elizabeth
CollettThe author of this policy brief, the Director
of Migration Policy Institute Europe and former Senior Policy Analyst at the European Policy Centre, finds the current European
framework for immigration and asylum policy "unsustainable." She also laments the passing of the "age
of creative policy innovation and testing ideas" in the area of immigrant integration. In the face of national
resistance to EU policy-making in the area of immigration, as well as widespread "Euroscepticism," a certain "paralysis"
has taken hold, which does not bode well for Europe's competitive standing in the world. The belief that Europe will
remain a geopolitical and economic hub attracting immigrants from around the world is "already on empirically shaky ground."
Collett argues that "managing human mobility has become a whole-of-government concern," requiring the participation
of many different ministries, not just those charged with border control. Moreover, the EU effort to communicate the importance
of sound immigration policy to Europe's future -- giving a human face to the issue and connecting with the broader European
public -- needs to be improved. The author also feels that "the maxim 'integration is local'
needs to be backed by a solid investment, not just in helping cities better serve their individual populations but in supporting
them in learning from each other." In sum, "five-year programmes have proven inadequate tools;" instead,
European leaders "should begin by envisioning the European society that they hope to see in a generation - and what will
be needed to achieve it..." They should also "avoid setting out immigration targets and goals in isolation"
but consider policy goals in other areas, such as skills development, education, and external affairs.
"Suddenly, Migration Was Everywhere": The Conception and Future
Prospects of the Global Migration Group,Migration Policy Institute, February 5, 2013, 7 pp.Author: Antoine
Pecoud This article reviews the history and mission
of the Global Migration Group (GMG) as a coordinating body for the international institutions and organizations that address
global migratory issues. The article traces the history of several major migration-related international initiatives, beginning
in 1919 with the International Labor Organization (ILO), and follows the evolution of the current framework leading to the
creation of the GMG. The author summarizes the work of some of the sixteen organizations that comprise the GMG, including
its founding core members: the ILO, International Organization for Migration, United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees,
and the High Commissioner for Human Rights. The article reviews the GMG's principal activities, which have been limited primarily
to producing two reports, policy briefs, and joint statements, and also highlights the major challenges faced by the organization,
including lack of funding, a permanent secretariat, and formal rules, along with conflicting mandates among member organizations.
The author speculates on the possible directions the organization may take in the future, either to serve as an information
gatherer that works with actors by catalyzing multilateral action, or as a leading player that increases efficiency and reduces
bureaucracy through direct coordination and implementation. However, the author warns that even if the GMG could manage to
overcome the political obstacles involved with centralizing global migration initiatives, such a consolidation may only serve
to further reinforce the agendas of nations served by the current status quo. (Daniel McNulty)
Study of the Outcomes and Impacts of the Global Forum on Migration and Development
and Civil Society Days,The MacArthur Foundation, October, 2012, 30 pp.The Global Forum on Migration and Development (GFMD) was established after the
first UN General Assembly High Level Dialogue on Migration and Development in 2006. The Forum has been held annually since
2006, with host countries alternating between developing and developed countries. As the report notes, "migration and
development as thematic areas were combined in an effort to ensure (that) both countries of origin and countries of destination
would participate." Each year, the forum is preceded by "Civil Society Days (CSD)," a gathering of non-profit
advocacy organizations, convened to "ground the discussions in the realities migrants were facing ... (and) to inform
the state-led discussion and build off it." As the largest non-governmental donor to the GFMD process, the MacArthur
Foundation commissioned this study to assess the impact of the GFMD "on policies, practices, issue framing, and government-civil
society cooperation..." The study found considerable frustration with the ability of civil society organizations to impact
the agenda of the GFMD and the government policy-setting process. A major conclusion of the report is that stakeholders
need to develop a "credible and validated theory of change" and restructure the participation of civil society organizations
in a manner consistent with that theory. Moreover, "if stakeholders believe enhanced access and interaction with
government to be a key objective of the CSD, this need to be agreed at the State-led meeting and the structure and activities
will have to be modified accordingly."
Rethinking Integration,Institute for Public Policy Research, October, 2012, 20 pp.In this brief, Myriam Cherti & Clare McNeil challenge the two most widely
held assumptions in the debate on European immigrant integration policy, finding shortcomings in both the assimilative approach
which focuses on the forging of a shared, national identity, and the multicultural, group-rights approach. The authors
contend that both models are flawed because they start from the premise that communities and cultural identities are fixed
units, and, as such, focus attention on the "grand level of citizenship and national identity." Rather, building
from the work of Brubaker and others, the authors view culture as a collection of complex and shifting patterns that continually
negotiate the boundaries of identity and, therefore, research on assimilation must instead focus on the everyday experiences
of individuals and groups in order to develop effective integration policy. The authors probe "the process
of everyday integration" by surveying literature from four key areas where identities are often constructed and reconstructed:
childcare arrangements, patterns of shopping and consumption, leisure activities, and "supplementary education,"
such as that provided by madrassas in the U.K. Examining their hypothesis that policy can be better shaped through
a) understanding the way that identity formation occurs; b) identifying the problems for social integration and group identity
formation; c) and proposing ways in which they can be amended to ease tensions between groups as they emerge in each of these
settings, Cherti & McNeil conclude that further ethnographic research in these everyday areas would aid policymakers in
crafting a more effective approach to immigrant integration. (Daniel McNulty) Choice and Prejudice: Discrimination against Muslims in Europe,Amnesty International, 2012, 119 pp.Focusing attention on five countries (Belgium, France, the Netherlands, Spain, and Switzerland), this report aims
to highlight and critique policies which discriminate against Muslims in Europe on the grounds of religion or belief.
The report looks at legislation regulating religious and cultural practices, as well as the influence of domestic political
discourse on policy development. Policies examined include: codes banning forms of cultural symbols and dress, e.g. full-face
veils, in schools and the workplace; restrictions on the building of places of worship; and other public and private
limits placed on the freedom of belief, religion, or expression. According to the report, supporters often see these measures
as necessary to promote equality and fairness. However, these policies often disproportionately impact Muslims, in particularly
Muslim women, who are the most likely to face discrimination based on the outer manifestation of their religious and cultural
identity. Unequal access to education and the job market limits their life prospects, compounds existing inequalities, and
violates current laws. The report outlines a series of recommendations calling for governments to strengthen and enforce anti-discrimination
legislation by establishing national equality bodies to better monitor and measure abuses; ensure that new and existing legislation
require a shared burden of proof in discrimination claims (i.e. once evidence shows that a plaintiff has suffered discrimination,
it is up to the defendant to prove there has been no discrimination); ratify human rights protocols (specifically, Protocol
12 to the European Convention); and remove bans that place limits on religious and cultural freedoms. The report also calls
for greater cross-cultural dialogue and concludes with specific recommendations for each of the five countries. (Daniel
Understanding "Canadian Exceptionalism" in Immigration and Pluralism
Policy,Migration Policy Institute, July, 2012, 18 pp.The Transatlantic Council on Migration commissioned the research for this paper
for its seventh plenary meeting, held in Berlin in November of 2011. Written by University of California Professor Irene Bloemraad,
the paper explores why "Canada is far more open to, and optimistic about, immigration" than the United States and
countries in Europe. Despite having the highest proportion of immigrants to total population of any other Western country
(about 20 percent), public opinion polls suggest that Canada is a "striking outlier." As an example, about
two-thirds of Canadians in 2010 said that the number of immigrants coming to Canada was "about right." The author
cites a number of reasons for these positive attitudes, including the geography of Canada, which makes illegal entry difficult
(Canada's unauthorized population hovers between 3 to 6 percent, mitigating against public fears of uncontrolled borders);
the Canadian point system, which screens prospective immigrants for their potential to contribute to the Canadian economy
and integrate into society (59 percent of new permanent immigrants to Canada in the first decade of the 21stcentury
were economic migrants); the political power of immigrant communities (Canada has a high naturalization rates); and the importance
of multiculturalism as a marker of Canadian national identity. "In the 1960s and 1960s, Canadians were searching for
a sense of national cohesion that was not British and not American, and one that could in some way accommodate the growing
separatist movement in Quebec." In addition, the Canadian government has made substantial investments in immigrant
integration programs, investments that rely for their implementation on a partnership with community-based organizations.
It is estimated that the federal government spent just over $1 billion on integration programs, an amount that has been increasing
despite the global recession. The author does not gloss over potential problems on the horizon, including the growing
reliance on temporary visa programs, which could spur the development of a larger unauthorized population in the future, and
the problem of unequal economic outcomes for "visible minorities." However, Canadian "exceptionalism"
could become the norm in other Western countries, as other transatlantic societies "modify their national identities
in the face of growing immigrant and second-generation populations."
Unauthorized Immigrants in the United States and Europe: The Use of Legalization/Regularization
as a Policy Tool,Migration Policy Institute, May, 2012, 9 pp.Drawing on previous MPI research, this paper provides a brief history of legalization
programs in the U.S. and Europe. More than 5 million unauthorized immigrants have been regularized in the European Union
since 1996 -- the vast majority in the southern tier countries of Italy, Spain, and Greece. Although leaders in northern European
countries now frown on regularization as a policy tool, policies of "toleration" have remained popular in these
countries. In the U.S., more than 3.7 million unauthorized immigrants have been legalized since 1986, mainly through the Immigration
Reform and Control Act (IRCA) of 1986, the Cuban Adjustment Program, Cancellation of Removal, and the Nicaraguan Adjustment
and Central American Relief Act. Between 1929 and 1986, more than 1.5 million undocumented people, or people on temporary
visas, acquired permanent residence in the U.S., some through the registry program. This program allows people who have
resided unlawfully in the U.S. for long periods and who meet other qualifications to adjust to permanent residence. Congress
has advanced the registry year four times since 1929: in 1940, 1958, 1965, and 1986. The current year is 1972. In addition,
since 1952 Congress has acted 16 times to grant permanent residence to persons in temporary legal status. According
to the authors, ever since Congress placed numerical restrictions on immigration in 1921, "Congress has regularly found
it necessary to legalize discrete groups that have strong equitable and humanitarian claims to remain in the United States.
Many argue that the current unauthorized population includes many residents who have similar claims and that Congress may
find it necessary to pursue the legalization option once again."
Building a British Model of Integration in an Era of Immigration:
Policy Lessons for Government,Transatlantic Council on Migration, May, 2012, 27 pp.This report analyzes developments in immigrant integration policy in the United Kingdom beginning with the election
of the Labor government in 1997 and continuing to the present day. British policy, to the extent that it shows any clear patterns
and consistency, has evolved from a race-relations model, developed when most immigrants were visible minorities from the
former British colonies and anti-discrimination legislation was the primary policy tool, to a more eclectic approach, reflecting
the intensification and diversification of migratory streams in recent years. An important context for policy development
has been "British hostility to immigration," which public opinion polls find higher than in other countries in Europe
and North America. The authors examine integration from three different perspectives: national identity; major
immigrant outcomes, such as workforce participation and educational attainment; and successful communities. With regard
to national identity, the authors note that there has been a shift from an ethnocentric view of identity to one emphasizing
liberal civic values. This shift is "paradoxical" as these values "are by definition universal values,
or at least values shared by all liberal states." As far as immigrant outcomes are concerned, there is some confusion
as to which yardstick to use in measuring successful integration, e.g. intermarriage, employment, language "or a vast
number of even softer measures around social interaction and group reputation." With regard to community cohesion,
the authors observe that "the most important predictors of unsuccessful communities are not immigration but socioeconomic
deprivation and the quality of public services." The authors conclude that Great Britain has pursued a policy of
"pinpointing, adapting and targeting mainstream policies to reach the needs of immigrants and minorities. While not a
failure, this has not been done systematically, and there has been little coordination among programs."The Relationship Between Immigration and Nativism in Europe and North
America,Transatlantic Council on Migration, May, 2012, 42 pp.This paper, written by Cas Mudde of DePauw University for the 7thplenary meeting of the Transatlantic
Council in 2011, attempts to map the landscape of "radical right" and "nativist" parties and organizations
in Europe and North America. Since 1980, such parties have had limited electoral success. They have gained more than 15 percent
of the popular vote in only three countries: Austria, Denmark, and Switzerland, but they have managed to shift the debate
in many European countries. According to Mudde, "nowadays, virtually all but a few radical left and green parties consider
immigration a fundamental challenge to their society at best and a threat at worst." Yet, there has also been a
strong countermovement of private organizations, such as SOS Racism in France and the British Anti-Nazi League, that have
worked to discredit the racist propaganda of these parties. Local and national governments have also utilized anti-discrimination
legislation to curb the activities of these groups and to stimulate a pro-immigrant discourse. Despite their impact
on national policies, the author considers the relationship between immigration and "extremism" to be "unclear
and complex ...rising numbers of immigrants do not automatically translate into increasing extremism in a country..."
The best example is the United States, where "a powerful pro-immigrant lobby," made up of "big business, immigrant
groups, and libertarians" stands as a counterweight to nativist forces. Despite the role played by nativist organizations
and parities in "the tightening of immigration laws, particularly those regarding asylum, they have lost the big
battle as both Western Europe and North American are increasingly multiethnic societies."
Transatlantic Trends: Immigration,The German Marshall Fund of the U.S., 2011, 30 pp.This 2011 public opinion survey - the fourth annual survey published by the
GMF -- covers the United States and five European countries (France, Germany, Italy, Spain, and the UK). Despite the global
economic crisis and the migratory impact of the "Arab Spring," attitudes towards immigration remained remarkably
stable. Immigration remains a "second order concern" in all countries, with majorities indicating the "economy"
or "unemployment" as their foremost concerns. As in previous years, respondents in all countries overestimated the
number of immigrants in their respective countries, e.g. on average U.S. respondents estimated a foreign-born percentage of
37.8 percent, as compared with the real percentage of 12.5 percent. A majority of U.S. respondents, but only 34 percent
of Europeans, also thought that a majority of immigrants were in the country illegally. On both sides of the Atlantic, strong
majorities were favorable to the admission of highly educated immigrants, but opposed to immigrants with low levels of education,
yet when faced with a choice between a highly educated immigrant without a job offer, and a lower educated immigrant with
a job offer, the latter was the preference. Finally, 53 percent of Americans were supportive of birthright citizenship,
and 65 percent supported the provisions of the DREAM Act. Restoring Trust in the Management of Migration and Borders: Council
Statement,Transatlantic Council on Migration, 2011, 8, pp.Written by Demetrios G. Papademetriou, President of the Migration Policy Institute, this statement reflects
the thinking of a group of high-level officials from Europe and North America who since 2008 have been meeting on a regular
basis "to identify the best ways to bring greater order and legality to migration, border management, and labor market
systems and thus restore public trust in government's ability to manage these complex tasks." The statement begins by
making some recommendations to change the narrative on immigration, including setting realistic goals, articulating why immigration
is in the national interest, and adhering closely to the rule of law. The Council then lays out a series of steps to implement
a "whole-of-system" approach to controlling illegal immigration, involving a range of policy tools utilized in a
coordinated manner. Finally, the statement calls for "building a new architecture for border management,"
involving the effective and strategic use of technology and the allocation of resources based on risk. Regularization in the European Union: the Contentious Policy Tool,Migration Policy Institute, December, 2011, 23 pp.Since 1996, over 5 million immigrants have been "regularized" (legalized) in 18 member states of the
European Union. This brief discusses the rationale for, and the objectives and requirements of, the various EU regularization
programs. The publication also touches on the political fallout from such programs, as countries in northern Europe increasingly
object to the greater frequency of regularization initiatives among the southern tier countries of Spain, Italy, and Greece.
The appendix contains a table with pertinent data about each regularization program including country, year, target population,
number of applications received and total number of regularizations granted.World Migration Report 2011: Communicating Effectively About Migration,International Organization for Migration (IOM), 2011,
158 pp.The 2011 report (the sixth in a series begun in 2000) is divided into two parts. Part A examines how
perceptions and attitudes about migration shape public opinion in immigrant-receiving countries, which in turn influence policies
adopted by governments. The report calls for a "fundamental shift in how we communicate about migration" and stresses
"the need for the promotion of a better understanding and recognition of the benefits of migration, more evidence-based
policymaking and a more effective engagement with migrants themselves." The report also provides some examples
of effective communication strategies used by governments, civil society, international organizations, and the media. This
section of the report also includes a review of major migration trends of 2010/2011, including policy and legislative developments,
efforts to promote international cooperation and dialogue on migration issues, and the migratory impact of upheavals in the
Middle East and North Africa. Part B reflects on IOM's history on the 60thanniversary of its founding in
1951, with particular attention to developments during the last decade. In commenting on the report, the director general
of IOM suggested that providing accurate information to the public about migration might be "the single most important
policy tool in all societies faced with increasing diversity."
The Debate Over Multiculturalism: Philosophy, Politics, and
Policy,Migration Policy Institute, September 22, 2011, 7 pp.In this policy brief, University of California, Berkeley, Professor Irene Bloemraad distinguishes between three
types of multiculturalism: "demographic multiculturalism," or the description of the pluralism that actually
exists in a particular society; "multiculturalism as political philosophy," which she defines as a "philosophy
centered on recognizing, accommodating, and supporting cultural pluralism'" and "multiculturalism as public policy,"
or the process of adapting to the cultural diversity of groups in a particular society. She notes that "social scientists
have only recently begun to evaluate multiculturalism as public policy." One useful tool is the "multiculturalism
policy index (MCP Index)" developed by two researchers in Canada, which measures the extent to which selected multicultural
policies appear in 21 nations over a period of three decades. With some notable exceptions (Netherlands and Italy), "actual
policy in many countries is slowly inching toward greater accommodation of pluralism, despite the political rhetoric around
the perceived problems of diversity." She further notes that opposition to multiculturalism as public policy on
the part of majority populations may stem from concerns over demographic multiculturalism.Integration Beyond Migration: Kicking off the debate,Migration Policy Group, June, 2011, 29 ppOver
the past several decades Europe has undergone a radical demographic transformation. A decline in the reproductive rates of
native populations and the arrival of international migrants from both within the EU and without has presented a number of
challenges and opportunities for integration. Currently, two policy frameworks exist for integrating migrants into European
social systems: Europe 2020 and the Stockholm Programme. This paper examines the integration gaps within existing policies
that fail to incorporate various groups into civil society and proposes redefining policies in order to encourage the development
of active citizenship by all members of society. Accordingly, the paper describes and analyzes a number of approaches for
creating a more inclusive society where persons are able to fulfill their inherent potential through the removal of obstacles
which limit capacity. Finally, the paper concludes with a series of recommendations for building more dynamic, open and inclusive
Immigrant Legalization in the United States and European Union: Policy
Goals and Program Design, Migration Policy Institute, December, 2010, 15 pp. Written by Marc R. Rosenblum, an Assoc. Professor of Political Science at
the University of New Orleans, who previously played a role in crafting the Senate's immigration legislation in 2006 and 2007,
this brief examines the various policy options and trade-offs involved in designing effective legalization programs. Noting
that "virtually every major migrant-receiving state has enacted some form of immigrant legalization in response to climbing
rates of illegal immigration since the 1980s, with about 3.5 million Americans and 5 million Europeans gaining legal status,"
the author suggests "four standards by which to judge the success of a legalization system:" inclusiveness, fairness,
cost effectiveness, and self-enforcement. He also reviews options regarding retrospective eligibility, requirements
to be met prospectively during the legalization process, and the benefits to be received through participation in the program.
Observing that "the goals of inclusiveness and fairness are fundamentally in tension," the author concludes
with some suggestions as to how to resolve this tension.
No Shortcuts: Selective Migration and Integration,
2009 Transatlantic Academy Report on Immigration,
March, 2009, 34 pp.In this report, six scholars - three from the United States and three from Europe - describe
and assess skill-based immigration systems in western countries and reach a number of policy-related conclusions, including
the following: first, that "selective migration schemes that do not have a specific connection to employment are
faced with problems of integrating immigrants into the labor market;" second, that "highly-skilled (migrants)
are not immune to problems of adaptability and integration;" and third, that the American economic and immigration
boom of the last few decades is over, resulting in inevitable changes in the quantity and patterns of migration, and
that migration should no longer be viewed "as a one-way street toward Europe and the United States," but rather
as a process characterized by "circular migration and multiple-life-phase migrations" -- and with many new players,
including China and India. The authors stress the importance of sound integration policies to prevent "brain waste"
and the spread of extremist ideologies. They also argue that "systems and environments devised to make it easier for
people to move back and forth are preferable to the build-up of border and control systems."