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Art work by Abel Tilahun Gebretsadik. Exhibition by Abel Tilahun Curator: January 21, 6 PM. Having picked up the kirar as a young child and later discovering piano hulums cave the historic Yared Hulums cave of Music in Addis Ababa during his teenage years, Girma went on to pursue his music and composition studies in Bulgaria at Sofia State Conservatory of Music.
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Artwork By Miku Girma. Courtesy of the artists. He is staunch believer that we are what we eat and food is our medicine. Now Henok Tesfaye leads a local parking empire. Read the full article at andriidporn. Born and raised in Washington, DC Kenny has been living in Addis Ababa for the past 10 years, producing and performing music hulums cave making his mark in the fashion design futa on shota.
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Kristina Stephenson
Why Are There So Many Books About Bears?
Have you ever wondered why there are so many books about bears? This is the impossible question that the greatest minds in the animal kingdom have come together to discuss and debate in the great, hallowed hall of Mollusc College, Oxford.
In this hugely interactive event bestselling author, Kristina Stephenson (Sir Charlie Stinky Socks) will introduce a host of hysterical new characters, each one based on a well-known great mind from history - William SNAKEspeare, NEWTon, Albert SWINEstein, Mary SHELLey (the literary snail) and others.
By comparing some famous literary bears, from Winnie the Pooh and Paddington to the bear in 'We're going on a Bear Hunt', Hugless Douglas and Mr Panda, and with the help of children from the audience who will be invited onto the stage to dress up and take on the animal roles, this fun-filled event will become a lively debate as well as a musical storytelling session. There will be plenty of audience participation, live drawing, music, songs and puppets as Kristina and the children bring this entertaining new picture book to life.
The answer to the impossible question will, of course, be revealed at the end of the show with the cutest of surprises.
Children may bring their own teddies and favourite soft toys to the event and every child will receive a certificate of brilliance from Mollusc College. [C39]
Children's Festival family tickets are available for £25 per day. A day ticket permits entry for up to five family members, including a maximum of two adults. To guarantee availability for specific events, day ticket holders must also reserve seats.

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With open-toed shoes and flip-flops as the footwear of choice in Florida, toenail fungus is very common.
The most common breeding grounds for toenail fungus are warm, moist environments, such as swimming pools and showers. These microscopic organisms can invade your toenail or skin through small separations in your nails or even tiny cuts you may not even know that you have.
"Many people who have toenail fungus will try to cover up the fungal nails instead of having them treated," explains board-certified podiatric surgeon Robert P. Dunne, DPM, FACFAS. "This can actually worsen the fungus, as painting the nail with nail polish will smother the nail and not allow it to breathe properly, and closed-toed shoes make for a dark, warm and moist environment where the fungi can grow and thrive.
"People don't realize that even if they have had treatments fail in the past, there are new prescription medications on the market that are chemically different from anything we have tried in the past. These new products are showing results far exceeding
previous treatments."
Dr. Dunne treats a wide variety of podiatric complaints such as fungal nails, tinea pedis (athlete's foot), dermatitis; heel, foot and ankle pain; tendonitis and bone issues.
"For toenail fungus, our typical treatment is a debridement, or reduction, of the nail, followed by a medication regimen that can be either oral or topical," explains the doctor.
Toenail Fungus Risk Factors
There are many risk factors for toenail fungus, especially in our Florida environment.
"Age tends to be the most common risk factor for nail fungus. The reason for this is that as we age, our circulation naturally becomes diminished, we have been exposed for a greater number of years to fungi and our nails grow more slowly and tend to thicken, making them more susceptible to fungal infection," explains Dr. Dunne.
Other risk factors include heavy perspiration, exposure to a humid environment, minor nail injury or damage, and having medical conditions such as diabetes or a weakened immune system.
Lake Washington Foot & Ankle is a comprehensive podiatric medicine clinic offering treatment for everything from bunions to hammertoes. "We treat ingrown toenails, warts and neuromas," assures Dr. Dunne. "We also do clinical trials for onychomycosis [fungal toenails] in an effort to find better and more effective treatment for this ailment.
"Our patients come first, and we recommend that they take action now if they have a problem. Many people are intimidated by treatment for fungal nails because of known side effects to the liver and other organs. These medications are no longer the only option, and alternate treatments are available."


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Coco Brown's Athena Alliance Is Bringing More Women To The Boardroom
Women make up 47% of the workforce in the US today and account for 85% of consumer purchasing decisions. We have previously highlighted female entrepreneurs and CEOs and their success stories building businesses from nothing to billion dollar companies, so the next question to ask is why are women only 12% of the people sitting in board rooms and more importantly what can be done about it. Coco Brown's Athena Alliance, formed in 2016, is providing a solution to this problem.
Brown has built her career working for companies where the most valuable assets have been their people, particularly F1000 companies, startups and nonprofits in the roles of CEO/President, COO, advisor and board member and her experience taught her that there needs to be more women at the top, sitting in the board rooms.
According to Coco, the way most CEOs and board members select another person for their board is to look through their network. If that network is not diverse enough then there is a problem.
Through the Athena Alliance, Brown finds women with qualities suitable for board room positions and then makes the necessary introductions to companies they'd be great for using her network. They have partnered with 75 organisations to coach and mentor women for leadership roles and secured 172 interviews in support of 97 board seats. 55 of these board matches are in progress today and 14 have resulted in board placements to date.
We believe that this is exactly the kind of change needed for the future of gender equality in the workplace. Making sure women gain access to leadership positions means they would be in a place to support and promote gender diversity throughout the companies they are part of and make it a core part of the company culture. As a female led company ourselves, and with one in five members on Shello being self-employed, we want to empower women in business and make sure they have a strong support network to rely on. To find out more, connect with other strong women and share career or business advice, download the app.


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John Hillerman, the 84-year-old actor who most notably starred in Magnum, P.I. as Tom Selleck's exacting sidekick Higgins, has died at his home in Houston.
A spokesperson for the family confirmed the news, according to the Hollywood Reporter. The Associated Press reported the actor was in declining health. Hllerman's nephew, Chris Tritico, said the cause of death is not known.
Hillerman also was known for his 1970s roles as arrogant radio show detective Simon Brimmer on the "Ellery Queen" series, and as a difficult boss on "One Day at a Time."
"He had an outstanding sense of humor and was one of the most well-read people I ever met. You couldn't play Scrabble with him," Tritico told The AP.
Hillerman appeared in a number of other series, including "Valerie," "The Love Boat" and "The Betty White Show." His film credits include "The Last Picture Show," "High Plains Drifter," and Howard of the Johnson family in Mel Brooks' "Blazing Saddles."
Tritico said there will not be any funeral services, per Hillerman's request.
Hillerman is survived by his sister, Jo Ann Tritico, and seven nieces and nephews, Chris Tritico among them.
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São Paulo
São Paulo
In a quick summary, I was more impressed than I thought I would be. On arrival at 8 am, I looked at my map of attractions and saw two one way and many the other. Liking to be different, I decided to go to the minority, however, this wasn't the nicest area and I could see people wondering what I was doing walking around. Anyway, it turned out to be good because I came across a beautiful park.
There were kids playing football, skatbebaordong, and playing basketball. There was also old men playing tennis. It was another long walk through a dodgy area to get back to where I started and then I headed towards the 'sights'.
As I got into the centre, I was again pleasantly surprised that I found another beautiful park. As much as I heard it was a concrete jungle there were still some green and parts you could be with nature. This park was also cute and had a cave feature with a bit you could walk to top. This is where I are my pao de quijos that Ni and Fabi had made me! park. Parque da Luz had undergone careful restoration and had many tropical trees and even am outdoor gym. I really wanted to work out but my travelling head wanted to see as much as possible.
Across from the park is Estacao da Luz which is a classic late Victorian train station. This was made from materials shipped from Britain in 1901.
Getting further into the centre, the streets were busy with shoppers. I made it to paulista Ave, the heart of São Paulo and my goodness it was busy. I was happy though that even in the midst of business people, there were a lot of cool and quirky people.
Walking along there was a bank with many snow globes and it was really beautiful. Also, a big Christmas decoration over the avenue. And then again another park. Parque Siqueira Campos is another cute little park where you could escape the bustle of city life.
I continued to walk and found rua Augusta which I read was the quirky street and also the traditional red light district. This was a very long street and I enjoyed taking in the atmosphere as I walked. At the end of this street, I then entered the neighbourhood of money. The complete opposite of the area I first walked in. Massive houses and show rooms of lamberginis and jaguars. Definately seeing a city of rich and poor.
Unfortunately the museum of photography was closed so I headed back to the city centre. A long walk up a hill to get myself back. It was many hours of walking and I guess that's why people get the metro. This I did to get back to collect my bag. And then another metro to the bus station where get bus to airport. When reading about how to get there, it said this route for the more adventurous and I figured that was me. There I was cramped into a train with my huge backpack on and rucksack on my front. It was hard to even hold on because when I straightened my arm, my back would arch and I would almost fall. Lucky, it was packed and I would be able to go anywhere.
The airport bus was the busiest bus I have ever been on. There was a huge line when I arrived and I just made the assumption I would need to wait for the next one. That was not the case. The squeezed as many people as they could on. Luckily I out my bag in the storage part first and a girl held my bag on her knee. This made the long ride more bare able. Finally when people got off at the smaller part of the airport, I got a seat for 5 minutes to chat with a lovely air hostess who was asking many questions and couldn't believe I was travelling on my own with a big bag haha! She was really nice and showed me the way to go.
I arrived at the airport early so I would be there for Shannon and the team arriving. Nevertheless, the plane didn't have in mind to arrive early for me. It was supposed to land at 5pm and at 520 I began to worry. Luckily I could see in the baggage collection and Brasilia was up on screen. My phone had died so if I had any messages I wouldn't have got them. Around 540, I looked on iPad for arrival information and it said for the Brasilia flight 'please see airline agent'. Oh oh the last time I saw this, my flight was cancelled. Nevertheless, about two minutes after I saw some players head to the baggage line!!
Shannon and I were able to get airport bus to our hotel and high five Shannon as it was the best hotel around for sure. Also, it was the receptionists birthday and said he would give us check out til 7pm so we could just go straight to airport! Score! No more luggage storage and rush packing :)
We went for dinner and ended up in a very nice German restaurant. I made that sound so easy when in fact we walked around for quite a while looking for someone and ended up back at this place which was next door to our hotel haha!
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Tracy Donachie, MSc in Performance Psychology.
May 2019


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The number of UK breweries has risen by 65% in the last five years
With breweries increasingly being seen as profitable businesses and attractive acquisition targets, the number of breweries in the UK has seen a 65% rise in the last five years, according to accountancy group UHY Hacker Young.
The number of breweries in the UK rose from 1,558 in 2014 to 1,692 in 2015 – an 8% increase – the company's research shows.
Breweries which have recently opened or are set to open in the UK include The Gasworks Brewbar from the team behind The Dockyard group of bars in Manchester; 10 new microbreweries which will operate from one location in Bermondsey as part of the open brewery, Ubrew (brewer of IntelligentX's 'self-improving' AI beer); and Bradford Brewery, which launched in 2015 in Bradford city centre.
Following SAB Miller's purchase of London's Meantime Brewing Company in May 2015, other acquisitions of UK microbreweries by multinational brewing companies are likely.
More news…
AI used to make 'self-improving beer'
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The success of UK microbreweries is also demonstrated by the growth of Camden Town Brewery which, after opening in 2010, was purchased by AB InBev in December 2015. It is now expanding beyond Camden with the opening of a new brewery in Enfield.
"Craft beer is leading the way in the surging popularity of artisan products and has pushed aside other brands in high-0street bars. Many are now firmly established household names," James Simmonds, partner at UHY Hacker Young, said.
"This increasing popularity has transformed many microbreweries into highly profitable businesses for entrepreneurs looking for a niche position in the food and drinks market."
"As a result of their success, microbreweries across the UK have also become attractive acquisition targets for larger breweries."
"It is likely that larger breweries will continue to show more and more interest in the smaller breweries that are popping up around the UK so they can benefit from the interest in craft beer."
Due to the increasing popularity of high quality craft beer, the Society of Independent Brewers (SIBA) has recently launched a new classification, 'Assured Independent British Craft Brewers', so that consumers can identify genuine UK craft beer.
UHY Hacker Young suggested that the weakness of the pound as a result of the Brexit vote will benefit the craft beer industry more than their more mainstream competitors, as these products are made locally and unlikely to be affected by any increase in import charges.
International breweries, however, may have to increase their prices to compensate for the extra costs that they may face. the company said.
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Undergraduate Research Fellowships
The Lincoln Filene Undergraduate Fellowship in Human Relations
The Benjamin J Benner '69 Undergraduate Research Fellowship
These Fellowships pay a stipend of $3,500 to support a psychology or neuroscience major during an off-term (three months) of engagement in full-time research. The Fellowships may be used during any leave term available to the recipient of the award. However, it would seem most suitable that the award be made to a student during a term that could serve as a foundation for Honors Research. Most often this would be in the spring or summer preceding one's senior year.
The awards will be made as a result of an application process. If you wish to apply, you should submit a proposal describing the research area in which you are interested. In this statement:
- Indicate the origin of your interest in this area
- Describe how the research opportunity would fit into the structure of your undergraduate major
- Indicate any post-graduate plans you might have and how the term of research could facilitate these
In addition to supplying this statement, you must identify a faculty sponsor who is willing to collaborate in developing the research plan and serve as adviser for your research. The faculty sponsor should submit a letter in support of your application. Applications and all supporting material should be submitted in one package to Julia Abraham, Moore Hall, Room 104 or via email to [email protected]. The applications will be evaluated by the faculty members on the Undergraduate Committee.
The application package must be submitted by the following deadlines:
- Spring, 2019: Monday, February 11, 2019
- Summer, 2019: Monday, April 16, 2019
- For the Filene award, preference will be given to research on topics related to human relations, broadly defined.
- For the Benner award, preference will be give to research in physiological psychology or the neurosciences, in accordance with the wishes of Dr. Benner.
- Although you must apply for one or the other of these awards, both awards have been used to support research in various areas, and the department will fund the most meritorious proposals.
- No more than one Filene award and one Benner award will be made each year.


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About 1,750 student-athletes and officials from all 10 Asean member countries will feature at this year's Asean Schools Games (ASG) here. Held from July 14-20, it is the second time Singapore will host the Games, now in their ninth edition.
The Republic last hosted the Games in 2011, when about 1,400 competitors and officials from seven countries attended.
Singapore will be represented by 205 athletes from 45 schools across 10 sports - athletics, badminton, basketball, gymnastics, sepak takraw, swimming, table tennis, tennis, volleyball and tenpin bowling.
All competitors are aged between 12 and 18 years old.
The updates were announced at a media briefing at the Singapore Sports Hub Library on Thursday (June 22).
Tan Chen Kee, chairman of this year's ASG organising committee, said: "The ASG has always been an important sporting platform for Asean students to come together and compete on a regional level.
She said: "Through competing with the region's best, I hope our student-athletes - like past athletes - will hone their sporting abilities and also attain important life skills such as sportsmanship, resilience and teamwork."
Adding that last year's hosts Thailand were "excellent hosts", Tan, who is also the divisional director of the Ministry of Education's (MOE) Student Development Curriculum Division, said: "I am confident that our students will be good hosts as they forge deep and enduring friendships with their Asean friends."
The Singapore contingent will be led by chef de mission Tan Teck Hock, who is principal of the Singapore Sports School.
"I am proud of our ASG 2017 contingent. They are training hard as ONE Singapore schools team, and are committed to (doing) their best," said Tan, who will be assisted by deputy chef de mission Koh Yiak Kheng, principal of Seng Kang Secondary School.
The opening ceremony of this year's ASG will take place on July 14, when Minister for Education (Schools) Ng Chee Meng will officiate at the Singapore Indoor Stadium. Competition will commence on July 15 and end on July 19.
All ASG student-athletes will be housed at the Games Village at the National University of Singapore's University Town. The Village will also offer a social interaction zone featuring games like carom and congkak to promote friendship and cultural exchange among the participants.


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Coventry Bears v Bradford Bulls - Betfred League 1, Game 5
We've got all the details from the Bears' 52-6 loss away to the mighty Bradford Bulls, including the post-match thoughts of head coach Tom Tsang. Not only that, we also catch up with the RFL's interim CEO Ralph Rimmer to talk League 1, the women's game and, of course, the Bears!
Don't forget to join us again later this week for our special episode previewing the Bears' upcoming Challenge Cup game away to the Widnes Vikings of the Super League.


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Submission details
Vivi`s wPrime - 1024m score - Elite League
1min 55sec 468ms with Intel Core i7 3770K at 6300MHz
Ranking position
Global 4x CPU rank:
Core i7 3770K rank:
45th out of 321
Points earned for overclocker league
Global Points
Not Vivi's best submission.
0.0 Points
Hardware Points
45th using Core i7 3770K
36.1 Points
Points earned for team league
Global Team Power Points (GTPP) Not Team South Africa's best submission.
0.0 Points
Hardware Team Power Points (HTPP) 28th in team using Core i7 3770K
15.9 Points
Hardware details
CPU details
- Model: Intel Core i7 3770K 'Ivy Bridge'
- Cooling: Liquid Nitrogen
- Batch: l152b567
- Speed: 6,300MHz (+80.00%)
Memory details
- Product: Xtreem LV
- Type: 8192MB DDR3 SDRAM
- Speed: @ 1,280MHz
- Timings: CL9.0 12-12-25
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- Speed: MHz / MHz (Stock)
Mainboard details
- Manufacturer: GIGABYTE
- Model: GA-Z77X-UP5 TH
- Chipset: Z77
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- Power: 1,200 Watt
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Business Textbook Supply Chain Case
Management Assignment PROMPT #1:
DUE DATE: March 9th (23:30 EST)!!
1. Chapter 1: Business Textbook Supply Chain Case
Using the Business Textbook Supply Chain case at the end of chapter 1 and external research (3 sources required), write a memo (use MS Word memo template – or comparable) that discusses the changes in the current supply chain for a textbook that results from the trend to use e-texts and digital publishing. Include supply chain diagrams that illustrate the changes that will be needed from the current to the future supply chain (show BOTH the current supply chain and the future). Use PPT, Visio or other visual display to diagram the supply chains. Show directional flows of material and information. The memo should not exceed 3 pages.
2. Chapter 2: Using the information about Valley Kayaks provided (SEE ATTACHMENT):
Answer the questions and then provide recommendations to top management for both proposals, A and B, stating the logic/rationale for implementing the proposal. Your recommendation needs to discuss the impact on ROA using the Strategic Profit Model. (Provide calculations, and support recommendations with analysis). Be thorough with recommendations.
Note: Submit both assignments as a single MS-Word document.
|Spelling, Grammar, Writing Style
|Business Textbook Case – Chapter 1
|Supply Chain Diagram (showing customers, suppliers, producers, intermediaries)
|Current SC Diagram
|Future SC Diagram
|Explanation of changes
|Strategic Profit Model Problem – Chapter 2
|Strategic Profit Model used to calculate/display ROA – Part A Recommendation
|Strategic Profit Model used to calculate/display ROA – Part B Recommendation
|Total Points
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In late December, Iran was hit by a wave of protests. Demonstrators from many segments of society, including students and middle- and lower-class citizens, demanded the government do something about rising food prices. The protests started in a major city in the northeast but soon spread to dozens of towns, villages and urban centers throughout the country. They were the largest demonstrations since 2009, when more than a million people poured into the streets of Tehran to protest the presidential election results. The recent demonstrations are smaller but more widely dispersed than those in 2009.
Iran is, however, in a different position now than it was roughly 10 years ago. The country has emerged from the Syrian civil war in arguably the best position out of all the powers in the region. In Iraq, the state security forces and the Popular Mobilization Forces – a coalition of mostly Shiite militias – are largely under Iranian control. In Syria, the regime of President Bashar Assad, an Iranian ally, is still intact, partly due to Iranian support. In Lebanon, Tehran maintains substantial power through its proxy group Hezbollah. And in Yemen, the Iranian-backed Houthi rebels continue to threaten the Saudi-led coalition.
Still, the protests that began just two weeks ago had some observers questioning whether the regime was facing a serious threat. But the country has withstood large-scale protests before. In 1999, Iran experienced widespread student demonstrations after the closure of a reformist newspaper. Ten years prior, the death of the founder of the Islamic Republic, Ayatollah Ruholla Khomenei, led to a split between moderate conservatives and hard-line clerics – a split that is the foundation of some of the instability the country has seen since.
This Deep Dive will explore what's driving the current bout of unrest. It will compare these protests with three previous episodes of unrest the country experienced in the past four decades and examine what the demonstrations could mean for the regime and the country's role in the region.
Protests in Historical Context
The current protests began on Dec. 28 in Iran's second-most populous city, Mashhad, situated in the northeast near the border with Turkmenistan. On the first day, three cities held demonstrations. (Some reports say it was five.) On the second day, an additional nine cities saw protests. By the sixth day, the protests had spread to all corners of the country, from the capital to small towns and villages with only tens of thousands of residents.
Initially, the protests seemed to be focused on economic concerns, namely, the sharp increase in prices of two food staples: poultry and eggs. While inflation rates have declined in Iran over the past five years, from roughly 45 percent to 10 percent, a rapid decline in poultry supplies due to the culling of more than 15 million birds over avian flu fears and an increase in the cost of imported feed led to a 40 percent increase in the price of poultry and eggs.
But within days of the initial protests, the demonstrations turned political, with protesters chanting anti-regime slogans such as "death to Khamenei," "Khamenei's regime is illegitimate" and "free political prisoners." President Hassan Rouhani delivered a speech acknowledging people's grievances but stating that "violence and damage to public property" would not be tolerated. Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the supreme leader of Iran, also gave a rare speech, accusing outsiders of instigating the uprising.
At first, the government was hesitant to respond with force to protests over food prices. But as the protests continued, police began to crack down. Estimates on the number of protesters at each rally range from 100 to thousands, while nationwide the demonstrations drew tens of thousands. Gen. Mohammad Ali Jafari, commander of Iran's Revolutionary Guard, said that by Jan. 3, approximately 15,000 people participated across the country. This figure does not include the pro-government protests organized by the regime that took place at the same time. The government has claimed that 22 people were killed in the protests nationwide, while the opposition claims that 50 people died.
But a brief look at the past 40 years of Iranian history shows that the recent protests are not unprecedented. The Islamic Republic, after all, was founded after an uprising that began in 1978 and caught the Shah of Iran and his extensive security apparatus off guard. A deteriorating economic environment marked by austerity, inflation and inequality, combined with unpopular land reform policies and top-down Westernization initiatives, made strange bedfellows of an array of groups from all levels of society. The result was widespread unrest, and by early 1979, security forces were refusing to crack down on the protests. The Shah went into exile and Ayatollah Ruholla Khomenei became the country's first supreme leader.
As the new clerical regime set about consolidating power and restructuring the state security apparatus to ensure it would not experience the same fate as the Shah, Iran faced a new question that in many ways has yet to be answered: Could the country function as both a parliamentary republic and an Islamic Shiite regime governed by clerical elites? This was the nature of the divisions that would define the political landscape of Iran for the next four decades. As Iran's grueling, eight-year war with Iraq limped toward stalemate in the late 1980s, a power struggle emerged between hard-line and moderate/reformist camps within the conservative regime over the direction of the new supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. (Ayatollah Khomenei died in 1989.)
Iran's first post-1979 uprising began forming in 1997, when the reformists, led by Mohammad Khatami, captured control of both the presidency and the parliament. The new government eased restrictions and introduced some social reforms. In 1999, the shutdown of a reformist newspaper by a hard-line court triggered a week of mass protests in Tehran and other university cities by supporters of Khatami, most of them students and underemployed urban youths. The restructured security forces – still largely under the control of conservative clerics who also form part of the government – including a sprawling new volunteer paramilitary force called the Basij, responded decisively, arresting an estimated 1,500 demonstrators, killing as many as 17, and injuring thousands more. This uprising essentially marked the first instance of public backlash against the clerical establishment since the founding of the Islamic Republic. By this point, the tension between the religious leadership and the country's democratic institutions was clear.
The same internal tensions came to the fore once again during the 2009 Green Movement, following ultraconservative President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's fraud-marred re-election. Beginning in the late 1980s, Khamenei, who lacked the devoted following of his predecessor, built a base of support by empowering the security apparatus to take on a greater role in political and economic affairs, overturning a ban on political activities Khomeini had placed on groups like the Revolutionary Guard. Ahmadinejad's ascent to the presidency in 2005 marked the rise of a political alliance between hard-liners and the security establishment, giving greater control over the Iranian government to the Revolutionary Guard.
The 2009 election race between Ahmadinejad and reformist former Prime Minister Mir Hossein Mousavi, a Khatami acolyte, generated Iran's highest-ever voter turnout. And when it was announced that Ahmadinejad had been re-elected with more than 60 percent of the vote (winning many districts with 100 percent support), the protests that followed were Iran's largest and longest since 1979. As many as 3 million Iranians took to the streets over the next seven months to demand the result be overturned. For the first time since 1979, chants denouncing the supreme leader, who had signed off on the election result and was seen as condoning the violence waged by the Revolutionary Guard and the Basij, were widespread.
But the protests never gained much traction in the smaller cities and largely rural areas where Ahmadinejad was most popular. And the ruthlessness of the crackdowns – employing around 20,000 members of a special unit of Iran's police force as well as the Basij militia – left the movement divided. It petered out in February 2011.
What's Different This Time?
There are a number of similarities between each of Iran's major uprisings. First, each of the major protest movements gained traction during periods of heightened economic stress. Second, all were fueled by widespread perceptions that the ruling class (whether under the Shah or the clerics) had become sclerotic, corrupt and self-serving, breeding a sense of alienation and inequality. Third, each movement was exacerbated, in part, by specific moves to suppress the political opposition. Finally, all escalated in size and intensity after initial crackdowns.
Only one of the three previous protest movements – the 1979 revolution – resulted in a change in government. This can be attributed to two factors: the demographic makeup of the protests during the revolution and the failures of the security apparatus.
None of the post-1979 uprisings involved nearly the same breadth of disaffected segments of society as were involved in the Islamic Revolution. By 1978, an unlikely alliance was forming between opposing sides of Iran's myriad ethnic, regional and socio-economic groupings, leaving the Shah's regime without a substantial base of support to use as a bulwark. But in both 1999 and 2009, the uprisings did not manage to bridge these divides. The bulk of the protesters in 1999 were students and underemployed urban youths, in addition to supporters of Khatami. The 2009 Green Movement had a similar demographic makeup. It never gained much traction beyond urban supporters of the opposition. In both 1999 and 2009, the core base of support for the clerical regime – the rural, the religious and the hard-liners – largely stayed on the sidelines and at times held counter-protests. The 2009 uprising was also supported by a number of people outside Iran, who presented the unrest as more significant than it actually was.
The most recent protests included demographic elements from the clerical regime's traditional base. But as urban, middle-class moderates – who are more insulated from the country's economic woes than rural, lower-class protesters, and who would be wary of seeing a relative moderate like Rouhani replaced by a hard-liner – have largely remained on the sidelines, the protests have been smaller and less diverse than those of 1979. This might explain why the regime didn't seem too alarmed by the demonstrations this time around.
The other factor that forced the Shah from power was that his security apparatus crumbled. The military and the Shah's CIA-trained secret police, SAVAK, were well-funded and had successfully dismantled opposition and guerrilla movements prior to 1978. But SAVAK was smaller than its modern counterparts. (Estimates vary wildly, from 5,000 to 60,000 at its peak, compared to up to 150,000 for the Revolutionary Guard today.) Perhaps more problematic, unlike the security apparatus currently underpinning the Islamic Republic, neither the military nor SAVAK were structured in a way that may have made it possible for the Shah to exploit Iran's internal fractures in order to stay in power. Both were modeled after the Shah's vision for Iran as a secular, Westernized country that had moved past its internal cleavages. Recruitment, for example, was open to all segments of Iranian society. That meant the forces were beset with many of the same internal divides, and thus more brittle. They were willing to crack down on narrow protest movements led by fringe elements, but when faced with a ballooning protest movement that reflected its pan-Iranian demographic makeup, a critical mass of the forces laid down their guns.
From the start, Khomeini and the clerical regime knew that the country's security forces would need to be restructured to be more cohesive and ideological to prevent the regime from being toppled in the same way they just took power. Thus, atop Iran's conventional military and police forces, the clerical regime built a vast new security apparatus to cement the inchoate revolution and ensure that a complex web of people would always be looking over the shoulders of anyone who might challenge the new regime's authority.
At the system's heart are two forces: the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps and the Basij. The 100,000-150,000-strong Revolutionary Guard is substantially larger than SAVAK and is tightly ideologically aligned with the Islamic regime. Early on, the Revolutionary Guard was filled with fervent supporters of the new republic and remains beholden to the clerics. Over time, it has been allowed to expand its political and economic involvement and sway over Iran's foreign affairs, particularly under Ahmadinejad, giving it deep-rooted interests in ensuring the survival of the clerical regime. The Revolutionary Guard has increasingly become involved in managing state-owned companies and projects, further benefiting from the alleviation of sanctions, more so than most of the rest of the population. In other words, it has the self-interest, mandate and ability to ensure that it will reliably crack down on the opposition when called upon to do so.
The roughly 1 million-strong Basij is effectively the glue that keeps the regime from crumbling when facing grassroots unrest. Founded in 1979 but placed under the purview of the Revolutionary Guard shortly thereafter, the Basij are more widely diffused throughout the country, more informally structured and more ideologically aligned with the hard-line conservatives in the regime than anything the Shah ever had at his disposal. The force is demographically homogeneous, with volunteer members recruited primarily from the Iranian heartland, ensuring a relatively high degree of cohesion and perhaps greater willingness to suppress, for example, the Westernized protesters it deems to be on the wrong side of Iran's urban-rural divide. Plainclothes Basij operatives are known for infiltrating protests to stir up chaos, sour public opinion of protest movements and conduct extreme acts of violence intended to demoralize the protesters.
To sustain public support, Basij units are embedded deeply in the everyday life of the towns where they are based, taking part in public works projects and underscoring the regime's legitimacy as the guardian of Islamic principles. This also allows the force to serve as an early warning function for the regime, detecting potential sources of unrest bubbling up in remote areas of Iran. Whereas the Shah relied on a highly centralized security apparatus, the Basij give the current regime a highly decentralized, largely autonomous tool with which to detect and respond quickly to emerging threats to the regime.
In short, since 1979, Iran hasn't faced the same kind of broad uprising that felled the Shah, and Iran's rulers have developed a much larger security apparatus that is less likely to split along the cleavages being exposed by mass protests. As a result, the subsequent protest waves, including the most recent, have failed to bring about regime change. Ultimately, so long as the regime and the security forces remain tightly aligned, the Islamic Republic can withstand mass unrest. But the current round of protests has raised a key question: What happens to the regime's suppressive capabilities if Iran's myriad political divisions spread to its security apparatus? And what would happen if control over the security forces becomes contested amid deepening splits within the clerical regime that were exposed by the 1999 and 2009 uprisings?
Internal Weakness
With the current wave of protests emanating primarily from bastions of support for the regime – and that of the security forces – the new uprising has laid bare an internal weakness inside the Islamic Republic. And in many ways, the regime in its current form is at an impasse where its existing structures are increasingly unable to placate the citizenry. It will have to evolve, and this will entail a messy process in the years to come.
The Islamic Republic of Iran is not your average dictatorial regime. Rather, it is an odd amalgamation of Shiite Islamist theocracy and Western parliamentary democracy that blends traditional Islamic law and modern parliamentary processes. At its apex is the supreme leader, who is selected by a body known as the Assembly of Experts composed of 86 clerics. The supreme leader appoints the judiciary and, more important, the Guardian Council, which is also made up of clerics and has the power to veto legislation and vet candidates for public office, including the president. On paper, at least, the supreme leader also controls the Revolutionary Guard.
The Supreme National Security Council includes the leaders of nearly every major branch of government and the security forces; its decisions must be made collectively and require sign-off from the supreme leader. Meanwhile, the public elects the president every four years, as well as the parliament, whose membership includes clerics but also representatives from all segments of society, including women. The public also elects the Assembly of Experts, though all candidates must be clerics. High-profile instances of fraud notwithstanding, elections are generally considered to be legitimate, though the Guardian Council does influence the outcome.
This system functions via a maze of institutional structures that is designed, in part, to keep the various factions and power centers in balance and subservient to the supreme leader. On balance, the hard-line conservative clerics hold the most power in this system, but they are not omnipotent as is often portrayed. If they were, they would not have allowed reformists like Mousavi or Rouhani to run for president in 2009 and 2013, respectively. In reality, no one really has unchecked freedom of action – the clerics or otherwise. The Revolutionary Guard derives its legitimacy from the clerics, who derive legitimacy from the constitution – the republican center. None of them can act alone.
Iran's blend of Islamism and republicanism means conflict is woven into the fabric of the clerical regime. This blend has shown itself primarily during election campaigns, when one camp privileges clerical oversight and the other emphasizes popularly elected government. The recent pattern of protests is merely an outgrowth of this perpetual push and pull. The government may have no qualms about suppressing political dissent, but it will also be willing to make modest political or economic concessions afterward to release some pressure. From this perspective, the protests are once again a demonstration of the system's resilience, not its vulnerability.
But the domestic political landscape is no longer a function of the old partisan structures. The Ahmadinejad and Rouhani presidencies have led to a further fragmentation of the conservative camp. Meanwhile, the reformists are also divided and do not command the leadership of the public, a good chunk of which is seeking substantive political and economic change. Similar divides exist even within the Revolutionary Guard, as many commanders support the reformist and centrist camps, despite recent moves by Rouhani's government to rein in the Revolutionary Guard's business interests in sectors ranging from energy to mining to telecommunications. As a result, the political establishment is, now more than ever, a collection of power centers and factions, making the regime and its security forces increasingly prone to infighting, impasse and paralysis in a crisis.
This is particularly problematic because Ayatollah Khamenei is now 78, meaning a fight is looming over the selection of the next supreme leader. Whatever his own constraints on action, Khamenei is the unmatched source of regime legitimacy with religious conservatives and is uniquely empowered to balance factions, break impasses and keep the security apparatus in check. His death may open up a renewed scramble for control over Iran's future if it further divides the clerical establishment and, therefore, control of the security forces.
Economic Challenges
The recent protests indicate that Iran's leaders are willing to admit that the country faces legitimate economic problems. The regime, however, doesn't have many options, and the one option it does have will almost certainly decrease its ability to spend money on foreign adventures.
The crux of Iran's economic and domestic political challenges is that the country needs more jobs. Unemployment remains high despite positive economic growth generated by the Iran nuclear deal and the lifting of sanctions. In Iran, the biggest hurdle to creating jobs is a lack of investment. Investment can come from either international or domestic sources, but both come with their own challenges.
The long-standing sanctions regime has made it difficult for Iran to attract international investment. Tehran signed the nuclear deal because it was supposed to lift these sanctions, assimilate Iran into the international financial community and clear the way for greater capital inflows into the country. Rouhani staked his second presidential term on this premise. This was not, however, universally seen as a positive move. Many hard-line conservatives opposed the deal, but the promise of jobs was sufficiently popular that Rouhani won his second term in a landslide. The nuclear deal, however, exacerbated rather than healed rifts between the reformist and conservative factions.
What's more, the deal hasn't worked as Rouhani planned. There has been growth, but it has primarily been driven by more oil sales, the profits of which are held by a small minority in the government and security apparatus, including the Revolutionary Guard, which controls several of the country's state-owned oil companies. Economic growth has not been distributed equally. Some of the protesters even said that the deal has benefited only a few people in the state. The agreement did seem to attract new foreign direct investment in 2016. Iran approved $11.8 billion in FDI projects, a six-fold increase over the previous year, and $3.4 billion in foreign capital was actually invested, a 64 percent increase over 2015 levels.
It is unsurprising that the regime would first provide economic benefits to the Revolutionary Guard, the entity responsible for maintaining its own security. But the regime has failed to deliver benefits to a broader segment of society, and the subsequent protests increase uncertainty in the eyes of potential international investors. With the deal increasingly called into question by both the U.S. and factions within Iran, and with sanctions unrelated to the nuclear deal still in place, outside investors are understandably hesitant to spend money in the country. It's unlikely, with this degree of uncertainty, that Iran can expect to see the full extent of the capital inflow it was hoping for. To spur greater investment, it must therefore rely on domestic sources.
There are two potential sources of domestic investment: private and public. One way to increase private investment is to make it cheaper to access capital – that is, to decrease interest rates. But this isn't an option for Iran. Interest rates are high right now – the benchmark rate sits at 18 percent – in part because the government has been fighting inflation. While inflation is still high – about 10 percent – five years ago it was even higher – closer to 45 percent. Lowering interest rates would risk raising inflation again, as well as weakening the Iranian rial, the country's currency, which has already declined relative to the dollar from about 25,000 rial per dollar in 2014 to about 36,000 today. If the rial becomes devalued, then imports will become even costlier. And the government wants to avoid spikes in prices for consumer goods. It was, after all, the high cost of imported grain feed that spurred the most recent protests.
Further, Iranian banks are stretched thin. In addition to already having extended quite a lot of credit – and, as a result, operating with relatively low capital reserves – there is also an abundance of nonperforming loans in the banking system. Offering more credit and further depleting bank reserves would greatly risk the stability of Iran's financial system. For these reasons, raising investment through domestic private capital is not a great option either.
The last source of investment, then, is domestic public capital (i.e. government spending). If the government were to spend more on business investment, however, it would have to spend less on other things like defense and social services, a potentially dangerous move. The 2018 budget released in early December, just weeks before the protests erupted, showed that the government planned to decrease the number of people receiving cash subsidies by 45 percent. (Nearly 95 percent of Iranians receive some form of cash subsidy.) The government claims it will divert some of these funds to encouraging production, which could lead to job creation. (The government claimed it will create 634,000 new jobs in 2018.) But even if this strategy works perfectly – and they rarely do – there will still be a gap between the time that people lose their subsidies and the time that new jobs actually become available.
In addition, the 2018 budget increases defense spending by 20 percent to about $11 billion, of which $8 billion is allocated to the Revolutionary Guard. So while the people are receiving fewer subsidies, the security and intelligence establishment is getting a boost, not only from increased oil sales, but also from increased public funds allocated to them by the government. The nationwide uprising has forced the government to consider shifting its cuts to defense spending rather than social subsidies. This, of course, is a risky prospect considering the Revolutionary Guard's involvement in the country's political and economic affairs, as well as its role in carrying out the country's imperative abroad and ensuring the regime's survival at home.
It seems the protests have been, for now, fairly well-contained by the regime. Nevertheless, the regime is now aware that its prior attempts to fix the country's economic problems have been unsuccessful, and it will therefore need to consider allocating a greater portion of the public budget to investment in the economy and measures that could encourage job growth.
The broader consequence of this development is that it could force Iran to reconsider some of its objectives abroad. With operations in Yemen, Syria and elsewhere, it may be finding that it is overstretched and that its efforts, and its money, would be better used maintaining stability at home rather than pursuing ambitions throughout the Middle East.


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Are you already imagining welcoming your guests and making them try your best recipes? You are thinking of different places and / or concepts.
But how to make it a good business? How to collect the funds you need needed?
Opening or taking over a restaurant remains a business creation. Consequently, there are numbers of formalities to be done and Swiss Take Away can help you as an expert.
In any case, launching a new restaurant requires relevant recommendations in many areas:
• Vision or concept
• Goals
• Business plan
• Business deal (acquisition, operating costs, etc.)
• Funds
• Administration
• Finance (analysis, statements, etc.)
… so better is your advisor, more chance of success you have!


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Innovations in ActionDevelopment and Extension Platform for SAP HANA and Cloud [DEV]Sub-Tracks:Overview: DevelopmentNative Development with SAP HANAABAP DevelopmentSAP HANA Cloud PlatformUser Experience and User Interface Development [UXP]Sub-Tracks:User ExperiencePortal and UI ClientsSAP FioriUI DevelopmentData Management and Modeling [DMM]Sub-Tracks:Data Management, Big Data, and Deployment StrategiesData Modeling and ProcessingData Movement and StreamingData GovernanceData WarehousingIT and Cloud Management [ITM]Sub-Tracks:Overview: IT and Cloud ManagementPlan - Landscape Planning and Cloud TransformationBuild - Adapt to New RequirementsRun - Operate and Optimize Business ApplicationsSecurity, Identity Management, and Single Sign-On FunctionalityCloud Integration, Orchestration, and Intelligent Processes [INT]Sub-Tracks:Integration on SAP HANA Cloud PlatformIntelligent Processes on SAP HANAAPI Development and ManagementProcess Orchestration and IntegrationEnterprise Analytics, Business Intelligence, and Planning [EA]Sub-Tracks:Enterprise Analytics OverviewPreparing and Managing Data for AnalyticsManaging Analytics Technologies Behind the ScenesConsuming, Using, and Interacting with the Enterprise DataDeveloping and Customizing Analytics
Report submission The individual reports are to be submitted to blackboard on Monday, November 10th before the start of class.No late assignments will be accepted. Save the report as a document file, name the file:XXXXX_Research_ERP5110_ZZZZZZZZ (XXXXX is your Last Name and ZZZZZZZ is the research topicor title).The grade will be based on the content covered (80%) and the clarity of the written document (grammar andspelling).This assignment is meant to be a chance for students to convey a considerable amount of knowledge in a smallamount of space (one page) through the integration of multiple sources of information. Please be sure to followthe ethical guidelines associated with research standards on campus.IT IS THE STUDENTS RESPONSIBILITY TO KNOW AND UNDERSTAND THE CAMPUSPOLICIES FOR ACADEMIC INTEGRITY. FAILURE TO ADHERE TO THESE STANDARDSWILL RESULT IN PENELTIES RANGING FROM: GETTING A ZERO (0) ON THEASSIGNMENT, GETTING A FULL LETTER GRADE DEDUCTION IN THE CLASS (FROM A TOB, B TO C, ETC.), HAVING AN ADACEMIC INTEGRITY VIOLATION IN THEIR PERMENANTSTUDENT FILE, OR EVEN BEING KICKED OUT OF THE SCHOOL/PROGRAM (NORMALLYTHIS IS FOR REPEAT VIOLATIONS).


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I , along side what seems to be the majority of the population of Australia, have been watching the Marie Kondo 'Tidying Up" series on Netflix. I started writing this blog as a knee jerk reaction after seeing the effect she was having on our society. Others saw it too. Articles and guidelines have been written identifying the issues I had with the program, so I shelved the idea of a blog. But then I met a volunteer in an opportunity (opp) shop. She was at breaking point. With tears in her eyes she explained how every morning they've been greeted with a mini mountain of lovingly donated goods as well as soiled and broken items, as the masses 'say thanks" and move on their wares that no longer spark joy. The volunteer was certainly not experiencing any 'joy'. Neither was I. The conversation is still with me a week later and the blog has been reborn. I owe it to her.
Many have already pointed out, the "Tidying Up" show has clearly demonstrated that we live with way too much 'stuff'. Some of the clothing scenes are nothing short of obscene. Each episode shows how having a tidy, uncluttered home can lead to a healthier, more enjoyable, less stressed and more sustainable lifestyle. But people have also expressed their concerns about the show. It's only showing one side of the coin and rather than enabling people to live with less, the show is just speeding up the consumerist cycle of "I want, I buy, I enjoy, I'm bored of it, I'll dump it". To pinch the lyrics of Ariana Grande "Thank u, Next!". I have spent weeks thinking she was singing "bacon n eggs", I've even got the kids singing it that way. Listen to it. It's uncanny. Tenuous, but uncanny.
The show doesn't touch on our pathological consumption problems or make any suggestions on what we as a society or as an individual can do to reverse this. With millions watching the series this would have been the prime opportunity to make this connection and create a real change.
On Netflix for nearly a month now the show has already created discussions about possessions and cleaning stuff out. But viewers are doing much more than just viewing and discussing, they're actually doing it too. Many have been inspired to take the bull by the horns and sort out their domains. Furious folding and sorting is going on behind closed doors. With great pride people are showing each other their cupboards and drawers, places that were completely private and off limits in the past.
The show has made tidying up 'in' and is encouraging people to delve deep into their cupboards, as well as their hearts. The tips are great. The lessons learnt, useful. The results, individual. Even I have learnt new strategies and enjoyed having the other ones I know of confirmed by an international expert. I've really enjoyed the energy and lightness the process has brought to the homes and their families. Decluttering has literally lightened their lives and created spaces in which they can relax, play and come together. I love the fact it's pointed out my old favorite chestnut, that items need a home within your home. If you don't, then when you can't find a specific item you tend to buy said item again. And again. And again. It happens, I once found 11 pairs of tweezers in a client's house. To be honest I've been relieved as well. The combination of me being a very discerning frugal consumer and the fact I tend to go through my house once a year to make sure things are in their homes, means my place is a finely oiled home. Phew. No Kondo-ing for me.
I have two 'joys' (to coin the phrase) from the show. The first has been the spiritual side to it, the introduction to home and the thanks given to items for carrying out their duty. This for me is at least a step in the right direction, demonstrating respect and appreciation for the things that we have. The second is that the end result is a home that's personal to the family. The series has stayed away from trying to turn each house into a picture perfect magazine worthy home. Which are for me, is very much part of the problem, which I'll explain later. But that's where my joy ends.
The joy is short lived for many others too. Writers, politicians, journalists, lobbyists, bloggers, facebookers have taken to their chosen form of communication to express concerns about the single sided approach and many have been getting angry and worried about the ramifications of what has turned out to be a very, very popular program. With transfer stations, opportunity shops and charity donations bins drowning in items as a result of the what is now coined "The Kondo Effect", Marie Kondo has been blamed for the 40% rise in opp shops donations this summer. It's become such an issue even the Victorian Government are publishing advice in relation to clearing out and decluttering to try and curb the impact.
My issues with the show are two fold and are essentially linked. Firstly it doesn't show you all the methods of moving items out of your home responsibly and it doesn't challenge our thought processes on buying new items or discuss the closed cycle of materials. For me, the lack of responsibility, accountability and imagination creates a hamster wheel effect where we keep making the same moves and stay in the same mind set.
Lack of Responsible Rehoming.
It wasn't until episode four that they showed the potential to give old possessions a new life. This was introduced with a trip to an opp shop and the hosting of a garage sale. Up until this point things were just bagged in bin bags and 'removed'. By whom, how or where to is not discussed. They're just G.O.N.E . But nothing, absolutely nothing, can be gotten rid of completely. In the grand scheme of things, there is no away. It has to go somewhere. There has been no mention of upcycling or recycling programs such as freecycle, green collect or terracycle. No mention of selling platforms such as eBay, Gumtree or Buy, Swap & Sell (BSS) pages on Facebook or its marketplace. No mention of repair cafes or working mens' sheds. Other charities that collect books and clothes for those less fortunate such as Fit for Work and Refugee homework clubs for example. How about offering hand me down childrens' clothes to friends or neighbours who have kids? It didn't even explain the benefits of the opp shop drop off or the garage sale. No tips on what to (or not to) donate or why do it. I get that it's an international production and it would be hard to cover local opportunities, but even at the broadest level the options just don't get a mention. The show's focus is to bag it and get it out of your life. End of.
But many do donate to charity and try to give new homes to old things. However what's clear is we need to think about how we do this and be more imaginative and put in a bit of an effort. Dumping stuff at an opp shop shifts the problem and responsibility of re-homing your stuff nicely. Donating boot loads to the opp shop is, frankly, a cop out. A recent chat with an opp shop worker would suggest that, for many, opp shops are a convenient dumping ground providing a dose of clean conscience to boot. "Yes, we donated our dining chairs to charity". Tick. The fact the dining room chairs had a couple of broken legs and ripped upholstery is ignored. It's been donated to charity because "Someone will make use of them". But these charities cannot sell damaged, worn out, incomplete or broken products. This legitimising behavior is a bit like the litterer who neatly folds a chip packet and rams it in a crevice in a wall. "It isn't littering because it's been placed." Your mind is excellent at providing you with excuses you want to hear. It's about time we stopped listening to the internal excuse mechanism and really became responsible about how we re-home our items. Sustainability Victoria have written an article on ways to move on your items responsibly . This can be found here. It's a good start.
As well as the issues listed above, opp shops can't sell the items you donate if there isn't a demand for them. There is a massive disparity between the number of people who donate items to these organisations set against the number of people who use them to purchase items. I've been to the back of a reasonable sized opp shop. The volume of items in storage out the back was colossal, easily outweighing what was in the shop front by ten. Yes that's right. For every lamp out the front, there was another 10 out the back. Stacked ceiling high in checked laundry bags, opp shops are becoming nothing more than beautifully organised landfill sites. It's all very well donating your unwanted items to charity, but unless you are prepared to buy second hand and increase the demand for such products you're not truly being part of the solution. That someone who will make use of them, needs to be you.
Rethinking if and how we buy.
What the "Tidying Up" series fails to do is challenge our addiction to buying stuff. Yes the candidates have just cleared out their home and made it all organised, streamline and stress free. But there's no discussion around how to keep the status quo in their new found home and stop the build up of excessive belongings from happening again.
Other bloggers and writers have coined her phrase and suggested that consumers need to "find the joy" in an item before purchasing it in an effort to curb consumption. I've written several blogs based around making good purchasing decisions HERE and HERE, as well as a blog on the need to instill these skills into our children HERE. I don't want to discuss the difference between 'need' and 'want'. Or the process you should go through and the questions you should ask yourself when you are considering buying an item because these and other topics are discussed in these blogs. In this blog I want to highlight how "finding the joy" in purchases isn't the way forward.
Beside the obvious issue of it being second hand and thus owned by someone else before, there are a few more reasons why people struggle to buy items from second hand sources. A lot of it is to do with how we've become conditioned to buying items and how we are effected by marketing and styling. And to show you what I mean I present you with two lovely large French provincial glass jars with porcelain lids and a cute chicken shaped handle. Use your imagination….
Now I saw these jars for sale in an opp shop for $4 each. The sort of item you would see at a french provincial home-ware store costing $40 - $50 retail. The difference between the two, other than the price, is their surroundings and marketing budget.
The opp shop second hand jar is lost in a treasure trove of mix and match items, some nice, some tacky, some dull but all second hand. You have to be able to really imagine the potential of that item in your home. You have no help to do this. There's no matching or complimentary items to back it up or complete the look. You haven't seen the item styled and staged in store, in a magazine or in an advert. It's having to spruke itself 100% and is relying on you to see its potential and not be bothered that it comes in a set of two rather than the ideal three.
The brand, spanking new jar is fully supported with a team of marketeers, and is preened, styled, tweeked to make you really really 'want' it. Really badly. In fact you 'need' it. Subliminal messages start arriving in your brain as you pick up and touch the item "take me home and your home will look like this!" You love what they are showing you. The styled vignette, the calm organised homey images, the cute tag and beautiful box its comes in. Deal done. The truth is, as soon as you take the singular (or few) items out of its carefully choreographed retail setting into your own home, it looks lost. With it's lack of presence comes your disappointment as your home doesn't look anything like you imagined it would with the new addition. But marketing has shown you the solution, you clearly need to buy more pieces from the collection to create that look you're after. So off you go again….
This is how we end up buying more 'stuff' than we need. We search for joy in items, when often this joy doesn't even last the duration of the shopping trip. Once again being part of the solution requires a little bit more imagination and effort and doing things differently. And as Kondo has helped us all realise we can all learn new tricks when we want to.
Take Ebay for example. We seem to be getting increasingly comfortable with this third option in acquiring said French Provincial Jar. Generally it goes like this. You see said jar in the shop, scoff at the price and leap on Ebay to source it, possibly second hand, but more likely cheapily from China. You press "Buy Now" and its yours. Well it will be once its arrived. Ignoring the ramification of that action, what it does show is that we are very capable of making changes when it suits us. We can do things differently.
The two issues I have with the show are linked. They're linked because consuming is a cycle. It's a cycle in which we have no appreciation of the beginning or the end, even though we are the middle. We don't see the amount of resources it takes to make an item and we don't see where these resources go once we have finished with them. But we can no longer ignore what we don't see. We need to start to question why we are trapped in the consuming cycle when the vast majority of the resources within it are on a one way trip. It's happening and we're all a part of it.
You can take this cycle philosophy into your home. Think of your home as a step in this cycle with an finite amount of space. That's F.I.N.I.T.E. not infinite! Once you've tidied and de-cluttered and agreed what that volume is, then adopt a 'one in one' out policy. My friend who has the most lovely, cosy, organised, friendly family home has this one in one out policy. If one of her children want to buy a new toy, then they need to donate one to charity. If she wants to buy a new top, then she need to find a new home for another one. You can apply it to practically anything. When you have to give up something to get something new it create a means in assessing your need. We have to be shifting the focus away from WANTS to NEEDS. Harsh? Brutal? Possibly. But I truly believe we're arriving at a point where we no longer have a choice.


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Manchester United are set to beat Arsenal to the signing of a new right-back, while a major Ole Gunnar Solskjaer target has been talking up Liverpool, according to Saturday's European press.
Manchester United are reportedly set to beat Arsenal to the signing of PSG right-back Thomas Meunier this summer.
Red Devils boss Ole Gunnar Solskjaer is the market for at least one new full-back, given Antonio Valencia's exit, Matteo Darmian's uncertain future and the fact that the versatile Ashley Young is not getting any younger.
Crystal Palace youngster has been considered, but Belgium based media outlet La Derniere Heure, claims that the 27-year-old Meunier is 'very close' to an Old Trafford switch – with United looking to complete a €25m (£22m) deal 'quickly'.
It's believed that United's rush to push a deal through, stems from Arsenal's continued interest in the player.
The Gunners are also expected to revamp their squad this summer, although not to the same extent as United, and Unai Emery is a big fan of Meunier.
However, if these latest reports have any truth then it would appear that United have stolen a march over their Premier League rivals.
Get the latest personalised Red Devils products on our new TEAMtalk Man Utd shop!
Manchester United have been told they must pay €60million to sign Gianluigi Donnarumma from AC Milan this summer (Sempre Milan)
Sporting Lisbon star Bruno Fernandes has spoken out about the idea of playing for Liverpool, despite strong links to Man Utd
Maurizio Sarri is free to become the new manager of Juventus (several)
Multiple sources claim Juventus are ready to sell Joao Cancelo and Mario Mandzukic, focusing instead on Tottenham's Kieran Trippier (Football Italia)
Paris-Saint Germain are reportedly eyeing up a move for Chelsea target Philippe Coutinho this summer (AS)
Jose Mourinho admits that he is "missing coaching" and is "looking for an inviting project" (ABola)
New Inter Coach Antonio Conte wants to bring Mateo Kovacic back to San Siro from Real Madrid after his Chelsea loan (Tuttosport)
Now that Antonio Conte is the new Inter Coach, reports grow that they'll attempt an exchange deal between Mauro Icardi and Juventus star Paulo Dybala (La Gazzetta dello Sport)
Conte is also keen on Roma duo Edin Dzeko and Aleksandar Kolarov (Gazzetta dello Sport)
Athletic Bilbao have distanced themselves from reports linking them with a move for former striker Fernando Llorente (Football Espana)
Fiorentina goalkeeper Bartlomiej Dragowski, who spent six months on loan at Empoli, is reportedly ready to join Southampton for €10m plus bonuses (Sportitalia)
West Ham have agreed to sign Roberto on a free transfer, with the Spanish goalkeeper joining on a two-year deal
Celta Vigo will complete the signing of Uruguayan striker Abel Hernandez on a free transfer this summer (Diario AS)
Sampdoria's Marco Giampaolo is Paolo Maldini's favourite for the vacant AC Milan manager's job (Tuttosport)
Fiorentina confirmed they are in negotiations to sell the club to American billionaire Rocco Commisso for a reported €200m (Football Italia)
Villarreal have agreed a two-year contract extension for Coach Javi Calleja – who they sacked earlier in the season (Football Espana)