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Anaphora in Dravidian
Summary and Keywords
The Dravidian languages have a long-distance reflexive anaphor taan. (It is taan in Tamil and Malayalam, taanu in Kannada and tanu in Telugu.) As is the case with other long-distance anaphors, it is subject-oriented; it is also [+human] and third person. Interestingly, it is infelicitous if bound within the minimal clause when it is an argument of the verb. (That is, it seems to obey Principle B of the binding theory.) Although it is subject-oriented in the normal case, it can be bound by a non-subject if the verb is a "psych predicate," that is, a predicate that denotes a feeling; in this case, it can be bound by the experiencer of the feeling. Again, in a discourse that depicts the thoughts, feelings, or point of view of a protagonist—the so-called "logophoric contexts"—it can be coreferential with the protagonist even if the latter is mentioned only in the preceding discourse (not within the sentence). These latter facts suggest that the anaphor is in fact coindexed with the perspective of the clause (rather than with the subject per se). In cases where this anaphor needs to be coindexed with the minimal subject (to express a meaning like 'John loves himself'), the Dravidian languages exhibit two strategies to circumvent the Principle B effect. Malayalam adds an emphasis marker tanne to the anaphor; taan tanne can corefer with the minimal subject. This strategy parallels the strategy of European languages and East Asian languages (cf. Scandinavian seg selv). The three other major Dravidian languages—Tamil, Telugu, and Kannada—use a verbal reflexive: they add a light verb koL- (lit. 'take') to the verbal complex, which has the effect of reflexivizing the transitive predicate. (It either makes the verb intransitive or gives it a self-benefactive meaning.)
The Dravidian languages also have reciprocal and distributive anaphors. These have bipartite structures. An example of a Malayalam reciprocal anaphor is oral … matte aaL ('one person … other person'). The distributive anaphor in Malayalam has the form awar-awar ('they-they'); it is a reduplicated pronoun. The reciprocals and distributives are strict anaphors in the sense that they apparently obey Principle A; they must be bound in the domain of the minimal subject. They are not subject-oriented.
A noteworthy fact about the pronominal system of Dravidian is that the third person pronouns come in proximal-distal pairs, the proximal pronoun being used to refer to something nearby and the distal pronoun being used elsewhere.
Keywords: Dravidian, long-distance anaphor, subject-orientation, logophoricity, perspective-binding of anaphor, verbal reflexive, reciprocal, distributive, proximal pronoun, distal pronoun
1. Anaphors, Pronouns and Long-distance Anaphors: An Overview
1.1. The Binding Theory of Early GB
Traditional grammars did not—or did not always—distinguish between anaphors and pronouns; pronouns were (more often than not) included among the anaphoric elements of a language, the term 'anaphoric element' being used loosely to mean any element that can pick up the reference of another referential expression, either in the sentence or in the discourse. But in the Chomskyan theory, at least since the advent of the Government-and-Binding (GB) theory (Chomsky, 1981), there has been a clear distinction drawn between anaphors and pronouns: anaphors are elements that obligatorily require an antecedent in the sentence. Pronouns, on the other hand, do not require an antecedent in the sentence; they can pick up their reference from the discourse or even from the context. Anaphors in fact are required to obey a stricter condition in GB: they need to be bound in a local domain; for an anaphor which is an argument of a verb, this local domain is the minimal clause containing it. (To put it simply, an anaphor must have its antecedent very close to it, within the same clause.) This 'local binding' requirement of anaphors is formulated in GB as Principle A of the binding theory. In contrast, pronouns obey a negative requirement: they should not be bound in the minimal clause. In other words, a pronoun—if it has an antecedent at all within the sentence—should not have it too close to it. This 'anti-local binding' requirement of pronouns is formulated as Principle B of the binding theory.
1.2. Long-distance Anaphors
The neat opposition of anaphors and pronouns proposed by early GB—the former requiring that they be locally bound and the latter that they not be locally bound—was soon disturbed by the discovery of long-distance anaphors in several languages. A long-distance anaphor is an anaphor that does not obey Principle A, in that it need not be bound in the minimal clause; its antecedent can be in a superordinate clause. But it is not like a pronoun either, because it requires an antecedent in the sentence; its reference cannot be determined simply from the discourse or the context. Long-distance anaphors were discovered almost simultaneously in several language families, e.g., the Scandinavian languages (Anderson, 1983), Chinese (Huang, 1984), Japanese (Ueda, 1984; Fukui, 1984), the Indo-Aryan languages (Gurtu, 1985), and—importantly for the topic of this essay—the Dravidian languages (Mohanan, 1982; Amritavalli, 1984).
2. The Long-distance Reflexive Anaphor taan
The Dravidian languages have a long-distance reflexive anaphor, which is taan in Malayalam and Tamil, taanu in Kannada, and tanu in Telugu. It is third person, singular, and [+human], but not marked for gender; it has a plural form taŋŋaL in Malayalam (with cognates in the other sister languages). Its antecedent can be at any distance from it; in particular, it can be outside the minimal clause containing the anaphor, cf. (1) (Malayalam data; all the data in this article are from Malayalam unless indicated otherwise):1
In (1), taan can take 'John,' 'Peter,' or 'Bill' as its antecedent.
Like other long-distance anaphors (e.g., zibun in Japanese, ziji in Chinese, sig in Icelandic), taan is subject-oriented:
But there are well-known exceptions; for example, in sentences with 'psych verbs' or psychological predicates—these are predicates that denote a feeling—the experiencer argument can be the antecedent of taan:
Here, 'John'—which is not the syntactic subject of the sentence—can be the antecedent of taan. Again, in logophoric contexts—that is, in a discourse describing the thoughts, feelings, or point of view of a protagonist—the protagonist can be the antecedent of the anaphor; in fact, it is only in such contexts that taan can be discourse-bound:
The logophoric antecedent can also violate the c-command condition on the binding relation, cf.
In fact, the binding of taan by the experiencer argument in a sentence like (3) could also be a case of logophoric binding.
It has been noted that taŋŋaL, the plural of taan, can take split antecedents (Jayaseelan, 1997, p. 191):
It has been claimed that the ability to take split antecedents is a property of pronouns and that anaphors cannot do this, but this is obviously an incorrect claim (see Zribi-Hertz, 1989 for a discussion). The fact of the matter seems to be that there are different classes of anaphors, and it is shown in section 3 that there are indeed anaphors that cannot take split antecedents.
In Malayalam, taan is blocked from being co-indexed with its third person antecedent in a superordinate clause if an intervening subject is non-third person. (Such blocking effects were first described in Chinese by Huang & Tang, 1989.) Cf.:
Weak blocking effects have been reported also in the other Dravidian languages.
Data like these—blocking, logophoric binding, being bound by the experiencer argument of a psychological predicate—suggest that taan could actually be co-indexed with the perspective of the clause (rather than with the subject per se) (see Jayaseelan (1998), where a Perspective head that projects a Perspective Phrase is postulated in the C-domain; the parallel claim has been made for Chinese ziji in Huang and Liu (2001); see also Sundaresan (2012)).
There have been attempts to reconcile the nonlocal binding of long-distance anaphors with the claim of GB that anaphors should be locally bound. The suggestions have been that these anaphors move up close to the antecedent by successive-cyclic adjunction in the covert component of the grammar, the debate being about whether the adjunction is to IP, that is, the clause (as maintained by Huang and Tang (1989)), or to I, that is, the inflectional head of the clause (as maintained by Pica (1987), Battistella (1989), Cole and Sung (1994), and others).
But why is taan an anaphor in the first place? Or to put it more generally, what makes a nominal expression dependent on another nominal expression for its interpretation? An early proposal in the GB literature was that long-distance anaphors are nominal elements that lack inherent reference and also one or more 'phi-features,' that is, person-number-gender features, and that it is this "deficit" that makes them anaphors (Burzio, 1991; Huang & Tang, 1989; Reinhart & Reuland, 1991, 1993; Jayaseelan, 1997). Thus, Chinese ziji is unmarked for any phi-feature; it is marked only for the feature [+human]. But in the case of taan, phi-feature deficit is not a plausible reason for its anaphoricity, because it is marked third person and singular; the only phi-feature it lacks is gender. In Jayaseelan and Hariprasad (2001), it is argued that all referential nominal expressions, both definite descriptions and pronouns, have as their highest projection a DeixP (Deixis Phrase) headed by a deictic element, and that it is the interpretation of this element that constitutes their referential index. It is also suggested that anaphors differ from pronouns only by the absence of DeixP. Let us say that it is this "deficit" that makes taan an anaphor.
2.1. The Anti-Locality Condition on the Binding of taan
Interestingly, taan is infelicitous if bound within the minimal clause when it is an argument of the verb; that is, it seems to obey Principle B of the binding theory. (This is indeed a paradox, because anaphors are supposed to obey Principle A—and not Principle B—of the binding theory of GB; but of course long-distance anaphors don't obey Principle A, see section 1.2.) But the infelicity is weaker than with regular pronouns:
Similar weak Principle B effects have been noticed with other long-distance anaphors, like Japanese zibun, Korean caki and Scandinavian seg/sig (see Jayaseelan, 1997 for references).
But in a typical reflexive context, the direct object of a transitive verb refers back to the sentential subject (e.g., John loves himself). To function in this context, and to get around the Principle B effect, taan—and also the regular pronouns—employ two strategies in Dravidian. Or, to put it more particularly, Malayalam employs one strategy, and the other Dravidian languages employ another strategy.
2.2. The Emphasis Marker Strategy of Reflexivization
In Malayalam taan, or a regular pronoun (e.g., awan), takes an emphasis marker tanne; the complex form taan tanne /awan tanne can be coreferential with the minimal subject:
The emphasis marker strategy is parallel to the strategy of European languages and East Asian languages; thus the Norwegian reflexive form is seg selv ('self-emphasis marker'), and the Japanese reflexive form is zibun zisin ('self-emphasis marker').
The way the emphasis marker insulates taan or a pronoun, so that the negative condition that a pronoun must not take an antecedent in the minimal clause is set aside, has been sought to be explained as follows (Jayaseelan, 1997): in the complex structure '[taan/pronoun tanne],' taan/pronoun is in the specifier position of a phrase which has its own internal head (possibly tanne) that governs it, and therefore taan/pronoun need be free (i.e., not bound) only in this smaller structure. (The same explanation has been offered for Norwegian seg selv (Hestvik, 1990).) (See Reuland, 2016 for a discussion of the different strategies languages use to insulate a pronoun from the effects of Principle B. The Malayalam strategy falls under what Reuland calls "protection.")
2.2.1. The Pronominal Use of Proper Names
Malayalam—but not the other Dravidian languages—instantiates the pronominal use of proper names. (Malayalam is not alone among the world's languages in doing this; it has been reported also in some other oriental languages, e.g., Vietnamese and Thai (Lasnik & Uriagereka, 1988; Lasnik, 1989).) In the sentence:
the second occurrence of 'John' seems to be functioning as a pronoun. This conjecture is confirmed by an interesting fact: the repeated proper name, when it is an argument of the verb, exhibits Principle B effects. Thus (11) is infelicitous:
But (11) can be made fine if the emphasis marker tanne is added to the repeated proper name:
In Malayalam, a proper name can be used not only as a third person pronoun; it can be (and very commonly is) used for second person reference. (This is possibly a way to avoid having to choose between honorific and nonhonorific forms of address.) Thus the following sentence can be addressed to 'John':
In the second person use also, the repeated proper name exhibits Principle B effects, which can be set aside by the use of the emphasis marker:
Note that a sentence like (12) or (14b) contains a reflexive formed from a proper name. Since any proper name can be turned into a reflexive in this way, the reflexive forms of the language cannot be a closed set, and a syntactic process of reflexivization in the language must be assumed (Amritavalli, 1984).
2.3. The Verbal Reflexive Strategy
Tamil, Telugu, and Kannada, the other major Dravidian languages, do not depend primarily on the emphasis marker strategy to reflexivize a transitive predicate. Instead, they use a 'verbal reflexive' in the typical reflexive context. The verbal reflexive is a light verb koL- ('take'), which is added to the perfect participle form of the main verb:
In Telugu, the direct object can even be dropped (in certain contexts) when the verbal reflexive is present (Subbarao & Lalitha-Murthy, 2000, p. 233):
In colloquial Tamil, the light verb kiT- ('get')—instead of koL- ('take')—seems to be the verbal reflexive, cf. (17) (Annamalai, 2000, p. 175):
The way the addition of koL makes the predicate reflexive has been sought to be explained in two ways. One explanation is that it brings about a valency reduction of the verb, making it monadic; but while the verb is now like an unaccusative, there is an implied meaning of agency like in the case of passives (Lidz, 2001, 2004). An alternative explanation is that koL affects the perspective of the predicate, giving it a self-benefactive meaning: the interpretation that koL induces is that the highest argument of the predicate 'comes to hold' the result state of the event described by the predicate (Sundaresan, 2012).
It should be noted that there are contexts where Tamil, Telugu, and Kannada also use the emphasis marker strategy that we saw in the case of Malayalam reflexive predicates. These contexts are the so-called dative subject constructions (Amritavalli, 2000, p. 65, Kannada example):
The dative subject predicates have been shown to be unaccusatives (a variety of intransitives) (Shibatani, 1999). Being intransitives, they are not amenable to a valency reduction operation by the addition of koL. This could be the reason why, in these contexts, the language has to resort to the emphasis marker strategy.
3. Local Anaphors: Reciprocal and Distributive
The reciprocal and distributive anaphors of Dravidian need to be bound by an antecedent in the local domain, and are in that sense well-behaved anaphors from the point of view of the binding theory of GB.
3.1. The Reciprocal Anaphor
The reciprocal anaphor has a bipartite structure; in this it is like the Italian reciprocal l'uno … l'altro (Belletti, 1982) and the English reciprocals each other and one another. In Kannada, the reciprocal is obbaru … obbaru ('one person … one person') (Amritavalli, 1984); in Malayalam it is oraaL … oraaL ('one person … one person') or oraaL … matte aaL ('one person … the other person'). Each part of this structure is a noun phrase in its own right and takes its own case, cf.
In the bipartite structure oraaL1… matte aaL2, one member shows the case that the anaphor receives by virtue of its position in the clausal structure; the case of the other member is a copy of the case of the antecedent. This may not be quite clear in the above example, because the copied case here is nominative, which has a null phonetic realization. But consider (20):
This sentence has a (so-called) dative subject. (An experiencer predicate generally has a dative subject in Dravidian.) Note how this case is copied onto oraaL. The sequence of the two parts—copied case NP–autonomous case NP—can be reversed, but with the proviso that matte 'other' should come second; this is only because 'other' requires the element it is contrasted with to precede it:
In (22), the copied-case NP follows the NP with its own case.
There is no contiguity requirement on the two parts of the reciprocal; the parts can be embedded in larger phrases, in which case there can be considerable intervening material between the two NPs, cf.
(The separability of the two members of the reciprocal construction can be noted even in English, cf. 'They should love each other'/'They should each love the other.')
Although the NPs oraaL and matte aaL are third person, there is no requirement that the antecedent should be third person:
As has been said, one member of the reciprocal structure must get its case by copying the case of the antecedent. It has been suggested that it is this case dependence that makes the reciprocal an anaphor; the claim is that the case agreement between the two NPs is an anaphoric relation (Amritavalli, 1984). An alternative explanation is that it is only the NP with its own case that occupies a θ-position; the NP with the dependent case is in a non-θ position. In LF, in order to be interpreted, the latter NP must adjoin to the antecedent so that it can share its θ-role (Jayaseelan, 1997; see also Heim et al., 1991 for the same explanation for English each other).
The proposal that the NP in a non-θ position must move up to its antecedent by successive-cyclic movement into all the intermediate Spec positions explains why the reciprocal anaphor is a strict anaphor that obeys Principle A of the binding theory. For if there is a filled Spec position in the path of the movement, it will block the progress of the NP towards the antecedent. Consider (25):
Here, the reciprocal can take only the embedded subject as antecedent; the matrix subject is inaccessible to the anaphor because of the intervening 'specified subject.' If the embedded subject is in the singular and therefore not a possible antecedent, the sentence is ungrammatical:
What has been illustrated in (25) and (26) is the opacity induced by an intervening subject. But the opacity created by an intervening tensed S boundary also affects the reciprocal anaphor. (This is comparable to English, cf. * 'They thought that each other would win.') Consider (27):
It is clearly the need of the NP in the non-θ position (i.e., the member of the reciprocal structure which has the copied case) to access the antecedent that induces the two opacities, namely the specified subject opacity and the tensed S opacity. The position of the other member of the reciprocal structure, namely the NP in the θ-position which has its own case, is irrelevant to these opacities. Consider (28) and (29):
These sentences are fine, because there is nothing that blocks oraaL from accessing its antecedent.
It should be noted that the reciprocal anaphor is not subject oriented:
Here 'each other' is anteceded by the indirect object.
Unlike the reflexive anaphor taan, the reciprocal cannot take split antecedents:
This is obviously because the member of the reciprocal structure which is in the non-θ position (i.e. the NP which has the copied case) needs to adjoin to its antecedent in the interpretive component of the grammar, and it cannot adjoin to two targets at the same time.
3.2. Some Other Reciprocals
There are some other forms that are used to convey the reciprocal meaning. In Malayalam, one can mention three such forms:
3.2.1. anyoonyam
This form is a tat-sama borrowing—that is, a borrowing without any change from the original—from Sanskrit, and it retains the Sanskrit case-endings. The underlying form is:
The sandhi rules of Sanskrit give anyoonyam. The underlying form has a bipartite structure consisting of two pronouns, the first one showing the nominative case and the second one the accusative case. Consider (33):
The distribution of this form is very restricted. It occurs typically in the direct object position of a transitive verb, as in (33), but it can also occur as the indirect object:
But this form is impossible if one tries to embed it within an argument, to express a meaning like 'They love each other's children.' This is possibly because it is 'frozen' and cannot take any case endings.
3.2.2. tammil (tammil)
This form is underlyingly:
The first part of it is an obsolete plural third person pronominal stem, related to taan and its plural form taŋŋaL; -il, as indicated, is the locative case-marker meaning 'in.' It is optionally reduplicated:
Since the stem is obsolete, it is doubtful if tammil is analyzed synchronically as a case-marked pronominal. Even if it were, it cannot be the argument taken by the verb in any of the sentences in which it occurs; thus, in (36), the verb sneehik'k' ('love') is subcategorized for a direct object case-marked accusative and not for a locative PP. It is better to treat tammil (tammil) as an unanalyzed form in the contemporary language which carries the meaning of reciprocity.
3.2.3. aŋŋooTTum iŋŋooTTum
This third form is completely transparent: it literally means 'that-way this-way.' Cf.
This form is obviously adverbial.
These last-mentioned two forms, tammil (tammil) and aŋŋooTTum iŋŋooTTum, are clearly adjuncts and do not occupy argument positions in the sentences in which they occur. Their function in the syntax can be compared to that of the English adverb mutually in a sentence like 'They mutually exchanged gifts.'
Like anyoonyam, these forms have a very restricted distribution. They cannot be used to convey the meaning of a reciprocal that is embedded in a larger phrase, as in 'We like each other's company' or 'They loved each other's children.'
3.3. Distributive Anaphors
The Dravidian languages have distributive anaphors, which are all formed by the reduplication of pronouns. In Malayalam one can mention four such anaphors: awar-awar, awan-awan, taan-taaŋŋaL, and at-aatǝ.
3.3.1. awar-awar
This anaphor is formed by the reduplication of the pronoun awar 'they.' Cf.
The anaphor has a bipartite structure, awar1awar2 , of which awar2 shows the case of the anaphor's position in the sentence. Awar1 shows no case or the null case of the nominative. That is, unlike the first element of the bipartite structure of oraaL oraaL, awar1 does not show the copied case of the antecedent. Again unlike oraaL oraaL, the two parts of the bipartite structure cannot be separated. We are probably dealing with a noun-noun compound here (and not two independent NPs), which would account for the fact that awar1 cannot take a case suffix of its own. The antecedent of the anaphor must be third person and plural (since awar 'they' is plural, third person).
In Kannada, however, this anaphor is not necessarily a noun-noun compound but may be two independent NPs, each with its own case. Cf. (39) (examples from Amritavalli, 2000, p. 91):
It must be assumed—as in the case of oraaL oraaL—that awar1 is not in a θ-position, and so must adjoin to (or otherwise access) the antecedent in order to share its θ-role. This would account for the fact that this form is an anaphor; it would also explain why this anaphor is sensitive to the opacity created by an intervening subject. Cf.:
The only possible interpretation of this sentence is that the policemen would save the policemen's children, not the children of the mothers. This is because awar1 is unable to access the matrix subject ammamaar owing to the intervening embedded subject poliisukaar. However, this anaphor—unlike oraaL oraaL—does not show the opacity created by an intervening tensed-S boundary; cf.:
This anaphor is not subject-oriented; cf.:
Here the antecedent is the indirect object.
A point to note is that when awar-awar is an argument of the verb, it is required to be disjoint in reference from every other argument of the verb, behaving in this respect like a pronoun. But since it is also required to be bound in the clause, the sentence is unacceptable:
But the sentence can be made fine if the emphasis marker tanne is added to it:
In the other Dravidian languages (Tamil, Telugu, and Kannada), which don't use the emphasis marker strategy primarily but instead use the verbal reflexive strategy, the presence of the verbal reflexive koL is obligatory in this context; cf. (Amritavalli, 2000, p. 90; Kannada example):
In all these respects, awar awar behaves like a regular pronoun.
3.3.2. awan-awan, taan-taaŋŋaL, and at-aatǝ
The form awan-awan is obtained by reduplicating the pronoun awan 'he,' which is third person, singular, and masculine. Therefore its antecedent must be third person and masculine; but of course the antecedent must be plural, this being a semantic requirement of all distributive anaphors. Cf.:
Regarding the form taan-taaŋŋaL, it is unclear what we are reduplicating here. But a good guess is that it is underlyingly:
where -kaL is a plural suffix. Its antecedent must be third person and [+human], since taan has these features. An example would be:
The form at-aatǝ is the reduplication of the demonstrative pronoun atǝ 'that (one)':
Since atǝ is [−human ], the antecedent of this anaphor must be [−human ] too. An example would be:
Everything that was said about awar-awar applies to these three distributive forms as well, so their properties will not be detailed here.
4. Pronouns
The Dravidian pronominal system has the usual three persons, two numbers, and three genders. Dravidian has natural gender, which means that all nonhuman referents are neuter and human referents are masculine or feminine according to sex. This being the case, it might be more appropriate to postulate a feature [+/− human], and to distinguish [masculine] and [feminine] as subclasses of [+human]. Gender is marked only in the third person forms, and even in these, in the plural forms the masculine-feminine distinction is neutralized. In the first person plural, there is a distinction between inclusive and exclusive in Tamil, Malayalam, and Telugu (but not in Kannada): the inclusive form is used when the person addressed is included in the 'we,' and the exclusive form is used otherwise. Here are some sample pronominal forms, in Tamil, Malayalam, Telugu, and Kannada:
The third person forms need a bit more elaboration. Besides marking the three-way gender distinctions, the third person forms come in proximal-distal pairs in all the Dravidian languages; that is, there is one form used to refer to something nearby (proximal) and another used to refer to something remote (distal). The paradigm will be illustrated only in one language, Malayalam.
As can be seen, the alternants in (52) are predictable: they differ only with respect to an initial vowel—/a/ or /i/.The reason for the choice is transparent: the Dravidian demonstratives are aa 'that' and ii 'this.' The agreement markers in Malayalam—with cognate forms in the sister languages—are -an for masculine singular, -aL for feminine singular, -tǝ for neuter singular, -ar for masculine/feminine plural, and -wa for neuter plural. Thus it is plausible to argue that awan 'he' (distal) is underlyingly aa 'that'+-an (masculine singular agreement), awaL 'she' (distal) is underlyingly aa 'that'+-aL (feminine singular agreement), atǝ 'it' (distal) is underlyingly aa 'that'+-tǝ (neuter singular agreement), etc. We can derive the proximal pronouns by starting with the proximal demonstrative ii as the base to which agreement markers are added: thus iwan 'he' (proximal) is underlyingly ii 'this'+-an (masculine singular agreement), etc. (This analysis is not uncontroversial; there are some traditional analyses that treat a form like awan as morphologically simple, and derive iwan from ii+awan; see Hariprasad (1998).)
There are honorificity distinctions. As in many languages, the singular 'you'—in Malayalam and Tamil, nii—is non-honorific; the corresponding plural form is honorific. There are some highly honorific forms, many of which have become archaic. (Formerly, a royal 'we'—naam in Malayalam—was used by kings and religious heads.)
4.1. Are Proximal Pronouns Really Pronouns?
It needs to be noted that the proximal and distal pronouns do not behave alike syntactically. The distal pronouns show all the familiar properties of pronominal forms in languages. Thus consider (53):
(53a) is ungrammatical with the indicated coreference; this shows that awan obeys Principle B of the binding theory, which says that a pronoun should not be coreferential with a sister argument within the clause. (53b) is fine, because the antecedent of awan is outside the minimal clause containing the pronoun. (53c) is also fine because the antecedent, although it is within the minimal clause, doesn't c-command the pronoun. (Or to put it differently, John and awan are not co-arguments of the verb.) (53d) is an instance of a pronoun picking up its reference from the discourse, that is, extrasententially. (53e) shows that awan can be bound by a quantifier. (This point needs to be stressed, because there are pronouns in languages that are not amenable to quantifier binding, an example being Japanese kare 'he.') Finally, (53f) shows that awan can pick up its reference from the nonlinguistic context, when it is used ostensively (i.e., to point out something). In sum, the distal pronouns of Dravidian bear out the general claim made about pronouns, namely that, except for the negative condition imposed on them by Principle B, they are completely "free": they can pick up their reference from the extralinguistic context, from the discourse, or from within the sentence. The distal pronouns are standard pronouns.
But when we look at the proximal pronouns, we get a very different picture. Consider the sentences of (54):
At a first glance, it would appear that the only licit use of the proximal pronoun is its ostensive use (to point at somebody or something), as instantiated here by (54f). (It cannot even be called an 'R-expression' in the sense of GB, because it apparently cannot be coreferential with a non-c-commanding NP, cf. (54c), or with an NP in the discourse, cf. (54d).) If this is the case, then it is not a pronoun at all but a demonstrative, as indeed its morphology would lead us to expect. (This is the position adopted in Jayaseelan, 2000 and Hariprasad, 1998.)
But a closer consideration shows that the real requirement of the proximal pronoun is that its antecedent be explicitly marked as [+proximal]. Once this requirement is taken care of, the proximal pronoun patterns exactly like the distal pronoun, cf.:
(55a) shows that the proximal pronoun obeys Principle B. And (55b) shows that it does not obey Principle C, and therefore it is not an R-expression. In contexts where neither of these binding principles apply, the pronoun is free to take its antecedent anywhere, as shown by (55c–d). Example (55e) shows that the pronoun can be bound by a quantifier. Thus the proximal pronoun is seen to be a regular, well-behaved pronoun, judging by all the familiar tests. (See Jayaseelan & Hariprasad, 2001.)
5. Dravidian Anaphora and the Binding Principles
The binding theory as originally formulated in Chomsky (1981) divided referring nominal expressions into three classes—anaphors, pronouns, and R expressions—each with its own binding principle. Principle A said that anaphors must have an antecedent in a certain local domain; Principle B said that pronouns should not have an antecedent in the same local domain. Together the two principles predicted that anaphors and pronouns would be in complementary distribution. However, this prediction turned out to be true only about anaphors and pronouns in the argument positions of verbs; the specifier positions of noun phrases seemed to accommodate both anaphors and pronouns indifferently (cf. 'They love their/each other's children'). Many proposals were made to fix this problem.
But the more serious challenge for the binding theory was posed by the discovery of long-distance anaphors. These elements had to be classified as anaphors because they required a c-commanding antecedent in the sentence; they contrasted with pronouns, which do not require an antecedent (c-commanding or not) in the sentence. But, problematically, these elements could be bound outside the local domain, in clear violation of Principle A. Long-distance anaphors also showed peculiar restrictions on their choice of antecedent: they were subject-oriented, and they could also be logophorically bound. The binding theory had nothing to say about such restrictions.
But even more embarrassingly for the binding theory, long-distance anaphors seemed to show Principle B effects: they were infelicitous if bound by the subject of the minimal clause containing them. So, were these elements anaphors or pronouns? The distinction seemed to break down. The Principle B effects exhibited by long-distance anaphors were apparently first noticed in the discussion of Dravidian data: Some early accounts of Dravidian taan analyzed this form as a pronoun (Mohanan, 1982; Amritavalli, 1984). This in turn led to the claim that anaphors are a subclass of pronouns (Jayaseelan, 1997). The thrust of research now was to see what makes a pronominal form an anaphor; more specifically, what is the "deficit" that makes a pronominal form require an antecedent in the sentence for its interpretation. The devices that languages use to set aside the Principle B effects—emphasis marker, detransitivizing light-verb, etc.—were also investigated in connection with taan; in Jayaseelan (1997), it was shown that the first-mentioned strategy, namely emphasis marker, was very widespread: it was employed by the Scandinavian languages, Japanese, Korean, Chinese, and English. (There are also many other devices that the languages of the world use—e.g., body-part nouns, other intensifiers, and doubling of pronominal elements—to set aside the Principle B effects; see Reuland, 2016 and references cited there.)
A signal contribution that Dravidian data made to the theory of anaphora was the demonstration that syntactic theory needs to incorporate a rule of anaphorization; especially with regard to reflexive forms, it was shown that any pronoun can be turned into a reflexive (Amritavalli, 1984; Jayaseelan, 1997). This showed that the approach of GB, which marked certain lexical items as 'anaphor' or 'pronoun' in the lexicon, was inadequate.
It must be noted that Principle A of the binding theory was not invalidated by the new developments in the investigation of anaphora. But its purview was restricted: only morphologically complex anaphors which contained a part that needed to copy the case and/or acquire the θ-role of an antecedent (see section 3) obeyed this principle. Again, Principle B has not been invalidated by later research, but the attempt latterly has been to explain it—and also the complementary distribution of pronouns and anaphors—in terms of deeper principles of UG; see for example Safir (2004), Rooryck and Vanden Wyngaerd (2011), Reuland (2011). As Reuland (2016) has aptly put it, the classical binding theory is still "useful as a descriptive tool"; it is an approximation which is "too bad to be true, but too good to be false."
Further Reading
For general information about the Dravidian languages—their history, geographical spread, population statistics, etc.—the reader may see Chapter 1 ('Introduction') of the following title:
Krishnamurti, Bh. (2003). The Dravidian languages. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press.Find this resource:
There are typological descriptions of the four major Dravidian languages—Tamil, Telugu, Kannada, and Malayalam—which the reader who wishes to have an overall picture of any one of them may wish to consult:
Asher, R. E., & Kumari, T. C. (1997). Malayalam. New York: Routledge.Find this resource:
Krishnamurti, Bh., & Gwynn, J. P. L. (1985). A grammar of Modern Telugu. Delhi: Oxford University Press.Find this resource:
Lehmann, T. (1989). A grammar of Modern Tamil. Pondicherry: Pondicherry Institute of Language and Culture.Find this resource:
Sridhar, S. N. (1990). Kannada. New York: Routledge.Find this resource:
A "principled typology" of just the anaphoric systems of the above-mentioned four principal languages can be found in:
Lust, B., Wali, K., Gair, J., & Subbarao, K. V. (Eds.). (2000). Lexical anaphors and pronouns in selected South Asian languages: A principled typology. New York: Mouton de Gruyter.Find this resource:
Amritavalli, R. (1984). Anaphorization in Dravidian. CIEFL Working Papers in Linguistics, 1, 1–31.Find this resource:
Amritavalli, R. (2000). Lexical anaphors and pronouns in Kannada. In B. Lust et al. (Eds.), Lexical anaphors and pronouns in selected South Asian languages: A principled typology (pp. 49–112). New York: Mouton de Gruyter.Find this resource:
Anderson, S. (1983). Types of dependency in anaphors: Icelandic (and other) reflexives. Journal of Linguistic Research, 2, 1–23.Find this resource:
Annamalai, E. (2000). Lexical anaphors and pronouns in Tamil. In B. Lust et al. (Eds.), Lexical anaphors and pronouns in selected South Asian languages: A principled typology (pp. 169–216). New York: Mouton de Gruyter.Find this resource:
Battistella, E. (1989). Chinese reflexivization: A movement to INFL approach. Linguistics, 27, 987–1012.Find this resource:
Belletti, A. (1982). On the anaphoric status of the reciprocal construction in Italian. The Linguistic Review, 2, 101–138.Find this resource:
Burzio, L. (1991). The morphological basis of anaphora. Journal of Linguistics, 27, 81–105.Find this resource:
Chomsky, N. (1981). Lectures on government and binding. Dordrecht: Foris.Find this resource:
Cole, P., & Sung, L. M. (1994). Head movement and long-distance reflexives. Linguistic Inquiry, 25, 355–406.Find this resource:
Fukui, N. (1984). Studies in Japanese anaphora. Unpublished manuscript, MIT.Find this resource:
Gurtu, M. (1985). Anaphoric relations in Hindi and English. (Unpublished doctoral diss.). Central Institute of English and Foreign Languages, Hyderabad.Find this resource:
Hariprasad, M. (1998). Anaphorization in Telugu and English. (Unpublished doctoral diss.). Central Institute of English and Foreign Languages, Hyderabad.Find this resource:
Heim, I., Lasnik, H., & May, R. (1991). Reciprocity and plurality. Linguistic Inquiry, 22, 63–101.Find this resource:
Hestvik, A. (1990). LF movement of pronouns and the computation of binding domains. (Unpublished doctoral diss.). Brandeis University, Waltham, MA.Find this resource:
Huang, C.-T. J., & Tang, C.-C. J. (1989). The local nature of the long-distance reflexive in Chinese. In Proceedings of the North Eastern Linguistics Society 19 (pp. 191–206). Amherst, MA: GLSA.Find this resource:
Huang, C.-T. J., & Liu, C.-S. L. (2001). Logophoricity, attitudes, and ziji at the interface. In P. Cole et al. (Eds.), Long distance reflexives (pp. 141–195). New York: Academic Press.Find this resource:
Huang, Y.-H. (1984). Reflexives in Chinese. Studies in English Literature and Linguistics, 10, 163–188.Find this resource:
Jayaseelan, K. A. (1997). Anaphors as pronouns. Studia lingüística, 51(2), 186–234.Find this resource:
Jayaseelan, K. A. (1998). Blocking effects and the syntax of Malayalam taan. In Rajendra Singh (Ed.), The yearbook of South Asian languages and linguistics 1998 (pp.11–27). New Delhi: SAGE.Find this resource:
Jayaseelan, K. A. (2000). Lexical anaphors and pronouns in Malayalam. In B. Lust et al. (Eds.), Lexical anaphors and pronouns in selected South Asian languages: A principled typology (pp. 113–168). New York: Mouton de Gruyter.Find this resource:
Jayaseelan, K. A., & Hariprasad, M. (2001). Deixis in pronouns and noun phrases. Linguistic Analysis, 31(1–2), 132–149.Find this resource:
Lasnik, H. (1989). On the necessity of binding conditions. In H. Lasnik (Ed.), Essays on Anaphora (pp. 149–167). Dordrecht: Kluwer.Find this resource:
Lasnik, H., & Uriagereka, J. (1988). A course in GB syntax: Lectures on binding and empty categories. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.Find this resource:
Lidz, J. (2001). The argument structure of verbal reflexives. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, 19(2), 311–353.Find this resource:
Lidz, J. (2004). Causation and refexivity in Kannada. In V. Dayal & A. Mahajan (Eds.), Clause structure in South Asian languages (pp. 93–130). Dordrecht: Kluwer.Find this resource:
Lust, B., Wali, K., Gair, J., & Subbarao, K. V. (Eds.). (2000). Lexical anaphors and pronouns in selected South Asian languages: A principled typology. New York: Mouton de Gruyter.Find this resource:
Mohanan, K. P. (1982). Grammatical relations and anaphora in Malayalam. MIT Working Papers in Linguistics, 4, 163–190.Find this resource:
Pica, P. (1987). On the nature of the reflexivization cycle. Proceedings of NELS, 17, 483–497.Find this resource:
Reinhart, T., & Reuland, E. (1991). Anaphors and logophors: An argument structure perspective. In J. Koster & E. Reuland (Eds.), Long-distance anaphora (pp. 283–321). Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press.Find this resource:
Reinhart, T., & Reuland, E. (1993). Reflexivity. Linguistic Inquiry, 24, 657–720.Find this resource:
Reuland, E. (2011). Anaphora and language design. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.Find this resource:
Reuland, E. (2016). Grammar of binding in the languages of the world: Unity versus diversity. Cognition. doi:10.1016/j.cognition.2016.01.020Find this resource:
Rooryck, J., & Vanden Wyngaerd, G. (2011). Dissolving binding theory. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Find this resource:
Safir, K. (2004). The syntax of anaphora. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Find this resource:
Shibatani, M. (1999). Dative subject constructions twenty-two years later. Studies in the Linguistic Sciences, 29(2), 45–76.Find this resource:
Subbarao, K. V., & Lalitha-Murthy, B. (2000). Lexical anaphors and pronouns in Telugu. In B. Lust et al. (Eds.), Lexical anaphors and pronouns in selected South Asian languages: A principled typology (pp. 217–273). New York: Mouton de Gruyter.Find this resource:
Sundaresan, S. (2012). Context and (co)reference in the syntax and its interfaces. (Unpublished doctoral diss.). University of Tromsø.Find this resource:
Ueda, M. (1984). On a Japanese reflexive zibun: A non-parametrization approach. Unpublished manuscript, University of Massachusetts, Amherst.Find this resource:
Zribi-Hertz, A. (1989). Anaphor binding and narrative point of view: English reflexive pronouns in sentence and discourse. Language, 65, 695–727.Find this resource:
(1.) A note on the transcription: /t, d, n/ are dental; /t, n/ are alveolar; /T, D, N, L, S/ are retroflex; /s'/ is palato-alveolar; /k'/ is palatalized; and /R/ is an alveolar tap. /w/ is a labiodental approximant without lip-rounding; it is shown as /v/ in certain transcriptions.


text:
After years of rumors, name calling, and false starts, Warcraft finally seems to be gearing up for filming. A film production tracking database called Production Weekly has tweeted that Legendary Studios is setting up in Vancouver, Canada, to begin filming in January, 2014.
.@Legendary has setup offices at CMPP Studios for @Warcraft with filming scheduled to begin January 13th #CONFLAGRATION
— Production Weekly (@prodweek) August 28, 2013
Right now, only the production company (Legendary Pictures), director (Duncan Jones), and writer (Charles Leavitt) are known. No casting announcements have yet been made. Jones is a powerful name in geek circles, having directed the modern sci-fi classic Moon. He also made the thoroughly gimmicky script for Source Code into a fun, watchable experience, when by all rights it ought to have been annoyingly standard. Writer Charles Leavitt also brings credibility, having penned the script for the Academy Award-nominated Blood Diamond. Spiderman and Evil Dead director Sam Raimi was previously helming the project, but recently quit after years of inaction.
Though this is popularly referred to as a "World of Warcraft movie," in reality it's a more general cinematic adaptation of the Warcraft universe, and as yet there are no details about what part of the fiction it might cover. A teaser trailer at San Diego Comic Con showed a human facing off against an orc in a mixture of live action and CG.
Honestly, a recap of the story of Arthas, or anything else covered in recent games, seems unlikely; Blizzard has said that one of the reasons they've taken so long in gearing up to this project is that they want to do something that's both new and right for the series. This seems to imply that they're committed to opening up a whole new area in the universe — which would also work quite nicely as an introduction to the subject matter of their next Warcraft-themed game. Whether it's an expansion, a new MMO, or a return to the franchise's RTS roots, what better way to stir up excitement for a new villain or hero than to debut them on the silver screen?
The film is expected to release in 2015.

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Wow. I just completed my online application for health insurance in California, and I am amazed how easy and trouble-free it was. And now I can't believe so many Republican politicians worked so hard to deny me this. As a person who survived a potentially fatal cancer in 2009, who had surgery and a long recovery, who has fought to get the care I need and was concerned after losing my job at Salon that insurance would be too costly or unavailable, I was worried.
But Covered California is awesome. I feel so relieved. Also I feel angrier now, actually, toward the foes of the Affordable Care Act than I did while the debate was going on. When I had good medical care through Salon, the issue was important but didn't affect my own survival. But after leaving Salon, it really came home to me personally. So now, having just this minute completed my California Care enrollment, and getting healthcare for me and my wife, which will cover our familiar UCSF Medical Center, for about $420 a month, I'm feeling like it's a political victory that is pretty unreal. Pretty amazing.
So: Thanks, Obama. Thanks, California.
And screw you, Republican scrooges, who would rather see me go bankrupt or die of cancer than see the country join the rest of the civilized industrial world in providing all its citizens with health care!


text:
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text:
NVIDIA CUDA-enabled Applications Roundup
CUDA-enabled apps give CPUs a break during video transcoding
General purpose graphics processing units (GPGPUs) have had a huge impact in everything from professional and home applications to video processing and even physics simulations. No GPU parallel computing architecture has been more in the spotlight than NVIDIA's CUDA either. This Instruction Set Architecture (ISA) uses a parallel compute engine in NVIDIA's graphics processing units to solve many complex computational problems significantly faster than a CPU. CUDA performs two major functions that consumers should be aware of – it helps reduce or match CPU usage by engaging the GPU's stream processors and it can accelerate any computing process that CUDA is enabled.
Another important factor to note is that CUDA is supported by many lower-end NVIDIA GPUs including the GeForce 8400GS, 8500GT, 8800GTS, 8800GTX, 8800 Ultra, and all the way up to the GTX 295 (complete list of compatible video cards available here). Professional GPUs like Tesla-series video cards or GeForce and Quadro-series mobile GPUs are also compatible with CUDA technology. This means that consumers on a budget or those with older-generation NVIDIA GPUs can take full advantage of graphics acceleration CUDA enables in many applications.
CUDA technology is being used in many different types of applications including video and audio encoding, oil and gas exploration, product design, medical imaging, and scientific research. So what CPU function has CUDA been most utilized by software developers recently? The answer is consumer-level video transcoding applications.
(Graphics provided by Loilo, ArcSoft, MotionDSP, Elemental, and Cyberlink)
The ideal transcoder should be simple to use, reduce or match the computing load placed the CPU, produce a high quality reproduction of the input, and complete the transcode as fast as possible. Typical CPU-based transcoding usually makes the primary processor do all the work. CUDA-enabled GPUs allow the graphics card to process all the computations and leaves only very specific work for the CPU.
With that in mind, we selected five CUDA-enabled transcoding applications that use this architecture is similar, but in some instances, very different ways. We chose to test MotionDSP's vReveal, Cyberlink's PowerDirector 7 Ultra, Loilo's Super Loiloscope, ArcSoft's TotalMedia Theatre 3 Platinum, and Elemental's Badaboom to evaluate how these applications utilize CUDA technology as well as what performance benefits consumers will notice during the video transcoding process. Each of these applications implements CUDA technology in different aspects of the transcoding process. Some use it for its raw computing power during transcoding, while others only use it for DVD upscaling and video effects. Each of the apps we chose will showcase CUDA in a different light and hopefully show this technology's true versatility.
Next Page - System Configuration Testing Methodology


text:
Ireland investigates death of ill woman who was denied abortion
DUBLIN - The debate over legalizing abortion in Ireland flared Wednesday after the government confirmed that a woman in the midst of a miscarriage was refused an abortion and died in an Irish hospital after suffering from blood poisoning.
Prime Minister Enda Kenny said he was awaiting findings from three investigations into the death of Savita Halappanavar, a 31-year-old Indian woman who was 17 weeks pregnant. Her case highlighted the legal limbo in which pregnant women facing severe health problems can find themselves in predominantly Catholic Ireland.
Ireland's constitution officially bans abortion, but a 1992 Supreme Court ruling found the procedure should be legalized for situations when the woman's life is at risk from continuing the pregnancy. Five governments since have refused to pass a law resolving the confusion, leaving Irish hospitals reluctant to terminate pregnancies except in the most obviously life-threatening circumstances.
The vast bulk of Irish women wanting abortions, an estimated 4,000 per year, simply travel next door to England, where abortion has been legal on demand since 1967. But that option is difficult, if not impossible, for women in failing health.
Halappanavar's husband, Praveen, said doctors at University Hospital Galway in western Ireland determined she was miscarrying within hours of her hospitalization for severe pain on Sunday, Oct. 21. He said over the next three days, doctors refused their requests for an abortion to combat her surging pain and fading health.
The hospital declined to say whether doctors believed Halappanavar's blood poisoning could have been reversed had she received an abortion rather than waiting for the fetus to die on its own. In a statement, it described its own investigation into the death, and a parallel probe by the government's Health Service Executive, as "standard" whenever a pregnant woman dies in a hospital. The Galway coroner also planned a public inquest.
"Savita was really in agony. She was very upset, but she accepted she was losing the baby," he told The Irish Times. "When the consultant came on the ward rounds on Monday morning, Savita asked if they could not save the baby, could they induce to end the pregnancy? The consultant said: 'As long as there is a fetal heartbeat, we can't do anything.' "
He said his wife collapsed in a restroom Tuesday night, but doctors wouldn't terminate the fetus because its heart was still beating. The fetus died the following day and its remains were surgically removed. Within hours, Savita was placed under sedation in intensive care with blood poisoning and he was never able to speak with her again, her husband said. She was pronounced dead Oct. 28.
They had settled in 2008 in Galway, where Praveen Halappanavar works as an engineer at the medical devices manufacturer Boston Scientific. His wife was qualified as a dentist but had taken time off for her pregnancy.


text: STILLEN Big Brake Systems are very complete. Each axle kit comes with two high performance calipers, two high performance cross-drilled and slotted 13'' or 14'' rotors, high performance brake pads, brake lines, hardware, spindles (if needed) and instructions. We highly recommend using the installation opportunity to change out the old brake fluid as well. A brake fluid developed to withstand higher temperatures (like the Motul brand) is ideal for performance oriented drivers. Actual product may vary slightly from image.


text:
5:00 pm
Antiques Roadshow "Mobile, AL - Part 3" Appraisers spy a Confederate army belt buckle, an archive of letters and documents from Franklin Delano Roosevelt bought at an estate sale for $5, and a circa 1850 Virginia painted chest, estimated to be worth $60,000. Part 3 of 3G
6:00 pm
Priceless Antiques Roadshow Host Fiona Bruce introduces more memorable moments and specialist Judith Miller relives her antiques-mad youth in Edinburgh.G
6:30 pm
Rick Steves' Europe "Tuscany's Dolce Vita" Rick explores the small towns and rural countryside of Tuscany. He hunts for truffles in an oak forest, nibbles through an artichoke festival, shares a farmhouse feast, climbs the Leaning Tower of Pisa, and rides in a classic convertible through the cypress groves of Mona Lisa's backyard.G
7:00 pm
The Lawrence Welk Show "Down on the Farm" This 1973 show features Norma Zimmer singing "Suddenly There's a Valley." Bobby and Cissy bring "Turkey in the Straw" to life. Joe Feeney soars on "Oh What a Beautiful Morning." Jimmy Roberts says to "Shine On Harvest Moon."G
8:00 pm
Are You Being Served? "Strong Stuff This Insurance" Grace Brothers' new group insurance scheme requires the staff to become fit before medical examinations.G
8:30 pm
Keeping Up Appearances - The Memoirs of Hyacinth Bucket "A Celebrity for the Barbecue" Hyacinth volunteers Richard's services at the Church Hall where there is a problem with the lights. However, he is less than successful in his chore.G
9:00 pm
As Time Goes By "Branching Out" Jean is opening another secretarial agency and looking for someone to run it. Meanwhile, work for Lionel seems to have dried up.G
9:30 pm
Outnumbered Mum finds an inappropriate image on the family computer. Karen, convinced she has won a large amount of money, starts to spend it. Ben brings his special talents to the ancient game of chess.G
10:00 pm
The Red Green Show "The Beaver Dam" Possum Lake is rising thanks to industrious beavers and their dam. Red uses empty duct tape rolls to make a beer cellar.G
10:30 pm
My Family "Let's Not Be Heisty" Ben's attempt to pay money into his bank account is thwarted when someone else tries to take some out - with the aid of sawed-off shotguns. Ben and Susan, along with others, are held as hostages. Ben decides to act as a negotiator.G
11:00 pm
Doctor Who Series "The Almost People" As the solar storm rages and the factory crumbles, a doppelganger driven mad by the memories of being "decommissioned" is seeking revenge. The Doctor must convince the terrified factory workers to embrace their own humanity and work together with the doppelgangers to overcome a monster of their own making.G
11:46 pm
Doctor Who: Confidential "Take Two" NULL


text:
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Gold Party Canada believes in doing business the right way, in supporting the communities in which we operate, in giving something back… For a complete list of Gold Party Canada's non-profit partners, click here. For more information about organizing a Gold Party Fundraiser in support of your preferred cause, click here.
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text:
How much oil has spilled?
Big quantities are sometimes hard to grasp. They are outside our everyday experience. When you hear that millions of gallons of crude are spilling in the Gulf, how much is that really? Professor James Corbett of the University of Delaware has done the math in a creative way.
Assuming the gusher is was gushing 50,000 barrels of crude a day (you can adjust this assumption on the site), "As of day 66 (today), if that oil had been refined to fuel in a typical US refinery, it would have produced gasoline, diesel fuel, and fuel oil capable of powering these vehicles:
- 118,000 Cars for a year, and
- 9,800 Trucks for a year, and
- 163 Containership days"
All the cars in Topeka
Most of us don't have a good feel for how many a hundred thousand cars are. So the U. Delaware site also shows the cities in the U.S. with 100,000 or more cars. This includes such cities as Pasadena, California, Buffalo, New York, Brownsville, Texas, Hartford, Connecticut and Alexandria, Virginia. All the cars in one of those cities could do all their driving for a year on the gas that could be made from the oil spilled so far. And the same crude would also provide diesel fuel for 10,000 trucks for a year, and bunker for ships.
If that's too hard to grasp, consider that you could drive your car on that gas for 100,000 years. (But what fun would that be?)
If the first Homo sapiens had started driving with that gas he or she could still be driving today (assuming fewer miles driven during the first 199,900 years, when there weren't any decent roads). Our species is only about 200,000 years old.
How risky was it to drill there?
And was that a risk worth taking? The U. Delaware site also provides a good discussion of how we try to quantify such risks. In fact, we can look at the environmental impact statement approved by the Minerals Management Service and see the probabilities BP assigned to the type of accident that occurred. The EIS "estimated the probability of a blowout in deep water drilling to range between 2 and 7 in a thousand".
If you had such a 0.2% to 0.7% chance of a disaster costing $100 billion (and the bill might be that high--not counting the damage which can't be repaired at any cost), then you would have to expect a proportionately huge upside potential to make such a well worth drilling. In fact you would have to expect to make about $500 billion in profit on the well to take such a risky bet. Since BP only makes about $30 billion in profit a year, the well would have to generate as much profit as all of BP's other activities put together every year for more than a decade, which seems unlikely. So why did they drill there?
Oil companies get special math
The reason oil companies will drill in the face of such odds is this: They know they won't have to pay the whole bill. Also, they probably told themselves that it couldn't possibly be this bad. (In fact we can read their EIS and see that they told government regulators it couldn't be this bad--and the regulators believed them!)
The Oil Pollution Act "limits the liability of responsible parties for offshore facilities, such as the Deepwater Horizon facility, to all removal costs (i.e., direct cleanup cost) plus $75 million and other language places a limit of $3,200 per gross ton".
This gross ton number tells you why BP has been so cagey about accurately quantifying just how much oil is spilling, has spilled, or will spill. Expect lawyers to argue about this for the next few decades. There's more detailed discussion on the site.
So even if the Gulf blowout ends up gushing two million barrels, as seems likely, that is about 300,000 tons of crude, for a total liability of around a billion dollars. (See conversion factors here.)
So the math for oil companies is not so bad. Downside say a couple of billion max, with a probability of 0.5%, so you only have to plan on making $10 million profit on the project to make it an even bet. The U.S. taxpayer and those who would have benefited from an undegraded environment bear the rest of the liability.
The severity and cost of the current spill may change that calculus, but they haven't yet.
[This is cross-posted from the Doc's Green Blog.]
David Wheat's Science In Action site has articles about science and math in the real world, weird science, science news, unexpected connections, and other cool science stuff. There is an index of the articles by topic here.


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Up until you've had your heating unit checked by a specialist, you may not definitively detect the problem. Likewise see that the heating system doesn't leak. A new water heater Davidsonville, MD is a huge financial investment, and one which you and your family members will depend on for ages.
Choosing exactly what type of water heater is most efficient for you can be an challenging process so let's assist you and provide knowledgeable assistance Davidsonville, MD it is possible to trust. If you've observed your water heater isn't really running along with it used to, or if it's consuming more of your energy expense than regular, it might be time to put cash into a brand-new, higher effectiveness water heater. If you've got an electric water heater that doesn't develop warm water after being turned on for some moment, then the heating element might be faulty.
Your heater may require replacing, or it might simply need some extremely basic maintenance. It's easy to forget that you've got to keep up your water heater until you're made to take cold showers Davidsonville, MD. Though a water heater may seem a modern benefit, it's likewise a manner of life for many homeowners. It's more efficient than a storage-tank water heater as it does not keep heating up the similar unused H20. If you've had the specific storage-tank water heater for the past 10 to 15 years, you might want to upgrade to a brand-new tankless water heater.
In Our Davidsonville Metro there are numerous type of water heaters. If your water heater is increasing in age (over 10-12 decades of life) and you 'd love to consider replacement, we can help with that too! For that reason it's important to understand different kinds of water heaters which are available when acquiring one for your house Davidsonville, MD. It's important to rely on the most appropriate kind of water heater to satisfy all your requirements. On the other side, if your water heater shows considerable signs of rust and leaking, it might be time to consider replacing it. Tankless water heaters are the newest development in the plumbing market in Davidsonville, MD.
Sometimes the repair is more expensive than a replacement would be. Contact us now in case you require water heater restoration Davidsonville, MD! Water heater repair can wind up being a dangerous proposition, especially for beginners. Whether you think you need water heater repair in your Davidsonville location home or you feel a brand-new tank setup might be the best strategy, you may rest assured that our specialists at Home Comfort Experts have the dedication and know-how to help you.
Often times, the repair is economical and quick. The most usual sign your water heater requires repair is it does not use enough warm water. Water heater repair is exactly what's required, hence get in contact with a plumbing . Typically, it can still be carried out to maximize the life of a device. As a result, whether you require a water heater repair or a replacement of your system, you can delight in the greater performance you get and conserve at the precise very same moment.
Local Water Heater Repair Expert Davidsonville
After the water has drained from the water heater just screw the new anode rod back in the opening. When it is running too hot, it usually means the thermostat is set too high. Then, allow the water be cooled. Rust-colored water may be caused by corrosion in a glass-lined tank or a failing anode rod. If hard water is a persistent problem for your house, however, it ought not be your sole approach to combating scale. When it's just dirty, all you have to do is clean it with warm water and enable the system run non-stop for approximately four hours.
You need to have hot water in about one hour. Or perhaps you live on your own and will never use hot water in more than 1 room at a moment. In the cold nations, individuals need hot water for unique purposes in their everyday lives.
In case you have any questions on parts for your RV water heater or some other RV Parts or RV Accessories you can discover the internet an excellent place or resource for extra info and can contact one of many RV Parts Dealers online or you may also contact your community RV Dealership or RV Repair. Some problems you might be in a position to troubleshoot all on your own. Several sorts of water heater issues can cause difficulties with water temperature. Before you begin to troubleshoot water heater problems, it's critical to remember safety first.
There are particular tactics to vent the heater to make certain all carbon monoxide gas goes outside. Even though you might focus just on the construction kinds of water heaters, it's also advisable to think about the neighborhood fuel expenses and rates prior to making a choice. Water heaters are extremely essential, particularly in the cold nations. Your water heater is among the one most expensive elements of your plumbing system. Tankless water heaters vary in dimension. They are attached to the water tap. So to be sure you get the most suitable water heater for your house, you first will need to consider what's the maximum hot water you will have to be using at the same time.
Know what sort of water heater you've got. The very first point to check if you've got a gas water heater and no hot water is whether you have gas. All gas heaters have to be vented. As a result, should you need a forty-gallon gas heater, you will likely require a fifty-gallon electric heater to supply enough quantity of water prepared to use.
In order to receive rid of sediments from the tank, the heater ought to be flushed thoroughly. Water heaters are of wonderful value in homes since used in heating water employed in cooking, cleaning and bathing. Basically, they are classified according to their make and energy source. If you're replacing a current water heater, check to determine what type you have at the moment. Not all them imply that the hot water heater is probably to have to be updated, which is an excellent thing. Therefore, selecting a very good water heater for your situation and requirements can be rather taxing and tedious, especially if you don't have the crucial know-how about the characteristics and functionality of each type.
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