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The young life of Daoud Hari–his friends call him David–has been one of bravery and mesmerizing adventure. He is a living witness to the brutal genocide under way in Darfur.
The Translator is a suspenseful, harrowing, and deeply moving memoir of how one person has made a difference in the world–an on-the-ground account of one of the biggest stories of our time. Using his high school knowledge of languages as his weapon–while others around him were taking up arms–Daoud Hari has helped inform the world about Darfur.
Hari, a Zaghawa tribesman, grew up in a village in the Darfur region of Sudan. As a child he saw colorful weddings, raced his camels across the desert, and played games in the moonlight after his work was done. In 2003, this traditional life was shattered when helicopter gunships appeared over Darfur's villages, followed by Sudanese-government-backed militia groups attacking on horseback, raping and murdering citizens and burning villages. Ancient hatreds and greed for natural resources had collided, and the conflagration spread.
Though Hari's village was attacked and destroyedhis family decimated and dispersed, he himself escaped. Roaming the battlefield deserts on camels, he and a group of his friends helped survivors find food, water, and the way to safety. When international aid groups and reporters arrived, Hari offered his services as a translator and guide. In doing so, he risked his life again and again, for the government of Sudan had outlawed journalists in the region, and death was the punishment for those who aided the "foreign spies." And then, inevitably, his luck ran out and he was captured. . . .
The Translator tells the remarkable story of a man who came face-to-face with genocide– time and again risking his own life to fight injustice and save his people.
In That Used to Be Us, Thomas L. Friedman, one of our most influential columnists, and Michael Mandelbaum, one of our leading foreign policy thinkers, offer both a wake-up call and a call to collective action. They analyze the four challenges we face—globalization, the revolution in information technology, the nation's chronic deficits, and our pattern of excessive energy consumption—and spell out what we need to do now to sustain the American dream and preserve American power in the world. They explain how the end of the Cold War blinded the nation to the need to address these issues seriously, and how China's educational successes, industrial might, and technological prowess remind us of the ways in which "that used to be us." They explain how the paralysis of our political system and the erosion of key American values have made it impossible for us to carry out the policies the country urgently needs.
And yet Friedman and Mandelbaum believe that the recovery of American greatness is within reach. They show how America's history, when properly understood, offers a five-part formula for prosperity that will enable us to cope successfully with the challenges we face. They offer vivid profiles of individuals who have not lost sight of the American habits of bold thought and dramatic action. They propose a clear way out of the trap into which the country has fallen, a way that includes the rediscovery of some of our most vital traditions and the creation of a new thirdparty movement to galvanize the country.
That Used to Be Us is both a searching exploration of the American condition today and a rousing manifesto for American renewal.
In 1997, young Richard Engel, working freelance for Arab news sources, got a call that a busload of Italian tourists was massacred at a Cairo museum. This is his first view of the carnage these years would pile on. Over two decades he has been under fire, blown out of hotel beds, and taken hostage. He has watched Mubarak and Morsi in Egypt arrested and condemned, reported from Jerusalem, been through the Lebanese war, covered the shooting match in Iraq and the Libyan rebels who toppled Gaddafi, reported from Syria as Al-Qaeda stepped in, and was kidnapped in the Syrian cross currents of fighting. Engel takes the reader into Afghanistan with the Taliban and to Iraq with ISIS. In the page-turning And Then All Hell Broke Loose, he shares his "quick-paced...thrilling adventure story" (Associated Press).
Engel takes chances, though not reckless ones, keeps a level head and a sense of humor, as well as a grasp of history in the making. Reporting as NBC's Chief-Foreign Correspondent, he reveals his unparalleled access to the major figures, the gritty soldiers, and the helpless victims in the Middle East during this watershed time. His vivid story is "a nerve-racking...and informative portrait of a troubled region" (Kansas City Star) that shows the splintering of the nation states previously cobbled together by the victors of World War I. "Engel's harrowing adventures make for gripping reading" (The New York Times) and his unforgettable view of the suffering and despair of the local populations offers a succinct and authoritative account of our ever-changing world.
One of the most thought-provoking books ever written about the Middle East, From Beirut to Jerusalem remains vital to our understanding of this complex and volatile region of the world. Three-time Pulitzer Prize winner Thomas L. Friedman drew upon his ten years of experience reporting from Lebanon and Israel to write this now-classic work of journalism. In a new afterword, he updates his journey with a fresh discussion of the Arab Awakenings and how they are transforming the area, and a new look at relations between Israelis and Palestinians, and Israelis and Israelis.
Rich with anecdote, history, analysis, and autobiography, From Beirut to Jerusalem will continue to shape how we see the Middle East for many years to come.
"If you're only going to read one book on the Middle East, this is it."--Seymour M. Hersh
The seminal work on foreign policy and the art of diplomacy.
Moving from a sweeping overview of history to blow-by-blow accounts of his negotiations with world leaders, Henry Kissinger describes how the art of diplomacy has created the world in which we live, and how America's approach to foreign affairs has always differed vastly from that of other nations.
Brilliant, controversial, and profoundly incisive, Diplomacy stands as the culmination of a lifetime of diplomatic service and scholarship. It is vital reading for anyone concerned with the forces that have shaped our world today and will impact upon it tomorrow.
The world's leading intellectual offers a probing examination of the waning American Century, the nature of U.S. policies post-9/11, and the perils of valuing power above democracy and human rights
In an incisive, thorough analysis of the current international situation, Noam Chomsky argues that the United States, through its military-first policies and its unstinting devotion to maintaining a world-spanning empire, is both risking catastrophe and wrecking the global commons. Drawing on a wide range of examples, from the expanding drone assassination program to the threat of nuclear warfare, as well as the flashpoints of Iraq, Iran, Afghanistan, and Israel/Palestine, he offers unexpected and nuanced insights into the workings of imperial power on our increasingly chaotic planet.
In the process, Chomsky provides a brilliant anatomy of just how U.S. elites have grown ever more insulated from any democratic constraints on their power. While the broader population is lulled into apathy—diverted to consumerism or hatred of the vulnerable—the corporations and the rich have increasingly been allowed to do as they please.
Fierce, unsparing, and meticulously documented, Who Rules the World? delivers the indispensable understanding of the central conflicts and dangers of our time that we have come to expect from Chomsky.
At the beginning of the twenty-first century, unsurpassed in military strength and ownership of world resources, the United States was indisputably the most powerful nation in the world. Today, China, Russia, India, and others are increasing their share of world power resources. Information once reserved for the government is now available for mass consumption. The Internet has literally put power at the fingertips of nonstate agents, allowing them to launch cyberattacks from their homes. The cyberage has created a new power frontier among states, ripe with opportunity for developing countries. To remain at the pinnacle of world power, the United States must adopt a strategy that designed for a global information age.
The New York Times Book Review • The Economist • The Christian Science Monitor • Bloomberg Businessweek • The Globe and Mail
From the bestselling and award-winning author of Paris 1919 comes a masterpiece of narrative nonfiction, a fascinating portrait of Europe from 1900 up to the outbreak of World War I.
The century since the end of the Napoleonic wars had been the most peaceful era Europe had known since the fall of the Roman Empire. In the first years of the twentieth century, Europe believed it was marching to a golden, happy, and prosperous future. But instead, complex personalities and rivalries, colonialism and ethnic nationalisms, and shifting alliances helped to bring about the failure of the long peace and the outbreak of a war that transformed Europe and the world.
The War That Ended Peace brings vividly to life the military leaders, politicians, diplomats, bankers, and the extended, interrelated family of crowned heads across Europe who failed to stop the descent into war: in Germany, the mercurial Kaiser Wilhelm II and the chief of the German general staff, Von Moltke the Younger; in Austria-Hungary, Emperor Franz Joseph, a man who tried, through sheer hard work, to stave off the coming chaos in his empire; in Russia, Tsar Nicholas II and his wife; in Britain, King Edward VII, Prime Minister Herbert Asquith, and British admiral Jacky Fisher, the fierce advocate of naval reform who entered into the arms race with Germany that pushed the continent toward confrontation on land and sea.
There are the would-be peacemakers as well, among them prophets of the horrors of future wars whose warnings went unheeded: Alfred Nobel, who donated his fortune to the cause of international understanding, and Bertha von Suttner, a writer and activist who was the first woman awarded Nobel's new Peace Prize. Here too we meet the urbane and cosmopolitan Count Harry Kessler, who noticed many of the early signs that something was stirring in Europe; the young Winston Churchill, then First Lord of the Admiralty and a rising figure in British politics; Madame Caillaux, who shot a man who might have been a force for peace; and more. With indelible portraits, MacMillan shows how the fateful decisions of a few powerful people changed the course of history.
Taut, suspenseful, and impossible to put down, The War That Ended Peace is also a wise cautionary reminder of how wars happen in spite of the near-universal desire to keep the peace. Destined to become a classic in the tradition of Barbara Tuchman's The Guns of August, The War That Ended Peace enriches our understanding of one of the defining periods and events of the twentieth century.
Praise for The War That Ended Peace
"Magnificent . . . The War That Ended Peace will certainly rank among the best books of the centennial crop."—The Economist
"Superb."—The New York Times Book Review
"Masterly . . . marvelous . . . Those looking to understand why World War I happened will have a hard time finding a better place to start."—The Christian Science Monitor
"The debate over the war's origins has raged for years. Ms. MacMillan's explanation goes straight to the heart of political fallibility. . . . Elegantly written, with wonderful character sketches of the key players, this is a book to be treasured."—The Wall Street Journal
"A magisterial 600-page panorama."—Christopher Clark, London Review of Books
In his previous book, The Elusive Quest for Growth, William Easterly criticized the utter ineffectiveness of Western organizations to mitigate global poverty, and he was promptly fired by his then-employer, the World Bank. The White Man's Burden is his widely anticipated counterpunch—a brilliant and blistering indictment of the West's economic policies for the world's poor. Sometimes angry, sometimes irreverent, but always clear-eyed and rigorous, Easterly argues that we in the West need to face our own history of ineptitude and draw the proper conclusions, especially at a time when the question of our ability to transplant Western institutions has become one of the most pressing issues we face.
Geoffrey Wawro approaches America's role in the Middle East in a fundamentally new way-by encompassing the last century of the entire region, rather than focusing narrowly on a particular country or era. The result is a definitive and revelatory history whose drama, tragedy, and rich irony he relates with unprecedented verve. Wawro combed archives in the United States and Europe and traveled the Middle East to unearth new insights into the hidden motivations, backroom dealing, and outright espionage that shaped some of the most tumultuous events of the last one hundred years. Wawro offers piercing analysis of iconic events from the birth of Israel to the death of Sadat, from the Suez crisis to the energy crisis, from the Six-Day War to Desert One, from Iran-contra to the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and the rise of al- Qaeda. Throughout, he draws telling parallels between America's past mistakes and its current quandaries, proving that we're in today's muddle not just because of our old errors, but because we keep repeating those errors.
America has juggled multiple commitments and conflicting priorities in the Middle East for nearly a century. Strands of idealism and ruthless practicality have alternated- and sometimes run together-in our policy. Quicksand untangles these strands as no history has done before by showing how our strategies unfolded over the entire century and across the entire region. We've persistently misread the intentions and motivations of every major player in the region because we've insisted on viewing them through the lens of our own culture, hopes, and fears. Most administrations since Eisenhower's have adopted their own "doctrine" for the Middle East, and almost every doctrine has failed precisely because it's a doctrine-a template into which events on the ground refuse to fit. Geoffrey Wawro's peerless and remarkably lively history is key to understanding our errors and the Middle East-at last- on its own terms.
Closer to home, Hoffman reconsiders the Timothy McVeigh case and the threats posed by American Christian white supremacists and abortion opponents as well as those posed by militant environmentalists and animal rights activists. He argues that the attacks on the World Trade Center fundamentally transformed the West's view of the terrorist threat. More relevant and necessary than ever, Inside Terrorism continues to be the definitive work on the history and future of global terrorism.
Moving across local, regional, and national scales, St. John shows how government officials, Native American raiders, ranchers, railroad builders, miners, investors, immigrants, and smugglers contributed to the rise of state power on the border and developed strategies to navigate the increasingly regulated landscape. Over the border's history, the U.S. and Mexican states gradually developed an expanding array of official laws, ad hoc arrangements, government agents, and physical barriers that did not close the line, but made it a flexible barrier that restricted the movement of some people, goods, and animals without impeding others. By the 1930s, their efforts had created the foundations of the modern border control apparatus.
Drawing on extensive research in U.S. and Mexican archives, Line in the Sand weaves together a transnational history of how an undistinguished strip of land became the significant and symbolic space of state power and national definition that we know today.
In this follow-up to their national bestseller Cobra II, Michael Gordon and General Bernard E. Trainor deftly piece together the story of the most widely reported but least understood war in American history. This stunning account of the political and military struggle between American, Iraqi, and Iranian forces brings together vivid reporting of diplomatic intrigue and gripping accounts of the blow-by-blow fighting that lasted nearly a decade. Informed by brilliant research and extensive interviews with key figures—including everyone from the intelligence community to Sunni and Shi'ite leaders and former insurgents to senior Iraqi military officers—The Endgame presents a riveting chronicle of the occupation of Iraq to the withdrawal of American troops that is sure to remain the essential account of the war for years to come.
This E-book edition also contains a new Appendix collecting twenty-three classified documents, with commentary, that shed new light on some of the military's crucial mistakes and missed opportunities.
Since its initial publication, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order has become a classic work of international relations and one of the most influential books ever written about foreign affairs. An insightful and powerful analysis of the forces driving global politics, it is as indispensable to our understanding of American foreign policy today as the day it was published. As former National Security Adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski says in his new foreword to the book, it "has earned a place on the shelf of only about a dozen or so truly enduring works that provide the quintessential insights necessary for a broad understanding of world affairs in our time."
Samuel Huntington explains how clashes between civilizations are the greatest threat to world peace but also how an international order based on civilizations is the best safeguard against war. Events since the publication of the book have proved the wisdom of that analysis. The 9/11 attacks and wars in Iraq and Afghanistan have demonstrated the threat of civilizations but have also shown how vital international cross-civilization cooperation is to restoring peace. As ideological distinctions among nations have been replaced by cultural differences, world politics has been reconfigured. Across the globe, new conflicts—and new cooperation—have replaced the old order of the Cold War era.
The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order explains how the population explosion in Muslim countries and the economic rise of East Asia are changing global politics. These developments challenge Western dominance, promote opposition to supposedly "universal" Western ideals, and intensify intercivilization conflict over such issues as nuclear proliferation, immigration, human rights, and democracy. The Muslim population surge has led to many small wars throughout Eurasia, and the rise of China could lead to a global war of civilizations. Huntington offers a strategy for the West to preserve its unique culture and emphasizes the need for people everywhere to learn to coexist in a complex, multipolar, muliticivilizational world.
Power is shifting-from large, stable armies to loose bands of insrugents, from corporate leviathans to nimble start-ups, and from presidential palaces to public squares. But power is also changing, becoming harder to use and easier to lose. In The End of Power, award-winning columnist and former Foreign Policy editor Moisés Naím illuminates the struggle between once-dominant megaplayers and the new micropowers challenging them in every field of human endeavor. Drawing on provocative, original research and a lifetime of experience in global afffairs, Naím explains how the end of power is reconfiguring our world.
"The End of Power will ... change the way you look at the world."--Bill Clinton
"Extraordinary."--George Soros
"Compelling and original."--Arianna Huffington
"A fascinating new perspective...Naím makes eye-opening connections."--Francis Fukuyama
Inaugural Pick for Mark Zuckerberg's "Year of Books" Challenge * Financial Times Best Book of the Year * Washington Post Notable Book * Washington Post Nonfiction Bestseller
Dan Reiter explains how information about combat outcomes and other factors may persuade a warring nation to demand more or less in peace negotiations, and why a country might refuse to negotiate limited terms and instead tenaciously pursue absolute victory if it fears that its enemy might renege on a peace deal. He fully lays out the theory and then tests it on more than twenty cases of war-termination behavior, including decisions during the American Civil War, the two world wars, and the Korean War. Reiter helps solve some of the most enduring puzzles in military history, such as why Abraham Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation, why Germany in 1918 renewed its attack in the West after securing peace with Russia in the East, and why Britain refused to seek peace terms with Germany after France fell in 1940.
How Wars End concludes with a timely discussion of twentieth-century American foreign policy, framing the Bush Doctrine's emphasis on preventive war in the context of the theory.
Chua shows how in non-Western countries around the globe, free markets have concentrated starkly disproportionate wealth in the hands of a resented ethnic minority. These "market-dominant minorities" – Chinese in Southeast Asia, Croatians in the former Yugoslavia, whites in Latin America and South Africa, Indians in East Africa, Lebanese in West Africa, Jews in post-communist Russia – become objects of violent hatred. At the same time, democracy empowers the impoverished majority, unleashing ethnic demagoguery, confiscation, and sometimes genocidal revenge. She also argues that the United States has become the world's most visible market-dominant minority, a fact that helps explain the rising tide of anti-Americanism around the world. Chua is a friend of globalization, but she urges us to find ways to spread its benefits and curb its most destructive aspects.
In 2005, veteran diplomat and Asia analyst Jeffrey Bader met for the first time with the then-junior U.S. senator from Illinois. When Barack Obama entered the White House a few years later, Bader was named the senior director for East Asian affairs on the National Security Council, becoming one of a handful of advisers responsible for formulating and implementing the administration's policy regarding that key region. For obvious reasons—a booming economy, expanding military power, and increasing influence over the region—the looming impact of a rising China dominated their efforts.
Obama's original intent was to extend U.S. influence and presence in East Asia, which he felt had been neglected by a Bush administration fixated on the Middle East, particularly Iraq, and the war on terror. China's rise, particularly its military buildup, was heightening anxiety among its neighbors, including key U.S. allies Japan and South Korea. Bader explains the administration's efforts to develop stable relations with China while improving relationships with key partners worried about Beijing's new assertiveness.
In Obama and China's Rise, Bader reveals what he did, discusses what he saw, and interprets what it meant—first during the Obama campaign, and then for the administration. The result is an illuminating backstage view of the formulation and execution of American foreign policy as well as a candid assessment of both. Bader combines insightful and authoritative foreign policy analysis with a revealing and humanizing narrative of his own personal journey.
Fidel Castro was a dictatorial pariah to some and a hero and inspiration for many of the world's poor, defiantly charting an independent and revolutionary path for Cuba over nearly half a century. Numerous attempts were made to get Castro to tell his own story. But only in the twilight of his years was he prepared to set out the details of his remarkable biography for the world to read before his death in 2016. This book is nothing less than his living testament.
In these pages, Castro narrates a compelling chronicle that spans the harshness of his elementary school teachers; the early failures of the revolution; his intense comradeship with Che Guevara and their astonishing, against-all-odds victory over the dictator Batista; the Cuban perspective on the Bay of Pigs and the ensuing missile crisis; the active role of Cuba in African independence movements (especially its large military involvement in fighting apartheid South Africa in Angola); his relations with prominent public figures such as Boris Yeltsin, Pope John Paul II, and Saddam Hussein; and his dealings with no less than ten successive American presidents, from Eisenhower to George W. Bush.
Castro talks proudly of increasing life expectancy in Cuba; of the half million students in Cuban universities; and of the training of seventy thousand Cuban doctors nearly half of whom work abroad, assisting the poor in Africa, Asia, and Latin America. He confronts a number of thorny issues, including democracy and human rights, discrimination toward homosexuals, and the presence of the death penalty on Cuban statute books. Along the way he shares intimacies about more personal matters: the benevolent strictness of his father, his successful attempt to give up cigars, his love of Ernest Hemingway's novels, and his calculation that by not shaving he saves up to ten working days each year.
Drawing on more than one hundred hours of interviews with Ignacio Ramonet, a knowledgeable and trusted interlocutor, this spoken autobiography will stand as the definitive record of an extraordinary life lived in turbulent times.
The Assassins' Gate also describes the place of the war in American life: the ideological battles in Washington that led to chaos in Iraq, the ordeal of a fallen soldier's family, and the political culture of a country too bitterly polarized to realize such a vast and morally complex undertaking. George Packer's first-person narrative combines the scope of an epic history with the depth and intimacy of a novel, creating a masterful account of America's most controversial foreign venture since Vietnam.
With guides to sources and documentation, abundant tabular data, and over thirty maps, this will be the definitive volume on the most vexing conflict of the post-Soviet period. One reviewer commented: Superb! There is nothing like it. Extraordinarily knowledgeable and well-documented. It has depth, it's insightful, and it's intelligent. The analysis is brilliant; it captures the goals and motives of the parties as well as their priorities. It will get lots of attention.
At the beginning of the twenty-first century, unsurpassed in military strength and ownership of world resources, the United States was indisputably the most powerful nation in the world. Today, China, Russia, India, and others are increasing their share of world power resources. Information once reserved for the government is now available for mass consumption. The Internet has literally put power at the fingertips of nonstate agents, allowing them to launch cyberattacks from their homes. The cyberage has created a new power frontier among states, ripe with opportunity for developing countries. To remain at the pinnacle of world power, the United States must adopt a strategy that designed for a global information age.
In assessing the consequences of this new, less expensive foreign policy, Mandelbaum, one of America's leading foreign policy experts, describes the policies the United States will have to discontinue, assesses the potential threats from China, Russia, and Iran, and recommends a new policy, centered on a reduction in the nation's dependence on foreign oil, which can do for America and the world in the twenty-first century what the containment of the Soviet Union did in the twentieth.
For more than a decade, America has been waging a new kind of war against the financial networks of rogue regimes, proliferators, terrorist groups, and criminal syndicates. Juan Zarate, a chief architect of modern financial warfare and a former senior Treasury and White House official, pulls back the curtain on this shadowy world. In this gripping story, he explains in unprecedented detail how a small, dedicated group of officials redefined the Treasury's role and used its unique powers, relationships, and reputation to apply financial pressure against America's enemies.
This group unleashed a new brand of financial power-one that leveraged the private sector and banks directly to isolate rogues from the international financial system. By harnessing the forces of globalization and the centrality of the American market and dollar, Treasury developed a new way of undermining America's foes. Treasury and its tools soon became, and remain, critical in the most vital geopolitical challenges facing the United States, including terrorism, nuclear proliferation, and the regimes in Iran, North Korea, and Syria.
This book is the definitive account, by an unparalleled expert, of how financial warfare has taken pride of place in American foreign policy and how America's competitors and enemies are now learning to use this type of power themselves. This is the unique story of the United States' financial war campaigns and the contours and uses of financial power, and of the warfare to come.
After setting out the political implications of restraint as a guiding principle, Posen sketches the appropriate military forces and posture that would support such a strategy. He works with a deliberately constrained notion of grand strategy and, even more important, of national security (which he defines as including sovereignty, territorial integrity, power position, and safety). His alternative for military strategy, which Posen calls "command of the commons," focuses on protecting U.S. global access through naval, air, and space power, while freeing the United States from most of the relationships that require the permanent stationing of U.S. forces overseas.
Exploring the historical roots of Islamism, feminism, and global justice, the book also shows how these movements have been stimulated by relatively recent globalization processes. Moghadam examines similarities and differences among the three movements, along with internal differentiation within each. Her argument is informed by feminist, world-systems, world polity, and social movement theories in a seamlessly integrated framework that will be essential reading for all students of globalization.
In this magisterial look at some twenty-five years of scientific and social development, Sheila Jasanoff compares the politics and policy of the life sciences in Britain, Germany, the United States, and in the European Union as a whole. She shows how public and private actors in each setting evaluated new manifestations of biotechnology and tried to reassure themselves about their safety.
Three main themes emerge. First, core concepts of democratic theory, such as citizenship, deliberation, and accountability, cannot be understood satisfactorily without taking on board the politics of science and technology. Second, in all three countries, policies for the life sciences have been incorporated into "nation-building" projects that seek to reimagine what the nation stands for. Third, political culture influences democratic politics, and it works through the institutionalized ways in which citizens understand and evaluate public knowledge. These three aspects of contemporary politics, Jasanoff argues, help account not only for policy divergences but also for the perceived legitimacy of state actions.
For more than three hundred years, the world wrestled with conflicts between nation-states, which wielded military force, financial pressure, and diplomatic persuasion to create "world order." But in 2012, the involvement of the US and Israeli governments in Operation "Olympic Games," a mission aimed at disrupting the Iranian nuclear program through cyberattacks, was revealed; Russia and China conducted massive cyber-espionage operations; and the world split over the governance of the Internet. Cyberspace became a battlefield.
Cyber warfare demands that the rules of engagement be completely reworked and all the old niceties of diplomacy be recast. Many of the critical resources of statecraft are now in the hands of the private sector, giant technology companies in particular. In this new world order, Segal reveals, power has been well and truly hacked.
In this new collection of conversations, conducted from 2010 to 2012, Noam Chomsky explores the most immediate and urgent concerns: the future of democracy in the Arab world, the implications of the Fukushima nuclear disaster, the European financial crisis, the breakdown of American mainstream political institutions, and the rise of the Occupy movement. As always, Chomsky presents his ideas vividly and accessibly, with uncompromising principle and clarifying insight.
The latest volume from a long-established, trusted partnership, Power Systems shows once again that no interlocutor engages with Chomsky more effectively than David Barsamian. These interviews will inspire a new generation of readers, as well as longtime Chomsky fans eager for his latest thinking on the many crises we now confront, both at home and abroad. They confirm that Chomsky is an unparalleled resource for anyone seeking to understand our world today.
Though rooted in the present, Nathan and Scobell's study makes ample use of the past, reaching back into history to illuminate the people and institutions shaping Chinese strategy today. They also examine Chinese views of the United States; explain why China is so concerned about Japan; and uncover China's interests in such problematic countries as North Korea, Iran, and the Sudan. The authors probe recent troubles in Tibet and Xinjiang and explore their links to forces beyond China's borders. They consider the tactics deployed by mainland China and Taiwan, as Taiwan seeks to maintain autonomy in the face of Chinese advances toward unification. They evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of China's three main power resources—economic power, military power, and soft power.
The authors conclude with recommendations for the United States as it seeks to manage China's rise. Chinese policymakers understand that their nation's prosperity, stability, and security depend on cooperation with the United States. If handled wisely, the authors believe, relations between the two countries can produce mutually beneficial outcomes for both Asia and the world.
In Bending History, Martin Indyk, Kenneth Lieberthal, and Michael O'Hanlon measure Obama not only against the record of his predecessors and the immediate challenges of the day, but also against his own soaring rhetoric and inspiring goals. Bending History assesses the considerable accomplishments as well as the failures and seeks to explain what has happened.
Obama's best work has been on major and pressing foreign policy challenges—counterterrorism policy, including the daring raid that eliminated Osama bin Laden; the "reset" with Russia; managing the increasingly significant relationship with China; and handling the rogue states of Iran and North Korea. Policy on resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, however, has reflected serious flaws in both strategy and execution. Afghanistan policy has been plagued by inconsistent messaging and teamwork. On important "softer" security issues—from energy and climate policy to problems in Africa and Mexico—the record is mixed. As for his early aspiration to reshape the international order, according greater roles and responsibilities to rising powers, Obama's efforts have been well-conceived but of limited effectiveness.
On issues of secondary importance, Obama has been disciplined in avoiding fruitless disputes (as with Chavez in Venezuela and Castro in Cuba) and insisting that others take the lead (as with Qaddafi in Libya). Notwithstanding several missteps, he has generally managed well the complex challenges of the Arab awakenings, striving to strike the right balance between U.S. values and interests.
The authors see Obama's foreign policy to date as a triumph of discipline and realism over ideology. He has been neither the transformative beacon his devotees have wanted, nor the weak apologist for America that his critics allege. They conclude that his grand strategy for promoting American interests in a tumultuous world may only now be emerging, and may yet be curtailed by conflict with Iran. Most of all, they argue that he or his successor will have to embrace U.S. economic renewal as the core foreign policy and national security challenge of the future.
One of the most significant and controversial developments in contemporary warfare is the use of unmanned aerial vehicles, commonly referred to as drones. In the last decade, US drone strikes have more than doubled and their deployment is transforming the way wars are fought across the globe. But how did drones claim such an important role in modern military planning? And how are they changing military strategy and the ethics of war and peace? What standards might effectively limit their use? Should there even be a limit?
Drone warfare is the first book to engage fully with the political, legal, and ethical dimensions of UAVs. In it, political scientist Sarah Kreps and philosopher John Kaag discuss the extraordinary expansion of drone programs from the Cold War to the present day and their so-called effectiveness in conflict zones. Analysing the political implications of drone technology for foreign and domestic policy as well as public opinion, the authors go on to examine the strategic position of the United States - by far the worlds most prolific employer of drones - to argue that US military supremacy could be used to enshrine a new set of international agreements and treaties aimed at controlling the use of UAVs in the future.
Focusing on the role of the "tribute system" in maintaining stability in East Asia and in fostering diplomatic and commercial exchange, Kang contrasts this history against the example of Europe and the East Asian states' skirmishes with nomadic peoples to the north and west. Although China has been the unquestioned hegemon in the region, with other political units always considered secondary, the tributary order entailed military, cultural, and economic dimensions that afforded its participants immense latitude. Europe's "Westphalian" system, on the other hand, was based on formal equality among states and balance-of-power politics, resulting in incessant interstate conflict.
Scholars tend to view Europe's experience as universal, but Kang upends this tradition, emphasizing East Asia's formal hierarchy as an international system with its own history and character. This approach not only recasts our understanding of East Asian relations but also defines a model that applies to other hegemonies outside the European order.
In The Revenge of Geography, Kaplan builds on the insights, discoveries, and theories of great geographers and geopolitical thinkers of the near and distant past to look back at critical pivots in history and then to look forward at the evolving global scene. Kaplan traces the history of the world's hot spots by examining their climates, topographies, and proximities to other embattled lands. The Russian steppe's pitiless climate and limited vegetation bred hard and cruel men bent on destruction, for example, while Nazi geopoliticians distorted geopolitics entirely, calculating that space on the globe used by the British Empire and the Soviet Union could be swallowed by a greater German homeland.
Kaplan then applies the lessons learned to the present crises in Europe, Russia, China, the Indian subcontinent, Turkey, Iran, and the Arab Middle East. The result is a holistic interpretation of the next cycle of conflict throughout Eurasia. Remarkably, the future can be understood in the context of temperature, land allotment, and other physical certainties: China, able to feed only 23 percent of its people from land that is only 7 percent arable, has sought energy, minerals, and metals from such brutal regimes as Burma, Iran, and Zimbabwe, putting it in moral conflict with the United States. Afghanistan's porous borders will keep it the principal invasion route into India, and a vital rear base for Pakistan, India's main enemy. Iran will exploit the advantage of being the only country that straddles both energy-producing areas of the Persian Gulf and the Caspian Sea. Finally, Kaplan posits that the United States might rue engaging in far-flung conflicts with Iraq and Afghanistan rather than tending to its direct neighbor Mexico, which is on the verge of becoming a semifailed state due to drug cartel carnage.
A brilliant rebuttal to thinkers who suggest that globalism will trump geography, this indispensable work shows how timeless truths and natural facts can help prevent this century's looming cataclysms.
Praise for The Revenge of Geography
"[An] ambitious and challenging new book . . . [The Revenge of Geography] displays a formidable grasp of contemporary world politics and serves as a powerful reminder that it has been the planet's geophysical configurations, as much as the flow of competing religions and ideologies, that have shaped human conflicts, past and present."—Malise Ruthven, The New York Review of Books
"Robert D. Kaplan, the world-traveling reporter and intellectual whose fourteen books constitute a bedrock of penetrating exposition and analysis on the post-Cold War world . . . strips away much of the cant that suffuses public discourse these days on global developments and gets to a fundamental reality: that geography remains today, as it has been throughout history, one of the most powerful drivers of world events."—The National Interest
"Kaplan plunges into a planetary review that is often thrilling in its sheer scale . . . encyclopedic."—The New Yorker
"[The Revenge of Geography] serves the facts straight up. . . . Kaplan's realism and willingness to face hard facts make The Revenge of Geography a valuable antidote to the feel-good manifestoes that often masquerade as strategic thought."—The Daily Beast
A dramatic shift is taking place in Israel and America. In Israel, the deepening occupation of the West Bank is putting Israeli democracy at risk. In the United States, the refusal of major Jewish organizations to defend democracy in the Jewish state is alienating many young liberal Jews from Zionism itself. In the next generation, the liberal Zionist dream—the dream of a state that safeguards the Jewish people and cherishes democratic ideals—may die.
In The Crisis of Zionism, Peter Beinart lays out in chilling detail the looming danger to Israeli democracy and the American Jewish establishment's refusal to confront it. And he offers a fascinating, groundbreaking portrait of the two leaders at the center of the crisis: Barack Obama, America's first "Jewish president," a man steeped in the liberalism he learned from his many Jewish friends and mentors in Chicago; and Benjamin Netanyahu, the Israeli prime minister who considers liberalism the Jewish people's special curse. These two men embody fundamentally different visions not just of American and Israeli national interests but of the mission of the Jewish people itself.
Beinart concludes with provocative proposals for how the relationship between American Jews and Israel must change, and with an eloquent and moving appeal for American Jews to defend the dream of a democratic Jewish state before it is too late.
This edition offers fresh analysis and insight into
• Fundamental shifts in the global energy balance • The revolution in shale gas and oil • New energy frontiers, from ultra deepwater to the Arctic • The rising agenda of safety concerns across the energy complex • Energy poverty • Infrastructure for modernizing power grids • Climate security in the current political and economic environment
The contributors offer a lively discussion of the challenges and opportunities presented by these changes and how they affect national security and regional politics around the globe.-- Jeffrey E. Garten, Yale University
Famous to many Americans for her cover stories and media appearances, Ann Louise Bardach has been covering Cuba for a decade. She's talked to the crooks, spooks and politicians who have made history, and to their hired assassins and confidants. Based on exclusive interviews with Fidel Castro, his sister Juanita, his former brother-in-law Rafael Díaz-Balart, the family of Elián González, the friends and family of the legendary American fugitive Robert Vesco, the intrepid terrorist Luis Posada Carriles, and the inner circles of Jeb Bush and the late exile leader Jorge Mas Canosa, Cuba Confidential exposes the hardball take-no-prisoners tactics of the Cuban exile leadership, and its manipulation and exploitation by ten American presidents.
Bardach homes in on Fidel Castro and his cronies, taking us closer than we've ever been—and on the militant exiles who have devoted their lives, with CIA connivance, to trying to eliminate him. From Calle Ocho to Juan Miguel González's kitchen table in Cárdenas, from Guantánamo Bay to Union City to Washington, D.C., Ann Louise Bardach serves up an unforgettable portrait of Cuba and its exiles.
In her Pulitzer Prize-winning examination of the last century of American history, Samantha Power asks the haunting question: Why do American leaders who vow "never again" repeatedly fail to stop genocide? Power, a professor at the Harvard Kennedy School and the former US Ambassador to the United Nations, draws upon exclusive interviews with Washington's top policymakers, thousands of declassified documents, and her own reporting from modern killing fields to provide the answer. "A Problem from Hell" shows how decent Americans inside and outside government refused to get involved despite chilling warnings, and tells the stories of the courageous Americans who risked their careers and lives in an effort to get the United States to act. A modern classic, "A Problem from Hell" has forever reshaped debates about American foreign policy.
Winner of the Pulitzer Prize
Winner of the Robert F. Kennedy Book Award
Winner of the National Book Critics Circle Award
Winner of the J. Anthony Lukas Book Prize
Winner of the Anisfield-Wolf Book Award
Winner of the Raphael Lemkin Award
Employing a novel approach to ethics in practice and in relationship to international organizations, Barnett offers an unsettling possibility: the UN culture recast the ethical commitments of well-intentioned individuals, arresting any duty to aid at the outset of the genocide. Barnett argues that the UN bears some moral responsibility for the genocide. Particularly disturbing is his observation that not only did the UN violate its moral responsibilities, but also that many in New York believed that they were "doing the right thing" as they did so. Barnett addresses the ways in which the Rwandan genocide raises a warning about this age of humanitarianism and concludes by asking whether it is possible to build moral institutions.
Aware of U.S. plans to withdraw from the country, knowing their efforts were only a footprint in the sand, the fifty Marines of 3rd Platoon fought in Sangin, the most dangerous district in all of Afghanistan. So heavy were the casualties that the Secretary of Defense offered to pull the Marines out. Instead, they pushed forward. Each Marine in 3rd Platoon patrolled two and a half miles a day for six months—a total of one million steps—in search of a ghostlike enemy that struck without warning. Why did the Marines attack and attack, day after day?
Every day brought a new skirmish. Each footfall might trigger an IED. Half the Marines in 3rd Platoon didn't make it intact to the end of the tour. One Million Steps is the story of the fifty brave men who faced these grim odds and refused to back down. Based on Bing West's embeds with 3rd Platoon, as well as on their handwritten log, this is a gripping grunt's-eye view of life on the front lines of America's longest war. Writing with a combat veteran's compassion for the fallen, West also offers a damning critique of the higher-ups who expected our warriors to act as nation-builders—and whose failed strategy put American lives at unnecessary risk.
Each time a leader was struck down, another rose up to take his place. How does one man instill courage in another? What welded these men together as firmly as steel plates?
This remarkable book is the story of warriors caught between a maddening, unrealistic strategy and their unswerving commitment to the fight. Fearsome, inspiring, and poignant in its telling, One Million Steps is sure to become a classic, a unique and enduring testament to the American warrior spirit.
Praise for One Million Steps
"West shows the reality of modern warfare in a way that is utterly gripping."—Max Boot, author of Invisible Armies
"A gripping, boot-level account of Marines in Afghanistan during the bloody struggle with Taliban fighters."—Los Angeles Times
"One Million Steps transcends combat narrative: It is an epic of contemporary small-unit combat."—Eliot A. Cohen, author of Supreme Command
"A blistering assault on America's senior military leadership."—The Wall Street Journal
"A heart-pounding portrayal . . . a compelling account of what these men endured."—The Washington Post
"Stunning, sobering, and brilliantly written."—Newt Gingrich
"One of the most intrepid military journalists, Bing West, delivers a heart-wrenching account of one platoon's fight."—Bill Bennett, host of Morning in America
"Bing West has reconfirmed his standing as one of the most intrepid and insightful observers of America's wars. . . . One Million Steps reveals the essence of small-unit combat, the very soul of war."—The Weekly Standard
"A searing read, but it is one that all Americans should undertake. We send our sons into battle, and few know what our warriors experience."—The Washington Times
From the clipper ships that ventured to Canton hauling cargos of American ginseng to swap Chinese tea, to the US warships facing off against China's growing navy in the South China Sea, from the Yankee missionaries who brought Christianity and education to China, to the Chinese who built the American West, the United States and China have always been dramatically intertwined. For more than two centuries, American and Chinese statesmen, merchants, missionaries, and adventurers, men and women, have profoundly influenced the fate of these nations. While we tend to think of America's ties with China as starting in 1972 with the visit of President Richard Nixon to China, the patterns—rapturous enchantment followed by angry disillusionment—were set in motion hundreds of years earlier.
Drawing on personal letters, diaries, memoirs, government documents, and contemporary news reports, John Pomfret reconstructs the surprising, tragic, and marvelous ways Americans and Chinese have engaged with one another through the centuries. A fascinating and thrilling account, The Beautiful Country and the Middle Kingdom is also an indispensable book for understanding the most important—and often the most perplexing—relationship between any two countries in the world.
Wedeen shows how such flagrantly fictitious claims were able to produce a politics of public dissimulation in which citizens acted as if they revered the leader. By inundating daily life with tired symbolism, the regime exercised a subtle, yet effective form of power. The cult worked to enforce obedience, induce complicity, isolate Syrians from one another, and set guidelines for public speech and behavior. Wedeen's ethnographic research demonstrates how Syrians recognized the disciplinary aspects of the cult and sought to undermine them. In a new preface, Wedeen discusses the uprising against the Syrian regime that began in 2011 and questions the usefulness of the concept of legitimacy in trying to analyze and understand authoritarian regimes.
Will China be successful in implementing a new wave of transformational reforms that could last decades and make it the world's leading superpower? Or will its leaders shy away from the drastic changes required because the regime's power is at risk? If so, will that lead to prolonged stagnation or even regime collapse? Might China move down a more liberal or even democratic path? Or will China instead emerge as a hard, authoritarian and aggressive superstate?
In this new book, David Shambaugh argues that these potential pathways are all possibilities - but they depend on key decisions yet to be made by China's leaders, different pressures from within Chinese society, as well as actions taken by other nations. Assessing these scenarios and their implications, he offers a thoughtful and clear study of China's future for all those seeking to understand the country's likely trajectory over the coming decade and beyond.
Ian Bremmer argues that Washington's directionless foreign policy has become prohibitively expensive and increasingly dangerous. Since the end of the Cold War, U.S. policymakers have stumbled from crisis to crisis in Afghanistan, Iraq, Iran, Libya, Syria, and Ukraine without a clear strategy. Ordinary Americans too often base their foreign policy choices on allegiance or opposition to the party in power. We can no longer afford this complacency, especially now that both parties are deeply divided about America's role in the world. The next presidential election could easily pit an interventionist Democrat against an isolationist Republican—or the exact opposite.
As 2016 rapidly approaches, Bremmer urges every American to think more deeply about what sort of country America should be and how it should use its superpower status. He explores three options:
Independent America asserts that it's time for America to declare independence from the responsibility to solve other people's problems. Instead, Americans should lead by example—in part, by investing in the country's vast untapped potential.
Moneyball America acknowledges that Washington can't meet every international challenge. With a clear-eyed assessment of U.S. strengths and limitations, we must look beyond empty arguments over exceptionalism and American values. The priorities must be to focus on opportunities and to defend U.S. interests where they're threatened.
Indispensable America argues that only America can defend the values on which global stability increasingly depends. In today's interdependent, hyperconnected world, a turn inward would undermine America's own security and prosperity. We will never live in a stable world while others are denied their most basic freedoms—from China to Russia to the Middle East and beyond.
There are sound arguments for and against each of these choices, but we must choose. Washington can no longer improvise a foreign policy without a lasting commitment to a coherent strategy.
As Bremmer notes, "When I began writing this book, I didn't know which of these three choices I would favor. It's easy to be swayed by pundits and politicians with a story to sell or an ax to grind. My attempt to make the most honest and forceful case I could make for each of these three arguments helped me understand what I believe and why I believe it. I hope it will do the same for you. I don't ask you to agree with me. I ask only that you choose."
Bok first describes the principal findings of happiness researchers. He considers how reliable the results appear to be and whether they deserve to be taken into account in devising government policies. Recognizing both the strengths and weaknesses of happiness research, Bok looks at the policy implications for economic growth, equality, retirement, unemployment, health care, mental health, family programs, education, and government quality, among other subjects. Timely and incisive, The Politics of Happiness sheds new light on what makes people happy and how government policy could foster greater satisfaction for all.
In what may be the best analysis of how international relations affected any domestic issue, Mary Dudziak interprets postwar civil rights as a Cold War feature. She argues that the Cold War helped facilitate key social reforms, including desegregation. Civil rights activists gained tremendous advantage as the government sought to polish its international image. But improving the nation's reputation did not always require real change. This focus on image rather than substance--combined with constraints on McCarthy-era political activism and the triumph of law-and-order rhetoric--limited the nature and extent of progress.
Archival information, much of it newly available, supports Dudziak's argument that civil rights was Cold War policy. But the story is also one of people: an African-American veteran of World War II lynched in Georgia; an attorney general flooded by civil rights petitions from abroad; the teenagers who desegregated Little Rock's Central High; African diplomats denied restaurant service; black artists living in Europe and supporting the civil rights movement from overseas; conservative politicians viewing desegregation as a communist plot; and civil rights leaders who saw their struggle eclipsed by Vietnam.
Never before has any scholar so directly connected civil rights and the Cold War. Contributing mightily to our understanding of both, Dudziak advances--in clear and lively prose--a new wave of scholarship that corrects isolationist tendencies in American history by applying an international perspective to domestic affairs.
In her new preface, Dudziak discusses the way the Cold War figures into civil rights history, and details this book's origins, as one question about civil rights could not be answered without broadening her research from domestic to international influences on American history.


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Some Strokes, Black Keys, Johnny Depp, Ke$ha & More Pay Tribute To Tom Petty @ El Rey, Los Angeles 11/14/12
"This is a lot of Alpha energy to wrangle," Guster's Ryan Miller said in testament to Alex Levy and the Cabin Down Below Band's work last night. "This is a hard thing to organize." And that's probably true of most every tribute concert of this nature, as it has probably been true of the decade of Petty Fest's preceding last night's. But for this debut Los Angeles installment, the nature of those Alphas was distinct, peculiar, and fitting the environment. The NYC jam last month had Devendra Banhart. Last night had Johnny Depp in a feathered hat for six songs. Also it's cool how you learn certain things about smoking in California venues when Johnny Depp comes to your show, like how it's totally prohibited, unless you are onstage, and wearing a feathered hat, and called Johnny Depp. Aspirational loophole for you cloves smokers out there.
Most every installment of the Best Fest series — which include similar productions honoring Dylan and the Stones — are a motley melange of actors, comedians, and rock stars, congregated to worship the work of the evening's predesignated demigod. Last night's idol, Tom Petty, is custom-built for this sorta thing. Over a long and storied career, Petty's work is a testament to the enduring resonance of the open-voiced guitar chord, and proof you can find unprecedentedly memorable melodies within them if only you were inspired enough. These are songs built to belt out loud. They are tunes built for a feel good night (a fact enhanced by the fest's pledge that all the night's proceeds would benefit the musicians' charity Sweet Relief and Hurricane Sandy victims, and the cups of whiskey flowing from the night's primary and visible sponsor, Jameson.) And this wasn't a night for reinvention, but rather revisitation. It's live karaoke where the fun is in the stunt casting, the songbook, and the bizarre onstage combinations of humans giving it voice.
You had Sarah Silverman sing "Don't Come Around Here," and Hangover man Justin Bartha do "Into The Great Wide Open," and the aforementioned Depp, who is unforgettably tied to the Petty legacy via his appearance in the "Into The Great Wide Open" video. Walk Of Fame aside, the actual musician list ran fairly deep — Albert, Fab, Nick from the Strokes, Pat from the Black Keys, Jared from the Kings Of Leon, Petty Fest fixture Nicole Atkins, golden voiced Har Mar Superstar, Rodrigo from Little Joy, Petter from Alberta Cross, Paul Simon's son, Jenny O, Matt Sorum, Butch Walker, Ryan from Guster, Landon Pigg, some Eagles Of Death Metal, and Ke$ha who, when she arrived, saw the room collectively gasp and take four steps forward (though that definitely had more to do with the simultaneous and honestly magnetic arrival of Captain Jack Sparrow).
The show's album of choice was Wildflowers — covered nearly completely, and giving the "Cabin Down Below" band (Alex Levy, Matt Romano, and Rolling Stone scribe Austin Scaggs) its name — but its grand finale came from a trio of stone cold classics from other years: the Traveling Wilburys' "Handle With Care," and Petty's own "American Girl" and "Free Fallin'." The whole artist list crashed the stage for those, and while the affair had an overarching, starry LA sheen, it drew strength and purpose from its NYC roots. Most of the roster spoke to "flying out of a hurricane to be with you tonight." East coaster Nicole Atkins spearheaded a Tom Petty-signed guitar auction specifically to benefit her New Jersey hometown, which was essentially washed away by Sandy. (A fact bringing new meaning, and a charitable reprise, to her single "Neptune City.") It was a night of corporate branding and the like, but one harnessing a fair degree of collective fabulousness in service of a greater good. The singer of "American Girl" managed to raise thousands of dollars for hard-up Americans, in absentia and just by virtue of his art, which is true Life Champion type shit. Good job everyone. Photos by the ever talented Andrew Youssef.

subset: commoncrawl


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text: Maine, the largest of the six New England states, lies at the northeastern corner of the country. Maine became the 23rd state on March 15, 1820, as part of the Missouri Compromise, which allowed Missouri to enter the union as a slave state and Maine as a free state. Maine is boundedby the Canadian provinces of Quebec and New Brunswick, and by New Hampshire. Maine is famous for its rocky coastline, and is the leading U.S. producer of lobsters and blueberries.


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The upswing in grain prices over the past few years, fueled by the need for corn for ethanol and by some creative financial investors, has knocked cotton off its throne and put peanuts in a life and death situation for acres in the Southeast.
Will the two traditional crops in the Southeast make a significant comeback in 2011?
Dollar a pound prices buffed up the crown of King Cotton and just may bring it back to pre-ethanol acreage. Likewise, peanut contracts with more than one five in them seems to have rejuvenated interest in planting that crop.
Typically, an increase in cotton acreage in the Southeast means a drop in soybean acreage. That may happen, but at $12 a bushel, it's hard to understand how or why. Good prices aside, Charles Hall, executive secretary of the North Carolina Soybean Growers Association, says he expects a significant reduction in acreage in the Southeast's largest soybean producing state.
Corn at $5.50 a bushel is still a money-making proposition for most farmers, especially those in the upper Southeast. With continued public interest in and political pressure on increasing alternative fuel production, the future for corn looks good for the next couple of years.
Worldwide demand for wheat remains good and prices are stable. Though wheat doesn't directly factor into 2011 planting decisions, it does affect total acreage, because of the opportunities for double-cropping with wheat and barley.
Barley at $4.40 a bushel, or 80 percent of corn futures, combined with double-cropped beans at $12 a bushel, looks like a worthy opponent, especially in the upper Southeast, where cotton and peanut production are a bit more influenced by the weather.
December 2011 cotton futures closed recently at 97.96 cents per pound. Prices for this year's crop, sold in December at the unheard of price of $1.42 a pound. Uncertainty over China's cotton prices, continued demand for cotton products and the continued weakening of the U.S. dollar have combined to put Southeast growers in a quandary about how much cotton to plant and what crop to replace.
The 2010 crop is mostly already sold and the remainder should be sold when the bales are available. Producers should strongly consider pricing a portion of the 2011 crop. The U.S. will plant more cotton in 2011, says University of Georgia Economist Don Shurley.
Before growers jump to the economic calling of cotton, they should consider the short- and long-term costs of ramping up cotton production or getting into production for the first time.
All, or virtually all, costs will be up in 2011. Fertilizer prices are already projected to jump in response to the high crop prices. Crop insurance will be increased in response to the higher value of cotton and other crops.
Cotton equipment a challenge
Farmers who have been out of the cotton business for a few years are going to find the cost of cotton equipment, both new and used, to be a challenge. New cotton pickers with on-board module builders are going for more than $550,000. Perhaps more significantly, the price of used cotton pickers has gone up significantly, as has the price of custom picking — to pay for the higher investment in equipment.
A consensus among cotton growers and cotton marketing experts is that the recent increase in cotton prices will probably keep the price of 2011 and 2012 cotton crops high. After that, history doesn't look so promising, but demand for cotton clothing and China's reluctance to grow fiber over food seem to bode well for U.S. cotton.
After three consecutive years of decline (2007-2009) U.S. cotton acreage increased in 2010. In some areas in the upper Southeast, cotton production fell as much as 50 percent in the three-year period. This type up and down in pricing makes it tough for farmers to make long-term investments in cotton equipment.
The onset of glyphosate-tolerant cotton and broad scale minimum-tillage systems brought to the Southeast a perfect row crop combination — peanuts and cotton. Though tempered in more recent years by good corn prices and a return to more traditional corn-peanut rotations, cotton and peanuts became staple crops in the late 1990s.
At the turning of the millennium, North Carolina and Virginia produced over 200,000 acres of peanuts. By the end of the first decade of 2000, peanut production in the two states was a scant 78,000 acres. During that same time frame, peanut production in South Carolina climbed from less than 10,000 acres in 2000 to a projected 70,000 acres in 2011.
Like most crops, peanut acreage is driven by dollars. Unlike most crops, peanut acreage can also be driven by family tradition. Despite long-term family ties with peanuts, many growers in the upper Southeast just could not battle ever-increasing costs of production, especially disease management and perpetual uncertainty as to pricing.
In 2011 pricing won't be an issue. In early December peanut contracts began coming out at better than $500 for runner types and up to $610 for Virginia types ($165-$175 above loan value of the crop).
Unlike cotton and higher acreage crops, peanut acreage will be tightly controlled by the peanut industry — or more accurately the peanut industry will try to control production. Though it seems fairly straight forward — no contract, no peanuts, it historically hasn't worked like that.
Many peanut growers have not signed these 2011 contracts, which are in some cases $100 per ton better than 2010 contracts. Shellers have to insure there are enough peanuts to meet market demand and growers want to get as much as they can for their crop.
The bottom line is that carryover from the 2010 crop is likely to be in excess of 500,000 tons. That doesn't exactly inspire buyers to rush out and buy 2011 peanuts that sold for $500-600 per ton, when they can buy cheaper peanuts from the 2010 crop.
A sharp drop in cotton prices in early November influenced some shellers to discontinue offering contracts. However, some shellers see the direct threat to peanut acreage from cotton and continued offering contracts well into December.
2010 crop disappointing
At the end of the proverbial day, buyers hope growers will save enough land to produce enough peanuts to meet market and carryover demands. In the upper Southeast growers painfully remember the 2010 crop, which was over 1,000 pounds per acre less than yields in 2009.
While the high prices may influence some speculators to predict an increase in peanut acreage, that's not likely to happen because of the high cost of getting into and out of the peanut business. Like cotton, peanuts require some specialized equipment and growers are not likely to invest on what may be a one-time contract offer.
Corn, soybeans and wheat have been an economically sound planting combination for growers in the Southeast, especially the upper Southeast, for the past few years. Corn prices look to remain fairly stable at $500-$550 for the 2011 crop.
The Southeast has not been a traditional corn production area, and in fact most states in the Southeast are grain deficit, because of large stocks of chickens, cows and hogs.
Nationally, for 2011, projected corn returns are considerably higher than projected soybean returns, suggesting that shifting acres to more corn away from soybeans will increase profits.
For example, in the Midwest, shifting 100 acres from soybeans to corn is projected to increase profits by $13,200 ($132 per acre).
Iowa State University Extension Grain Marketing Specialist Bob Wisner says, "Supplies are on a hair trigger. Any weather problems anywhere, any problems with the soybean crop in South America, for example, and prices are going to react. Any problems with corn and the lack of acreage in 2011 in the U.S., the market will react to that too."
Wisner, along with most ag economists agree that losing tax credits for ethanol won't significantly impact on corn prices, because the U.S. has a Federal mandate to produce alternative fuel and ethanol is the most currently accessible way to do this.
In the Southeast, corn acreage won't likely change much in 2011. The rotational value of the crop, combined with its ease of production, timing of production and high cash value will make it hard for growers to switch to more lucrative crops, like cotton.
Forty bushel per acre soybeans and 80 bushel per acre wheat has been a tough double-crop combination to beat for growers in the Southeast in the past few years. The combination of cotton at better than 90 cents a pound, peanuts at $600 per ton and corn at $5.50 per bushel may just push bean acreage down in the Southeast in 2011 — maybe.
Double-crop influence
Another factor working against soybean acreage in the Southeast in 2011 is the lack of available high quality wheat seed. Lacking confidence in wheat quality and subsequently risking high quality docks on pricing, many growers chose to avoid wheat in the fall of 2010. Fewer wheat acres will influence how many late, or double-crop beans are planted.
Nationally, primarily in the Midwest, there will likely be a reduction in soybean acres in 2011.
In the Southeast the picture is not quite so clear. North Carolina is the predominant soybean producing state in the Southeast with about 1.5 million acres annually. It's not by chance that cotton acreage in the Tar Heel state fell from 2007-2009 and soybean acreage increased significantly in the same time frame.
As North Carolina goes, so goes soybean production in the Southeast. In 2011, it looks like they will follow the national trend on soybean acreage. Nationally, Midwest economists are predicting an acreage decrease for soybeans of 325,000 acres or about five percent below 2010 levels.
In the Southeast, the influence of cotton and to a lesser degree corn may result in slightly more decrease in soybean acreage than is expected nationally.
Having to choose among which of several profitable crops to plant is a good problem for Southeast growers — one they haven't had the past couple of years.


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The Commuter Student Association (CSA) helps you become active in campus life and informed of all the available student organizations and relevant campus news. The CSA gives you and other commuter students a voice in the Otterbein community. The CSA holds meetings and sponsors activities throughout the year for commuters and other students. To get involved in the CSA, please contact James Prysock, program coordinator for the Office of Diversity, at firstname.lastname@example.com.
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MA RMV Motorcycle Test Simulator: Exam Mode 2019
This practice test is your last step before you go to the MA RMV to get your motorcycle license. We designed it to be just like the official exam.
You've thought about all of the questions that you're going to face and you think that you're prepared. Before you drive to the RMV to take your official Massachusetts motorcycle exam, you need to do one more thing. You need to take this practice exam. We chose to call it a RMV Exam Simulator for a reason: it works just like the exam you'll take at your state's RMV, only it won't count against you. If you fail, you won't have to worry about going without your motorcycle license. You can still go to the MA RMV and take the official test. With that in mind, roll up your sleeves and get ready to take the practice test.
Taking the Test
This MA Exam Mode type of test was created to closely resemble the actual RMV test. You will not receive help as you answer the questions. After all, you don't get help when you go to the RMV to take a real test. If you miss too many questions, you will fail the test and the test will end.
You are allowed to skip questions, though. If you don't know a question, skip it and make a note of it. That will let you know which topics you need more help with.
You'll get new questions each time you take the test. That way, you won't have to worry about memorizing questions and answers. You will get a new set of questions each time, so you'll need to be on your toes.
If you get a wrong answer, the test will let you know. Keep taking it until you don't get any answers wrong. Once you get them all right, you'll finally be ready to go to the RMV.
Test Day
Test day can be a little nerve wracking, but remember, you've got preparation on your side. You have spent your time with the practice test so you don't need to worry. Take it once again if needed and then proceed to the RMV. You're ready to get your endorsement!Or get unlimited access to all MA tests with Premium
MA Motorcycle Handbook
View the most recent (2019) official MA RMV Motorcycle Handbook.Explore


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Jim Jones Live From Detroit: Still Lookin Fresh After Rumors Of Goons Alledgedly Jumpin Him Circulated Around The Net!
Rapradar reports "Shortly after the incident in Detroit, Jim recorded an early morning vignette to prove that he's still living la vida loca."
Please click the "Report" button below if the video on this page is not working properly.
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text:
Deep Freeze Server Enterprise 8.36.270.5214 Multilingual | 45.2 MB
Deep Freeze instantly protects and preserves baseline computer configurations. No matter what changes a user makes to a workstation, simply restart to eradicate all changes and reset the computer to its original state - right down to the last byte. Expensive computer assets are kept running at 100% capacity and technical support time is reduced or eliminated completely. The result is consistent trouble-free computing on a truly protected and parallel network, completely free of harmful viruses and unwanted programs.
Expensive computer assets are kept running at 100% capacity and technical support time is reduced or eliminated completely. The result is consistent trouble-free computing on a truly protected and parallel network, completely free of harmful viruses and unwanted programs. While Deep Freeze provides bulletproof protection, its non-restrictive approach also improves user productivity and satisfaction.
Placing no restrictions on a user's ability to access all system resources, users avoid the frustration of downtime due to software conflicts, operating system corruption, virus attacks, and many other problems. Users are always assured of computers that are consistently operable and available. Building on the power of Deep Freeze Standard, Deep Freeze Enterprise offers centralized deployment and enhanced flexibility options for customizable management of large computing environments. Deep Freeze Enterprise is the best solution for keeping a large number of PCs in top notch state.
Security and Control:
· Encrypt all components with a unique Customization Code
· Preset multiple passwords to be used on a workstation or via the Command Line Control with varying activation and expiration dates
· Generate encrypted One Time or One Day Passwords
· Disable keyboard and mouse during maintenance periods or on demand
· Boot Control window provides ability for immediate reboot
Configuring Options:
· Create customized installation files using the Configuration Administrator
· Pre-select Frozen Drives and selectively Freeze or Thaw fixed drives
· Schedule automatic Restart/Shutdown times
· Restart computer on Logoff
· Schedule idle shutdowns or restarts after a preset length of time that the workstation has been inactive
· Schedule Thawed Maintenance periods to perform Windows updates through the Internet or a SUS/WSUS server or run a custom batch file to update your antivirus definitions
· Schedule Send Message tasks
Flexibility Options:
· Create a ThawSpace on a workstation that can be used to store programs, save files, or make permanent changes
· Specify the size and file system of the ThawSpace (up to 100GB using NTFS)
· Use Stealth Mode to hide the Deep Freeze system tray icon
· Override ongoing maintenance periods
Interoperability Options:
· Use Deep Freeze Command Line Control Utility (DFC) to manage Deep Freeze deployment remotely via command line interface
· Integrate Deep Freeze protection into any Desktop Management Solution capable of executing command line control
· Manage Deep Freeze protection through the LANDesk native console with Deep Freeze plug-in for LANDesk
· Enhanced Novell compatibility during Maintenance
Action Files:
· Create XML-based Deep Freeze Action Files to interact with other programs via the Deep Freeze Console
· Administrators will be able to create, edit, download and share Action Files with other users through Faronics Labs
Home Page - http://www.faronics.com


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And if a mountain of delicious cookies (maybe...maybe not...) isn't enough to entice you to come out, then I'm sure these fabulous bookstores are:
First up is Dayton, Ohio, where I've never, ever (did I mention never?) been before!
Sheepa - That's what I said too!!!
Kimberly, if you come in UK, I'll travel from France to meet you! I'm so excited!
That would be awesome, Francesca!!!
Finally, something near Chi-town! I gotta check my schedule. =)
HOTDOG!!! I'm going to RT and was sorta bummed that I wouldn't have the Last Echo to get signed, cursing the timing of RT! But this so great!! I can buy the third book and get is signed to match my set that I won a loooooong time ago!!! YAY!!!
I'll be at RT, too! We'll see a ton of each other in April! :)
E. Arroyo - Hopefully I'll get to meet you :)
Jessica - There's nothing better than a matched set! Plus, I'd love to see you there!
Jill - Just YAY!!!
Oh my gosh! I am so excited. I have missed you both times you've been at Andersons before, and I'll get to see you in Boston now :)
I'll be at RT, too! I'll buy you a drink to thank you for totally fueling my Echos addiction... :)
London, London, London! Yay! I hope you come here soon :D
How awesome is it that you'll be in Boston in April!?!?!?! There are so many book tours I would have loved to have gone to, but living in Rhode Island doesn't give me those opportunities.
I'm excited to see all three of you fabulous and amazing authors there! (Now I just have to convince my sister to make the long drive up with me...)
Question, will all of your books, the Body Finder series and The Pledge, as well as all of Dan Wells books, the I Am Not A Serial Killer series and Partials, as well as Slide...be available for signing/discussion?? I'm new to book tours, so I wasn't sure if it was just to promote the new releases or all of the books by the authors...
Ok, that looks like I'm shouting at you but seriously... if you come to London, I'm so there!
It's looking like London in May, but I'll definitely keep things updated as I know more!!!
And, Sallie, generally the stores have all the books available, not just the current ones. So my answer is yes, probably...but you could always call ahead just to be sure!


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Group leaders, you will be able to arrange a visit for your Fashion and Textiles or Business Studies students to this famous high street brand. Take a tour of the warehouse and see the logistics and design departments of this leading fashion brand. Free visit but bookings have to be made direct.
Please get in touch with FHT Group Tours' expert student travel team and we will be delighted to provide you with the relevant contact details for your next trip to Barcelona for your fashion students.
Visit website
Call us to find out more about Barcelona trips on:
01279 658221
Or email us
Barcelona Zoo, located in the Parc de la Ciutadella, offers students a 2 hour guided tour followed by a chance to explore the zoo afterwards until closing. During the guided visit, students can discuss how the zoo works, how they look after the animals and anything else specific related to their studies.
For more information or to book your visit for your next educational trip to Barcelona contact the FHT student team today!
Choose from a wide range of restaurants and packages for you and your students to dine at during your time in Barcelona.
With delicious food and drink available at popular chains including The Hard Rock Cafe or if you prefer a low key meal at a local restaurant you'll be sure to find something to suit everyone!
Contact the FHT student team today to arrange your evening meal for your next trip to Barcelona!
Let your students sit back and relax as they take in the sights on a Barcelona bus tour.
A fantastic tour to do if it's your first time to city and a great way to travel. Many bus tours let you jump on and off so you can visit attractions, have lunch and go shopping.
If you're interested in arranging a bus tour for your next trip contact the team today for the best prices!
The Teleférico cable car is a fun and modern way for students to get from the bottom of Barcelona's Port up to the top of Montjuïc. With spectacular views of Barcelona's skyline, students can purchase single or return tickets.
Contact the Further & Higher Travel team today to enquire about your next educational trip to Barcelona.
A great way to see Barcelona and learn at the same!
Our bespoke tours will allow students to experience the city as well as find all the interesting spots Barcelona has to offer related to their studies. From Architect students looking at Gaudi's fascinating work for inspiration to Art & Design students exploring the streets searching for local artists, we have something to suit everyone.
And as your tour is completely tailor m read more ...
An inspiring example that will appeal to student groups on Architecturestudy trips to Barcelona, The Cathedral of the Holy Cross and Saint Eulalia, also known as Barcelona Cathedral, is the Gothic masterpiece located in the old town area of Barcelona and is the seat of the Archbishop. It was constructed between the 13th and 15th century and is a fascinating work typical of the Gothic period. The cloister, which encloses the Well of the G read more ...
Barcelona's Aquarium is located in the Port Vell are close to the southern end of the Ramblas and the main harbour
Some 35 tanks at the facility are home to 11,000 animals representing 450 species. A highlight of the aquarium is the 80-metre long underwater tunnel which really gives visiting groups the sense of being underwater among so much marine life.
Contact our Barcelona student group trips experts at FHT Group read more ...
One of the most popular visit on any trips to barcelona with your school or student group, the Basílica i Temple Expiatori de la Sagrada Família commonly known as the Sagrada Família was designed by Catalan architect Antoni Gaudí (1852–1926). Although incomplete, the church is a UNESCO World Heritage Site, and in November 2010 was consecrated and proclaimed a minor basilica by Pope Benedict XVI. Though co read more ...
Camp Nou, New Field, often referred to in English as The Nou Camp is a football stadium in Barcelona which has been the home of Futbol Club Barcelona since 1957. The Camp Nou seats 99,786, reduced to 96,336 in matches organized by UEFA making it the largest stadium in Europe and the 11th largest in the world in terms of capacity. It has hosted numerous international matches at a senior level, including two UEFA Champions League finals and the read more ...
Commissioned by Eusebi Guell as a stylish park for the aristocracy and designed by Gaudi, Parc Guell is an amazing piece of design which sits on the hills in the North centre of Barcelona. At the top is a terraced area where you get a wonderful view of the park and the plan of Barcelona City. Here you will find multi-coloured tiles and fantastical designs by the great Architect.
We can arrange a visit to the Park as part of a guided w read more ...
Take your student group on a fantastic and fun packed day out to the famous Theme Park, located about an hour outside Barcelona in Salou, and enjoy all the fun of the fair during your educational trip to Barcelona !
FHT can provide coach hire and etrance tickets for Port Aventura at best group rates, so contact our student travel experts today on 01279 658221 and we will book this as part of any group study trips or tours to Barcelona for read more ...
Hotel Barcelona house is a good quality 3-star modern design hotel ideally situated between Plaça Reial and the famous Ramblas. Students are accommodated in triple or quad rooms and leaders in singles and twin, all ensuite.
Contact our Barcelona Student travel team today for your next quote!
The BCNSports Hostel is a great option for groups on a budget. well located in the centre of Barcelona in the trendy Gracia neighbourhood, it is also close to Sagrada Familia, La Pedrera, Casa Batlló and Paseo de Gracia, as well as being a short hop to the Ramblas.
Students are accommodated in multi bedded dorm rooms and leaders in singles and twins, all ensuite, plus for a small charge you have access to the hostels superb read more ...
Generator Hostel provides excellent accommodation for groups. Centrally located in Gracia area it offers multi bedded dorm rooms for students and single or twin rooms for leaders, all rooms ensuite.
Just ten minutes walk from the Ramblas, the Auto Hogar is a 3 star hotel located on Parallel and offering good quality accomodation for student groups who want to be slightly away from the lively Ramblas.
Students are accommodated in twin rooms and leaders in singles or twins, all ensuite. Groups will also have access to the brand new gym and spa that is undergoing completion.
Get in touch with our Barcelona study Tours team at FHT tod read more ...
Hostal Fernando is located in the heart of Barcelona's Gothic Quarter, near Las Ramblas and the Plaça Sant Jaume, next to the Town Hall, the local goverment palace, the Cathedral and Picasso's Museum. It is in a great location and very popular for almost all student groups on educational trips to Barcelona, whether Sixth Form, College or University .
They have two different accommodations in the same building, Pension an read more ...
Student groups heading for Barcelona who prefer to stay in traditional hotels as opposed to hostel style accommodation love the Roma Reial.
The Hotel Roma Reial is located in the Plaza Real in the Gothic Quarter of the city (on the right side of La Rambla if you are looking at Plaza Catalunya). The Gothic Quarter is the oldest part of Barcelona, characterized by its narrow streets with old buildings.
The Plaça Reial read more ...
The brand new Barcelona Urbany Hostel is a vibrant and trendy hostel in Barcelona that offers hotel-like facilities and services that will delight your student group on their next educational group study trip to this great city.
All rooms have private facilities with a private locker for each one. The central location is further enhanced by great facilities including swimming pool and fitness room free to use for student groups, a big read more ...
Tour day 1
Daytime flight and transfer to your accommodation. Evening meal at your hotel and free time to explore.
Tour Day 2
View the Sagrada Familia from inside and out and the on to Parc Güell for sketching.
Afternoon & read more ...
Tour Day 1
Flight to Barcelona.
Meet your local representative and transfer to your accommodation for check in.
Evening meal and free time for local orientation.
Tour Day 2
Morning   read more ...
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