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- "Constant vigilance! "
- —Moody's mantra[src]
Alastor "Mad-Eye" Moody (d. 27 July, 1997[3]) was a pure-blood[4] Scottish[2] wizard, considered to be the most famous Auror of modern time.[10] He was also a pivotal member of the Order of the Phoenix during the First and Second Wizarding Wars. Moody served with distinction during the first conflict, gaining a considerable reputation, as well as losing an eye, leg, and part of his nose while fighting the Dark Arts. He was also responsible for many of the inhabited cells in Azkaban, having caught innumerable Dark Wizards. As a result, Moody became overly-cautious and paranoid about his security.
In 1994, he accepted Albus Dumbledore's offer to teach Defence Against the Dark Arts at Hogwarts, but was kidnapped by Barty Crouch Jr, who disguised himself as Moody. After he was rescued, the real Moody became a member of the second Order of the Phoenix. He fought in several battles of the war, including the Battle of the Department of Mysteries in 1996 and the Battle of the Seven Potters in 1997, where he was murdered by Lord Voldemort.
His magical eye was later used by Dolores Umbridge to spy on her subordinates in the Muggle-Born Registration Commission, but was later retrieved by Harry Potter during the Infiltration of the Ministry of Magic in 1997, and was given a proper burial by Harry in the forest near where the 422nd Quidditch World Cup had been held three years earlier.
Early life (Pre 1960s)Править
Alastor was born into the pure-blood Moody family.[4] His father and mother were both Aurors,[7] as were many of his previous ancestors, to the point that the Moody family was known for producing a "long line of renowned Aurors."[4]
Moody bought or inherited his wand at some point before he was educated in magic. He attended Hogwarts School of Witchcraft and Wizardry, where he finished his education earning at least five N.E.W.T.s, with nothing under the 'Exceeds Expectations' mark.[11] The House that he belonged to was also unknown to Ministry records.[4]
First Wizarding War (1970-1981)Править
- "Half the cells in Azkaban are filled thanks to him."
- —Charlie Weasley discusses Moody's track record against the Dark Arts[src]
Moody, during his time as an Auror, served the Ministry of Magic and fought the Death Eaters under Voldemort's command. He was an important member of the Order of the Phoenix, serving under Albus Dumbledore, in the struggle to defeat the most infamous Dark Wizard of all time, and personally ensured half the cells in Azkaban were filled with fugitive Death Eaters. During the war and in efforts to round up Death Eaters after its conclusion, Aurors were granted the power to use the Unforgivable Curses; as such, Moody killed some of Voldemort's followers (including Evan Rosier) although he never killed if it could be avoided.
At some point during his life, Moody violently tore apart a birthday present, paranoid that it may be a cleverly disguised Basilisk egg. It turned out that it was only a carriage clock, though it is unknown if he rectified his mistake.[10]
It is more than likely that it was during the First Wizarding War and his time as an Auror that Moody lost his leg, and replaced it with a wooden prosthesis, and that he also lost his eye in that same period. At some point Moody retired from active service, though by this time he was considered the greatest Auror of all time. In addition, he took Nymphadora Tonks as his protégée.[10]
Between the wars (1981-1995)Править
- Harry Potter: "Professor Moody?"
- Moody: "I don't know so much about 'Professor'. Never got round to much teaching, did I?"
- — Harry Potter and Alastor Moody on his teaching career[src]
Mad-Eye captured Igor Karkaroff some time after 1981, and the Death Eater was sent to Azkaban, until Karkaroff gave up the names of a number of his fellow Death Eaters in exchange for a lighter sentence. Moody was present at Karkaroff's trial, where he made his dislike of the defector very clear, when the former Death Eater mentioned the names of Antonin Dolohov, Evan Rosier (killed by Moody personally, though at the cost of part of his nose), Travers, Mulciber, and Severus Snape, all of whom seemed to have already either been killed, captured, or defected, until he called the name of Augustus Rookwood. Rookwood was an Unspeakable, and a double-agent, spying on the Ministry for Voldemort. This was news to the Ministry, but Karkaroff was sent back to Azkaban, pending a review into Rookwood's case; when Karkaroff's allegations proved true, he was released, and went on to take the position of Headmaster of Durmstrang Institute.
In 1994, Moody was convinced to come out of retirement by Albus Dumbledore and serve as Hogwarts School of Witchcraft and Wizardry's latest Defence Against the Dark Arts teacher.[10]
Kidnapping by Barty Crouch Jr.Править
- "Alastor Moody. Ex-Auror. Ministry malcontent. And your new Defence Against the Dark Arts teacher."
- —Bartemius Crouch Jr impersonating Moody in his first DADA class[src]
Before the school year began, however, Moody was attacked in his home by Barty Crouch Jr and Peter Pettigrew, at Voldemort's order, and was overpowered and imprisoned in his own magical trunk. This was done as part of Voldemort's plan to regain power. To this end, Barty Crouch Jr used Polyjuice Potion to take on Moody's form to replace him at Hogwarts, successfully fooling staff and pupils alike. Barty Crouch Jr drank Polyjuice Potion out of Moody's hipflask regularly, in imitation of the real Moody, and expressed many of Moody's normal eccentric habits. Doing this allowed him to impersonate Moody for almost the whole year without raising suspicion. All the while, Crouch did his part in Voldemort's plan.[10] Moody's life was spared due to Crouch needing his hair to create the Polyjuice Potion, and wanting to question Moody for his behaviour, patterns and such, so Crouch could successfully imitate him, all the while keeping Moody captive under the Imperius Curse.[10]
Working hard and using all of his cunning, Crouch-as-Moody ensured that Harry Potter would get into the Triwizard Tournament and ascend to the Third Task. Upon doing so, Voldemort used Harry Potter to return to life in a body of his own with all its powers once again. When Crouch learned of this upon Harry's return, he tried to murder him, but Dumbledore, Minerva McGonagall, and Severus Snape stopped him. The professors waited patiently for the Polyjuice Potion to wear off, revealing Crouch's true form. Under the influence of Veritaserum, he admitted everything and Moody was freed from his trunk. After recuperating in the Hospital Wing, Moody returned to health, but was, if possible, even more paranoid for his safety than before; and his eye occasionally got stuck as a result of Crouch having worn it.[10]
Second Wizarding War (1995-1997)Править
- "Stay in formation, everyone. Don't break ranks if one of us gets killed."
- —Alastor Moody talking to the Advance Guard before taking off[src]
In 1995, Moody joined the reformed Order of the Phoenix and was part of the Advance Guard that took Harry from 4 Privet Drive to the Order of the Phoenix's Headquarters in 12 Grimmauld Place.[12] He later showed up for the party Molly Weasley threw for Ron and Hermione to celebrate their becoming prefects, mentioning that Albus Dumbledore must have assumed Ron was good at resisting spells or he would not have put him in authority. He checked that something inside a writing case was indeed a boggart.
Moody also showed Harry an old picture of the original Order of the Phoenix and described the members. He seemed to think it was very interesting, although Harry was a little disturbed.[12] Later on in the summer Moody was one of the guards that was tasked with escorting Harry Potter to the Hogwarts Express along with Tonks in order to ensure Harry's safety, as Lord Voldemort had returned to power.
Battle of the Department of MysteriesПравить
Основная статья: Battle of the Department of Mysteries
- "Then, high above them, two more doors burst open and five more people sprinted into the room: Sirius, Lupin, Moody, Tonks, and Kingsley."
- —The Order arrives in the Death Chambe[src]
Harry Potter, Ron Weasley, Hermione Granger, Neville Longbottom, Luna Lovegood, and Ginny Weasley all went to the Ministry of Magic in 1996 in an attempt to rescue Sirius Black, whom they believed was being tortured by Lord Voldemort. This was actually a lure to get Harry Potter into the Department of Mysteries to retrieve a prophecy, and after discovering this, the members of Dumbledore's Army fought back against the Death Eaters and attempted to escape.
After his friends were injured, Harry Potter was about to surrender the prophecy to Lucius Malfoy, who had been leading the group of Death Eaters, but then Sirius Black, Nymphadora Tonks, Remus Lupin, Kingsley Shacklebolt, and Alastor Moody himself, all members of the Order of the Phoenix, arrived and the battle resumed. During the battle Moody duelled with Antonin Dolohov and was injured. Sirius Black was killed by his cousin Bellatrix Lestrange when she hit him with a spell that knocked him through the veil in the Death Chamber. Following this battle, Albus Dumbledore arrived and duelled Voldemort himself. Cornelius Fudge witnessed Voldemort fleeing the scene and was forced to finally admit the Dark Lord had returned.[12]
Battle of the Astronomy TowerПравить
Основная статья: Battle of the Astronomy Tower
- "An extraordinary assortment of people had already settled into half of the chairs: shabby and smart, old and young. Most Harry did not recognise, but there were a few that he did, including members of the Order of the Phoenix: Kingsley Shacklebolt, Mad-Eye Moody...."
- —Moody attended Dumbledore's funeral along with several others[src]
In June 1997 Hogwarts was invaded by Death Eaters in an attempt to assassinate Albus Dumbledore, although they were once again opposed by several members of Dumbledore's Army and the Order of the Phoenix. Severus Snape was believed to be a traitor after killing Dumbledore (although it had actually been on Dumbledore's own orders) and Moody personally put extra protections on 12 Grimmauld Place to prevent Snape and the other Death Eaters from entering.[13] Moody also attened Dumbledore's funeral along with several other members of the Order of the Phoenix, various Hogwarts Students, and other employees of the Ministry as well.
Battle of the Seven Potters and deathПравить
Основная статья: Battle of the Seven Potters
- "The one thing we've got on our side is that You-Know-Who doesn't know we're moving you tonight. We've leaked a fake trail to the Ministry, they think you're not leaving until the thirtieth. However, this is You-Know-Who we're dealing with so we can't just rely on him getting the date wrong."
- —Alastor Moody briefing Harry before the battle[src]
As it turned out, Moody's over-protectiveness of Harry Potter would be his doom. Shortly before Harry's seventeenth birthday, Moody and a team of seven Order of the Phoenix members tried to move Harry away from 4 Privet Drive to the Burrow, using broomsticks, Thestrals and a flying motorcycle to reach a network of carefully-placed Portkeys, when the original plan proved useless following Pius Thicknesse's subversion. Moody was partnered with a reluctant Mundungus Fletcher who didn't want to partcipate in the move out of fear.[13]
The team was ambushed by Death Eaters on take-off. Bill Weasley and Fleur Delacour witnessed and reported what had happened: Moody and Fletcher were heading north, close by Bill and Fleur, after the Order members scattered. Voldemort, using his ability to fly, went straight for them as he believed Harry would be flying with the most skilled witch or wizard in the Guard, which was Alastor Moody. Fletcher panicked, crying out, and Moody tried to stop him, but Mundungus Disapparated, leaving Moody vulnerable to attack. Voldemort fired a Killing Curse the second that Mundungus disapparated, and hit Moody in the face. Moody fell backwards off his broom and down to the ground, and even if he survived the curse (which is almost impossible), Moody fell about one thousand feet with no wand, making his death a certainty. Because half a dozen Death Eaters were on their own tail, Bill and Fleur could do nothing.[13]
- "Harry could not quite comprehend it. Mad-Eye dead; it could not be... Mad-Eye, so tough, so brave, the consummate survivor."
- —Harry Potter's reaction on Moody's death[src]
The Ministry, meanwhile, did not report Mad-Eye's death, as Rufus Scrimgeour did not want to admit the truth about Voldemort's power, or the recent Azkaban breakout (which had resulted in the large numbers of Death Eaters attacking the Order).[13]
Moody's broken body was quickly retrieved by the Death Eaters, who were prompt in tidying up after themselves. Bill and Remus Lupin left to recover it but failed, as it had been difficult to know where Moody might have fallen, given the darkness and the confusion of the battle. As a result, the Order could not hold a funeral for Moody. Ron Weasley held out hope for Moody's survival, but Harry and Hermione promptly pointed out the flaws in his logic, and so all, in the end, accepted the truth, but the shock and sadness were great for all.[13]
Mad-Eye's magical eye was salvaged by the Death Eaters and then, after the fall of the Ministry, given to the Muggle-Born Registration Commission's Head, Dolores Umbridge, possibly as a gift. It was set in the wood of her office door and used to aid her in spying on her workers. When Harry, Hermione and Ron infiltrated the Ministry to find the locket Horcrux, Harry discovered the eye and, disgusted by how it was being used, stole it. Doing so, however, raised the alarm. After escaping, Harry, early the next morning and before the other two were awake, left the tent they were staying in to search the woods around them for the oldest, most gnarled and resilient-looking tree he could find. Then in its shadow, he buried the eye and marked the spot by gouging a small cross in the bark with his wand. While it wasn't much, Mad-Eye Moody was given a proper burial.[13]
As a result of his influence, the members of the Order seemingly adopted Moody's paranoia-based caution, as Lupin asked Harry and others a security question after they made it to The Burrow, and Harry later did the same on Lupin in 12 Grimmauld Place. Ron also thought there was nobody else they can trust when Xenophilius Lovegood betrayed them.[13]
Physical descriptionПравить
Moody was described as having a growling voice and looking as though his face was roughly carved from wood. Due to injuries from his long career as an Auror, it was covered with scars, and a chunk of his nose was missing. He had dark grey, grizzled hair. He also had a wooden leg.
His eyes, however, were described as his most shocking feature: one was small and dark while the other was a vivid, electric blue magical eye that moved around independently from his normal eye, giving him the nickname of "Mad-Eye Moody", or simply "Mad-Eye". This eye could see through objects, Invisibility cloaks and the back of his own head.
Personality and traitsПравить
Alastor Moody was tough, brave, and a consummate survivor. He had a gruff, surly disposition and frequently bellowed his mantra of "constant vigilance" at people in order to keep them on their guard. Having encountered many dangerous experiences throughout his career, he was hyper-paranoid and thought of by many as being delusional. He prepared all of his own meals and drank only from his personal flask in case someone tried to poison him. He was also very distrusting of most people, being very careful of who he relayed facts about his personal life to, keeping what he considered to be important information back even from his colleagues and superiors in the Ministry of Magic, such as his birthplace and which house he was sorted into during his attendance at Hogwarts, the latter probably with keeping in mind that the house could identify some of his more essential personality traits, making it easier for the enemy to find weaknesses in his psychological defences. He had a well-known habit of being set off by sudden noises or movements in his presence and even attacked a witch who shouted "boo" at him on April Fool's Day. He even destroyed a birthday present carriage clock, believing it was a cleverly disguised basilisk egg, and was described in a Daily Prophet article as having left the Ministry when deemed "Unable to tell the difference between a handshake and attempted murder."
Moody was a great wizard in his day and the most effective Dark Wizard hunter that the Ministry of Magic ever had. Nearly half of the cells in Azkaban were full because of Moody. He was also a staunchly loyal friend and supporter of Albus Dumbledore and one of the Order of the Phoenix's most powerful and reliable allies.
Magical abilities and skillsПравить
- Magical Mastery: Alastor Moody was widely known as one of the greatest wizards of modern times, both for his work as a member of the Order of the Phoenix and as an Auror for the British Ministry of Magic, as well as his extraordinary skill in many disciplines of magic. He was an expert in at least Charms, Transfiguration, Defensive Magic, Herbology, and Potions. This speaks for his versatility and his extensive expertise in many magical disciplines, which is a very big accomplishment for a sorcerer. While most are skilled in different areas of magic but are best at one specific kind, Moody reportedly had fully mastered several.
- Auror skills: Alastor Moody was considered by many to be the most powerful Auror of all time. He was a master of both offensive and defensive magic, the hallmarks of the Auror's trade, which he employed so effectively that he personally ensured that half the cells of Azkaban were filled with Death Eaters. He was also capable of placing powerful protective enchantments and curses on the headquarters of the Order as a means of warding off Death Eaters, wards of such strength that not even Lord Voldemort could penetrate them.
- Duelling: In the midst of the First Wizarding War and in its aftermath, Moody fought and defeated dozens of skilled Death Eaters. Moody's ability to switch from offence to defence made him a formidable opponent. He was also known to cast spells with his staff which gave him an extra advantage in case he was deprived of his wand. Alastor often restrained himself from inflicting fatal injuries and tried to take his opponents alive, which may have resulted in his permanent physical injuries: mutilated face, loss of an eye, and loss of a leg. After years of retirement it is implied that Moody's duelling skills may have grown rusty. Peter Pettigrew and Barty Crouch Jr were able to subdue Moody at his home, despite his owning several Dark Detectors that could warn him of danger, and they beat him before Ministry agents could arrive on the scene. Despite this, he evidently managed to hold his own against them for awhile, as Crouch later claimed that Moody 'put up a struggle' and that he (Crouch) and Pettigrew only managed to subdue him 'just in time' (just before the Ministry Agents arrived). During the Battle of the Department of Mysteries, Moody fought two at once and defeated one of his opponents with a single nonverbal spell. However, he was put out of action by Antonin Dolohov during the same battle. Despite this, Lord Voldemort himself considered Moody to be the most skilled Auror during the Battle of the Seven Potters and the one most likely guarding the real Harry Potter. He targeted him first and killed him before pursuing Kingsley Shacklebolt. It should be noted that the Killing Curse Voldemort cast only hit Moody because Mundungus Fletcher, the intended target, disapparated.
- Dark magic: Although Moody usually refrained from using Dark magic, inflicting fatal injuries on his opponents and killing them if it could be avoided throughout his time as an Auror, there are some possibilities he had some knowledge of Dark magic as the Unforgivable Curses were legalised by Bartemius Crouch Snr throughout his time as an Auror to torture or kill Death Eaters rather than capture them, therefore making him one of the few Non-Dark Wizards capable of practising dark magic. One piece of evidence to this is that he killed Evan Rosier when he resisted capture although it is unknown whether he used the Killing Curse for this or another curse which could inflict fatal injuries on his opponent. He also attacked a witch who startled him during an April Fool's Day celebration, although the type of curse he used is unknown. Considering that Barty Crouch Jr while disguised as Moody demonstrated the Unforgivable Curses while teaching Defence against the Dark Arts and practised the Imperius Curse on his students without arousing suspicion from even Dumbledore, it is possible that Moody was willing to demonstrate the effects of Curses on people if he taught them about the dangers of dark magic as long as they did not have harm people seriously. However, this is also debatable as Crouch Jr managed to temporarily fool Dumbledore of his true identity, making it also possible that he deceived Dumbledore into believing that he just taught the Unforgivable Curses rather than directly demonstrating them and practising the Imperius Curse on his students. Nevertheless, his knowledge of Dark magic may have helped him during his time as an Auror to counteract curses from opponents as well as setting up Dark Detectors at his home.
- Charms: Moody was capable of performing the Disillusionment Charm, a charm which apparently required a high degree of skill, with few being able to master it. He did not require an Invisibility cloak to make himself and Harry Potter invisible when acting as a member of the Advance Guard.
- Nonverbal magic: Moody could cast the Disillusionment Charm, summon brooms and duel Death Eaters without saying incantations.
- Flying: Moody flew his broomstick while acting as a member of the Advanced Guard and fought in midair during the Battle of the Seven Potters. However Moody was not skilled (or fortunate) enough to escape Lord Voldemort and was blasted off his broom by a Killing Curse.
- Magical Eye: Moody's most notable possession was his magical eye, which is electric blue and earned him his nickname "Mad-Eye". This eye allows him to see through anything, such as wood, invisibility cloaks (including Harry Potter's invisibility cloak which was one of the Deathly Hallows) and the back of his head. Ever since it was worn by Barty Crouch the eye tends to get stuck in its socket.
- Wand: Like all wizards and witches, Moody carried a wand. If he was ever deprived of his wand he would use his staff instead.
- Invisibility cloaks: Moody possessed two invisibility cloaks, though he lent one to Sturgis Podmore, which was never returned. Though it is unconfirmed it is possible that Moody's travelling cloak was one of his invisibility cloaks.
- Magical trunk: Moody possesses a magical trunk, with seven compartments (one in which Barty Couch Jr hid the real Moody during his year at Hogwarts), along with the keys for each compartment.
- Foe-Glass: Alastor's Foe-Glass shows the images of foes when they approach him.
- Sneakoscope: Moody's Sneakoscope is large, and Barty Crouch, impersonating Moody, said that he disabled it because it was constantly spinning and whistling due to the large number of students who were practising untrustworthy behaviour in the vicinity. In reality, it was constantly signalling that Barty Crouch was committing a deception.
- Secrecy Sensor: Moody's Secrecy sensor would detect secrets and lies.
- Walking Stick: Moody's walking stick has magical capabilities and if he was ever deprived of his wand he would use his staff instead.
- Silver Drinking Flask: Moody's paranoia leads to him believing an enemy may be poisoning his food behind his back, so he drinks from his personal flask to prevent that from happening. Barty Crouch Jr filled it with Polyjuice Potion during his year in disguise and was able to drink without arousing suspicion.
- Broomstick: Moody flew his broomstick while acting as a member of the Advanced Guard and fighting during the Battle of the Seven Potters.
- Wooden Leg: At some point during his career, Alastor lost one of his legs and therefore relied on a wooden leg to replace his lost one.
Nymphadora TonksПравить
Moody was Nymphadora Tonks's mentor during her time training as an Auror, and later during their time together in the Order of the Phoenix. Despite Moody's surly attitude and behaviour, Tonks was always at ease with him, making jokey comments at his opinions and lectures, such as the one he gave Harry on elementary wand-safety the night the Advance Guard escorted him to Grimmauld Place. For his part, Moody was openly fond of Tonks; Harry Potter once noted that she had been his favourite during their time together at the Ministry.
When Tonks was injured during her duel with Bellatrix Lestrange in the Department of Mysteries, Mad-Eye crawled his way to her side in an effort to help her regain consciousness, despite having been injured himself by Antonin Dolohov. Tonks was devastated by Moody's death in 1997 and was seen crying.
Albus DumbledoreПравить
- "He's not Alastor Moody. The real Alastor Moody would never remove you away from me, after what had happened [...] "
- —Albus Dumbledore to Harry Potter about Barty Crouch Jr's impersonation of Alastor Moody[src]
Alastor Moody was one of Albus Dumbledore's closest friends. They fought alongside each other in many battles, but Moody teased Dumbledore for hating Dementors. In 1994, Moody accepted Dumbledore's offer to teach Defence Against the Dark Arts for a year, but was captured and imprisoned by Barty Crouch Jr, who impersonated him during the 1994-1995 school year, in order to send Harry Potter to Lord Voldemort. Dumbledore was able to deduce the impersonation once Crouch lost his composure from over-excitement. Dumbledore and Moody fought together in the Battle of the Department of Mysteries. Moody was the next member of the order to die after Dumbledore.
Harry PotterПравить
- "Don't put your wand into your back pocket! Better wizards than you have lost buttocks from it!"
- —Moody's advice to Harry regarding wand safety[src]
Harry originally met Moody a year after he was impersonated by Barty Crouch Jr, when Moody came to 4 Privet Drive with other Order of the Phoenix members known as the Advance Guard. Upon first meeting the real Moody, Harry thought that Moody was a little mad and overprotective, as he suspected everybody, and didn't even let Harry carry his wand in his back pocket, saying that better wizards than him had lost buttocks.
When Moody was murdered by Lord Voldemort during the Battle of the Seven Potters, Harry was devastated by his death, as were the other Order of the Phoenix members. Later, when Harry, Ron and Hermione went to the Ministry of Magic in order to steal Salazar Slytherin's Locket from Dolores Umbridge, Harry found Moody's magical eye in Umbridge's office door and buried it under a tree and marked the spot by gouging a small cross in the bark with his wand. While it wasn't much, Harry felt that Mad-Eye Moody was given a proper burial and would have appreciated this act of kindness.
Weasley familyПравить
Alastor Moody was always on good terms with the Weasley family. He was friendly with Arthur Weasley, whom he had met through the Ministry of Magic. Arthur had a high opinion of Moody and thought he was a little mad, but he was a great wizard and the most famous Auror of his time. Arthur and Moody fought together in the Battle of the Seven Potters. When Moody was killed by Lord Voldemort, Arthur was very sad.
Moody also seemed to be friendly with Molly Weasley. Although they didn't have a close relationship, Molly knew about him and knew Moody was a great Auror. It could well be that, as a member of the original Order of the Phoenix, he had at least known her brothers, Fabian and Gideon Prewett, reasonably well, whether or not they were truly friends. Fred and George and Ron also thought Moody was a great wizard and thought he taught them great magic. However, in fact, it wasn't Moody, but Barty Crouch Jr, who was disguised as Moody. It is also possible that it was the kind of magic that the real Moody would teach.
He was also friendly with Bill, Charlie, and Ginny. After he was killed, the Weasley family was devastated. Bill, along with Remus Lupin, went to search for Moody's dead body.
Order of the Phoenix membersПравить
Moody was a member of the Order of the Phoenix in both wizarding wars. He was friendly with his most fellow members of the orders, despite his overprotective behaviour and his madness. Except Nymphadora Tonks, Albus Dumbledore, Harry Potter, and the Weasley family, Moody was also a friend of Remus Lupin. Lupin and Moody met each other during the First Wizarding War, but they also fought in several battles of the Second Wizarding War. When Moody was killed, Remus was devastated and attempted to search for his dead body.
Moody was also a friend of Kingsley Shacklebolt. They fought together at the Battle of the Department of Mysteries and the Battle of the Seven Potters. Kingsley was also devastated by Moody's death and became the leader of the order, after the battle.
He was also friendly with Hermione Granger. Hermione and Moody fought at several battles together, but, when Moody was killed, Hermione was devastated.
He might have been also a friend of: Sirius Black, Dedalus Diggle, Emmeline Vance, Hestia Jones, Sturgis Podmore, Elphias Doge, Mundungus Fletcher, Rubeus Hagrid, Arabella Figg, and Fleur Delacour. Sirius was murdered by Bellatrix Lestrange during the Battle of the Department of Mysteries, after he, Moody and three other attempted to battle the Death Eaters, in order to save Harry and his friends.
Vance was killed by Death Eaters in 1996, while Podmore was imprisoned in Azkaban for attempting to open the door of the Department of Mysteries. Moody didn't know it and was angry with Podmore, because he had taken his Invisibility Cloak.
Mundungus was paired along with Moody during the Battle of the Seven Potters. When Voldemort attacked them, Mundungus was frightened and disappeared, abandoning Moody, who was killed by Voldemort.
Some of the members of the order were killed during the First Wizarding War. These included Marlene McKinnon, who was killed along with her family, Caradoc Dearborn, who was murdered by Death Eaters and his body was never found, Benjy Fenwick, who was killed and mutilated, Edgar Bones, who was killed along with his family, Dorcas Meadowes, who was murdered by Voldemort himself, Gideon and Fabian Prewett, who were killed by five Death Eaters, and James and Lily Potter, who were killed by Voldemort. However, Alice and Frank Longbottom were tortured into insanity by four Death Eaters; Bellatrix Lestrange, Barty Crouch Jr and Rodolphus and Rabastan Lestrange. Harry Potter thought Moody found all that a little interesting, but that didn't mean Moody wasn't shocked.
Most members of the Order of the Phoenix were devastated after Moody was killed, and many of them were killed, too, by the end of the Second Wizarding War.
Death Eaters and enemiesПравить
During his years as an Auror, Moody captured and defeated many Death Eaters, such as Evan Rosier. According to Sirius Black, Moody was very cruel with the Death Eaters he fought against, but he never killed if he could avoid it.
Moody captured Karkaroff after Voldemort's downfall. He also participated in Karkaroff's trial and told Dumbledore that they should take information from Karkaroff and then send him back to the Dementors. However, Dumbledore refused. Moody and Karkaroff met again in 1994, during the Triwizard Tournament. In fact, he wasn't the real Alastor Moody, but Barty Crouch Jr, a Death Eater. After Harry Potter was chosen for the Tournament, Karkaroff got very angry, because Hogwarts had two champions. When Barty (disguised as Moody) told him how the Goblet of Fire might have been fooled, Karkaroff told him that he thought like a Dark Wizard. Barty answered that it was his job to capture Dark Wizards and perhaps he remembered, meaning that Moody and Karkaroff knew each other well. It is unknown how the real Moody reacted when he learned that Karkaroff was killed by Death Eaters.
Moody also held a grudge against Barty Crouch Jr for abducting, imprisoning and impersonating him, and was furious that Crouch ruined his magical eye by wearing it, causing it to get stuck from time to time.
- "Alastor" is Ancient Greek for "he who does not forget", thus (1) "avenger", "persecutor", "tormenter", (2) "one who suffers from divine vengeance". It gives him, therefore, certain similarities to Alecto Carrow, whose name is that of the first of the Furies, or Erinyes, and means "implacable anger".[14][15] It is similar to "Alastair", which is the Scottish form of Alexander, which means "protector of mankind", and also evovled into "Alistair".
- Moody means temperamental or tending to quickly change moods.
Behind the scenesПравить
- Moody is portrayed by Irish actor Brendan Gleeson in the film adaptations of Harry Potter and the Goblet of Fire, Order of the Phoenix and Deathly Hallows: Part 1. His son Domhnall Gleeson played Bill Weasley in Deathly Hallows: Part 1 and Part 2.
- In the films, Moody is portrayed considerably different from his literary counterpart. Differences between his description in the book and his portrayal on film include his magical eye being held in place by an eye patch-like strap and brass ring, having a less mutilated face, including a full nose instead of a piece of it missing.
- In the film adaptation, the magical eye replaced Moody's left eye. The illustration in the Goblet of Fire shows Moody's magical eye replaced his right eye and his nose is intact (see drawing under physical description above). The back cover illustration of the Order of the Phoenix also shows it in the right eye socket, while the bridge of his nose looks damaged. There's no written description of which leg and which eye were lost.
- In the films he has hair that is blonde but greying rather than hair that is completely grey, and is somewhat overweight. His artificial leg in the films is made of metal rather than wood.
- He also speaks with Gleeson's natural Irish accent, although his nationality appears to be Scottish, seeing as he wears a kilt in the film adaptation of Harry Potter and the Goblet of Fire during the Yule Ball. His nationality is never identified in the book, although Moody is a surname common in both Ireland and Scotland, while Alastor (sometimes spelt Alistair) is a Scottish first name.
- In the film adaptation of Harry Potter and the Order of the Phoenix, Moody has a specialised broom and his wand is either concealed in his walking stick or is the stick itself.
- Also in the film adaptation of Harry Potter and the Order of the Phoenix, during the Battle of the Department of Mysteries scene, Alastor Moody can be momentarily glimpsed in the background duelling two Death Eaters wielding not only his staff in his right hand, but what appears to be a wand in his left.[16](Exact time in reference 1:53-1:57)
- The Noble Collection also made a replica of Alastor's wand, as seen in the film adaptation of Harry Potter and the Goblet of Fire.
- A keychain replica of Moody's magical eye was also released.
- In the film adaptation of Harry Potter and the Order of the Phoenix, it is Sirius, not Moody, who gives Harry the picture of the original Order of the Phoenix members.
- Despite the phrase "Constant Vigilance!" being Moody's catchphrase, he never used it in the series. Only Barty Jr, when impersonating Moody, used it. Also, in the film adaptions, the catchphrase is omitted altogether, by both the real and the fake Moody, aside from one use of it that was edited out of the final film.
- The scenes of Moody's magical eye being taken and used by Dolores Umbridge, as well as Harry recovering and properly burying it have been omitted from Harry Potter and the Deathly Hallows: Part 1 (footage of this may have been filmed, however, seeing as it is seen on Umbridge's door with no mention of it being used.)
- According to his file, Alastor Moody was 6' 2" and weighed 183 lbs. Whether this weight accounted for his prosthetic leg (which, in the films where the file is seen, is made of metal and thus would presumably be significantly heavy) or not is unknown.[4]
- He says in Harry Potter and the Deathly Hallows: Part 1 that Polyjuice Potion "tastes like goblin piss" before the Battle of the Seven Potters.
- To this one of the Weasley twins says "Have a lot of experiences with that, do you Mad-Eye?", either referring to their 6th year and well aware that this was not the real Moody or joking that he knew what "goblin piss" tasted like.
- Moody may be the only wizard to know a Boggart's true form: in fact, in Harry Potter and the Order of the Phoenix, he was asked by Molly Weasley to check if there was one inside a drawer. Since he used his magical eye, which can see through objects, it is possible the Boggart did not realise his presence and thus did not transform.
- On Pottermore, in the Moment "Grimmauld Place", the image of Alastor Moody is incorrectly identified in the page source as "dumbledore.png", though this filename could possibly refer to the fact that Moody is giving Harry a note from Albus Dumbledore in this scene.
- Harry Potter and the Goblet of Fire (First appearance)
- Harry Potter and the Goblet of Fire (film)
- Harry Potter and the Goblet of Fire (video game) (Polyjuiced body only)
- Harry Potter and the Order of the Phoenix
- Harry Potter and the Order of the Phoenix (film)
- Harry Potter and the Order of the Phoenix (video game)
- Harry Potter and the Half-Blood Prince
- Harry Potter and the Deathly Hallows
- Harry Potter and the Deathly Hallows: Part 1
- Harry Potter and the Deathly Hallows: Part 1 (video game) (Mentioned only)
- LEGO Harry Potter: Building the Magical World (Polyjuiced body only)
- LEGO Harry Potter (Polyjuiced body only)
- LEGO Harry Potter: Years 1-4
- LEGO Harry Potter: Years 5-7
- LEGO Harry Potter
- The Making of Harry Potter
- Harry Potter: The Character Vault
Notes and referencesПравить
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es:Alastor Moody fr:Alastor Maugrey it:Alastor Moody pl:Alastor Moody ru:Аластор Грюм fi:Alastor Vauhkomieli nl:Alastor Dolleman
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text:
ryanjs needed a new logo design and created a contest on 99designs.
A winner was selected from 156 designs submitted by 29 freelance designers.
Lulu Burlesque
Lulu is a Sydney based Burlesque performer with over 10 years experience. Her fans are screaming for a website so that they can see what Lulu is upto on a regular basis and to make contacting and booking her services easier.
The logo will form a major part of her online and printed identity.
Lulu is targeting a discerning audience of fans ,corporates and organisers of private functions who may be interested in booking her for their next big event.
Lulu's favouite colours are blue, green, teal, lilac, silver and white.
Despite Lulu's background in circa 1950's burlesque performance; she wants her logo to steer away from a retro 50's and 60's styling. In saying that, Lulu loves lazing on her luxurious Chesterfield lounge after a busy night performing.
Lulu imagines her logo would be in a stylish yet sexy caligraphy or script/running writing.
Find out how a design contest works or learn more about our logo design services.

subset: commoncrawl


text:
A Client Project Sneak Peek!
Friday, November 30, 2012
Back in October, a local family I am friends with asked for my help with a few rooms. They were planning to host Thanksgiving and wanted to make changes stat! Even though design is a process which takes time, often with lots of changes along the way, I love it when clients get to work and make it happen quickly. Sometimes this is possible and sometimes, for whatever reason, it isn't. In this case, they went right to work!
Our main focus was the eating areas - the dining room and eat-in kitchen. Art was also needed for the family room which I will share in another post once I can get by to take more pictures. The homeowners wanted the dining room to look like a dining room. They felt that it had more of a "hallway" feeling because it connects the kitchen to the family room and lacked dining room details. The room could handle a larger table for starters, a neutral rug that would not compete with the rug in the family room, a sideboard with additional lighting, and art for the long wall opposite the new sideboard.
Here is a the after. Talk about a major difference! Didn't they do a fantastic job pulling everything together?! By the way, the room to the left is the kitchen and I just adore the new wall color and curtains. More pictures to come.
Have a great weekend!
12 comments:
Love it, Rene! It looks so inviting and homey now. :)ReplyDelete
Beautiful Rene! Looks like some great teamwork on this project. Love the moulding, it makes an unbelievable difference. I have a client who just added it to her stairway and is so excited!ReplyDelete
Looking forward to seeing the rest of this project!
It looks fabulous Rene!ReplyDelete
WOW! I especially love the addition of the wainscoting.ReplyDelete
Yes...the wainscoting really mad the difference...and changing out the dark rug! Looks great.ReplyDelete
Wow, this doesn't even look like the same room! It looks so much more functional and, you know, it actually looks larger! Beautiful job, Rene! Thanks for sharing with us!ReplyDelete
Oh my goodness! Her room is stunning! She really translated your ideas so well! I love the rich and chic new look! I bet she is thrilled!ReplyDelete
Looking great, Rene! Such a comfortable and sophisticated look!ReplyDelete
I agree with the others - they had great moulding to start but adding the wainscoting really made a nice difference too. High five girl!ReplyDelete
Great makeover Rene...love the new cozy look, so pretty!ReplyDelete
Amazing! It totally looks like a cozy, pretty, up to date dining room now. I really like the bird prints, and the wainscoting really did make it look like a dining area, i'm gonna have to remember that! I bet they are tickled to death with the transformation!ReplyDelete
They did a wonderful job! Beautiful design, Rene!!!ReplyDelete
Thanks so much for stopping by! Your questions will be answered here or you can email me at firstname.lastname@example.com


text:
Bringing Modern Medicine to the Mountains: Scientific Medicine
and the Transformation of Health Care in Southern West Virginia, 1880-1910
By Sandra Barney
The transformation of West Virginia during the industrial boom of the late nineteenth century was a complex process that affected mountain society on myriad levels. While traditional evaluations of the period focus on the invasion of outside capital and portrayed indigenous people as unwilling victims of powerful processes beyond their control, recent scholarship by such historians as Ronald L. Lewis, Altina Waller, and Mary Beth Pudup remind us that the introduction of modern industry and the involvement of the state in the national marketplace was a phenomenon as enthusiastically supported by some mountain residents as it was vigorously rejected by others.1
The diverse reactions exhibited by West Virginia residents to the introduction of modern institutions may, in part, be explained by acknowledging the competing interests of the mountain residents. For commercially ambitious mountaineers, increased involvement in the national market promised new wealth and the possibility of expanding their social and economic status. More rural residents, entrenched in traditional customs, were suspicious of the metamorphosis of the region, seeing it as an invasion of new philosophies and expectations that threatened to supplant, and eventually destroy, their way of life.2
The struggle between proponents of these two views was played out on a number of stages. For example, in The Americanization of West Virginia, John Hennen studies the confrontation that developed as new industrial interests fought to create an educational system that produced complacent workers.3 In some public venues, like education and health care, the contest between the old way and the new was complicated by the extensive benefits modern skills and knowledge offered. The transformation of medical practice in the southern mountains of West Virginia during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries demonstrates that modernization promised mountain people significant fundamental improvements if they accepted their roles as patients in the new order. When these benefits alone were insufficient to convince West Virginians of the advantages of modern life, ambitious physicians turned to other institutions in an effort to induce the state's residents to embrace new methods of health care.
Medical care in rural West Virginia during much of the nineteenth century was frequently primitive and often entirely absent. Claude Frazier, a physician who was raised in the state's southern coal camps where his father was employed as a company doctor, wrote in Miners and Medicine that "hardy mountain people had to rely entirely on themselves in sickness and in health." Faced with little outside assistance, they trusted herbal remedies administered by family members or "mountain grannies" who were, according to Frazier, "more often than not on solid ground with their home remedies."4
While rural West Virginians found it difficult to secure sophisticated medical assistance before industrialization, they sought the best health care they believed possible for themselves and their families. Once convinced that a product or a procedure was efficient, many embraced it enthusiastically. In the late nineteenth century, for example, mountaineers came to share the attachment of other Americans to patent medicines, and panaceas like oil for earaches and salves for chest ailments became increasingly popular in Appalachia.5
Recognizing the rising reputation of these tonics and believing that the state was obligated to regulate such trade, West Virginia initiated court cases against itinerant vendors who sold "dugs or nostrums" without paying the appropriate tax. When, in 1887, J. B. Ragland arrived in Boone County selling "Ragland's Lightening Relief" at fifty cents per bottle, he found a receptive market. The local sheriff, however, arrested Ragland for failing to pay "the special tax" levied on this type of commercial activity. Ragland's arrest and conviction eventually were upheld by the West Virginia Court of Appeals and he was forced to pay the assessed penalties and taxes.6
West Virginians relied on tonics, home remedies, and folk healers because they had little familiarity with formally educated physicians. With minimal information about scientific medicine and limited access to trained physicians, many mountain people did not consider medical science an option.7 In part, West Virginians distrusted educated physicians because their state government did not support a public institution to train medical doctors. Unlike its neighbors, West Virginia did not establish a state-supported medical school until well into the twentieth century. Although a "College of Medicine" functioned at West Virginia University in Morgantown from 1902 until 1911, it was never a fully accredited program and did not confer its own terminal degree. The university did not grant M.D. degrees until 1962.8
The state was also unable to provide vigorous supervision of medical practice in the nineteenth century. Without state supervision, legitimacy was based on personal experience and local custom and was only occasionally authenticated by formal education or training. Before the State Board of Health initiated formal procedures to license physicians in the 1880s, self-proclaimed medical practitioners often lacked even the most rudimentary knowledge and skills. The 1870 census recorded only two self-identified physicians in Logan County, for example, and neither of them was literate.9 These early, sometimes poorly trained, practitioners continued to practice after the state government stepped in to standardize the licensing of physicians because many of them were grandfathered into the new system.10
The lack of formal academic education does not mean that all nineteenth-century practitioners were completely without training. Many mountain physicians gained their education through apprenticeships with older, experienced physicians, a standard practice across rural America in the nineteenth century. Emmanual Church, who practiced in McDowell County after the Civil War, was "a typical mountaineer, uneducated--hardly able to read or write." Church studied medicine with a Dr. Crockett in Graham, Virginia, and received a county license to practice before the West Virginia State Board of Health began examining prospective doctors. Hiram Christian, who also apprenticed with Dr. Crockett, eventually set up a medical service at Sandlick in the Tug River Valley.11 These men certainly gained significant knowledge through their empirical training, but the care they provided was sometimes inferior to that offered by their better-educated colleagues. In 1881, when a self-taught physician named Hess diagnosed smallpox as chicken pox and failed to observe the appropriate precautions, he allowed a deadly epidemic to spread through the villages of eastern Mercer County and adjacent Pocahontas, Virginia.12
While rural mountain residents of pre-industrial West Virginia did not generally enjoy the services of formally educated physicians, their health was, in fact, remarkably well preserved by the relatively unpolluted environment in which they resided. According to Claude Frazier, rural West Virginians were generally well because "they escaped many of the big epidemics of cholera and typhoid that swept" through urban America.13 A comparison of infant deaths in Logan County in 1872 and 1910 supports his claim. Infant mortality from contagious diseases was actually lower before the region was transformed by industrialization than it was almost fifty years later.14
Involvement in the national economy through the mass production of coal created new challenges to the well-being of the state's citizens whose lives and health care custos were intrinsically transformed by the industrial order. In particular, mountain residents saw their landscapes recast as new towns were formed and previously existing villages dramatically increased in size.15 Bluefield, for example, contained 1,775 residents in 1890, but it grew to accommodate a citizenry of over 11,000 by 1910. Beckley developed from a village of 158 in 1890 to a community of over 2,000 just twenty years later. Williamson and Scarbro, unincorporated settlements in 1890, grew into towns with populations of over 1,000 residents by 1910.16
The workers who flocked to these towns engaged in dangerous work in the coal mines. In 1909-10, accidents killed more than one hundred miners in McDowell County, sixty in Fayette County, and nineteen in Raleigh County.17 Non-fatal injuries were even more prevalent. McDowell County operations, clearly the most dangerous in southern West Virginia, lost 246 men in non-fatal accidents, while Fayette County followed closely with 213 during the same period.18 To treat the injured miners and to care for their families in the newly established coal camps, companies hired physicians, who began to transform medical practice in the mountains.
Company operators employed doctors because many of the coal camps were simply too remote to attract independent physicians. According to coal archivist Stuart McGehee, "labor was scarce, and trained doctors were an incentive to attract good miners."19 These physicians generally possessed more formal training than the empirically educated practitioners who had previously provided care to the region's inhabitants. Trained to use anaesthesia, aware of the germ theory of disease, and possessing prophylaxis to prevent infection, these newly arrived physicians were well equipped to compete with the empirically trained healers who traditionally served the region.20
When formally educated physicians entered a community, traditional practitioners often moved to less settled areas where the competition was not so fierce. Emmanual Church withdrew from McDowell County when the coal companies arrived to the mountains of Greenbrier and Pocahontas counties where he continued his practice. Hiram Christian also left his practice when competition for patients became too intense. Rather than relocate to a more isolated area, he switched careers and set himself up as an attorney in Welch. Finding the legal profession too crowded in the McDowell County seat, he eventually moved to War, where he was the only lawyer and became the community's justice of the peace.21
During the late nineteenth century, the numbers of educated physicians practicing in central Appalachia increased considerably as railroads, lumber companies, and coal mines brought in well-trained doctors to care for employees and their families. The increased number of physicians in the coal regions did not a reflect a rise in the aggregate number of doctors so much as a redistribution of physicians. Educated practitioners determined that mining regions were potentially lucrative locations in which to practice.
There were 1,046 licensed practitioners in West Virginia in 1890.22 By 1900, that number had risen to 1,385, and by 1910, 1,755 individuals were licensed to practice medicine in the state.23 In relation to its population and geographical size, however, there were relatively few physicians across the still primarily rural state. In 1890, there was on average only one licensed doctor for every 729 West Virginians. By 1900, that ratio had dropped to one per 629 citizens; in 1910, it had climbed slightly so that, theoretically, an individual physician would serve695 patients.24
The coal mining counties of southern West Virginia were especially underserved by licensed physicians before the industrial boom. While Fayette and Raleigh counties in 1890 boasted a doctor-patient ratio that was only slightly higher than the state average, few other mining counties could report the same conditions.25 In the same year, residents would have found it difficult to secure the services of a licensed doctor in Logan or McDowell counties. There was only one doctor for every 1,216 residents of Logan County and one per 1,387 inhabitants in McDowell County. Licensed physicians were true oddities in Mercer County in 1890, where the ratio was 2,000 residents per physician.26
However, southern West Virginia's coal mining regions experienced a dramatic rise in the number of educated physicians practicing in their communities during the years of industrial growth. In Fayette County, for example, the doctor-patient ratio decreased from 733 citizens per doctor in 1890 to 564 in 1910. In McDowell County, the patients-per-doctor statistic declined accordingly from 1,216 to 839. The most dramatic transformation of medical service occurred in Mercer County, where an influx of new physicians halved the patient-physician average in twenty years.28
Many of these doctors worked for industrial concerns, but others were private physicians drawn by the region's economic prosperity. In the early years of the boom, however, independent physicians were often frustrated by the opposition they met from native people. Some locals, unwilling to pay scarce currency for services they distrusted, remained loyal to their traditional healers. The lack of cash also meant doctors often had to accept compensation in produce or in manual labor. Without the financial security guaranteed by company employment, some physicians gave up their practices and moved from the region, as did Dr. W. R. Iaeger, the lone physician in McDowell County before the coal boom.29
Even with the support of industrial interests, physicians faced resistance from workers. Company employees sometimes rejected the requirement that they contribute a portion of their salary to retain a physician when they were not actually ill. To protest this policy, they occasionally feigned illness in order to acquire medicine. After securing a desired drug, one miner examined it and declared it to be useless, protesting that the doctor offered only "soda and flour."30
Considering the frontier-like conditions under which doctors labored and the opposition they encountered from those they sought to cure, it is surprising that educated doctors agreed to venture into West Virginia's coalfields at all. Those doctors who did hazard the coal camps undertook the mission for a variety of reaons. For some, the mountains were home and they welcomed the opportunity to pursue their chosen profession at a time when the region's economy was booming and its growing population legitimized the establishment of medical practices in rural communities.
Dr. Wade St. Clair did not venture far from home when he opened his practice in the growing town of Bluefield in 1902. A native of neighboring Tazewell County, Virginia, he attended the University of Virginia's Medical College and completed postgraduate training at New York's renowned Polytechnic Clinic. He also pursued additional training in the hospitals of Vienna, Austria, enjoying the benefits of an outstanding education that qualified him to set up practice in any community in the United States. By selecting the Bluefield area, he maintained family connections and positioned himself to take advantage of the financial benefits offered by the expansion of the coal economy.31
To pursue his ambitions, St. Clair joined with an outsider, Francke Fox, to set up the Bluefield Sanitarium. Fox, who hailed from North Carolina, was the son of a physician. A graduate of the University of Virginia who completed his medical degree at New York University, Fox established his first practice in Waynesboro, Virginia, in the Shenandoah Valley. This enterprise failed to prosper, however, and in 1892, he accepted a contract with the Norfolk and Western Railroad to care for its employees in the Pocahontas Coalfield.32
Fox and St. Clair combined to establish Bluefield's first hospital in 1902, an institution that eventually developed into one of the most modern and progressive in the region.33 When they expanded the facility in 1914, the doctors took advantage of the financial success achieved by St. Clair's father, a native industrialist who had profited from the region's development. Alexander St. Clair, who continued to reside on the family farm in Tazewell County, became a partner in the corporation established to fund the new facility.34 Through their partnership, St. Clair and Fox achieved the prosperity available to those physicians, whether local or newly arrived, who exhibited a willingness to treat medicine as a commercial enterprise and to pursue financial success aggressively. The Bluefield Sanitarium grew into a thriving business that offered miners and their families unique opportunities for medical and hospital care and illustrated the creativity and vigor of educated physicians' new medical ideas.
St. Clair and Fox were only two of the hundreds of doctors who set up practices in the West Virginia coalfields during the economic upswing of the Progressive Era. An examination of the West Virginia State Board of Health's reports demonstrates that, in addition to the significant increase in the number of educated physicians who settled in the state, the geographic origins and experience of these new physicians was quite different from that of the doctors who cared for the region's inhabitants before the coal boom.
Prior to industrialization and the drive to professionalize medicine, local mountaineers pursued empirical training and used their community status to earn legitimacy as medical practitioners. With the introduction of new professional standards, state residents were disadvantaged by the lack of formal medical education in the state. As professional credentials became increasingly critical, and eventually necessary, for licensure, West Virginians were either forced to go elsewhere for their medical training or see medical positions within the state filled by outsiders.35
In 1883, for example, only 6 physicians who had been educated in Illinois were practicing in West Virginia; by 1903, that number had increased to 304. Only 45 doctors trained in New York practiced in West Virginia in 1883, but more than 500 of their colleagues were licensed by the state in the succeeding twenty years.36 By 1903, in fact, medical colleges from thirty-three states and the Dstrict of Columbia were represented by graduates licensed to practice in West Virginia, reflecting the national recognition of the economic opportunity available in the coalfields.37
In spite of increased representation by physicians educated in other regions, the doctors who set up practices in the coalfields were most often trained in surrounding states. From July 1898 to July 1900, nearly 50 percent of those who passed the West Virginia licensing board graduated from schools in Maryland, Ohio, Kentucky, or Virginia.38 Of the 141 who applied for licensure in 1902, 87 were from the neighboring states.39
Many of the physicians who moved into the coalfields were still relatively new to the practice of medicine. Dr. J. S. Malory, an 1898 graduate of the Medical College of Virginia, opened his practice in McDowell County in the same year he completed his education. His classmate, Dr. A. Irvine, set up an office in 1899 in the nearby community of Bramwell, where he soon found himself competing with Dr. W. V. Clyde, an 1899 graduate of the Maryland Medical College. Dr. W. C. Hall, who completed his training at the University of Virginia in 1897, opened an office in Welch in 1898.40
The careers of these young men were quite varied; some of them spent only a few years in the area, but others committed themselves and their families to the region. Many of the physicians who entered the mountains as employees of coal companies moved on rather quickly. Dr. Woods, the company doctor for the Ritter Lumber Company, served the Dry Fork and Panther Creek regions of southern West Virginia from 1900 until 1907. When the company completed its cutting in the region, he departed with the rest of the workers. Dr. Kell, an independent physician in Welch, signed on to serve as the company physician for the Lathrop Coal Company in 1913. After supervising the health of the residents of Lathrop's four mine camps, Kell eventually left the area around 1926. Dr. S. D. Hatfield, the son of feudist Anderson "Devil Anse" Hatfield, opened a medical practice in Iaeger in 1907 and remained in the community until 1920. He was the only physician in the area after outside timber companies abandoned their activities, but he too soon departed because the roads were so primitive and the people had so little money with which to pay him.41
Hatfield's concern about financial compensation was shared by other doctors. Traditionally, folk and herbal healers had accepted non-cash payment for their services. Educated physicians, who embraced the ideals of the market economy and ignored the mountaineers' cultural practices, dismissed these traditions and demanded that their patients recognize medical attention as a service acquired through a cash exchange rather than barter.42
Accustomed to relating to their healers as members of their own communities, mountain residents often failed to comprehend fully the physicians' desire for immediate compensation. Some doctors resorted to harsh tactics to teach patients their proper role in the economic relationship that supported modern medicine. A physician in southern West Virginia was called to inspect the children of an isolated mountain family. Upon arrival, he discovered they had been exposed to diphtheria and one of the children was already exhibiting symptoms. The physician, who carried with him the appropriate anti-toxin, "refused to administer the medicine unless he was paid $60 in advance."43 In his book Coal Towns, Crandall Shifflet related the story of a mountain family who lost their farm to a doctor who foreclosed on their home when they were unable to pay the $300 medical bill accrued by a dying grandparent.44
Since medicine was frequently an uncertain enterprise, some physicians pursued alternative or related endeavors to augment their incomes. Like Drs. Fox and St. Clair in Bluefield, a number of physicians opened hospitals that both supplemented their incomes while also providing their communities with in-patient facilities.45 Other physicians scrambled to acquire government positions in state institutions or as county public health administrators, a reflection of government's ncreasing reliance on educated physicians as well as the doctors' own desire for a secure income.46
Finally, many physicians invested in industrial enterprises. A significant number of the investors in the Williamson-Thacker Coalfield were physicians. An assembly that included the future governor of West Virginia, Dr. Henry D. Hatfield, these men resided in communities such as Bramwell and Bluefield and used their profits as physicians to finance their business ambitions.47
Some physicians invested in industrial ventures as a way to diversify their earnings, but the vast majority of state doctors relied upon the revenue they generated through their professional activities. To protect that income, educated physicians agitated for the increased regulation of the practice of medicine and the elevation of their professional ideals. For many, if not most, physicians, the desire to heighten their professional status was a complicated one founded on both philanthropic concern and economic ambition. While they genuinely believed the care they provided was the standard against which all others failed, they also stood to profit by eliminating competition from traditional healers, empirically trained physicians, and various medical sects who gained prominence in the late nineteenth century. In order to protect the public and to better their social and economic conditions, West Virginia doctors followed the lead of the American Medical Association, a professional alliance founded in New York state in 1846, and organized coalitions to improve their status and protect the public health by elevating their principles of practice above traditional healers and sectarian competitors.48
The American Medical Association, and its state and local components, was founded to protect the precepts of clinically educated physicians who embraced allopathy, the principle that illness must be treated by medicines or procedures intended to terminate the symptoms of a disease. Physicians who embraced this axiom sought to uncover treatments through medical research and clinical inquiry and, over time, discovered the nucleus of information that now supports contemporary medicine.49 While allopaths were recognized as "regular" physicians who set the standard of medical practice, they were frequently challenged in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries by competitors such as homeopaths, osteopaths, and chiropractors.50 To combat those rivals and to elevate the principles of scientific medicine, allopaths around the United States joined county and state affiliates of the American Medical Association.51
West Virginia physicians formed a state medical organization in Wheeling in 1867. The Medical Society of West Virginia was the last state medical association to be instituted in the nation at that time. Like their colleagues elsewhere, state physicians adopted the American Medical Association's code of ethics and formally allied themselves with the national association.52 As recent converts to the drive for medical organization, state physicians were quite vociferous in proclaiming the sanctity of their profession. According to the booklet they published to celebrate their society's organization, "the true physician . . . stands upon a lofty eminence, clothed with the authority of science to interpret nature." The author of the pamphlet proclaimed that "no calling represents more fully or more honorably than ours, the intellectual tendency of the times in which we live," and finally declared that "a pervading sense of progress is everywhere at work in the medical world."53
In spite of its declarations, West Virginia's medical society was inferior to its neighbors both inside and outside the region. When Dr. C. H. Maxwell, a Morgantown physician, was appointed to represent the West Virginia society at the Pennsylvania Medical Association's meeting in 1907, he was more than a bit chagrined by the distinct differences he noted between his home society and that of the Pennsylvania physicians.
According to his calculations, the Pennsylvania Medical Association had enrolled more than 50 percent of the state's physicians, while West Virginia had recruited only 37 percent of those practicing within its borders. Local chapters were active in sixty-five of Pennsylvania's sixty-seven counties, but twenty of West Virginia's fifty-five counties contained no organized medical association.54 These comparisons embarrassed Maxwell, who recognized their detrimental consequences for the advancement of allopathic ambitions in the state. Without a strong medical association, allopathic physicians were stymied in their attempts to regulate the practice of medicine. He asserted that the inability of the state's physicians to seize control of the definition and regulation of medicine had adverse consequences for the profession as well as for the population of the state. Maxwell warned that West Virginians had not "been trained," and that they had not been "taught" that communicable disease was a "shame." Having failed to "create the proper public sentiment," doctors had not yet achieved full control of the public's expectations about the practice of medicine.55
Maxwell's evaluation reveals that, while formally educated physicians had acquired significant prominence in the medical marketplace, they had not yet acquired the ability to define medical care or to secure a monopoly over its delivery. These ambitions had to be achieved to support their claim to sole professional legitimacy and scientific knowledge. To that end, doctors pursued continued patronage and support for fledgling county medical societies and the creation of a closer alliance with the government.
Educated, allopathic physicians needed government support because they faced strong competition from other practitioners. Still new to their role in the modern medical system, many citizens persisted in their reliance upon traditional medicine as well as on the promises of such sectarian practitioners as homeopaths and chiropractors. Physicians looked to the government to aid them in their battle against the popularity of these alternative sources for health care.
Sectarian healers vehemently challenged the state association's campaign for the passage of laws regulating medical practice. In addition to rejecting the allopaths' insistence upon a monopoly over legitimate medical knowledge, sectarians also disputed the state government's right to interfere in their pursuit of a medical career. Legal challenges to West Virginia's medical practice law were pursued all the way to the United States Supreme Court which, in Dent v. West Virginia, upheld the state's right to regulate and control the practice of medicine.56
Although the Supreme Court affirmed the government's prerogative to license medical practitioners, sectarians also challenged the composition of the state's medical examining boards. The West Virginia Public Health Council, also known as the Board of Public Health, promulgated public health policy as well as examining and licensing fledgling physicians. The multiple duties demanded of the board were quite exhausting, but the state's recognition that regulating the practice of medicine was a component of its mandate to protect the public good significantly boosted allopathic physicians. Since allopaths dominated the board, they gained significant prestige and reinforcement for their claim that they alone were capable of dispensing medical care. Members of the state society actively opposed efforts to separate medical exmination from public health supervision. They feared that defining these duties separately would reduce allopathy to just another school of medical practice and might proscribe their attempts to achieve a monopoly over the public definition of legitimate medical care.57
With the Dent decision and their ability to maintain control over the State Board of Health, educated, allopathic physicians celebrated a critical victory in the struggle to protect and elevate their status. The allopaths who controlled the medical society and the Board of Public Health were secure in their ability to deny legitimacy to traditional and sectarian competitors. This success, made possible by the alliance of private physicians, organized medicine, and the government, completed the process begun during the late nineteenth century when educated physicians began streaming into West Virginia seeking to profit from the economic boom.
The arrival of large-scale industrializing forces in West Virginia in the late nineteenth century prompted a transformation of the state's medical system. Physicians, educated in clinical programs and trained in allopathic procedures, moved into Appalachia as investors opened the region to development. Like many of the capitalists who invaded the mountains seeking marketable resources, these physicians believed that they were bringing progress to a retarded region too long isolated from the modern world.58
To protect their professional standards and to prevent unqualified practitioners from preying upon the community, West Virginia's doctors emulated their colleagues at the national level and organized state and, eventually, local medical societies. In the early stages, these associations were quite fragile and doctors were challenged to recruit and maintain membership from the often isolated physicians who served the coal camps.59
While the medical associations struggled to gain legitimacy, doctors also reached out to form an important alliance with government. At both local and state government levels, academically trained physicians encouraged the state to take an active role in the regulation of medicine. They insisted that the government satisfy its duties as protector of the public good and prevent substandard healers from endangering the health of the state's citizens.
Through their association with the capitalists who acquired control of many of the region's resources, the promotion of their own professional societies, and their affiliation with the government, allopaths succeeded in creating powerful networks that elevated their professional model while denigrating other medical philosophies. These nascent alliances did not mature until the first decades of the twentieth century, but nineteenth-century physicians laid important groundwork for the creation of institutions and associations that shaped both the definition as well as the delivery of medical care in West Virginia throughout the twentieth century.
1. The best recent scholarship on the region has been collected in Mary Beth Pudup, Dwight E. Billings, and Altina L. Waller, Appalachia in the Making: The Mountain South in the Nineteenth Century (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1995).
2. Ronald L. Lewis, "Railroads, Deforestation, and the Transformation of Agriculture in the West Virginia Back Counties, 1880-1920," in ibid., 303.
3. John Hennen, The Americanization of West Virginia (Lexington: Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1996).
4. Claude Frazier with F. K. Brown, Miners and Medicine: West Virginia Memories (Norman: Univ. of Oklahoma Pres, 1992), 59.
5. Sarah Stage, Female Complaints: Lydia Pinkham and the Business of Women's Medicine (New York: W. W. Norton, 1979), 27 and Leonard W. Roberts, Up Cutshin and Down Greasy: Folkways of a Kentucky Mountain Family (Lexington: Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1959), 96.
6. "State vs. Ragland," in West Virginia Board of Health, Biennial Report, 1887-88 (Charleston: Moses W. Donnally, 1888), 65-68.
7. Emma Bell Miles, The Spirit of the Mountains (Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1975), 24; Roberts, Up Cutshin and Down Greasy, 95; and Laurel Shackelford and Bill Weinberg, eds., Our Appalachia: An Oral History (Lexington: Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1988), 127.
8. Edward Van Liere and Gideon Dodd, History of Medical Education in West Virginia (Morgantown: West Virginia Univ. Library, 1965), 18.
9. Susan Ritchie, "A Comparison of Infant Mortality in Logan County, West Virginia in 1872 and 1910," unpublished paper in possession of the author.
10. "The Early Physicians of Sandy River District," Claude Frazier Collection, Eastern Regional Coal Archives, Craft Memorial Library, Bluefield, WV, hereafter referred to as Frazier Coll., ERCA.
11. Ibid.
12. Ibid.
13. Frazier, Miners and Medicine, 64.
14. Ritchie, "A Comparison of Infant Mortality in Logan County."
15. Carolyn Clay Turner and Carolyn Hay Traum, John C. C. Mayo: Cumberland Capitalist (Pikeville: Pikeville College Press, 1983), 32-33.
16. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Thirteenth Census of the United States, 1910, vol. 3: Population (Washington, D. C.: GPO, 1913), 1018-24, hereafter referred to as 1910 Census, vol. 3.
17. West Virginia Department of Mines, Annual Report, 1910 (Charleston: News Mail Company, 1911), 306.
18. Ibid., 334-35.
19. Stuart McGehee, "Sawbones: The Company Doctor Gets His Due," Coal People (August 1990): 11.
20. Frazier, Miners and Medicine, 65.
21. "The Early Physicians of the Sandy River District," Frazier Coll., ERCA.
22. Department of the Interior, Census Office, Report on Population of the United States at the Eleventh Census: 1890, vol. 2, pt. 2 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1897), 337, hereafter referred to as 1890 Census.
23. Ibid., 337; U.S. Census Office, Twelfth Census of the United States, 1900, vol. 2, part 2: Population (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1902), 541, hereafter referred to as 1900 Census; and Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Thirteenth Census of the United States, 1910, vol. 4: Population, Occupation Statistics (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1914), 151, hereafter referred to as 1910 Census, vol. 4.
24. 1890 Census, 337; 1900 Census, 541; 1910 Census, vol. 3, 1012, 1018, 1020 and vol. 4, 151; and Board of Health, Report of the Secretary, 1881-83 (Wheeling: Moses Donnally, 1884), 94-102, Biennial Report, 1889-90 (Charleston: Moses Donnally, 1890), 31-36, and Biennial Report, 1908-09 (Charleston: News Mail Company, 1909), 21-30.
25. Board of Health, Biennial Report, 1889-90, 31-36 and 1910 Census, vol. 3, 1018, 1020.
26. Board of Health, Biennial Report, 1889-90, 31-36 and 1910 Census, vol. 3, 1018, 1020.
27. Board of Health, Report of the Secretary, 1881-83, 94-102, Biennial Report, 1889-90, 31-36, and Biennial Report, 1908-09, 21-30.
28. Board of Health, Biennial Report, 1889-90, 31-36 and Biennial Report, 1908-09, 21-30; and 1910 Census, vol. 3, 1018, 1020.
29. "The Early Physicians of the Sandy River District," Frazier Coll., ERCA.
30. Ibid.
31. Stuart McGehee, "A Century of Care: A History of Bluefield Regional Medical Center, Bluefield Community Hospital, Bluefield Sanitarium," unpublished manuscript, ERCA.
32. Ibid.
33. "Hospitalization Facilities of the Region," Bluefield Daily Telegraph, Semi-Centennial Anniversary Edition, 14 Decembe 1939.
34. McGehee, "A Century of Care," ERCA.
35. Van Liere and Dodd, History of Medical Education in West Virginia, 17-18; Board of Health, Biennial Report, 1887-88, 59 and Biennial Report, 1891-92, 54.
36. Board of Health, Report of the Secretary, 1881-83, 89-90 and Biennial Report and Report of Vital and Mortuary Statistics, 1903-04 (Charleston: Tribune Printing Company, 1904), 53-54.
37. Board of Health, Biennial Report and Report of Vital and Mortuary Statistics, 1903-04, 53-54.
38. Board of Health, Biennial Report and Report of Vital and Mortuary Statistics, 1898-99 (Charleston: Tribune Company, 1901), 160-63.
39. Board of Health, Biennial Report and Report of Vital and Mortuary Statistics, 1903-04, 53-54.
40. Board of Health, Biennial Report and Report of Vital and Mortuary Statistics, 1898-99, 160-63.
41. "The Early Physicians of the Sandy River District," Frazier Coll., ERCA.
42. Cathy Melvin Efird, "A Geography of Lay Midwifery in Appalachian North Carolina: 1925-1950" (Ph.D. diss., University of North Carolina, 1985), 6.
43. "The Early Physicians of the Sandy River District," Frazier Coll., ERCA.
44. Crandall Shifflet, Coal Towns: Life, Work, and Culture in Company Towns of Southern Appalachia, 1880-1960 (Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1991), 23.
45. Mary Kegley, Wythe County, Virginia: A Bicentennial History (Salem, WV: Don Mills, Inc., 1989), 105.
46. Henry D. Hatfield to Walter S. Hallanan, 15 June 1929, Henry D. Hatfield Papers, West Virginia and Regional History Collection, West Virginia University, Morgantown.
47. Rebecca Bailey, "Liberty and License: The Ascendance to Power of the Investors of the Williamson-Thacker Coalfield," unpublished paper in possession of the author.
48. Richard Shryock, Medicine and Society in America: 1660-1860 (Ithaca: Cornell Univ. Press, 1960), 148-49.
49. Ronald L. Numbers and John Harley Warner, "The Maturation of American Medical Science," in Sickness and Health in America: Readings in the History of Medicine and Public Health, ed. by Judith Walzer Leavitt and Ronald L. Numbers (Madison: Univ. of Wisconsin Press, 1985), 116-17.
50. Homeopaths, building on the teachings of German doctor Samuel Hahnemann, insisted that sickness could be cured by the administration of minute quantities of substances that actually provoked the offensive symptom from the patient. "Like cures like," a phrase often used to describe homeopathic medicine, reflected the belief that the body would heal itself if forced to respond to external stimuli. Chiropractors and their osteopathic predecessors insisted that illness rested in the maladjustment of bones and relied on manual alignment to remedy disease. Charles Rosenberg, "The Therapeutic Revolution: Medicine, Meaning, and Social Change in 19th Century America," in Sickness and Health in America, 100; Martin Kaufman, Homeopathy in America: The Rise and Fall of a Medical Heresy (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1971), 7; and Norman Gevitz, The D. O.s: Osteopathic Medicine in America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1982), 12.
51. Paul Starr, The Social Transformation of American Medicine (New York: Basic Books, 1982), 90-91.
52. Transactions of the Medical Society of the State of West Virginia, Instituted April 10, 1867, Together with the Code of Ethics, Constitutions, and Bylaws (Wheeling: Frew, Hagans, and Hall, 1868), 8-9.
53. Ibid., 9.
54. C. H. Maxwell, "Pennsylvania and West Virginia Medical Associations--A Comparison," West Virginia Medical Journal (October 1907): 106.
55. Ibid., 107.
56. William W. Golden, "The Evolution of Medical Legislation in West Virginia," West Virginia Medical Journal (April 1918): 362; Virginia State Medical Examining Board, "Minutes of Board From Organization in 1884, Together with Results of Examinations from 1884 to December 16-18 1902," 14 April 1899, Virginia StateMedical Examining Board Records Collection, Library of Virginia, Richmond; and Dent vs. West Virginia, United States Reports, Cases Adjudicated in the Supreme Court at October Term, 1888, Vol. 3 (New York: J. C. Bancroft Davis Banks Law Publishing Co., 1904), 114.
57. Golden, "The Evolution of Medical Legislation in West Virginia," 362.
58. Numbers and Warner, "The Maturation of American Medical Science," 116-17 and Rosenberg, "The Therapeutic Revolution," 100.
59. Maxwell, "Pennsylvania and West Virginia Medical Associations," 106.
Volume 55
West Virginia History Journal
West Virginia History Center


text:
NEW PROVIDENCE, NJ – Facebook recently announced it is changing its news feed and algorithms so that news from legitimate publishers and posts from businesses will seldom appear.
This will be frustrating for people who use Facebook to find news and information relevant to them, said TAPinto Founder and CEO Michael Shapiro.
"Relegating legitimate news publishers and businesses is a lose-lose-lose," Shapiro said. "Citizens will be less informed and involved in public affairs and their local economies. Publishers and businesses that invested significant resources in developing their social media presences have no recourse."
The third loser, he noted, is Facebook itself. "Facebook lost nearly 5 percent of its stock value since announcing the change," Shapiro said.
He is urging TAPinto readers to take action so they no longer rely on Facebook. "There are many ways to receive your local news that are independent of Facebook," Shapiro said.
Here are ways you can get TAPinto anytime, anywhere, for FREE:
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"Publishers and local businesses now know who their true friends are - - the members of their local communities - - not Facebook, and should act accordingly," Shapiro said.
He said publishers "should focus on impactful local news reporting while local businesses should partner with local publishers to market themselves, providing valuable exposure for the local business while providing resources to the local publisher to cover the important local news in our communities."
While Facebook's decision to marginalize legitimate local news is "unfortunate," Shapiro stressed that TAPinto's network of 70 local news sites will continue to gain readers. "It will not deter TAPinto in our mission to provide objective, non-partisan local news and information 24/7 for our 7 million readers," Shapiro said.
Sign Up for E-News to get top stories delivered daily to your inbox.
Download the FREE TAPinto App! Click here for Android - Click here for iOS to get news as it is happening.


text:
Celebrating illustration, design, cartoon and comic art of the mid-20th century.
Friday, May 06, 2011
Happy Mother's Day! ... from Whitman's (and David Attie)
I knew I'd heard that name before... but there doesn't seem to be much by Attie on the Internet - and even less about him.
I managed to locate this 1953 piece in my collection of Art Director & Studio News magazines. So at least we now know that Attie was an east coast illustrator in the early '50s, represented by the prestigious Fredman-Chaite studios.
Mitchell Hooks, Frank McCarthy and the young Bob Peak were all at FC during this same period. Perhaps they all knew each other...
Attie gets a brief mention in the one issue of the Fredman-Chaite Portfolio promotional magazine I own...
... unfortunately the promo contains no biographical info on Attie.
Finally, here's a 1956 paperback cover by Dave Attie from my friend Uilke's Flickr archives.
And for now, that's all we know about David Attie. Perhaps (hopefully) TI readers can add more!
5 comments:
- UK vintage1:17 PM
David Attie. Born November 30, 1920 in Brooklyn, New York; studied at the Kansas City Art institute and et the Cooper Union for Advancement of Science and Art in New York. Attie produced only a small number of paperback covers: four for Bantam in 1947 and 1948 and a few more for Dell (1950) and Berkley (1950-1954)ReplyDelete
In 1958, Attie did two photographic covers for Dell; he currently works as a photographer.
[Source The Book of paperbacks by Piet Schreuders - 1981]
Bantam 120 a Movie Tie'-in
Bantam 408 'Doctor Kim'
Bantam 450 'Moonlit voyage'
Bantam 464 'Nurse into Women'
I will upload Bantam 450 for you.
- Eli8:34 PM
I can add some more information here, since David Attie was a direct relative of mine. he actually left commercial illustration in the 1950's, as it began to fade, and became a fairly successful commercial photographer -- and a protege of the highly influential art director Alexey Brodovitch at Harper's. Attie also did fine art photography, including two books: "Russian Self-Portraits," and "Portrait: Theory."ReplyDelete
- Eli8:42 PM
here is a quick photo of an illustration of Attie's that I have in my collection: the cover of a teen novel that he must have done sometime in the 1940's or early 50's.../Users/eliattie/Desktop/IMG_0160.jpgReplyDelete
Hi EliReplyDelete
I was influenced by David Attie's Russian Self Portraits and have done Self Portait projects since 1979. I would love to find out more about him and to find out where his photographs are held.
Hope you can help.
Brian Homer Birmingham UK


text:
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text:
It was three years ago I got my first taste of a V12 Vantage. That was the first time Aston Martin shoehorned its biggest engine into its smallest car, and it was mated to a six-speed manual gearbox. Fast forward to today and we're getting our first taste of Aston's latest incarnation of the same vehicle: the V12 Vantage S.
After three years, you expect change and the Vantage delivers. Fortunately, the company didn't stray far from its winning combination of striking good looks, both inside and out. It's also provided an even more powerful V12 engine.
In fact, Aston Martin managed to squeeze another 55hp and 37 lb-ft for your driving enjoyment. But the biggest change was its new transmission.
When first introduced, the V12 Vantage only came with a manual gearbox, but the V12 Vantage S only has a rear/mid-mounted Sportshift llI seven-speed automated manual transmission with electronic shift-by-wire control system. That's a long-winded way to describe a single-clutch semi-automated transmission...
During spirited driving, the Vantage S feels better than the original. It has great steering feel and weight, quick turn-in, incredible front-end grip (far more than you expect) and an engine that pulls hard. It's eager to rev and encourages quick shifts from the new transmission at redline.
With all the front grip, it's very easy to kick out the rear-end if you're a little too aggressive with the throttle exiting a corner, which is always a good thing. But my issue with the Vantage S comes not when revving out the melodious V12 on a canyon run, but in stop-and-go traffic, or just cruising around town. Having to stop for lights and signage is where the new transmission shows its weakness.
The gearbox caused us to laugh on more than one occasion as we discovered how it works in daily driving conditions. When pulling away from a stop sign or light, the clutch engages slowly. In fact, you can hear and feel it slipping. So when the shifts happen, unless you push yourself into the seat, your head and body bob forward and back with each shift. What seemed funny at first was soon incredibly annoying, since this is how the car will be driven 95% of the time. For me, this was definitely a deal-breaker.
Since Aston Martin claims it can't accommodate a dual-clutch trans in the car, please just give me either a traditional auto or the manual they used in the first V12 Vantage...
In addition to the limited gear shifting options, the V12 Vantage S only comes with carbon-ceramic brake rotors. These aren't exactly cheap to fit and, in my opinion, are completely unnecessary for the V12 S. Good old steel rotors with sports pads would be more than adequate to most situations. A track-oriented car can make a case for carbon-ceramic brakes, but since the V12 S will rarely see a track, there's no need for them.
The brakes are wasted on multiple levels: they're more expensive to fit, more to service and, when not hot, tend to be grabby. They're also noisy, which isn't something most Aston Martin buyers will appreciate.
Change is a necessity, preventing stagnation, but not all change is good. And in the case of the Aston Martin V12 Vantage S, we have great enhancements made to the styling, and the extra power is always appreciated, but the transmission was a bad decision. It's outdated technology and almost ruins a vehicle that otherwise, looks, sounds and drives beautifully.
2015 Aston Martin V12 Vantage S


text:
Breakfast Briefings: "Lose the Smart Phone"
Breakfast Briefing: Filmmaker and war correspondent Sebastian Junger explains why he won't get an iPhone. Wendy Bounds reports.
This transcript has been automatically generated and may not be 100% accurate.
... the ... I ... the year found Sebastian ... I'll ... I knew it from today saying that as ... played well there are the reasons ... no I ... think this is this is that this is not just as you haven't bought like you just you don't wanna get your email they knew I was talking a moment ago about ... trying to find room in this world with his constant stream of information ... to create and think of ideas and a concert that concerns you think people are able to do that anymore ... I the the the mind is that the mysterious and very powerful thing you need to leave it to Rome ... to find its own course you know and I and what some of the best ideas that had as a writer ... I've just come from the spacing up ... you know just ... sitting around ... thinking and what lay worrying ... about the syrup current generation of technology and the interactivity ... is that people believe wrong that this thing ... the only room in their lives they don't they're waiting for someone of Reinhart conduct is sitting in a chair ... you know like idly thinking in that's a very powerful process of mysterious and powerful process ... and I'm ... you know like I don't have a ... phone ... the I phone for Number reasons but one of them is they just don't want ... the electronic version of my life constantly nipping at my heels was like was like ... um ... it's not I personally I don't I find it on a good thing I don't know I don't actually have a job like that where I'd ... I worked myself to read books ... I don't need to be on call and will keep asking all the time I just in some people do but ...


text: The term Ancient, or Archaic, Greece refers to the time three centuries before the classical age, between 800 B.C. and 500 B.C.—a relatively sophisticated period in world history. Archaic Greece saw advances in art, poetry and technology, but most of all it was the age in which the polis, or city-state, was invented. The polis became the defining feature of Greek political life for hundreds of years.


text:
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