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Call for censuring/censoring Chavez continues at UNM
The Albuquerque Journal reports (August 23) that the campaign against UNM S&M performing professor of English Lisa D Chavez continues unabated. The campaign is conducted by some of her Creative Writing and English Department colleagues who want the UNM administration to take some sort of sanctions against the professor for engaging in a S&M scenario on a website with UNM students. However, the UNM administration will not buy into the professorial moral crusade against Chavez.
In a recent letter to the faculty of the English Department, UNM President David Schmidley wrote:
"The university is, first and foremost, a place where students, faculty and administrators alike constantly engage in learning. It's now time for all of us to learn anew the lessons of repentance, forgiveness and reconciliation."
The UNM President has brought in an outside consulting firm in an attempt to resolve the situation, but such resolution has not occurred. Some faculty have refused to engage in any form of mediation. In fact, some of the faculty are threatening to leave if they don't get their way-
"How can I stay? I don't think I can stay," said Joy Harjo, a full professor in the university's creative writing program and a well regarded Native American poet who left the University of California Los Angeles for the chance to work for her alma mater. She said she's bothered there were no consequences and that the university was dismissive of those who expressed concern.
"Bottom line here is that there's something of integrity being sacrificed, and that's what is most disturbing to me," she said.
Sharon Warner, who resigned her post as director of the nationally recognized creative writing program in protest of the university's handling of the Chávez situation, said several faculty members, including her, are looking for employment elsewhere.
Warner said she attended Friday's "facilitated discussion" and considered it unproductive.
(from Albuquerque Journal August 23)
University Diaries blogger Margaret Soltan sympathizes with the offended faculty and refers to Chavez
as a "tenured perv". UD has also expressed a concern that the Chavez controversy may lead to the demise of the Creative Writing program which is a very small program. In her latest blog posting, UD states:
"While UD thinks faculty should do more or less what they want on their own time, she agrees with Warner and Harjo that Lisa Chavez's behavior was grotesque enough — and you don't hear her apologizing for it, or saying she won't do it again — that UNM should have been able to impose some sanctions. UD remains perplexed as to why it does not."
The fact is that the UNM administration has indicated in no uncertain terms that they will take no action against Chavez since her S&M posing activities were unrelated to any formal university function. In essence, their position is that Chavez's off campus activities and the students who were involved in these activities did not represent any involvement of the University of New Mexico. And the fact that there were no student complaints as to these activities impacting on their role as students at UNM is additional support for the correctness of the UNM position.
And the dankprofessor also holds that university professors do not have a right not to be offended by their colleagues off campus activities. And this is what academic freedom is all about- the right to offend
even when such offending is off campus and even when such offensive conduct appears to be of a sexual nature. The fact that UD judges Chavez to be a "tenured perv" is irrelevant; the fact that I find such a characterization offensive is also irrelevant. It becomes relevant to the dankprofessor when such characterization is used as a means to terminate or sanction a professor. If tenure has any meaning, it should mean that faculty should not attempt to sanction fellow faculty for what they consider to be offensive.
Critics of Chavez will point to an ad for the sm website which employed Chavez and which "characterizes Mistress Jade" as "a stern teacher ready to punish unruly students." Of course, such is a frequent s&m fantasy. But as far as punishment goes, it is clear that several persons at UNM would like to punish Chavez in the real world for her acting out punishment scenarios in a fantasy world.
Sadistic conduct in the context of attempted coercion and degradation is certainly going on in the real world of UNM but such conduct is not being promulgated by Lisa Chavez; it is being promulgated by some faculty against Lisa Chavez. Can't a creative writing faculty tell the difference between fantasy and reality? Can't persons who are supposedly committed to creative thought and writing for themselves and their students, restrain their desire to censor and control? Such represents a minimal expectation for those who are committed to the values of the life of the mind.
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Deptford Christmas Fair, 11th and 12th December
- rickshaws offering free rides between New Cross and Deptford market (9am-5pm)
- a 'smoothie bike' (11am-3pm, Douglas Way)
- a brass band and performances by Deptford Churches Together (12noon-1pm, Giffin Square)
- a kids' Christmas tree decorations workshop by Other World Arts (1.30-3.30pm, Giffin Square)
- fun and games with Bureau Of Silly Ideas, Teatro Vivo and Madcap Coalition (11am-3pm, various locations)
- information stalls on local walking and cycling initiatives and the on-going regeneration of Deptford town centre (11am-3pm, Douglas Way)
- Christmas tree lights switch-on (3-3.30pm, Giffin Square)
- artisan market, Morris dancing, BBQ, mulled wine and music (11am-6pm, Tanners Hill).
Other activities will take place on Sunday around the Deptford Project railway carriage café on the high street.
Thanks to Tabitha for letting us know.

subset: commoncrawl


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Wednesday, December 7, 2011
Nash and Ashton gain endorsements
If I'm not mistaken, subsequent debates will be either all in French or all in English, which should give the participants more time to get into detail.
I thought it not a bad debate to get things started. But with the buzz about Nathan Cullen's performance, Brian Topp's targeting of Paul Dewar, and the trouble with Robert Chisholm's French, one is led to believe that the endorsement rankings may be a few notches below actual support for several candidates.
One hopes that a poll or two might be commissioned now that the debates have begun. While it won't tell us what NDP members think, it will give us an idea of what Canadians and NDP supporters think. These kinds of polls may not predict the race's outcome, but it will give us something to compare what the voting public wants to what the members decide.
But this being Wednesday, it is time for an endorsement update.
Peggy Nash is this week's big winner, as she gained the endorsement of three-term Victoria MP Denise Savoie. Though she may not be a household name, Savoie does have quite a bit of respect on Parliament Hill as Deputy Speaker.
Savoie gives Nash an extra 7.5 points, bumping her up to 89 overall, or 19.5% of currently available endorsement points.
Nash is now only 15 points behind Thomas Mulcair, who has not picked up an endorsement in some time. Topp, too, has been quiet on this front. There are still 43 sitting NDP MPs that have not endorsed any candidates, so there are still plenty of points to go around, not to mention the support of NDP party leaders in British Columbia, Alberta, Saskatchewan, Manitoba, Ontario, and Prince Edward Island and the myriad of MLAs, MHAs, and MPPs in those provinces.
Niki Ashton is also up one point thanks to the endorsement of British Columbia MLA Guy Gentner. This gives Ashton 18.5 points to 4.1% of the total, pushing her back into fifth place ahead of Paul Dewar.
None of the other candidates have picked up any endorsements this week. Will the debate shake any fence sitters loose? I imagine we'll get another round of endorsements after the holidays to get the ball rolling on 2012.
(Click here for an explanation of the point system and here for the value of various endorsements.)
EDIT: Sorry for the mistake, this is not true. For the life of me, however, I am sure that the Bloc originally stated that mailed-in ballots had to be post-marked by November 28. Now, votes need to be received by December 10. Did they change the rules mid-campaign, or am I remembering incorrectly? I imagine it is the latter, as it would have been noticed more widely. It seems there was a misunderstanding somewhere.
EDIT Part 2: On further review, it seems that a statement on the Bloc's website ("Les bulletins de vote devront être expédiés au plus tard le 28 novembre 2011.") was misinterpreted by many people, including myself. It says that the ballots should be sent at the latest by November 28. The statement is referring to the Bloc sending out the ballots by November 28, not that voters need to send them out by then. The more detailed rule document makes this clear. Apologies for the error.
But that hasn't stopped the endorsements from pouring into Daniel Paillé's campaign. Shortly after my last update, Paillé emerged from a meeting with the Parti Québécois's caucus with the endorsement of 21 PQ MNAs.
This has given him a big 21-point jump, pushing him up to 53.7% of all available points. Jean-François Fortin has dropped down to 30.2% while Maria Mourani is now at 16.1% of the total available.
These endorsements indicate that if Paillé wins he will have good support inside both the PQ and the BQ.
Sunday's result could be a bit of a surprise, though. The race has been relatively low-key and it is difficult to get a gauge on what the members think. After May's defeat, how many of the party's 36,000 or so members are still engaged enough to vote? Are the ones who are engaged looking to change the party, which would benefit Fortin and Mourani, or are they the never-say-die, veteran base, which would benefit Paillé?
It will be interesting to see the results. I'd say that Paillé is most likely to win, but it is very possible that Fortin could also pull through. I don't think Mourani has much of a chance, but no outcome can be completely ruled out.
16 comments:
Saskatchewan currently does not have a leader, only an interim leader so I doubt John Nilson's opinion will hold much weight.ReplyDelete
Yes, I know, but the date for choosing the Saskatchewan NDP's leader is not yet decided.ReplyDelete
- Anonymous07 December, 2011 11:31
How does your system account for Pierre Ducasse, Jim Stanford, Andrew Jackson or Wel Watkins endorsements? All 4 are probably names that carry a lot of weight for NDPers. As much as some MPs (if not more).ReplyDelete
It does not account for them.ReplyDelete
- Anonymous07 December, 2011 12:24
Looks like you will have to add 'Former Governor General' to your endorsement catagories.ReplyDelete
No need, Schreyer is a former premier and MP. He'll be counted as such.ReplyDelete
I'd definitely say that Jim Stanford's endorsement is huge. He's a Globe and Mail economics columnist, and member of the CBC TV National News Bottom Line panel. Not to mention an author. He is well known in progressive circles.ReplyDelete
I think your model doesn't really catch the dynamics of this race.
- Anonymous07 December, 2011 12:48
Granted, but he was then Governor General.ReplyDelete
Recognizing GG is an appointed position, it was his last role and certainly a more prominent status than Senator and some other positions which are also listed.
PS: Thanks for the updates, very interesting!
Ryan, I don't doubt that his endorsement carries weight. But I don't know how to quantify it. In any case, if his endorsement is so important it is likely to shake other people into following suit, which will then be recorded in the system.ReplyDelete
Anonymous 12:48, certainly, but I haven't encountered a GG endorsement before. Being former NDP Premier and NDP MP probably means more to the NDP than being appointed GG by Trudeau, no? His endorsement is worth seven points, making him the third most valuable endorsement in Mulcair's ranking, after Mulcair himself and three-term MP Marston, so it is important.
- Anonymous07 December, 2011 13:49
Eric are you going to do an analysis on the new Federal Abacus poll out?ReplyDelete
Yes, of course, when I can pencil it in.ReplyDelete
I know this is probably in reference to an old post, but how did you calibrate Steve Ashton's endorsement of his daughter, Niki? Since he signed up A LOT of new NDP members while running for leader of the Manitoba NDP in 2009, I think his endorsement's weight should be fairly great compared to other Manitoba New Democratic MLAs.ReplyDelete
- BC Voice of Reason08 December, 2011 10:51
Perhaps the opinion of James Bezan should be sought out?ReplyDelete
James Bezan???
You know the far back bench CPC MP who solidly beat Ed Schyreyer federally in the federal election in 2006. This was when Mr. Schreyer was only 70 years old.
This leadership race is for the Federal NDP leadership.
Why someone who is a failure at the federal level from a province that does not elect many NDPs federally (just 2) and only 25% vote NDP federally, being considered influential in this race?
Mr. Schreyer is obviouly unable to deliver any NDP support at the federal level.
- BC Voice of Reason08 December, 2011 10:55
Is there any interest in the NDP leadership race outside the Ottawa press gallery and the tiny segment of society that make their living playing politics?ReplyDelete
Did anyone watch the NDP leadership debates?
Was it televised?
My opinion is that the vast majority of Canadian voters really do not care who leads the NDP.
"Why someone who is a failure at the federal level from a province that does not elect many NDPs federally (just 2) and only 25% vote NDP federally, being considered influential in this race?"ReplyDelete
The insignificant number of Manitoba New Democrats is - at least partly - due to centre-left "vote splitting" in the Province. If centre-left voters abandon the Liberal ship federally, like they've done provincially in this province, most of Winnipeg's seats would look pretty Orange. Manitoba could also serve as a political gateway to the Prairies - with victories in the province serving as a base to build upon - as it looks like it's more hospitable to the NDP then Saskatchewan is right now.
Regardless,11% of NDP memberships are held by Manitobans (Manitoba has the third greatest concentration of Dipper Members in Canada). In a close-fought race, that *does* make a difference.
Just to note, Manitoba historically swings between Liberals and Conservatives more than it ever swings between Conservatives and NDP, or NDP and Liberals. Outside of key areas in Winnipeg, the province's traditions are rooted in Liberal-Conservative fights. It's why Manitoba remains the best Liberal area in the Prairies, and why we're still the only force capable of taking out Conservatives in the three south Winnipeg ridings.ReplyDelete
Provincially you can only call the New Democrats centre-left if Steve Ashton and co. had won the leadership. Under Doer and Selinger, there's a reason why people call the Manitoba NDP "Red Dippers."
Besides, if you did your math, the NDP still would only take maybe three extra ridings, only two from Conservatives, even if 100% of the Liberal vote drifted over to them in Manitoba. Conservatives wholly own 9 out of 14 ridings in Manitoba (ie. +50% of the vote).
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Great chain of being
This article needs to be formatted and/or linked to other articles according to our style guidelines. Specifically, an editor has suggested: fact-checking.
Please remove this notice when this has been done.
The Great Chain of Being or Scala Naturae is a medieval model of the universe and life. It outlines the perceived hierarchy of all things from the Christian god at the top down to perceived base minerals like dust.
Unchangeable vs. mutable forms
An important distinction is that between the unchangeable spirit and the changing or mutable earthly-form. In the middle of these two is the human form which contains both elements of spirit and mutable flesh. Spirit through the adherence to absolute morals is considered the path to righteousness and the primal desires of the flesh are seen to drag one away from heaven.
The concept of a Great Chain of Being rests on the existence of a Christian god and exists purely as a result of people trying to explain the role of the Christian god. It adds no compelling reason to further believe in a god.


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Rahm Emanuel's Privatize Chicago Plan
Rahm Emanuel's Privatize Chicago Plan
by Stephen Lendman
Chicago Mayor Rahm Emanuel spent years waging war on progressive politics. He's a corporate predator turned politician.
As White House strategist and senior advisor, he represented the worst of the Clinton years. His abrasive style earned him the nickname "Rahmbo."
From 1999 - 2002, he earned a reported $18 million as managing director for Chicago investment bank firm Kleinwort, Wasserstein.
From January 2003 - January 2009, he represented Illinois' 5th congressional district. From January 2005 - January 2007, he chaired the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee.
From January 2009 - October 2010, he was Obama's White House Chief of Staff. He left to run for mayor of Chicago. On May 16, 2011, he won easily. Doing so fulfilled his longtime ambition.
He's known for saying "winning is everything," and "You never want to let a serious crisis go to waste. What I mean by that is that's an opportunity to do things you couldn't do before." He didn't mean popular ones.
Emanuel is notoriously pro-war, pro-Israel, neoliberal, and anti-populist/now button-down rogue Chicago mayor. He believes anything government does business does better so let it.
He's handing over as many city functions to corporate profiteers as possible. He launched what he calls "a public private partnership." The sky's the limit. He bought off unions with promises to invest pension funds in profitable enterprises.
Instead of investing in Chicago's future, he's giving it away to corporate friends and cronies. His schemes are still unfolding. They involve city airports, water system, community colleges, public transportation, parks, public health, schools, and various infrastructure projects.
On July 6, 2012, the Wall Street Journal headlined "Look Who's Embracing Privatization - Big City Democrats," saying:
Emanuel embraced a multi-billion dollar "rebuild Chicago" scheme. He's involving private firms and banks. He's letting profiteers cash in on city functions.
He began straightaway after taking office. He forced city workers to do work longer for less. He laid off thousands of others and wants new hires paid less.
He proudly claims his "duty as mayor is to protect our city's taxpayers and be their voice - not to protect the city's payroll."
He's handing over city resources and functions to corporate predators so they can profiteer at the expense public workers and most Chicagoans. He's forcing on Chicago what Obama and Congress are doing to America.
Privatizing schools is prioritized. It's happening in Chicago and across America. Public education is on the chopping block for elimination. Richard M. Daley began it during his mayoral tenure.
He called it Chicago's Renaissance 2010 Turnaround strategy. He planned 100 or more new "high-performing" elementary and high schools in the city by that date. Under five year contracts, they're "held accountable….to create innovative learning environments under one of three "governance structures:"
(1) charter schools
(2) privatized contract schools run by so-called "independent nonprofit organizations"
(3) "performance schools with freedom and flexibility on many district initiatives and policies."
Under the 1996 Illinois Charter Schools Law, quasi private/public charter schools are called "public schools of choice, selected by students and parents….to take responsible risks and create new, innovative and more flexible ways of educating children within the public school system."
Orwell couldn't have said it better. Stealth privatizations plan eliminating public schools entirely.
In 1997, the Illinois General Assembly approved 60 state charter schools. Chicago was authorized 30. Suburban areas for 15, and downstate locations another 15. Mayor Daley bent the rules. He operated 53 charter "campuses" and planned many more.
Currently, 119 charter schools serve 52,000 students. They remain open during Chicago's teacher strike. They're not affiliated with the Chicago Teachers Union (CTU).
Only 10 city charter schools are unionized. Each operates independently. Doing so neuters their effectiveness. Union representation effectively is toothless. Principals have almost total power. They have hiring and firing authority.
On September 10, Chicago teachers walked out. At issue is saving public education and providing futures for city kids. Emanuel has other ideas in mind.
On September 11, the Chicago Tribune headlined "Mayor's plan to close schools fuels union fears during teachers strike," saying:
Plans call for closing 80 to 120 public schools on Chicago's South and West sides. Low income areas are affected. Bronzeville, North Lawndale, Garfield Park, and Englewood will be hard hit. Poor kids will entirely lose out. Families will be cheated. Thousands of teachers will lose jobs.
Emanuel spokeswoman Sarah Hamilton called the report "completely untrue." Chicago Public Schools (CPS) spokeswoman Becky Carroll said the same thing.
They lied! They want dirty scheme details suppressed. At issue is replacing public schools with charter or private ones. Doing so, of course, sacrifices effective education in the process.
Unnamed sources told the Tribune about "plans to launch a targeted outreach program to broach the topic with community groups as soon as" teachers go back to work.
Emanuel's continuing Daley's scheme and then some. It involves letting "private operators of charter schools" educate Chicago kids. He calls it a "key component in fixing elementary and secondary education."
CPS officials acknowledged a plan to dramatically transform city schools. Privatizing them is prioritized. Former CPS CEO Terry Mazany said:
"The union is going to have to face the brutal truth that with declining enrollment and continuing growth of charter schools, there will be continuing pressure to reduce the teacher workforce" and close schools.
The Tribune said "a (CPS) proposal to the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation….laid out a plan to create 60 more charter schools over five years." If accomplished, they'll number over 170. At the same time, public schools will be down to 480 with more closures and privatizations planned.
CTU president Karen Lewis complained about Emanuel planning to "privatize public education and further disrupt our neighborhoods."
He did nothing to allay public fear. He's allied with business cronies. They're eager to cash in on privatized schools. They contributed generously to his campaign. It's payback time.
Chicago children have been marginalized throughout most of father and son Daley tenures. Emanuel plans completing what they began.
Privatizing schools assures destroying their effectiveness, ending the careers of thousands of experienced teachers, replacing higher paid ones with low paid replacements, and depriving most Chicago kids of futures.
Parents, students and teachers are own to stop it. CTU president Karen Lewis' words ring hollow. She'll collaborate with Emanuel if plans are pursued in a "reasonable way."
"We understand the whole movement of closing schools and doing it aggressively," she said.
"We either do this together in some reasonable way or we will always be fighting, and I think the key is that the people that are making these decisions want to make them unilaterally."
"Instead of sitting in air conditioned buildings with your spreadsheets, come talk to us and look and see what's really going on."
Lewis has her own interests in mind. Saving teacher jobs is key. Fewer teachers means fewer union members, less revenue, and less power and income for her and other CTU officials.
Laid off or fired teachers want jobs back with fair pay and benefits. They want contractual language assuring it. Emanuel's hardline. He insists principals decide who's hired and fired at schools they run. Key is replacing higher-paid teachers with lower-paid new ones. He also wants tenure ended.
In July, an "interim agreement" involved lengthening the school day with no added pay. Teacher concessions yielded little. A small number laid off benefitted marginally.
Those rehired got "interim" deals. They remain vulnerable to future layoffs after one semester. Emanuel even wants this scheme ended. He's all take and no give. He wants schools privatized, profits prioritized, union influence neutered, and teachers, parents and kids hung out to dry.
On September 12, Marshal High School was the venue for a mass rally. Thousands turned out. Chants included "Hey Rahm we're no fools we won't let you ruin our schools." "Ain't no stopping us now," and "R E S P E C T."
Two other rallies were held with large turnouts. "Drums beat, bells rang and fists soared as the crowd" also chanted "Hey hey ho ho, Rahm Emanuel's got to go" and "Rahm Rahm Rahm Rahm Rahm Rahm Rahm, hey hey, goodbye."
Questions were asked and comments made, including:
"Why are the public schools paying for private schools?"
"When our students go to Charter Schools and, they don't come up to par, the first thing they do is put them out and send them back to public schools but they don't send the money with them. They keep the money."
"When they come back to public schools and they don't come up to par, we're going to teach them no matter what."
"And when they don't come up to par they put the teachers out. Does that make sense? NO!"
A march followed throughout the neighborhood. Parents and children waved and cheered from doorways and windows. Some joined them. Cars honked horns. Even some police showed support. Endless signs and banners were displayed. Slogans were chanted.
Strike day three showed solidarity. This struggle has miles to go. At stake are thousands of jobs, futures for kids, bedrock public education, and the soul of Chicago and perhaps America. It that's not worth fighting for, what is?
Stephen Lendman lives in Chicago and can be reached at email@example.com.
His new book is titled "How Wall Street Fleeces America: Privatized Banking, Government Collusion and Class War"
Visit his blog site at sjlendman.blogspot.com and listen to cutting-edge discussions with distinguished guests on the Progressive Radio News Hour on the Progressive Radio Network Thursdays at 10AM US Central time and Saturdays and Sundays at noon. All programs are archived for easy listening.


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Michelle Sung-Taiwanese Aboriginal Masks Skin Care
At Design Interviews
(Excerpt) Interview with Michelle Sung : Frank Scott: What is the main principle, idea and inspiration behind your design?. Michelle Sung : TenArt Biotech goes after the quality, safety, innovation, and fashion of personal-care products. Based in Taiwan, we have abundant agriculture, rich biodiversity, and ancient culture of indigenous people. Therefore, we add local elements into our products, and use eco-friendly ingredients to show the beauty and lavishness of Taiwanese culture. .Frank Scott: What has been your main focus in designing this work? Especially what did you want to achieve?. Michelle Sung : Our masks are just like a cultural journey, taking the consumers to experience Taiwan. Hence, the formulas of our masks follow the Taiwanese aboriginal culture and legacy, and feature the Taiwan's local plants such as bitter gourd, Catjang peas, and Taiwan Sun Moon Lake Ruby Black Tea.The gift box also features Black-faced Spoonbills, the endangered wildlife in Taiwan, and made of eco-friendly stone paper to show the love of nature and earth. .Frank Scott: What are your future plans for this award winning design?. Michelle Sung : We hope to join the exhibitions and to let more people to know our good-quality and eco-friendly products. .Frank Scott: How long did it take you to design this particular concept?. Michelle Sung : About 1 year. .Frank Scott: Why did you design this particular concept? Was this design commissioned or did you decide to pursuit an inspiration?. Michelle Sung : Taiwan is a small country and rarely known by the world. We hope our products can represent Taiwan, and let more people to know that Taiwan is beautiful and cultural. Our design shows the legacy and ancient cultures in Taiwan in a way of fashion. People can experience Taiwan via using our sheet mask. .Frank Scott: What made you design this particular type of work?. Michelle Sung : Sheet mask are easily to use. That's why we chose sheet mask as the form of our design. It is light and can be transported easily. And every person can afford to buy a sheet mask. .Frank Scott: Where there any other designs and/or designers that helped the influence the design of your work?. Michelle Sung : There are Taiwanese illustrators and paper artist help us to compete the work. .Frank Scott: How did you come up with the name for this design? What does it mean?. Michelle Sung : The design is inspired by Taiwanese indigenous culture and is a kind of sheet mask. So it is named as "Taiwanese Aboriginal masks" .Frank Scott: What is the most unique aspect of your design?. Michelle Sung : It shows the culture and legacy of Taiwanese aboriginal people. This designs can reflect thousand years of history in Taiwan. .Frank Scott: What is the role of technology in this particular design?. Michelle Sung : The design got different patents include the structure of the paper box, and the technology of extracting original plants in Taiwan. .Frank Scott: What are some of the challenges you faced during the design/realization of your concept?. Michelle Sung : Culture is deep and hard to be unders.[ End of Excerpt: Read complete interview with Michelle Sung on Taiwanese Aboriginal Masks Skin Care at design-interviews.com ]
Michelle Sung-Taiwanese Aboriginal Masks Skin Care Images:
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Carry everything you need when you are out riding - nutrition, cell phones, wallets, spare tubes, tools etc. always with you in your bento bag or saddle pack. Panniers to fit everything in for touring or commuting and wheel bags for storing those race wheels safely.


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12 UH Manoa graduate students receive ARCS awardsUniversity of Hawaiʻi at Mānoa
Aoki and 11 other UH graduate students were honored at a recent ARCS-Honoloulu banquet. ARCS helps meet the country's need for scientists and engineers by raising money to provide scholarships to academically outstanding doctoral students who are United States citizens. The scholars receive $5,000 scholarships for use in advancing their education. Aoki received the ARCS Starbuck Award in Medicine plus an additional $1,000 award as Scholar of the Year. The other scholars are—
Jodie Bell ARCS Bretzlaff Award in Engineering
Bell conducts research in the College of Engineering on electromagnetics and wave propagation, including an ultra-wideband, low-profile antenna ground plane. He earned his BS from North Carolina State University and MS from UH Manoa and enjoys outdoor activities.
William Haines ARCS Roth Award in Conservation Biology
Haines, who worked for the U.S. Geological Survey before entering graduate school in the College of Tropical Agriculture and Human Resources, is reconstructing the evolution of Hawaiian moths. His surveys of Hawaiʻi forests have located species thought to be extinct. He holds a BS from Cornell University and received a National Science foundation Graduate Research Fellowship .and other awards.
Henry Hsieh ARCS Farrar Award in Astronomy
Working with the Institute of Astronomy's David Jewitt, Hsieh has published findings in Science on a recently discovered class of comets that may have supplied water for Earth's oceans. The ultimate Frisbee player and aspiring photographer holds a BA from Harvard and MS from UH Manoa.
Wayne Kim ARCS Kresser Award in Engineering
Returning to graduate school after four years with TRW Space and Electronics, Kim conducts research in the College of Engineering on phased array antennas and smart antenna systems for wireless communications. He holds a BS from UH Manoa and MS from UCLA.
Eric Mittelstaedt ARCS Pulley Award in Geology and Geophysics
Mittelstaedt studies hotspot-influenced mid-ocean ridges, rift processes and chemical geodynamics in the School of Ocean and Earth Science and Technology. He is a J. Watamull Merit Scholar and has published in Nature. He did undergraduate work at UCLA.
Frank Price ARCS Pulley Award in Physics
Price works with the Active Hyperspectral Imaging project in the Department of Physics and Astronomy's Free Electron Laser group to design opto-mechanical systems and molecular system simulations for spectroscopy. The UC Davis alumnus enjoys hiking, biking and yoga.
Tonia Quintero ARCS Award in Tropical Agriculture
In a novel approach to soil monitoring, Quintero studies nematode populations as an indicator of soil health. She earned her BS and MS from Howard University and taught at Xavier University in New Orleans and is the mother of three young children and wife of a U.S. marine.
Jennifer Saito ARCS Martin Award in Natural Sciences
Saito studies the oxygen-sensing mechanisms in proteins found in bacteria and archaea thought to be the ancestors of hemoglobin and myoglobin proteins critical to modern life forms. The UH Manoa alumna earned her BS in microbiology with a minor in chemistry.
Aaron Shiels ARCS Roth Award in Conservation Biology
A plant ecologist who once studied vegetation recovery following hurricanes and landslides in Puerto Rico, Shiels has turned his attention to the role of alien rodents in fruit and seed dispersal in Hawaiʻi forests. A doctoral candidate in the College of Natural Sciences, he holds degrees from the University of Denver and University of Nevada.
Daniel Smith ARCS Columbia Award in Telecommunications and Computer Science
Smith is investigating blogs as a tool for building trust and managing knowledge within organizations. The former Peace Corps volunteer, high school teacher and newspaper editor earned his BS and MA from Stanford.
Francis Yoshimoto ARCS Martin Award in Natural Science
Yoshimoto studies deprotonation of allene molecules, an area of synthetic organic chemistry that influences whether drugs have a fatal or healing impact. A UC Berkeley graduate with bachelor's in chemistry and linguistics, he received the Eagle Scout and Young Fellowship in Chemistry and plays violin.


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Starts Tuesday, September 3rd - Wednesday, October 30th.
Contest Rules: Receive 1 raffle ticket for every 5 print books checked out. All ages!
Check out receipt must be shown to staff the day the items are checked out.
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In This Issue
Network TV Convention Disparities; NewsBites: Rather Reveals All?; Revolving Door: Clinton's NPR Connection; Media Accuracy Patrol Only Shoots At GOP; Praised Cuomo, Attacked Conservatives and Buchanan; Woodruff vs. First Lady; Just Like Prime Time; Janet Cooke Award: ABC: Can Quayle's Council
Network TV Convention Disparities
Following the pattern established in 1984 and 1988, again this year the networks labeled Republicans more than Democrats and challenged Republicans more than the Democrats with questions from the opposition's agenda. After analyzing prime time network coverage of the July Democratic convention in New York and the August Republican convention in Houston, MediaWatch found:
(1) Republicans were tagged conservative three times more often than Democrats were called liberal. (2) Republicans had to respond to questions from the liberal or Democratic agenda three-and-a-half times more often than Democrats were asked questions from the conservative or Republican agenda. (3) While Democrats were never criticized for their negative tone, network reporters discussed or asked about the GOP's negative tone on 70 occasions.
The study covered all ABC, CBS and NBC evening coverage, the combined NBC/PBS broadcast for 90 to 120 minutes a night and CNN from 8pm to 12am Eastern times. (See the August MediaWatch for more details and quotes from the Democratic convention). The findings:
LABELING. Republicans were tagged with about 40 more ideological labels than were the Democrats. While the Democrats were dubbed moderate more often than liberal by a margin of 51-to-38 labels, Republicans in Houston were described with various conservative labels over moderate ones by a margin of 9-to-1. In total, viewers heard 118 conservative labels vs. 13 moderate ones. No Democrat in New York was ever described as "far left" or "hard left," not even Tom Harkin or Jesse Jackson. Instead, they were called liberal as the ticket and party platform were described as moderate. Tom Brokaw declared: "This is a centrist platform." But in Houston, on five occasions each, CBS and CNN used "hard right" and/or "far right" to describe Republicans.
In New York, the networks labeled the Democrats 22 times the first night. In the first night from Houston, however, the networks used about three times as many labels. ABC and CNN used more labels on Monday in Houston than they did in four nights of Democratic coverage. Overall, ABC issued 12 liberal labels in New York, 30 conservative labels in Houston. In the first night of the Republican convention ABC issued 19 "conservative" labels. Peter Jennings mused it was "very much conservatives night. A very conservative opening prayer" and later noted that Dan Quayle "is very much preferred by the Republican right." At another point, Cokie Roberts found "an extremely conservative convention." Later in the week, Jennings asserted that the convention had "been colored by the party's most conservative elements."
In New York, CBS used 13 labels, five during the first session. The first night for the Republicans: nine labels. Dan Rather claimed it was Pat Buchanan's job "to set a frame of reference around a moral majority right, heavily influenced party." To reporter Bob Schieffer the delegates represented "a very, very conservative group of Republicans." In total, Republicans got tagged 18 times, five of those hard or far right. Dan Rather twice described Buchanan's speech as "hard right." On the last night, August 20, Connie Chung called Dan Quayle's speech "far right" and asked Pat Robertson: "Has the party gone far right enough for you? I mean there's the gay bashing that you brought up. There's some people who think it's gone too far."
In four days of Democratic coverage, CNN attached 22 labels to Democrats, but at no time did CNN label any Democrat "far left." When the GOP gathered, CNN issued 49 ideological labels, five of them "far right." In fact, in the first night from Houston CNN used 25 labels, three more than all week from New York. On Monday from the Republican meeting Candy Crowley announced: "As for what Buchanan has to say, this is really an appeal to the far right." Co-anchor Catherine Crier asked analyst William Schneider whether "the Republicans made concessions to the far right in hopes that the rest f the Republican Party isn't watching." On August 18, William Schneider referred to "staunch conservatives" and to "gung-ho conservatives." The third night, Gene Randall said the platform reflected the "agenda of the religious right." On the last night, Charles Bierbauer recalled Buchanan's speech as being "heavy-handed conservative" and Frank Sesno labeled Buchanan and Bill Bennett as "very hard, far right conservatives."
The two-network NBC/PBS team used more labels in New York than Houston, but while Democrats were called moderate, centrist or conservative the same number of times they were identified as liberal, Republicans were tagged conservative over moderate by 14-to-5. Tom Brokaw said the platform "was hammered together by ...the more conservative elements of this party. In fact, this Republican Party platform takes a right-hand turn on almost every key issue. It is a conservative document."
Lisa Myers observed: "More than one conservative has boasted that this platform is proof that the religious right is alive and well in this party."
NBC's solo broadcast also labeled Republicans less often than the Democrats, but while NBC tagged the Democrats moderate over liberal by 14 to 4, NBC described Republicans as conservative by 12 to 2. "They've also put together here a platform that is very conservative," said Brokaw, "And the explanation is `It's worked in the last three presidential elections, why shouldn't we try it again?' Well, in part, it is a changed world." And NBC's John Cochran explained: "Reagan is a radical conservative and Bush is a moderate conservative."
AGENDA QUESTIONS. The networks posed 130 liberal or Democratic agenda questions to the GOP, but just 38 conservative or Republican questions to the Democrats. (The question count includes statements made by reporters to which other reporters reacted. At the Republican convention, for instance, NBC's John Cochran asserted: "Some of these [family values] issues have racial overtones, such as Bush's support for welfare reforms which penalize single mothers who continue having children.")
Democratic/liberal questions to Republicans outnumbered those from the right by a margin of nearly 8-to-1, specifically, 130-to-17. In contrast, Democrats were asked eight less questions from the right than from the left.
During the Democratic conclave ABC posed eight questions from the left and six from the right. In Houston, ABC posed ten liberal questions to the GOP, but just three from the right. CBS asked five from each side in New York, but Republicans were confronted with 16 from the left and just two from the right. CNN showed a greater disparity: Democrats were asked nine questions from the left and six from the right. But while Republicans were asked three questions from the right, they were met by liberal ones on 34 occasions.
In New York, the joint NBC/PBS broadcast aired one more question from the right than left, but in Houston the network lost all balance, asking questions from the liberal over conservative agenda 56-to-8. During its solo show, NBC challenged Republicans from the left 15-to-1. Democrats were asked ten questions from the left and six from the right.
Some sample questions. A liberal question to the Democrats: Tom Brokaw asked Ann Richards, "Do the poor and the inner cities get left out with this ticket?"
A conservative question to the Democrats: Jeff Greenfield asked Congressman Louis Stokes, "You know the Republicans are going to run against people like you as the cause of the real problems, the evil, big spending, insulated Congress. Isn't that going to resonate a lot with voters?"
Liberal questions to Republicans: ABC reporter Jim Wooten asked a GOP delegate: "Do you really, do you think all that stands between this country and an improved economy and successful war on drugs and poverty is the Congress?" And Greenfield asked an Arkansan: "This convention's clearly going to try to paint Bill Clinton as a super-liberal, but how can a man be elected five times the governor of your state, not exactly a Northeast Harvard-boutique state, and be effectively be painted as a liberal?"
Dan Rather asked Jack Kemp the first night: "But if you cut taxes, isn't that going to drive the deficit even further up, the bond market might collapse?" On Tuesday's PBS/NBC coverage, Maria Shriver challenged HHS Secretary Louis Sullivan: "To...one of those 36 million people [without health insurance], and that number is growing every day, to them that is not good enough. They need health insurance now. So are they better off voting for Bill Clinton if the Congress has this in their hands to have a Democratic President?"
NBC's Shriver talked with California Senate candidates, asking: "But voters do see women as agents of change, and they're asking for change. They don't see guys like you." Along the same line, Rather asked Buchanan: "I hear some talk, and not all of it among Democrats, that you're a kind of walking gender gap. Do you think your speech last night helped President Bush and Dan Quayle with woman voters?"
CNN's Crowley asked Sen. Nancy Kassebaum: "I heard Marilyn Quayle...say `Boy, if only Murphy Brown could meet Major Dad.' I'm wondering what that says to the many families out there that do have single mothers?" And, "It is perceived that the Democrats are actually fighting for middle America, the family. I'm wondering if you think, that with the various permutations that families have nowadays, if the Republicans are actually shoving away those who don't have mother, father, kids and don't do it 'the right way?'"
On Thursday's NBC/PBS broadcast, Shriver told Craig Fuller: "We were talking about family values...by the Republicans saying that as the theme of their campaign, they're really excluding everybody but the people who fit into the traditional nuclear family, the `Ozzie and Harriet' image."
The networks never suggested the Democrats' abortion-on-demand stance might hurt them with Reagan Democrats, but Shriver did ask Charlie Black: "You've shored up the conservative end of your party... But you haven't done yourself any good with the moderates -- the Reagan Democrats. In fact, many people say you've alienated them."
Conservative question to Republicans: ABC's Greenfield asked Pete duPont: "But clearly there was a lot of disaffection from economic conservatives, growth conservatives that this President wasn't pushing that agenda. Suppose he doesn't push it tonight in his speech, is this a matter of just saying 'OK, best of two alternatives'?"
CONTROVERSIES. Like 1984 and 1988, the networks barely mentioned controversies connected to the Democrats as Bill Clinton's draft problems were raised only in passing. Unlike '84 and '88, the networks did not highlight controversies involving the incumbent administration, such as Neil Bush's S&L problem, which was raised once on CBS and NBC/PBS. Instead they concentrated on new controversies.
Exclusion: While the Democrats' decision to not allow pro-life Pennsylvania Governor Bob Casey to speak in New York garnered only an interview on NBC and an interview and four mentions on CNN, in Houston the abortion debate became a major focus of coverage. On more than 20 occasions network analysts charged the Republicans with trying to exclude people from their party. For example, NBC's Tom Brokaw told Buchanan on Tuesday night: "You gave the impression that if you're not a white, heterosexual, Christian, anti-abortion, anti-environment, you're somehow not welcome in the Republican Party."
CBS never mentioned in prime time how the Democrats suppressed pro-life Gov. Bob Casey's attempt to speak in New York, but in Houston Connie Chung asked Rep. Connie Morella: "Do you think the pro-choice voice has been stifled?"
Negativity: When Jesse Jackson compared Dan Quayle to baby- killing legend King Herod in New York, none of the networks called Jackson's oratory mean or personal. But the networks thumped a steady drumbeat of disapproval of the Republican political attacks. From the often-scorned 1988 campaign methodology to attacks on Mrs. Clinton, the networks suggested to Republicans that they had been too negative with the Democrats on 70 occasions in the four nights of prime time coverage.
CNN's John Holliman asked a roundtable of voters on Wednesday night: "You know, there's been a lot of criticism that the Republicans have been bashing the Democrats fairly big time in this campaign...Have the Republicans been too heavy-handed in being critical of the Democrats?"
NewsBites: Rather Reveals All?
Rather Reveals All? Journalists aren't afraid to ask politicians about their personal life, but what about when the tables are turned? Tom Sherwood, a reporter for Washington's local NBC affiliate WRC-TV, turned the tables on Dan Rather in Houston by asking him if he ever committed adultery. A squirming Rather tried to evade the question by bravely throwing a colleague to the wolves: "You've been asking this to Tom Brokaw, have you?" Then he asked Sherwood if he'd ever had an affair. Sherwood assured him "I'm going to answer the question at the end of my story." As he walked away, Rather turned on his robotic anchorman persona, saying cryptically, "Well, thank you very much. Pleased to see you."
Coming Clean. In columns earlier this year, Hendrik Hertzberg and Mickey Kaus of The New Republic reported that most reporters hope Bill Clinton wins. Now another reporter has conceded the same thing. On Inside Washington August 15, Newsweek Washington Bureau Chief Evan Thomas explained: "The Republicans are going to whack away at the press for the next couple of months as being pro- Clinton. And you know what? They're right. The press is pro- Clinton -- not 80-20, but I think at least 60-40. There are a lot of formerly liberal reporters out there who'd like to see the Democrats win." Formerly?
Brokaw on Bias. Network anchors and newspaper editors gathered in Houston on August 16 for a Freedom Forum seminar on bias in campaign coverage. "The panel at the Houstonian Club felt for the most part there was little or no bias," The Houston Post's Steve Friedman reported August 17. NBC News anchor Tom Brokaw asserted: "I am left with the conclusion that bias, most often, is left in the eye of the beholder -- like beauty."
But that bias is in Brokaw's eye according to another reporter on scene. The abortion debate become a media obsession in Houston, but in New York the networks virtually ignored the fact that the Democrats refused to let pro-life Gov. Bob Casey speak. Dallas Morning News reporter Ed Bark reported that at the same forum Brokaw admitted that Casey "was underplayed." Bark quoted Brokaw: "During the course of the convention, it just kind of got lost in a lot of stuff. I think he should have gotten more attention for not getting attention."
Dueling Jennifers. When Gennifer Flowers' story came out, neither she nor anyone from the Star was invited on any morning or evening interview show. But when The New York Post ran a story August 11 publicizing rumors that President Bush had an affair with aide Jennifer Fitzgerald, ABC's Good Morning America and CBS This Morning brought on sources of the New York Post story the next day.
ABC interviewed Susan Trento, the author of The Power House, a book including the rumor. CBS brought on her husband, Joseph Trento, a former CNN reporter who had an interview with the supposed source of the rumor, Ambassador Louis Fields, who died in 1986. On the August 15 Inside Washington, Newsweek's Evan Thomas told a different tale: "Actually, we've heard the tape of this old Ambassador Fields, who's now dead, talking to one of the reporters, and the tape makes it pretty clear that he thinks it's just gossip."
Defending the Democrats. While associating the Republicans with dirty politics is a liberal media mantra, network reporters defended the Democrats against charges that they spread the Bush infidelity rumors. On the August 12 Today, NBC reporter Andrea Mitchell proclaimed: "I see no evidence that this was promoted by the Democrats, and the Republicans have been throwing around a lot of mud, the surrogates." Wall Street Journal Washington Bureau Chief Al Hunt agreed: "I don't think the Democrats had anything to do with this."
Then NBC reporter Jim Miklaszewski suggested: "I've talked to some reporters who have personally received faxes from the Clinton campaign. This story, according to these reporters, was in fact pushed by the Clinton campaign as early as a month ago." On Inside Washington, Newsweek's Evan Thomas also asserted: "It's true that Clinton's folks faxed around copies of the book to people. That's true." Was the Clinton camp involved? Network newscasts didn't ask.
MARILYN VS. HILLARY. While major media reporters flock to the defense of Hillary Clinton, asking if criticism of her activities is fair, Marilyn Quayle is fair game for cutting media remarks. In the August 24 Time, reporter Michael Duffy wrote: "Mrs. Quayle differs from the President's wife in many ways. While the First Lady's image is cuddly and grandmotherly, Marilyn Quayle can seem hard, intolerant, and combative." Duffy continued: "Ever since a Washington Post series on her husband last winter depicted her as a power-mad spouse who once kicked to shreds a framed picture of her husband playing golf, Mrs. Quayle has been trying to soften her Cruella de Vil [sic] nature."
In the same story, Duffy also wrote about Hillary Clinton: "No sooner had Bush been accused of infidelity than GOP chairman Rich Bond attacked Mrs. Clinton for likening marriage to slavery -- a gross distortion." Earlier this year, in the January 27 issue, Time Deputy Washington Bureau Chief Margaret Carlson called Hillary "an amalgam of Betty Crocker, Mother Teresa, and Oliver Wendell Holmes."
WIN ONE FOR CONNIE. Pro-abortion Republicans just didn't do enough to satisfy CBS' Connie Chung. During convention coverage on August 17, Chung began complaining with her first question to Maine Gov. John McKernan: "You are such a strong supporter of abortion rights but you gave up, you succumbed to the pressure." Her second question: "Many people think you weren't organized, you didn't have your ducks in line, you didn't have the delegates."
After McKernan explained that they had only four of the six states required to force a floor fight, an exasperated Chung responded: "You know it seems like such a small number. Good heavens, all you needed was six state delegations to try and bring it on the floor, then obviously two-thirds of the delegation, but I don't think you were organized, sir."
HAUNTED BY REAGAN. Do those in the media subconsciously miss the Reagan years, when they had a more conservative Republican in the White House to lambast? At least two of them apparently do. During CBS News August 17 convention coverage, Dan Rather maintained that "the Republicans believe that this remains Ronald Reagan's election to lose. That he can lose it, yes, he may lose it, but it's Ronald Reagan's election to lose, even now." A few days later on the August 20 Today, Bryant Gumbel advised his audience that "The Vice President will also speak tonight, and then, of course, the big address by President Reagan."
INSULTING HILLARY'S CRITICS. Critics of Hillary Clinton's ideological activities and legal writings haven't been quoted as much as insulted, as the media's feminists assert that Hillary's critics are intimidated by successful women. On the August 18 Nightline, even Ted Koppel got into the act: "Let us not for a moment be confused into believing that this is only a conservative Republican thing, this business of some people feeling threatened by smart, assertive, professional women... Women who speak their minds in public are still swimming upstream in this country."
STROBE'S SCAM. Time Editor-at-Large Strobe Talbott has made no secret of his affection for old Oxford classmate Bill Clinton. But he must not have wanted to go all the way to putting his money where his mouth is. The August Washingtonian reports that Talbott's two sons, Devin, 15, and Adrian, 11, have each contributed $250 to the Clinton campaign, using what Talbott called "discretionary money."
Revolving Door: Clinton's NPR Connection
Clinton's NPR Connection. July's Revolving Door column on former Democratic political operatives covering the Democratic National Convention as reporters listed Anne Edwards, scheduler for the 1984 Mondale-Ferraro campaign, as National Public Radio's (NPR) Senior Editor. While MediaWatch was in Houston to produce ConventionWatch, Jeff Rosenberg, the NPR convention producer, faxed us a resume update. Edwards is now part of the Clinton-Gore campaign advance staff. She should know how to please the media: From 1980 to 1984 she was the assignment editor in the CBS News Washington bureau.
Death in Sarajevo. A sniper's bullet took the life of ABC News producer David Kaplan on August 13. A producer since joining the network in 1972 after a two year stint as Assistant Press Secretary to Senator George McGovern, Kaplan was in the war-torn region with Sam Donaldson to work on a story for Prime Time Live. During his twenty years with ABC, Kaplan worked in the special events unit, for World News Tonight, as White House producer for Sam Donaldson during most of the Reagan Administration and, until joining Prime Time Live in 1989 as a Washington-based Senior Producer, as Senior Capitol Hill producer.
Two-Timing at U.S. News. Liberal MIT economist Paul Krugman, a Contributing Editor to U.S. News & World Report since 1990, simultaneously formulated economic policy for the Clinton campaign this summer. But not anymore. Kathryn Bushkin, the magazine's Director of Editorial Administration who served as Press Secretary in Gary Hart's 1984 presidential campaign, told MediaWatch in mid-August that U.S. News felt things "had reached a point where it was inappropriate for [Krugman] to be, now that Clinton is the nominee, and that he's taken on a more active role with him, we thought it was inappropriate for [Krugman] to be writing for us on economic issues until the election is over. We are not taking any more of his pieces."
Krugman has most recently been responsible for the Democrats' claim that the richest one percent took 60 percent of the income gains in the 1980s, a claim heavily criticized by conservative economists. Krugman publicized the argument in March 23 and June 1 articles.
Clinton press aide Avis Lavelle told MediaWatch that Krugman had been working for the campaign since early July helping to put together debate briefing books and was charged with "developing support for Governor Clinton's economic concepts in the media."
Out of Congress, On to TV. Ohio Congressman Charles Luken decided not to seek re-election this November, and he's already found a new career. In January the Democrat will join Cincinnati's WLWT-TV. The News Director for the NBC affiliate told Electronic Media's Doug Halonen that Luken "will probably be groomed as a news anchor, but is likely to start as a reporter and political commentator."
Media Accuracy Patrol Only Shoots At GOP
Everyone agrees the media have a responsibility to expose inaccuracies on the campaign trail. But the "correcting" going on is all focused in one direction: George Bush and the Republicans.
On the August 27 NBC Nightly News, White House reporter John Cochran aired footage of Bush charging that Bill Clinton's plan included "$220 billion in new spending, plus the largest tax increase in history, $150 billion." With a red graphic screaming "WRONG," Cochran declared: "In 1982, Ronald Reagan and his Vice President, George Bush, presided over the largest projected tax increase in history -- $152 billion."
Clinton's economic plan may say it only calls for $150 billion in new taxes, but that figure does not include any increased spending on, among other things, training or health care. Clinton has proposed a 1.5 percent payroll tax for job training and has loosely endorsed a "play or pay" health plan with a payroll tax of seven to nine percent. Those two taxes, added to the rest of Clinton's plan, would easily make Clinton American history's highest tax raiser. Even if Cochran were correct, the same reporters who deplore painting Clinton as a tax-and-spend liberal are defending Clinton by saying he's only proposing the second biggest tax increase in history.
The media seized on Michael Kinsley's column challenging the Bush claim that Clinton raised taxes in Arkansas 128 times. Reporters failed to answer the question: What was the Arkansas tax burden? Clinton's camp claims it has the 49th lowest tax burden, but that's measured on a per capita basis, meaning only that Arkansas is poor, so its tax revenues are necessarily low. Most economists, however, measure the tax burden by studying the percentage of family income devoted to taxes. By that standard, Arkansas is firmly in the middle of the states, and rising. Stephen Moore of the Cato Institute found from 1983 to 1990, Arkansas state taxes rose from 6.4 percent to 6.8 percent of family income.
Will most reporters question the accuracy of Clinton's declarations? Take the ad the Clinton campaign released August 30, which claims: "Those making over $200,000 will pay more. The rest of us get a break." But Clinton has also proposed raising taxes on the top two percent of earners, meaning individuals making more than $90,000 a year and couples making more than $130,000. Economists expect a third tax rate of 36 to 40 percent on taxpayers above those levels. That's not exactly a "break" on everybody under $200,000.
By "correcting" only one candidate, reporters show they aren't so much interested in doing their job -- sorting out what's accurate -- as they are making sure Clinton doesn't become the next Michael Dukakis.
Praised Cuomo, Attacked Conservatives and Buchanan
After Ronald Reagan and Pat Buchanan spoke August 17, CBS News reporter Charles Kuralt observed: "I thought that the Buchanan speech had ugly elements in it. Especially there at the end, 'Take back our culture, take back our country'...I think there was an appeal to racism, and then Ronald Reagan came along and made everybody feel good about the country again."
Last month, Kuralt offered a glowing assessment of Mario Cuomo's partisan speech filled with divisive attacks on George Bush: "I'm still in the glow of that Cuomo speech. Mario Cuomo is like one of those three-way light bulbs... He said he was going to stay on dim so as not to put Bill Clinton in the shade. And then he stepped up here tonight and delivered a genuine 250-watter. A speech bright enough and hot enough to light up this dark room. I think tonight was Cuomo's night, as last night was Jesse Jackson's."
Kuralt may love Cuomo and Jackson, but he doesn't have much respect for conservatives. Earlier in the night in Houston Kuralt asserted: "This platform the Republicans adopted today reminds me of another Republican platform and another convention, the one of '64, the one that nominated Barry Goldwater, [when] the party's farthest right wingers took over for the first time and drove through a breathtakingly conservative platform. I will never forget that convention. Those folks were not so much interested in winning the election as in humiliating Nelson Rockefeller and the other moderates of their own party... They lost in a landslide. Republicans with long memories might have noticed that something like that was going on here today."
"The only excited, demonstrative delegates any of us could find were the ones from the religious right, Pat Robertson's God and Country rally. They remind me of those Goldwater delegates of 28 years ago, far more interested in imposing ideological purity on this party than they are on winning an election... They got the platform they want. No room for a pregnant woman to make any decision at all, even if she was raped. It's a platform tough on welfare, tough on taxes and guns and gays and pornography, tough even on public radio and public television. They cheered Dan Quayle... and they will cheer Pat Buchanan and Ronald Reagan tonight, but will they help elect George Bush? It's almost as if they haven't thought of that."
Woodruff vs. First Lady
Last month, when PBS anchor Judy Woodruff interviewed Hillary Clinton, Woodruff mentioned the now infamous Harvard Educational Review article and asked: "How important is it that that not enter in, and should it enter in?" During PBS/NBC joint coverage August 18, First Lady Barbara Bush didn't get softballs from Woodruff, but the First Lady fought back.
Woodruff's questions came from the Democratic playbook: "I want to ask you about some of the statements that have been made here at this convention over the last few days starting with this one."
Mrs. Bush interrupted: "You said you weren't going to ask all these same old questions." But Woodruff went on, "Now these questions you've never heard before...Republican Party Chairman Rich Bond saying the views of the Republicans are America, Democrats' views are not America... Well I didn't hear a Democrat say that you're not American if you're Republican?" Democrats "were absolutely vicious and nobody called it a dirty attack. So I'm not going to apologize for Rich Bond," Bush responded.
Unfazed, Woodruff demanded: "Campaign official Charles Black and Pat Buchanan have both said in the past 24 hours those who favor rights for homosexuals have not place in the Republican Party... Were you pleased to have that message going out over television?"
"I'm not sending that message," Bush said. Woodruff continued: "U.S. Treasurer Mrs. Villalpando, who just said yesterday, who joked that Gov. Clinton is a skirt chaser... does that have a place in this campaign?"
The First Lady took Woodruff to task: "Look you're saying nothing nice... where were you during the Democrat convention defending us?" Woodruff returned to her inquiry: "But Mosbacher who said in the last day or so that Gov. Clinton's alleged marital infidelity is a legitimate campaign issue."
After a final attempt to get Mrs. Bush to respond, Bush let loose: "You didn't listen to the Democrat Convention I think... I'm not sure you've been [sic] to the same political year I've been to, Judy. Now c'mon, be fair." Mrs. Bush got in the last word: "I'm going to listen to your questions. I'm going to monitor you."
Just Like Prime Time
On the Monday to Thursday morning shows, Democrats were labeled moderate over liberal by 31 to 16; the Republicans were tagged conservative almost four times more often than moderate, by 54 to 14. Democrats were posed questions from the left over right by 26 to 11. The GOP: More than 60 from the left vs. just ten from the right.
Labels: On Tuesday, ABC's Mike Von Fremd declared: "The Republicans passed one of the most conservative platforms ever." On the Thursday Today, Jim Miklaszewski, who never uttered "hard left" in New York, found at least one positive in Barbara Bush's speech: "She stressed tolerance, in an apparent attempt to pull the Party back from the conservative hard right turn it's taken at this convention so far."
Questions: On Monday's Today, Katie Couric asked Gov. John Ashcroft about abortion: "Aren't you fearful that this position, this very conservative position, will in fact alienate many women and moderate Republicans and it will make a difference?"
CBS This Morning's Harry Smith asked Senate candidate Alan Keyes and Rep. Susan Molinari: "We've heard a lot of talk this week about the big tent, the idea that the Republican Party needs to attract a wider range of people, but some critics say the party platform does anything but that."
On Wednesday, Couric pressed Dan Quayle repeatedly with Democratic questions: "Some have said they find the tone of this convention, some Republicans, a bit troubling. Abortion rights have been totally ignored in the platform; gay rights not acknowledged...Do you think the Republican Party has grown, or become, too exclusionary, too intolerant, and that this kind of rhetoric is divisive and counterproductive?"
Janet Cooke Award: ABC: Can Quayle's Council
In the last four years, network reporters have been increasingly critical of thirty-second attack ads on political campaigns -- deriding them as cheap, superficial, emotionally overwrought and short on facts. But this is too often the networks' own formula. ABC reporter Ned Potter's "American Agenda" stories on Dan Quayle's Competitiveness Council August 4 and 5 are a perfect example, earning Potter the September Janet Cooke Award.
Potter loaded all his complaints into a quick scatter-shot litany: "It has killed a plan to increase recycling of municipal waste. It proposed that half the nation's wetlands be opened to developers. It delayed aircraft noise control rules. And environmentalists claim it is weakening or delaying 50 parts of the Clean Air Act, legislation the President himself originally supported."
Misleading. If Potter had allowed any opposing spokesmen, they could have pointed out, for example, that the recycling rule, proposed to stop municipal incinerators, was estimated to cause no improvement in air quality at a cost of $100 million, a proposal so outrageous the Democrat-dominated National Governors Association opposed it. Second, the wetlands claim is completely misleading -- a 1989 EPA wetlands manual doubled the amount of "protected" wetlands to include private property that were only marginally "wet," so reducing "protected" wetlands by half is returning them to their original status.
Potter continued: "The Clean Air law orders factories to cut their pollution to specific levels. It says if they need to exceed those levels for any reason there must be public notice and a hearing so people who live near the factory can object.... [But] the Council on Competitiveness stepped in, using its power to strike the requirement from the EPA's rules....The bottom line is that thousands of factories may cut costs but could add 490,000 pounds of pollution to the air without warning anyone."
Wrong. The Competitiveness Council has no authority to strike EPA rules. EPA chief William Reilly has publicly declared that the council only advises him, and he makes the final decision. Additionally, public notice requirements don't only apply to factories. When the EPA ruled that utilities don't have to go through a public notice procedure (which can delay projects for years), EPA also clearly stated that the rules in no way authorized pollution increases that would cause violation of clean air standards in any city or environmentally sensitive areas like national parks. Often, the exclusions deal with the implementation of new pollution control equipment. Why would environmentalists try to hold that up? Potter didn't ask.
In his second report, Potter mourned the Council's effect on the EPA: "Officials say the Council does more than get specific regulations changed. They say its very presence makes regulators flinch. For example, [EPA] chief William Reilly has lost several battles over the Clean Air Act. And senior EPA officials, who asked us not to use their names, said the effect of the Quayle council on their day-to-day work has been devastating. One official said the council 'intimidates the overall process.' Another said the council 'has a chilling effect. So much that whole areas of environmental protection are dropped because you know the council will not let them through.'"
Misleading. ABC, which twice suggested the Competitiveness Council had "tremendous impact," didn't tell viewers that the council has eight staffers, while the federal regulatory agencies have more than 120,000. As for the "chilling effect" the council has on EPA, Potter brought on no one to make the argument: should EPA, an executive branch agency, have no oversight from the executive branch? Quayle's council authorization is the same executive order which established then-Vice President Bush's Task Force on Regulatory Reform. Even Bill Clinton has declared the need for such a council in his administration.
Potter's first report also charged: "Critics say the council...is unaccountable to Congress or the public and its actions may be illegal...Trimming regulations would be one thing, but critics say doing it in secret is another."
Misleading. Critics, especially Democrats in Congress, have been trying to force the council into "sunshine" rules requiring staffers to list all incoming and outgoing phone calls and the subject of those calls. But when Special Counsel Peter Fleming investigated the Senate Judiciary Committee's Anita Hill leak, the media responded much like Nina Totenberg, who felt that citing of contacts by lobbying groups with senators or their aides would "chill democratic liaisons."
Potter allowed no one to make the ironic point that these are provisions the Congress rejects for itself and that no regulatory agency like the EPA has ever faced. He also missed the point that by reviewing the mostly unpublicized workings of the regulatory agencies, the Competitiveness Council is actually increasing the public accountability of federal regulators. He never cited a stupid regulation stopped by the White House, like the one requiring decontamination of construction helmets at an estimated cost of $60 million, although no one has been contaminated by one.
Potter refused to return repeated calls from MediaWatch over a week-long period to discuss his stories. On September 8, a voice sounding very much like Potter's came on the line and said: "Hello...Who is this?" After identifying ourselves as MediaWatch, the Potter-like voice said: "Hang on, I'll try to find him." Then, an ABC receptionist came back on the line and said: "Umm, he's not in the building. No one here's seen him in a long time." The same receptionist told us two hours earlier: "He's out to lunch."
Claiming that political campaign ads are filled with distortions, the networks have appointed themselves guardians of accuracy with "ad watch" patrols. But before they proclaim themselves the enemies of distortion, the networks should watch their own news stories first.


text:
For Deep frying:
1.Mushroom - 250 gm
2.Besan flour - 1 cup
3.Corn flour - 3 tbsp
4.Ginger garlic paste - 1 tsp
5.Red chilli pwdr - 1 tsp
6.Oil for frying
For Munchuriyan:
1.Onion - 1/2
2.Ginger - 1/2 inch (chopped)
3.Garlic - 4 pods (chopped)
4.Green chillies - 2 (chopped)
5.Tomato ketchup - 1 tbsp
6.Chilli garlic sauce - 1/2 tbsp (optional)
7.Curry leaves and cilantro
* Wash and cut the mushroom and keep it aside.
* Take a mixing bowl,add besan flour,corn flour,g&g paste and red chilli powder.
* Add very little water and form a batter of bajji consistancy.
* Keep a pan of oil in the stove.
* When the oil is very hot,dip the mushroom in the batter and fry it in oil.
* Remove the fried mushrooms ,drain the excess oil using a tissue paper. and keep it aside.
* In a separate pan,add oil and keep the flame really high.
* One by one,add curry leaves, sliced onion,garlic,ginger and green chillies.
* Let them get fried partially,that is ,it shud not be mushy.
* Now add the fried mushrooms and give it a toss.
* Add the tomato ketchup,salt and chilli garlic sauce according to ur taste .
* Turn off the stove and garnish with chopped cilantro.
* Mushrooms will not be crisp after frying,becaue of its texture.
* We can also add some water to the munchuriyan to get a gravy consitancy,which can be used as a side dish for roti and naan.


text:
Course Description
EN 364 Studies in Genre, Film 3-4 cr.
- Offered: Contact department for information.
- Prerequisite: EN 282 or EN 283 or EN 284.
An examination of the ways in which film communicates story and experience, emphasizing structure, narrative techniques and other elements of the cinematic art.
Note: Available for an additional research credit; students must be registered for the three-credit course before signing up for the additional credit. This additional credit must be added separately.


text:
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text:
Some Kind of Peace
By: and and
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- Synopsis
- It seems so idyllic. But something is out of place. In the neatly raked gravel parking area is a dazzlingly clean black Jeep. The paint of the Jeep reflects a clematis with large pure white blossoms climbing up a knotted old apple tree. Someone is lying under the low trunk and crooked branches of the tree. A young woman, a girl. . . . Siri Bergman is a thirty-four-year-old psychologist who works in central Stockholm and lives alone in an isolated cottage out of the city. She has a troublesome secret in her past and has been trying to move on with her life. Terrified of the dark, she leaves all the lights on when she goes to bed—having a few glasses of wine each night to calm her nerves—but she can't shake the feeling that someone is watching her through the blackened windows at night. When the lifeless body of Sara Matteus—a young patient of Siri's with a history of drug addiction and sexual abuse—is found floating in the water near the cottage, Siri can no longer deny that someone is out there, watching her and waiting. When her beloved cat goes missing and she receives a photo of herself from a stalker, it becomes clear that Siri is next. Luckily, she can rely on Markus, the young policeman investigating Sara's death; Vijay, an old friend and psychology professor; and Aina, her best friend. Together, they set about profiling Siri's aspiring murderer, hoping to catch him before he kills again. But as their investigation unfolds, Siri's past and present start to merge and disintegrate so that virtually everyone in her inner circle becomes a potential suspect. With the suspense building toward a dramatic conclusion as surprising as it is horrifying, Siri is forced to relive and reexamine her anguished past, and finally to achieve some kind of peace.
- Copyright:
- 1997
Book Details
- Book Quality:
- Publisher Quality
- 9780857209481
- Publisher:
- Simon & Schuster
- Date of Addition:
- 06/22/12
- Copyrighted By:
- Simon & Schuster
- Adult content:
- No
- Language:
- English
- Has Image Descriptions:
- No
- Categories:
- Literature and Fiction, Mystery and Thrillers
- Submitted By:
- Bookshare Staff
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- This is a copyrighted book.
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text:
Finally a break from the weather and my cold.....Took a walk and found some artwork! Captured with the D200!
Paint ON Walls
Started by photojazz, Apr 21 2008 08:26 AM
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Posted 21 April 2008 - 08:26 AM
PhotoJazz - Just Capturing Life
PlanetNikon Member 141
I photo-shoot with film, digital and medium format cameras, which includes the following:
Nikon D605, D200, F4E, F5, FE2 (Black & Silver), EM
Mamiya C330 Professional, M645 1000s, RB67
Bronica ETRSI
iPhone 8+
And I have some lenses.
Additional: Video editing with Adobe Premiere, Final Cut Pro X 10.4 and LumaFusion
C&C Is Always Welcome!!
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text:
Summary and Keywords
Since the first printing presses were established in Britain's North American colonies, print was a ubiquitous feature of American religion. Print was a powerful means of communicating religious ideas, both to the faithful and to people whom religious groups wished to persuade. One common form of religious communication was the pamphlet or, by the 19th century, the tract. These tracts were a way of catechizing people who were already a member of different denominational groups, and tracts provided them with inexpensive collections of religious reading material, such as hymns or psalms. Tracts become a primary feature of evangelism in the United States, as did Bible distribution. In the 19th century the American Tract Society and the American Bible Society managed to exert a long reach into the interior of the United States, with distribution channels that were more far flung than those of any other institution except perhaps the postal service.
Print also functioned as a means of creating institutional loyalties. The American Tract Society created a network of tract distribution and funding which linked together large numbers of affiliate societies. While the American Bible Society preferred a different organizational structure, it brought together a wide array of denominations to make common cause for Bible distribution. In the 20th century, trans-denominational periodical publishers managed to unite various wings of Protestantism, as periodicals staked out positions in debates between fundamentalists and modernists, or later between evangelicals and liberal or mainline denominations. Yet smaller publications also functioned to establish denominational loyalties.
The Bible was by far the most important printed text in American Christianity. One of the earliest imprints in North America was a translation of the Bible into the Algonquian language, and later missionary groups sometimes made it a priority to translate the Bible into Indian languages. Printing of the English Bible proliferated for a number of reasons. One was the repeated efforts of the American Bible Society to supply the United States with a Bible for every household. Another was the development of various editions of the Bible, containing different qualities of paper and typography, or distinguishing themselves by the purpose of the text, such as study Bibles rich in notes, maps, and other explanatory features. A third reason was the proliferation of Bible translations, beginning with the late-19th-century Revised Version. These Bible versions were aimed at improving the scholarly reliability of the text, but they were matters of intense interest and debate among Christians more generally. Bible translations came to be a key marker of group identity and a contested source of religious authority, even as they were sponsored by trans-denominational groups like the National Association of Evangelicals or the National Council of Churches.
In short, print culture was a primary means of establishing group loyalty, for various Protestant groups as well as for Jews and Catholics, yet it also represented a key attempt at Christian unity and ecumenism. Print culture was both a proxy for many other ways of being religious and a powerful religious force in its own right.
Keywords: Bible, tracts, print culture, Bible translations, tract societies, material culture
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text:
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