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Women's Employment and the Feeding of Infants
At the outset it is important to note that "employment" is often far from being a simple variable in its effect on women's lives and roles. We tend to think of people in our society as either employed or "unemployed" in relation to "jobs" that earn wages or salaries. In much of the world (including major sectors of North American society) the gradations of "jobs" and "employment" (in and outside the home) can be complex indeed.
One of the few studies that directly addressed the interrelations of women's employment and infant feeding is the work of Popkin and Solon (38). Their study is focused on the Philippines, where they note first of all that women are more actively involved in trade, service, professional, industrial and other work which draws her [sic] outside the home for employment.... Nevertheless market related activities which take place in the home such as embroidery, basket weaving and sari-sari store management play a major role in her economic activities. [38, p. 197]
In their sample of women on the island of Cebu, they found that "26% of the urban and 31% of the rural women were engaged in some form of market employment." They note that some studies in the Philippines report infants nursed 7 to 8 times per day, with each feeding lasting 15 minutes to half an hour. This schedule of nursing could require from 3 to 4 hours, in addition to which one should allow for "travel time" if the mother is working somewhere and returns to her infant for breast-feeding. In any case, the scheduling of breast-feeding requires a very considerable time investment from the mother.
Dugdale (39) examined data on breast-feeding patterns for 2,009 infants in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, for the years 1960, 1962, and 1965. The information included family income (divided into high and low), number of children in the family (presumably of that particular mother), and ethnicity (Chinese, Malay, Indian). The data are interesting because they are roughly comparable to situations in many other developing nations, especially in Asia. Focusing on the data for families of two to four children (the modal category) in 1965, according to the different ethnicities, we find that the income variable is important in each of the ethnic groups, with the higher income (higher socio-economic status) women breast-feeding less often land for shorter duration) than the lower status mothers (table 1). Dugdale feels that there are two possible reasons for the differentials based on income:
The first is that the social and advertising pressures are all away from breastfeeding. The mother who has a higher income is probably more educated and is more able to afford artificial feeding. The second reason is that many families have a higher income because both parents work outside the home. Under these circumstances, breast-feeding is not possible. [39, P. 233]
TABLE 1. Percentage of Mothers Breast-feeding at 28 Weeks in Kuala Lumpur (1965) according to Income and Ethnicity
*n in parentheses. Source: Dugdale (39).
Also, as the author comments, "the extended family and the availability of domestic help both make possible the care of infants while the mother works." Further, among the Malays the mothers with children go out to work much less than do the Chinese, hence an overall higher incidence of breast-feeding among the Malay mothers (in the three years surveyed).
A comparison of the data for 1960 with the 1965 data shows a consistent decrease in breast-feeding in the Chinese sample, (n is 1020) and an increase in breast-feeding among the Malay women. The author does not comment on this difference in the trends but notes that the increase in breast-feeding is mainly among low income mothers with one child.
Marchione (40) has developed an economic model to explain infant-feeding patterns in the Caribbean. He emphasizes the relationship of women's work activities with the type of economy in which those activities take place as a significant factor in infant-feeding patterns. In a plantation economy-first under slavery, then as low-pay resident workers-women in the Caribbean have for centuries been under pressure to devote long hours to work and short hours to breast-feeding. Marchione's study suggests that, wherever we find the combination of a past or present plantation agricultural system and the presence of a variety of breast milk substitutes such as bush teas, starchy gruels, or paps, we can hypothesize on the existence of direct pressures on women to limit breast-feeding.
Another type of economic model also concentrates on structures outside the household, specifically on the economic motivations of the commercial interests that stand to gain from a large-scale shift to bottle-feeding- the infant food manufacturers, the advertising media, and, to a limited extent, health-care professionals. The research strategy that has been pursued to develop this model has focused primarily on describing the economic structures of the formula-manufacturing companies and the promotional strategies of corporation and advertising agencies (41, 42). There has been little linking of these structures and activities to maternal selection of feeding mode, perhaps largely because it presents serious methodological and ethical problems for investigators.
Bio-cultural Models of Infant Feeding
Another approach to explaining infant-feeding patterns examines issues from a biological perspective, seeking to understand the extent to which problems with lactation, as a socially mediated biological process, may be involved in current trends. It is important to note that this approach is more limited in that it applies only to one segment of the women who make up the statistics-those who attempt breast-feeding but shift rapidly to bottle-feeding. In any examination of infant-feeding practices it is necessary to separate exclusive bottle-feeders from those women who begin breast-feeding, even if they only breast-feed for a few days. The decision to bottle-feed an infant-if the decision is made before the infant is born-is conceptually a different kind of decision from the decision to try breast-feeding. Bio-cultural explanations which seek to understand "lactation failure" or "premature weaning" apply, of course, only to those women who attempt breast-feeding.
While a biological failure of the capacity to initiate lactation is rare, post partum problems in lactation are not (43). It has been hypothesized that separation of infants from their mothers at birth, which has been a common practice in western medicine, affects lactation success. Klaus and Kennell (44) have studied the relationship of early separation to problems in mother-infant bonding, which, in turn, appears to be implicated in lactation problems. Newton and Newton (45) and others have suggested that separation, which delays the onset and frequency of breast-feeding in the immediate post partum period, may be related to breast over-engorgement and sucking problems for the infant that lead to a "vicious cycle," resulting in early termination of breast-feeding.
Raphael has also proposed a big-cultural explanation of lactation failure, an explanation based on the of the "let down reflex" in the absence of supportive social networks for the newly delivered mother (46). The breakdown of social networks and social support is postulated as an urban phenomenon which, together with other stresses of urbanization and modernization, leads to psychophysiological stress inhibiting milk production (47, 48).
Recently Gussler and Briesemeister (43) have presented a big-cultural explanation for what they refer to as the "insufficient milk syndrome." Their discussion begins with a review of a significant finding in many studies, namely, that the most common reason mothers give for premature weaning or early termination of breast-feeding is "insufficient milk." From many different cultural and social settings in both industrialized and developing countries, mothers report that their milk was insufficient or inadequate to satisfy their infant's needs:
Anecdotal and research data suggest that, quite naturally, mothers become concerned about presumably unhappy or uncomfortable infants, and respond to their behavioral cues with an explanation of breast milk insufficiency, even though the explanation is not confirmed by poor weight gain.
These mothers are both right and wrong. They are probably correct in interpreting the behavior of their fussy infants as caused by hunger. They are incorrect that this necessarily indicates that something is inherently "wrong" with their milk or ability to lactate. [43, p. 6]
From this base the authors develop their theory. The primary source of the problem is what they call "non-biologic breast-feeding," the pattern of "scheduled, widely spaced feedings of breast milk." Scheduled, infrequent feeding leads, in turn, to a crying baby, to sucking difficulties, to maternal anxiety, to insufficient sucking and emptying of the breast, and hence through several neural and cognitive pathways to the interpretation of "insufficient milk." In many cases the interpretation becomes a biological self-fulfilling prophecy. The authors conclude their paper with a call for research on this important aspect of contemporary breast-feeding experiences.
Each of these approaches-socio-cultural (modernization), economic, and psycho-physiological-has much to offer to our understanding of contemporary infant-feeding practices. Of course, the significance of particular factors will vary in different contexts. To date, none of the theoretical approaches have been fully explored through systematic research, nor have efforts been made to integrate them. While the bio-cultural approach of Gussler and Briesemeister does present a theory that integrates social behaviour (frequency of feeding) with biological variables, it does not provide a full framework since it is focused specifically on milk insufficiency. The development of a full framework is probably best achieved through successive approximations based on feedback from empirical research. The remainder of this paper is devoted to outlining some of the features of a "first approximation," noting several key components of what can be regarded as a "cultural-ecology" approach.
An ecological perspective directs attention to the specific features of the physical and social environments within which behaviour takes place. The question of how individuals and groups meet essential needs (for food, shelter, and so on) remains a central concern. Although people are seen as acting within a system of environmental constraints and opportunities land having available resources and technologies), they are considered to be making conscious choices about behaviour. The ecological approach thus emphasizes people's rational decision-making behaviour and calls attention to intra-community, intra-population variations in the specific choices, as related to situational (environmental) differences (34).
Anthropologist John Bennett has described the theoretical perspective of cultural ecology clearly:
A second meaning of the term ecology emphasizes adaptation or adaptive behavior. Here we refer to coping mechanisms or ways of dealing with people and resources in order to attain goals and solve problems. Our emphasis here is not on relationships between institutions, groups or aggregates of data, but on patterns of behavior: problem-solving, decision-making, consuming or not consuming, inventing, innovating, migrating, staying. [49, p. 11]
In the nutrition and public health field, the issue of infant feeding is often approached from a narrow viewpoint in which the infant is seen as a passive receiver of food and the mother as the giver of food. Problems arise when the mother fails to fulfil adequately her role as food-giver. However, the woman's behaviour with respect to feeding her infant is rarely examined in the total context of her life. While a new infant may seem to be a major focus of a mother's energy and attention, the fact is that a new mother can be said to have acquired an additional role- that of mother of her new-born-but she does not necessarily lose her other roles. In most circumstances she may continue to have the responsibilities of being a wife, a daughter-in-law, a mother to her other children, a farmer, a housekeeper, a lawyer, and so on.
While the extension of biologically oriented theory places primary emphasis on women's roles as child-bearers and child-rearers, an ecological approach would tend to focus on women's responsibilities in the economic subsistence system, as well as in maternal tasks. The contrast between the two approaches is evidenced in this statement from the study by Nerlove:
In her discussion of the division of labor by sex, Brown (1970) stated that the degree to which women participate in subsistence activities depends upon the compatibility of the latter with simultaneous child care responsibilities. The present study qualified this statement by showing that child care responsibilities may be adjusted to accomodate the mother's subsistence activities. [6, p. 212]
The ecological framework is not one of economic determinism, but a search for all the relevant factors (economic and others) affecting women's roles. Aside from direct food production practices and ways of making a living, many other factors must be taken into account in an ecological perspective, including such features as shelter, modes of travel, and environmental characteristics. Political organization and religious beliefs and other ideological components are also examined. Perhaps the major feature of the cultural-ecology approach is the attention to a multiplicity of factors affecting every aspect of human behaviour.
The growing body of literature on women's situations in various cultures and diverse environmental contexts is beginning to provide a base for generalizations about women's roles. These studies point to some of the major variables and parameters that are necessary for a well-developed model of women's roles in the care and feeding of offspring. It would appear that throughout history women have played a very significant and primary role in child care, not least because of the nature of their biological relationship with their offspring. It is also clear that in many societies women have major responsibilities for food production and that, in these societies, their child-care roles are adjusted to these responsibilities.
The introduction of new crops into traditional societies can have various and diverse effects on women's roles. The economic position of Afikpo Ibo women of Nigeria is an interesting illustration. According to LeVine, when the new crop cassava, was introduced in the region, it was considered to be of very low prestige and value. Women were allowed (by the men) to grow the cassava as a marginal activity:
This despised crop eliminated the annual famine before the yam harvest and attained a high and stable market value. The Afikpo women became capable of supporting themselves and their children without aid from their husbands.... Afikpo husbands have found it increasingly difficult to keep their wives at home in their formerly subordinate position. [50, p. 178]
A different sort of example is provided by the Azande people in East Africa. Until recent times the Azande engaged in frequent warfare, and women were the main source of labour and symbols of wealth. Traditionally, women were "treated much like slaves and . . . barred from the main source of power." Increasing contacts with Europeans and the introduction of cash crops brought large-scale changes. "Women became emancipated, crops acquired cash value, war disappeared, hunting was reduced, and men were compelled to invest most of their efforts in agriculture" (51, p. 201). In contrast to the Afikpo situation, the Azande men placed high value on the major cash crops and controlled the access of women to this new sphere of activity. Although the women gained a new measure of freedom, they did not become anything like as economically powerful as the Afikpo women.
The growing number of studies of women's roles in different types of societies have underscored two major themes: a. Women's overall status and prestige and the degree they contribute to the basic economic system exhibit a very wide range of variations in non-modern societies. b. Degrees of participation in food production and other economic activities have strong effects on the patterning of child care activities.
Some of the other variables that have important effects on women's roles include the patterning and degree of warfare (52), kinship structure and household composition (53), and religious system (54). This is hardly an exhaustive list of the variables that may be important in affecting women's roles and infant-feeding practices, but it provides a starting point for an examination of individual cases and contexts.
From an ecological perspective, women's roles in a social system can be seen as composed of a number of crucial dimensions that can take on a range of values. Following role theory we can conceptualize that an individual has a cluster of roles. Many of the roles an individual assumes are of long standing and taken to be stable over the generations. For example, the central roles of wife and mother are thought of as relatively unchanging in basic content from one generation to the next. Also, in a stable society the supposed rules of behaviour are sufficiently well established and pragmatic that regular expectations about conduct in the role of "wife" do not seriously conflict with the requirements of the role set to "mother." On the other hand, everyone is familiar with examples in which different aspects of role expectations come into sharp conflict. In such situations individuals have had to make agonizing choices: "Shall I give up my family ties to marry this man?" "Shall I protect my husband from this unwarranted demand by our son?"
The factors that shape the multiple-role behaviour of any given women in any particular society are variable and specific to the situation. At the same time, it can be argued that these factors have regular, patterned effects, so that generalizations can be made about the nature of role behaviour:
1. Although people do not always act in their own best
interests, in general individuals weigh alternatives and make
choices based on their perceptions of the relative merits and
shortcomings of particular actions. All persons seek to be
optimizers in their daily behaviour.
2. "Micro differences" in characteristics such as household composition, distance from resources, material wealth, etc., create differential behaviour within even the smallest and most traditional populations.
3. Therefore women within practically all communities will exhibit a range of variation in their tendencies toward particular types of role behaviour, including breast-feeding. Intra-community variation is a pervasive fact of life.
4. Individual choice behaviour is, of course, always constrained by knowledge of what other persons-kin and non-kin-expect as appropriate, right conduct.
5. For most categories of behaviour and activities there are alternatives that people can choose. Life is not a rigid prescription.
6. Recent decades have brout new dimensions of choice in practically all parts of the world. People have many more options to consider, even though poverty and lack of technical skills may in practice limit their selections from the theoretically available alternatives.
7. Although new options and alternatives have spread rapidly in recent decades, change and development occurred in most societies and communities in past centuries as well. Most people are used to the prospect of change.
The statistics on trends in both breast-feeding and bottle" feeding can be regarded as a reflection of multiple decisions by numerous women and their families. The concept of decision implies, of course, a choice among alternatives. With the advent of large-scale availability of bottles, it is apparent that many women perceive themselves as having an alternative. Seen against the whole of human history the decision to use a bottle appears to represent the exercise of choice, comparable to the choice involved in using contraceptives to regulate fertility.
However, just as with the use or non-use of contraceptives, we must be careful not to assume that choices are made in a vacuum, without constraints. It is apparent from the available literature that many factors influence and constrain a woman's decision to breast-feed or bottle-feed her infant. Among the factors that influence this decision are the views of significant other persons, particularly spouses, as the following illustrations make clear.
In an Egyptian village, anthropologist Soheir El Sukkary interviewed women concerning their views and decisions about infant feeding. One woman, the mother of seven, told her:
In our village all women have to breast-feed. I told my husband that I was tired of breast-feeding after seven children and I want to use cow's milk. You know what he said? He told me even if I break my neck I still have to breast-feed. We are no city girls. [El Sukkary, personal communication]
Contrast the constraints on this woman with those on a young Puerto Rican woman interviewed in Miami by anthropologist Carol Bryant:
The doctor said to breast-feed them, especially the boy. But I can't explain it, maybe it has a lot to do with my husband. He's sort of shy about that, too . . . You know, I think he's jealous. When I told him I wanted to breast-feed, he said, "You're going to breast-feed? Well, I don't know about that." And stuff like that. But if I had to do it again, I'd try it. [37]
In another cultural context, it is the in-laws who effectively control the decision-making concerning infant feeding. Johnston (55) has reported about the situation in West Indian households in Trinidad, where the low-status young wife is subordinate to her mother-in-law in an extended family household. According to Johnston, the young mother is expected to "entrust the daytime care and feeding of the infant to her in-laws and devote her attention to chores for the benefit of the whole family." The grandparents therefore give bottles, filled with a variety of substances from skim milk powder to sugar water and tea, while the mother works at other types of activities for the household. This Trinidad study is perhaps the clearest example Yet reported of bottle-feeding motivated by the work demands of a woman's extended household. The bottle-feeding regimen does not, however, eliminate breast-feeding. Moreover, Johnston reports that the ratio of breast-feeders to bottle-feeders has not changed substantially during the past decade.
In this Trinidad example, the significance of in-laws in the infant-feeding process lies in the fact that they are in the same economically integrated household. Clearly the variable of household size and structure may in this case be more significant than simply the "cultural attitudes" of in-laws per se. There are a few other cases, however, in which the in-laws appear to have some influence. In a small-scale study in New England, for example, the opinions of the subjects' in-laws appeared to be the only major anti-breastfeeding influence.
The doctor Avicenna's advice against any substitutions for natural (mother's) breast-feeding (1) reminds us that health professionals may be among the most important sources of influence on women's infant-feeding practices. Jelliffe and Jelliffe (48, 56), Cole (57), and others have noted the significance of health professionals in affecting infant feeding. Halpern et al., for example, reported that among 1,700 infants in Dallas, Texas, there was a strong correlation between breast-feeding and the paediatrician's attitudes (58). In developing countries, the role of western medical care may significantly influence women to adopt bottle-feeding (42), and lack of encouragement and assistance from medical and nursing staff has been identified as a factor in lactation failure among Asians recently migrated to Great Britain (59).
Many of the studies of infant feeding in both industrialized and developing societies have provided information on the effects of social ties, significant others, opinions of relatives, and other influences on women's decision-making. While these are undoubtedly important factors, they appear to assume significance mainly in relation to other variables.
In practically all situations where the opinions of significant others-kin and non skid-appear to be important, there is likely to be a considerable mixture of sources of information and opinion. Karkal reports that in a survey conducted in Bombay the following were identified as sources of advice regarding supplemental foods: tradition, 11 per cent; elders, 19.2 per cent; self, 17.1 per cent; doctor or nurse, 13 per cent; radio or reading, 4.7 per cent; and "cannot say," 34 per cent (60). An effective explanatory model must make sense of this mixture.
In the earlier discussion on big-cultural approaches, the role of birth practices, feeding schedule, and the absence of a supporting social network were mentioned as factors that affect infant-feeding practices. Additional features of maternal health and pregnancy experience, fatigue, maternal intake of fluids and calories, and other dietary variables must also be carefully considered. In pursuing a cultural-ecology approach, the problem will be to identify the ways in which biological variables enter into the complex calculus of decision-making of individuals.
The main features of a cultural-ecology framework as a guide to research and application of research for programme planning and development in infant feeding include the following:
1. The aggregate pattern of infant-feeding modes for any
particular population or identifiable social groups is a
composite result of a series of individual decisions
2. To understand these decisions, attention must be focused both on the individual decision-makers (mothers and their households) and on the characteristics of the environment in which the decisions are made.
3. In choosing among alternative strategies for feeding their infants, mothers may be influenced by a series of factors: economic conditions; health characteristics and concerns (their own and their baby's); requirements and desires related to allocation of their own time; the presence of alternative caretakers; beliefs and values related to the social acceptability of the choices; and advice from other people and media sources.
4. Selection from theoretically available alternatives is strongly conditioned by external [environmental) and internal (individual) constraints. Thus, such features as the availability of work, characteristics of the economic system, characteristics of the health care system, family and community structure, and organization may all exert powerful constraining influences on an individual mother's decisions about how to feed her infant.
5. Decisions on infant feeding, as with most other activities, are not made simply at a single point in time but should more properly be regarded as a process, in which the key actors (mothers, infants, families, and other significant participants) monitor and adjust their behaviour over time.
These points suggest that the reasons for particular patterns of feeding will differ from one social setting to another over time. It is fallacious to conclude that a common pattern is necessarily the result of common causes. The utilization of a cultural-ecology approach does not imply a simple eclecticism in which "all variables are equal." As conditions change, the "power" or significance of particular factors in the decision-making process may change.
Following a cultural-ecology framework, the next steps to improving our understanding of contemporary infant feeding patterns is to develop research that is holistic and multidisciplinary. Attention must be directed to include mother-infant pairs, the households in which they reside, the communities and environments in which the households exist, and the larger socio-political, cultural, and economic systems from which the new choices (e.g., bottles and formulas) and new constraints (e.g., wage employment) are ultimately derived.
There is no evidence, at present, that justifies eliminating any of the major domains of causal influence from investigation. The extent to which economic factors, household characteristics, the individual's beliefs, goals, desires, and values, and psycho-biological characteristics affect decisions about infant feeding is amenable to empirical investigation. Since the relative importance of these characteristics is likely to be different in different environments, future research must be cross-cultural and must be carried out in different regions and cultural conditions. This does not mean that research on infant feeding has to be undertaken in every community on the face of the earth before we can have a better understanding of the contemporary situation. But it does mean that we must be careful not to assume that the picture is the same in all urban centers of the industrialized world or that we can easily extrapolate findings from a rural Asian community to a plantation in Guatemala.
Direct interventions by policy-makers can bring about dramatic changes in the environment, changes which presumably will have powerful effects on individuals' decisions. It would seem logical to conclude, for example, that banning bottles from the market-place would create an environmental constraint of overwhelming proportions. However, alternative routes to utilization of artificial feeding may develop readily if the other factors that are influencing mothers to select bottle-feeding remain unchanged. We return to the basic premise: decision-making about infant care (including infant feeding) is a rational process in which the outcome reflects the "best choice" or the "best compromise" among competing demands, conditions, and values. When the "best choice" conflicts with "best" psycho-physiological and health outcomes (as judged from a big-medical perspective), health care professionals and other people are appropriately distressed. The problems, however, cannot begin to be resolved unless infant-feeding patterns are examined in the complex context in which they occur. Thus, research that is sensitive to differences in micro-ecological variations (for example, in the WHO research and action projects) is essential for progress in our understanding of these issues (61). A cultural-ecology approach contains the guidelines for beginning that process.
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46. D. Raphael, The Tender Gift: Breast Feeding (Schocken Books, New York, 1976).
47. N.R, Newton and M. Newton, "Psychological Aspects of Lactation," New Engl J. Med., 277 :1179-1188 (1967).
48. D.B. Jelliffe and E.F.P. Jelliffe, Human Milk in the Modern World, (Oxford University Press, London, 1978).
49. J.W. Bennett, Northern Plainsmen: Adaptive Strategy and Agrarian Life, (Aldine/Atherton, Chicago, 1969).
50. R. LeVine, "Sex Roles and Economic Change in Africa," in J. Middleton, ed., Black Africa (Macmillan Co., New York, 1970), pp. 174-180.
51. P.R. Sanday, "Female Status in the Public Domain," in M.Z. Rosaldo and L. Lamphere, eds, Women, Culture and Society (Stanford University Press, Stanford, Calif., USA, 1974), pp. 189206.
52 M. Ember and C.R. Ember, "The Conditions Favoring Matrilocal Versus Patrilocal Residence," American Anthropologist, 73:571-594 (1971).
53. A. Schlegel, Male Dominance and Female Autonomy (HRAF Press, New Haven, 1972).
54. M.Z Rosaldo, "Women, Culture and Society: A Theoretical Overview," in M.Z. Rosaldo, and L. Lamphere, eds., Woman, Culture and Society (Stanford University Press, Stanford, Calif.,USA, 1974), pp. 17-42.
55. J. Johnston, "The Household Context of Infant Feeding Practices in South Trinidad" (paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Anthropological Association, Houston, Texas, 1977).
56. D.B. Jelliffe and E.F.P. Jelliffe, "The Uniqueness of Human Milk,"Am. J. Clin. Nutr., 24:968-1024 (1971).
57. J. Cole, "Breastfeeding in the Boston Suburbs in Relation to Personal-Social Factors," Clin. Pediat., 16:352-356 (1977).
58. S.R. Halpern, W.A. Sellars, R.B. Johnson, D.W. Anderson, S. Saperstein, and S. Shannon, Jr., "Factors Influencing Breastfeeding: Notes on Observations in Dallas, Texas," South. Med. J., 65:100-102 (1972).
59. N Evans, I.R. Walpole, M.U. Qureshi, M.H. Memon, and H.W.E Jones, "Lack of Breastfeeding and Early Weaning in Infants of Asian Immigrants to Wolverhampton," Arch. of Dis. in Childhood, 51: 608-612 (1976).
60. M. Karkal "Sociocultural and Economic Aspects of Infant Feeding," Indian Pediatrics, 12:13-19 (1975).
61. M. Carvallo, "World Health Organization Programs in Breast-feeding," in D. Rafael, ea., Breastfeeding and Food Policy in a Hungry World (Academic Press, New York, 1979), pp. 245-252.
Contents - Previous - Next


text:
What does my business get out of a Dordt internship?
You get a great deal of added value at minimal cost. Employers find Dordt students to be extremely hard-working and conscientious. For example, one global business has begun to give Dordt University interns priority over other internship candidates due to the consistently high standards Dordt interns have brought to the job site.
Am I going to have to sit with the intern and explain everything for hours every day?
The last thing we want from an internship is an employer who feels that the internship was a distraction. Our interns enter the internship expecting to work and to work hard. The best internships are those where the intern is encouraged to roll up his or her sleeves and dig in. On the other hand, the intern will need reasonable supervision, which includes the opportunity to ask questions and have them answered in order to complete assignments capably.
Are there other specific things I need to do as an intern's supervisor?
Yes. We ask every internship supervisor to do the following:
- Formally interview the intern and discuss the interview with the intern.
- Work with the intern on a Training Plan and append it to the Internship Agreement. The Training Plan should give us an idea of what you would like the intern to do/learn during the course of the internship. The Training Plan may be extremely simple (three or four bulleted items) or extremely detailed (a day-by-day summary of what the intern will do).
- Evaluate the intern. We will send you an evaluation form toward the end of the internship. The internship coordinator will also call you or visit your place of business during the internship.
- (Optional) Take part in a site visit from the internship coordinator.
Are internships paid positions?
Almost all summer internships are paid and most semester-long internships are paid. We ask that you consider the value you'll get from the intern and pay accordingly. Some businesses elect to pay an hourly rate and others simply give the intern a stipend for the semester. We leave the details to be worked out between you and the intern.
So what's a reasonable rate?
In the Sioux Center area, anywhere from five to eight dollars an hour for business internships. Accounting internships tend to have higher pay. Other areas of the country will vary.
Are all internships during the academic year?
About half of our internships are during the academic year. The other half are during the summer.

subset: commoncrawl


text:
naturalization, official act by which a person is made a national of a country other than his or her native one. In some countries naturalized persons do not necessarily become citizens but may merely acquire a new nationality. There is no such limitation in the United States; the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution declares that
"all persons born or naturalized in the United States"
and subject to U.S. jurisdiction are citizens. Article 1, Section 8, of the Constitution gives Congress the power to enact uniform naturalization laws. These laws require the renunciation of previous national allegiance (see expatriation).
Under the first American statute (1790) all unindentured white males who had lived in the United States for two years might become citizens. The period of residence was lengthened to five years in 1795 and, as a result of xenophobic sentiments then prevalent, to 14 years in 1798. In 1802, the term was reduced to five years, which remains the usual term. The McCarran-Walter Act (1952; amended, 1965) revised and recodified the entire body of immigration and naturalization regulations. By the terms of this act, declarations of intention two years before naturalization were eliminated, and naturalization could be granted 30 days after petitioning, following rigorous examination. The act introduced seditious behavior, discovery of fraud, and prolonged absences abroad as grounds for cancellation of naturalization, although the implementation of these provisions was limited by subsequent Supreme Court decisions. The act is administered by the Bureau of Citizenship and Immigration Services of the Dept. of Homeland Security.
The petitioner for naturalization must meet several requirements, including the ability to read and speak English. He or she must also swear to support the Constitution, and must be adjudged of good moral character. The actual conferring of citizenship is in most cases the action of a federal court. Children under 18 become citizens automatically upon the naturalization of one or both parents. Minor children adopted abroad by American citizens now automatically become citizens as a result of the Child Citizenship Act (2000); previously the children did not become citizens unless they were naturalized.
The process of naturalization in some circumstances is shortened for members of the U.S. armed forces and for the spouses of American citizens, and there are certain exceptions made by means of private immigration and naturalization bills passed by Congress. In addition to individual acts of naturalization, whole populations may be naturalized. An example is the conferring of citizenship at various times in U.S. history on the populace of Texas, Alaska, Hawaii, Puerto Rico, and the Virgin Islands.
See also immigration.
See F. G. Franklin, The Legislative History of Naturalization in the United States (1906, repr. 1969).


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GMP agrees to pay Chronicle publisher
by Paul Lefebvre
copyright the Chronicle 2-27-2013
Two months after it was filed, Chronicle publisher Chris Braithwaite has prevailed in his suit against the utility and wind developer Green Mountain Power (GMP).
In an announcement Tuesday, Mr. Braithwaite said GMP has agreed to pay the legal fees that he incurred fighting a criminal charge of unlawful trespass brought against him while covering a wind protest as a reporter on Lowell Mountain in December 2011.
GMP will pay Mr. Braithwaite $22,500, the amount requested by his attorney, Philip White of Newport.
Mr. Braithwaite called the settlement "a fair resolution of this matter," in a press release Tuesday.
In his statement, Mr. Braithwaite also said he had learned that David Coriell, the GMP agent at the mountain, was acting in good faith when he instructed police to arrest him for trespass.
Information discovered by Mr. White indicated that Mr. Coriell had failed to carry out GMP's instructions that reporters covering the protests should not be arrested.
When Mr. White brought that evidence to light, Judge Howard VanBenthuysen threw the charge out and later dismissed with prejudice, which barred the state's attorney from refilling it.
Once the criminal case was dismissed, Mr. Braithwaite sued the utility company.
GMP spokeswoman Dorothy Schnure said Tuesday that the company settled despite its belief it would prevail in court on the basis of the facts and law.
"We realized the settlement would be in the best interests of our customers," she said, adding that GMP could have spent up to $100,000 in litigation.
"That would not have benefited our customers."
Mr. White praised Mr. Braithwaite in a written statement Tuesday.
"I'm glad Chris stood up for the press, and for his ability to cover this story," he wrote. "I'm also glad that GMP had the wisdom and the foresight to settle this civil case promptly."
contact Paul Lefebvre at [email protected]
For more free articles from the Chronicle like this one, see our Editor's Picks pages. For all the Chronicle's stories, pick up a print copy or subscribe, either for print or digital editions.


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RICHMOND — — Sure, Phil Hamilton showed bad judgment. Unethical? Some might say that. Disturbing? Could be.
But it doesn't make him a criminal.
That is a central point for the defense of Hamilton, a former state delegate from Newport News who faces charges of bribery and extortion in U.S. District Court.
He is accused of parlaying his legislative influence in the General Assembly into a $40,000-a-year part-time job at Old Dominion University. The allegations have already cost Hamilton his 93
District House seat and the ODU job. He and his wife have also filed for bankruptcy.
Last week, U.S. attorneys David Harbach and Robert J. Seidel Jr. spent three days laying out the government's case against Hamilton before a jury and Judge Henry Hudson. Challenging them at each turn was Andrew Sacks, a criminal defense attorney from Norfolk.
The trial resumes Monday with Hamilton expected to take the stand.
Prosecutors say Hamilton filed a budget amendment in the 2007 General Assembly session to create a teacher training center that eventually was established at Old Dominion University.
Months before that and continuing into the session, he was soliciting ODU officials for a job at the center. He even got down to the nitty-gritty of salary details and how he would spend his time — all before the center was ever created.
Sacks does not dispute those two facts. After all, an extensive chain of emails has established that Hamilton was talking to ODU about a job while pursuing the funding. At times, the two subjects come up in the same email.
However, nowhere does Hamilton force the issue in a way that proves criminal intent, the defense attorney says.
"At best," he says, "the government has thrown some dirt."
In the emails, Hamilton supports the center because he says it is a good idea, and he speaks with some authority.
Sacks has elicited testimony that Hamilton had tried earlier to establish teacher training centers in ways that didn't involve ODU or a job for himself. As a legislator, he headed a commission on educational leadership well before the current controversy ever surfaced.
Witnesses testified that Hamilton was considered a good employee of Newport News schools, and that ODU considered him qualified to direct the center.
Nowhere in all the emails does it say, "I have to have this before I do that," Sacks told the jury last week.
Yes, Hamilton talks about compensation with ODU officials, but he does not say, "I will only do this if you tell me how much I will be paid. There is no such email," Sacks said.
Sacks concedes that the behavior might not look good – might even seem offensive — but that's not the issue, he says.
"The jury would have to find him guilty because they don't like what they see," he said.
Another focus of Hamilton's defense will be the credibility of the government's two main witnesses, both former ODU officials who testified under agreements to avoid prosecution.
David Blackburn was the man who hired Hamilton. He was working under the direction of William Graves, the former dean of the education school.
Blackburn said Hamilton was hired "because he secured the funding." Blackburn also hid the truth of Hamilton's job when members of the Senate Finance Committee visited ODU to learn more about the center.
He didn't provide information to a committee staffer because "I didn't want her to know what was going on – that money had been exchanged for a job."
But Sacks hammered away at Blackburn's credibility during cross-examination. He walked through at least eight instances of Blackburn providing bad information during previous investigations, even when he was under oath.
Blackburn even contradicted his own testimony under cross-examination. He testified that he lied to a grand jury in December 2009 out of fear of losing his job. But Sacks later pointed out that Blackburn had already lost his job by then.
In effect, Blackburn recanted his own testimony when he lied about lying.
Hudson last week dismissed Sacks' argument to acquit Hamilton because the evidence had fallen short, but he agreed that credibility is an issue.
"This is a somewhat close case in certain aspects," Hudson said.


text:
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As leaders, our aim is always to provide quality product and excellent service.
That's why your feedback (good or bad) is important to us.
By providing your feedback you will automatically be entered in our monthly competition to win a $100 gift voucher, which can be redeemed on any of our sites. The winner will be announced at the start of each month.
Note: This competition only applies to Australian and New Zealand residents who are 18 years of age or over. Click here to visit our terms and conditions.Good luck and thanks for your feedback.
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text:
Why are Microsoft and similar large organisations really doomed to fail?
Bad CEO? Don't think so!
- It's the system! - Because of the systemic handicap inherent in large collectives!
Because it is more advantageous for middle ranking management to compete internally undermining their colleagues' departments and project developments, rather than make their company compete on the market!
Undermining a corporate colleague is more career-rewarding, for a "monkey", and brings rewards faster than a successful project management! It is a culture of hierarchical collectivism where a stronger must fight a weaker and must suck up to the higher in ranks. It is a culture of punishing the one who tries to work for a slightest mistake while rewarding her boss for all successes. It is a culture akin of a herd of primates where everybody is a follower, nobody is capable or willing to show any creativity, and everyone spends all energy on social interaction and power games.
Eventually, normal humans are treated as misfits and leave or are pushed out, and those who embrace that culture, or are of this culture - stay in.
See the article:
"Microsoft's Lost Decade" by Kurt Eichenwald
Quotes (from Kurt Eichenwald's article):
The story of Microsoft's lost decade could serve as a business-school case study on the pitfalls of success. For what began as a lean competition machine led by young visionaries of unparalleled talent has mutated into something bloated and bureaucracy-laden, with an internal culture that unintentionally rewards managers who strangle innovative ideas that might threaten the established order of things.
Fiefdoms had taken root, and a mastery of internal politics emerged as key to career success. In those years Microsoft had stepped up its efforts to cripple competitors, but—because of a series of astonishingly foolish management decisions—the competitors being crippled were often co-workers at Microsoft, instead of other companies. Staffers were rewarded not just for doing well but for making sure that their colleagues failed. As a result, the company was consumed by an endless series of internal knife fights. Potential market-busting businesses—such as e-book and smartphone technology—were killed, derailed, or delayed amid bickering and power plays. That is the portrait of Microsoft depicted in interviews with dozens of current and former executives, as well as in thousands of pages of internal documents and legal records.
More employees seeking management slots led to more managers, more managers led to more meetings, more meetings led to more memos, and more red tape led to less innovation. Everything, one executive said, advanced at a snail's pace. "There was this institutionalized system, and it was like designing software by committee," said Prasanna Sankaranarayanan, a former Microsoft engineer. "Things moved too slowly. There were too many meetings." Just as with e-books, opportunities for major product developments slipped away. …
By 2002 the by-product of bureaucracy—brutal corporate politics—had reared its head at Microsoft. And, current and former executives said, each year the intensity and destructiveness of the game playing grew worse as employees struggled to beat out their co-workers for promotions, bonuses, or just survival.
Death by "stack ranking" peer-review system.
Microsoft's managers, intentionally or not, pumped up the volume on the viciousness. What emerged—when combined with the bitterness about financial disparities among employees, the slow pace of development, and the power of the Windows and Office divisions to kill innovation—was a toxic stew of internal antagonism and warfare.
"If you don't play the politics, it's management by character assassination," said Turkel.
At the center of the cultural problems was a management system called "stack ranking." Every current and former Microsoft employee I interviewed—every one—cited stack ranking as the most destructive process inside of Microsoft, something that drove out untold numbers of employees. The system—also referred to as "the performance model," "the bell curve," or just "the employee review"—has, with certain variations over the years, worked like this: every unit was forced to declare a certain percentage of employees as top performers, then good performers, then average, then below average, then poor.
"If you were on a team of 10 people, you walked in the first day knowing that, no matter how good everyone was, two people were going to get a great review, seven were going to get mediocre reviews, and one was going to get a terrible review," said a former software developer. "It leads to employees focusing on competing with each other rather than competing with other companies."
"I was told in almost every review that the political game was always important for my career development," said Brian Cody, a former Microsoft engineer. "It was always much more on 'Let's work on the political game' than on improving my actual performance."
Creating wealth versus selling someone's product.
In Walter Isaacson's authorized biography Steve Jobs, Jobs acknowledged Ballmer's role in Microsoft's problems: "The company starts valuing the great salesmen, because they're the ones who can move the needle on revenues, not the product engineers and designers. So the salespeople end up running the company.… [Then] the product guys don't matter so much, and a lot of them just turn off. It happened at Apple when [John] Sculley came in, which was my fault, and it happened when Ballmer took over at Microsoft. Apple was lucky and it rebounded, but I don't think anything will change at Microsoft as long as Ballmer is running it."
Most interesting, however, is that Jobs put the ultimate blame on Bill Gates: "They were never as ambitious product-wise as they should have been. Bill likes to portray himself as a man of the product, but he's really not. He's a businessperson. Winning business was more important than making great products. Microsoft never had the humanities and liberal arts in its DNA."
Another potentially big issue, from a very different point of view:
A dialogue between the Market Diva and myself


text:
Diamond K412S Order #4031
Order #4031
The Diamond K412S is a deluxe, adjustable antenna mount for trunks or hatch backs. It features a UHF [SO-239] base and 13.5 feet of RG316/U coax cable terminating in an SMA male plug. This mount is rated to 500 watts FM, 700 watts PEP SSB.
This mount also comes with a rain cap and a free SMA to PL259 RF adapter.
Copyright 2004-2010 Universal Radio, Inc.


text:
A careful examination of the Hebrew word for "day" and the context in which it appears in Genesis will lead to the conclusion that "day" means a literal, 24-hour period of time. The Hebrew word yom translated into the English "day" can mean more than one thing. It can refer to the 24-hour period of time that it takes for the earth to rotate on its axis (e.g., "there are 24 hours in a day"). It can refer to the period of daylight between dawn and dusk (e.g., "it gets pretty hot during the day but it cools down a bit at night"). And it can refer to an unspecified period of time (e.g., "back in my grandfather's day …"). It is used to refer to a 24-hour period in Genesis 7:11. It is used to refer to the period of daylight between dawn and dusk in Genesis 1:16. And it is used to refer to an unspecified period of time in Genesis 2:4. So, what does it mean in Genesis 1:5–2:2 when it's used in conjunction with ordinal numbers (i.e., the first day, the second day, the third day, the fourth day, the fifth day, the sixth day, and the seventh day)? Are these 24-hour periods or something else? Could yom as it is used here mean an unspecified period of time?
We can determine how yom should be interpreted in Genesis 1:5–2:2 simply by examining the context in which we find the word and then comparing its context with how we see its usage elsewhere in Scripture. By doing this we let Scripture interpret itself. The Hebrew word yom is used 2301 times in the Old Testament. Outside of Genesis 1, yom plus a number (used 410 times) always indicates an ordinary day, i.e., a 24-hour period. The words "evening" and "morning" together (38 times) always indicate an ordinary day. Yom + "evening" or "morning" (23 times) always indicates an ordinary day. Yom + "night" (52 times) always indicates an ordinary day.
The context in which the word yom is used in Genesis 1:5–2:2, describing each day as "the evening and the morning," makes it quite clear that the author of Genesis meant 24-hour periods. The references to "evening" and "morning" make no sense unless they refer to a literal 24-hour day. This was the standard interpretation of the days of Genesis 1:5–2:2 until the 1800s when a paradigm shift occurred within the scientific community, and the earth's sedimentary strata layers were reinterpreted. Whereas previously the rock layers were interpreted as evidence of Noah's flood, the flood was thrown out by the scientific community and the rock layers were reinterpreted as evidence for an excessively old earth. Some well-meaning but terribly mistaken Christians then sought to reconcile this new anti-flood, anti-biblical interpretation with the Genesis account by reinterpreting yom to mean vast, unspecified periods of time.
The truth is that many of the old-earth interpretations are known to rely upon faulty assumptions. But we must not let the stubborn close-mindedness of scientists influence how we read the Bible. According to Exodus 20:9–11, God used six literal days to create the world in order to serve as a model for man's workweek: work six days, rest one. Certainly God could have created everything in an instant if He wanted to. But apparently He had us in mind even before He made us (on the sixth day) and wanted to provide an example for us to follow.[1]
[1] Got Questions Ministries. (2010). Got Questions? Bible Questions Answered. Bellingham, WA: Logos Bible Software.


text:
Abigail is finishing up her day on her computer and relaxing. She strips naked at her desk touches her B cup breasts and her hairy pussy. She then rubs her clit and orgasms from masturbation.
Abigail is in her bathroom, and wearing her brown dress. She strips naked and rubs oil all over her natural body. She then sits on a chair, and rubs her hairy pussy all over to please herself.
Abigail lights a candle and slowly strips naked, while sitting on a chair. She touches her breasts and hairy pussy, and enjoys alone time to masturbate and finger her hairy bush to screaming orgasms.
Abigail slides off her grey dress and white lingerie, before getting in the pool. She plays in the water before drying off. Once dry, she rests on a towel and masturbates and orgasms loudly.


text:
NEW YORK – Ann Romney will attend a fundraising lunch to raise money for husband's presidential campaign at the home of former President George W. Bush next Tuesday, a Romney campaign spokesperson confirmed. Former First Lady Laura Bush will host the lunch, which is part of a Romney fundraising swing through the GOP donor-rich state of Texas, at the couple's home in the Preston Hollow neighborhood of Dallas.
Romney campaign aides said Thursday they were unsure whether former president Bush would appear at the lunchtime event at his home, or at a separate finance event with Romney later that evening at a Dallas hotel. A Bush spokesperson did not immediately return a request for comment on the former president's schedule, but one Texas Republican close to Bush said he will be in Dallas on Tuesday.
In keeping with Romney campaign policy on finance events at private homes, the fundraising lunch at the Bush home will be closed to the press.
On Monday, September 10th, Ann Romney and Laura Bush held a similar joint event together at a private home in Oklahoma City. Ticket prices ranged from $1,000 for general admission to $25,000 for a VIP reception, according to an invitation to the event posted online by the Sunlight Foundation, non-partisan group which advocates for government transparency.
Since leaving office with historically low approval ratings in 2009, the younger Bush has stayed largely out of the public spotlight. Other than telling a reporter in May that he was supporting Romney, he has not been a vocal presence in the 2012 campaign. Likewise, Romney rarely invokes the name of the most recent Republican president on the campaign trail.
Bush's father, former president George H. W. Bush and his wife Barbara have been much more outspoken Romney supporters, first backing Romney last December then formalizing their support in March with a camera-friendly sit down chat at the elder Bush's Houston office. Barbara Bush even recorded robocalls on Romney's behalf during the critical primary contest in Ohio.


text:
Good news in the club industry.
* Cathy Bornes, the manager of Hudson Valley Gym in Peekskill, N.Y., for winning the grand prize in an essay contest sponsored by IDEA. Essays had to answer the question, "What will fitness be like in the year 2525?" Judges looked at the entries for creativity, writing style and originality.
* Newlife Technologies, for distributing free heart-rate monitors to all the Paralympic athletes attending the Sydney, Australia games.
* Direct Focus, parent company of Nautilus, for being ranked No. 1 in Business Week's "Hot Growth Companies" for the year 2000. The company was selected from a pool of more than 10,000 businesses.


text:
My name's Warren Ellis. I write comics, graphic novels, journalism and anything else that people pay money for. I live in south-east England.
I'm the writer of the graphic novel RED, the film version of which (starring Bruce Willis, John Malkovich, Morgan Freeman & Helen Mirren) is out in October. I'm the writer of the GRAVEL graphic novels, under development for film by Legendary Pictures. I also wrote the novel CROOKED LITTLE VEIN. I extrude a monthly column for WIRED UK magazine.
I write here almost every day. A collection of the writing I've done here and elsewhere on the internet, SHIVERING SANDS, was published last year.
Quick links: Whitechapel (message board) – Twitter – MySpace account – an Official Warren Ellis Page on that Facebook thing – a store of Things at CafePress.
(I do have a personal page on that Facebook thing, but I only add people I know, really)
For people wanting to send me to their sites, wanting to email stuff or tell me about new music or send me tips or whatever, I've set up a Gmail account that I check once every day or so: firstname.lastname@example.com. This isn't, I stress, my main email account, and it's not for asking me when some comic's coming out (there's a FAQ for that). Always interested in new music, new art, new connections, dirty pictures, madness etc.
If you need to contact me about writing for print or web, please contact my agent Lydia Wills using the link in the righthand menu bar.
If you need to contact me about anything involving film, tv, games or other things that move, please contact my agent Angela Cheng Caplan using the link in the righthand menu bar.
If you (for god knows what reason) wanted to send me something physical… um, well, you can't, right now. My book agent has gotten flooded with stuff of late, and I feel terrible about drowning them in things like that. So I'm going to sort myself out a PO Box here in the UK soonish. (Bit busy right now.)


text:
I haven't disappeared.
Rather, things are changing. I don't know how to explain it, because on the surface nothing has. Except, I suppose, the kids are now officially home educated, which is quite a big deal – and also not, because it means we just carry on as we are.
I've opened a new blog. I'm tired of being anonymous. I want pictures with heads on, I want you to know what my name is, I want to connect more easily with people.
I don't have any posts on the new blog yet, but will direct you folks over to it when I do. I'll probably keep this blog, too.
I don't know. I'm half decision making, half just living in the now. More immersed. But as winter comes, so does a different rhythm.
I AM on twitter under my real name. I've linked to it from my existere account, which is now private. So you can find me there, or alternatively, leave a comment below with your email address and I will give you my new twitter handle.
I've found it hard to go from a fast paced twitter life with lots of friends to trying to rebuild a community for myself, but decided it was harder to keep the same account but erase all references to anonymity.
I find NOT being anonymous sort of tricky, because it has been so easy to talk about poop and mooncups and penis infections, but I'm finding my way.
I miss you guys.


text:
Book your Train ticket to ZaragozaSpain
#1 distributor of train tickets and rail passes
The simplicity of one-stop-shopping
European experts
Zaragoza, the multifaceted spanish city.
Zaragoza is a city located in northern Spain, in the Autonomous Community of Aragon. This city was built on the two banks of the Ebre river and preserves many remains of all the civilizations that followed one another in this attractive region.
The cathedral of San Salvador, also called the Seo, presents many architectural styles but is mostly gothic style. It houses a huge collection of tapestries from french or flemish gothic artwork.
The Aljaferia Palace also deserves to be seen. This arab fortress built during the 11th century offers an unforgettable visit. The Nuestra Señora del Pilar basilic houses a wooden gothic statue of the Virgin. The Pilar's feast in October is one of the most important Patronal Feast of the country.
Zaragoza also has numerous interesting museums, such as the Camón Aznar museum presenting paintings from the 15th to the 20th century in a wonderful Renaissance style residence.
While you're there
Travel forum
From our travel community
0 5
Read all


text:
I shown the masters I sculpted for my friend Edoardo in the WIP section last april...
Ad Proelium Miniatures released this set from some weeks.
And now finally I painted this set which particularly inspired me!
The characters represent the famous meeting, and are:
two of Stanley's guides with a rifle and a flag,
Kalulu, the young slave released and adopted from Stanley.
Stanley, Livingstone and a man form the local village.
The original masters...
I forgot to take a photo of the unpainted metal figures, but as you can see by the painted figures the casting is really excellent!
There is another nice set about Livingstone in program, the famous scene of him ill and carried on a covered stretcher!
Another very particular and nice set, both the stretcher and the guides and the carriers can be used also for similare scenes and other periods.
Actually I should had already sculpted it... but some unexpected problems and corrections on some works delayed everything, as usual.
If there are no other contingencies probably this next set will be ready in a month or two.


text:
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Blog Archives
My first visit to Trader Joe's
In my previous post, I mentioned that a Trader Joe's store has finally come to Kentucky!
Well, there was no way I was going on opening day or even the weekend because I knew it would be crazy busy. I went today around 4:00 and while the parking lot was crowded and there were plenty of people in the store, it was easy to get around and I didn't have to wait in line but for a few minutes to check out. I went up and down every aisle and was there less than an hour. Score!
So what did I get?
- Diet root beer (6-pack)
- Roasted veggie no cheese pizza
- Strawberry and peach soy yogurt
- Non dairy creamer (for Josh)
- Edamame with red chile and garlic (so excited to try this!)
- Frozen veg panang curry with rice
- Chipotle pepper hummus
- Tempeh
- Veg soy chorizo
- Masala veggie burgers (4-pack)
- Twin pack of sprouted tofu
Now for the really shocking part. How much did all of this cost me? I would have expected much more than $26!!!
Granted, I only got stuff for me this time and didn't happen to need any produce but I still can't imagine ever spending more than $50 here in a single trip. I would bet that the same stuff above at Whole Foods or another grocery store would have run me more like $40. I was happy.
A couple of things worth noting: the roasted vegetable pizza was the most expensive thing on my receipt at $4.29. The Amy's roasted veggie pizza I usually buy which is almost identical is $6.49 and that's at Kroger where it seems to be the cheapest. On the down side, I didn't realize it until I got home and drank one that the Hansen's diet soda contains Splenda. Stevia is the only "artificial" sweetener I like to use but I guess even that has some drawbacks. Still, I won't buy those diet root beers again.
I wasn't going to but since I was already there, I decided I might as well stop into the wine shop and see what was up. It was really small but they had a great selection, many "Available only at Trader Joe's" wines and while they did have an expensive section, most were well under $10. I decided it was time I met this Chuck guy everyone talks about.
I got the two above bottles plus a nifty little Trader Joe's wine carrying bag for $7. Yep, I guess that's why they call it Two Buck Chuck. I tried half a glass of Shiraz tonight and it was just as tasty as one I would have paid a lot more than $2.99 for. I foresee some Christmas presents coming 😉
A lot of my friend's don't get the hype over TJ's and think the last thing Louisville needs is another grocery store and another store on Shelbyville Road at that — the place is already known for horrific traffic at certain times of the day. Also, a few friends were turned off by the packaging of produce — many items are already placed in plastic containers or bags. I can see their point, but at the same time, having exactly 1 lb of organic grapes in a container seems like a time and cost-saver to me.
I found a couple of articles about the store to be really interesting. First, The Best and Worst Products at Trader Joe's — I need to go back for the falafel and veggie burritos, definitely! Another, a local article entitled Seven Things That Make Trader Joe's Different, pointed out some things about this store I can really appreciate. No sales, no coupons. You will always know how much everything costs and how much you would spend. I can dig that.
What do you think? Do you have a Trader Joe's in your area? What do you like/dislike about it?
Related articles
- Very exciting weekend ahead (seesaraheat.wordpress.com)
- How to survive your first trip to Trader Joe's in Louisville (ashleeeats.com)


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Philly Fans Is Wild: 2 Philly Fans Reaction & Celebration After Eagles Won Against NY Giants! (One Gets Azz Nekkid)
Eagles vs Giants game
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I'm all for social networking. But I've always been opposed to apps that track my location, so more than once I've had Facebook friends ask me to change my privacy settings so they could "check me in" to various locations.
It just seems smart not to tell all of cyberspace where I'm at or what I'm doing. Plus, let's face it: Nobody cares if I'm at Taco Bell or which of my university's buildings I'm yawning my way through class in.
But with the advent of a new app suitably called "Creepy," your location can become visible to potential stalkers even if you don't constantly inform your friends of your every movement, Thinq reports. Explained simply, users of the software simply have to enter any person's Twitter or Flickr username and click "Geolocate Target," and it will scour every Tweet or photo ever posted for that user's location at the time. The software will then produce a map of that user's locations over a span of time, potentially revealing where a person lives or spends a lot of time.
The app was developed by Yiannis Kakavas, a graduate student who was concerned about the quickly disappearing concept of privacy online. Kakavas cited the increasing transparency found on social networking sites like FourSquare, which allows users to check in to local business, and Facebook, which recently developed a similar feature. Kakavas wanted to draw attention to how easy it is to stalk users based on their online posts.
The software gets this information from Twitter users who have not disabled the "geolocate" feature for their Tweets — and most Twitter users haven't, Kakavas says. And since cell phones now have GPS trackers, pictures taken and posted from smart phones store locational information, which many users don't realize.
Is this information troubling? It should be, Kakavas says. "Users should be educated and warned about the risks before they choose to use any location aware service," he told Thinq. "It's a constant fight between our right to be 'left alone' and our need for exhibitionism. Let's see which one wins."
If you still aren't convinced, download it for free on Kakavas' Web site and try it out.


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Boy, 12, charged with injuring teen with burning hand sanitizer
Police say incident happened at Hocker Grove Middle School
A 12-year-old boy was taken into custody on suspicion of injuring a classmate with burning hand sanitizer.
Shawnee police said the incident happened at Hocker Grove Middle School Wednesday morning.
Police said the boy put hand sanitizer in his hand, lit it on fire and flicked the burning liquid, causing it to land on the face of a 13-year-old just feet away. The teen was treated by the school nurse, and then his family sought additional medical treatment, investigators said.
The 12-year-old was taken into custody and faces charges in the case. He appeared before a judge Thursday, but the proceedings were closed to the public.
"We don't believe there's any animosity between the students," said Major Bill Hisle of the Shawnee Police Department. "Right now, this appears to be just a prank, but it's a dangerous prank and it did cause injury."
He said it was very easy for someone to get the flammable sanitizer on clothes and light themselves or someone else on fire.
Parents at Hocker Grove Middle School received notices about the incident and a warning to make sure their children aren't doing the same thing.
"The potential consequences could be very severe," Hisle said.


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The Irish community in New York stepped out to support Jane Richard, the seven-year-old from Dorchester who lost a leg in the Boston marathon bombings. The April 12th terrorist attack also claimed the life of her eight-year-old brother Martin and seriously injured her mother Denise.
Motivated Irish dancers Joe Harrison and Catherine Ternes started to organize 'Dance Out For Jane' in Boston and the New York community followed suit to show their support for the Richard family.
"My heart was broken and all of us felt it when we heard the fatalities of the marathon bombings," said event organizer Unateresa Gormley.
The New York Rose of Tralee committee joined forces with the Rosy Heart Foundation to hold a fundraiser that coincided with the selection of the New York rose this past weekend. After a few days of preparation a Dance Out and Music Session for Jane and the Richard family was in full swing in New York. At time of press there was more than $5,000 raised.
"Word of the event spread through Facebook," said Gormley. "We are just amazed by people's generosity and willingness to help. The turnout of support was way beyond our expectations."
News that Jane Richard was an Irish dancer set in motion a series of events to help the family.
"It's amazing. Across the country and around the world they are holding fundraisers. Many individuals and groups have already been working on Wrap Jane with Love, a quilt of all Irish dance school t-shirts and Dye Your Socks Red for Jane," Gormley told IrishCentral Community News.
"When tragedy strikes, we come together to help those in need. Saturday's Dance out and Music Session for Jane and the Richard Family was held in the spirit of a community coming together to respond collectively to a great need. The goal was to provide something for everyone - in addition to being a great event."
Ninety percent of proceeds raised on Saturday are being donated to the Richard Family Fund and ten percent of proceeds to Leukemia & Lymphoma Foundation.
Musicians and dancers came from as far as Maryland, Connecticut, and Albany to donate their time and Irish dancing talent.
Erin Laughran, 2011 New York Rose of Tralee, brought her students from the Laughran School Of Music. Erin and Mickey Coleman entertained the onlookers with a melody of several songs.
Donnie Carroll provided a sound system for the event. Maurice Foley from Gaelic Park donated hot food for 200 people, Eileen's Country Kitchen donated sandwiches, John Halpin, President of The Kerrymen Association donated the hall, as well as all the utensils and paper goods.
Girsa had everyone up on the floor. Bridget Flynn and the Flynn dancers, Inishfree Dancers, Broesler Dancers, Hendry Dancers, Niall O'Leary dancers and musicians, McGough dancers, Sheahan/Gormley dancers, Donny Golden Dancers, Deirdre O'Mara dancers, Annmarie Acosta school and so many more little ones came out in their droves to support the Richard family.
The lead dancers from "Lord Of The Dance", Declan Crowley and Christine Dolzall, Bernadette Devereaux, Catherine Devereaux, and Hamerstep's Jonthan Sroar and Megan Lucey also attended.
"It was a great success and a great day. I can't thank everyone enough for all their great efforts to make this a success. The team of volunteers from Patricia Crowley from Albany, Alice Farrell, Christine Timm, Karen Murphy, Jonathan Sroar, and so many more... a community team," said Gormley.
In Boston friends of the Dorchester family staged two fundraisers on Saturday to help the Richards with their expenses.
Dancers from the Clifden Academy of Irish Dance held a 'Dance Out for Jane' at John Hancock Hall and singers from two Boston and two Cambridge choirs joined for a concert at St. Mark Church in Dorchester, the Boston Herald reports.
In Philadelphia the Caitrin Academy of Irish Dance also showed their support for the Richard family at an event in the Trappe Shopping Center.
The fundraising efforts were coordinated by Philadelphia St. Patrick's Day Parade Director Michael Bradley, Sheila Sweeney of the McDade-Cara School of Irish Dance, and John Dougherty, of the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers, Local 98.
"As someone who teaches 100 students a week, it's just so hard to fathom," Sweeney told IrishPhiladelphia.com. "When you look at these little girls, they're so sweet, so innocent. I'm just happy to see all the Irish dance schools coming together for this cause."
Watch a video report of the fundraising efforts in Boston below:


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Welcome to our coverage of WWE Backlash. We will be updating this page throughout the evening with results from the show, so check back often.
Backlash opened with the three announce teams introducing themselves to us. Jim Ross & Jerry Lawler for Raw, Mike Adamle & Tazz for ECW (I've been told Adamle was greeted with loud boos when he came out prior to the PPV starting) and Michael Cole & Mick Foley for Smackdown. Adamle referred to Tazz as "the human suplex machine". Haven't heard that in a long time.
WWE United States champion MVP vs. Matt Hardy.
Mick Foley and Michael Cole reviewed the MVP-Hardy feud as Hardy made his entrance. When MVP came to the ring, they started trash talking. They did the "big fight" style introductions, with Hardy obviously a huge favorite. They locked up at the bell, and the fans were chanting for Hardy. MVP grabbed a single leg, but Hardy kicked him away. MVP dove for Hardy's leg, but Hardy dodged him. MVP hit a shot and rammed him into a corner. MVP went for a whip, Hardy reversed it and MVP leapfrogged Hardy. MVP went to the floor for a breather, but Hardy went after him and tossed him back into the ring. Hardy hit a back elbow and then dropped an elbow for a two count. Hardy took MVP down with a side mare, but MVP got out of the headlock and kicked Hardy in a corner. MVP ran into a Hardy boot, and Hardy hit an elbow to the back of the head from the second rope for a two count. MVP came back with a shot to the kidneys and a back suplex for a two count.
MVP set up Matt for a back superplex, but Hardy elbowed MVP to the mat. Matt went for a moonsault, but MVP got his knees up as Hardy came down. MVP scored a two count. MVP stomped Hardy, snap mared him and hit a kneedrop to the shoulder. MVP applied an abdominal stretch and punched at Matt's midsection. Matt broke out of it, but MVP yanked him to the mat by his hair. MVP hit some knees to the midsection, then applied an abdominal stretch, using the ropes for leverage. MVP broke out of it with a low Samoan Drop and got a two count. Matt hit some forearms, but MVP gave him an armdrag throw, landing awkwardly. MVP dropped several elbows for a two count. Huge chants for Hardy again. MVP picked up Hardy in a fireman's carry, then pressed him up and dropped him chest first to the mat. MVP ran into the ropes, but Hardy clipped him with a clothesline.
They traded punches, with Hardy getting the better of it. Hardy hit a clothesline, then one in a corner. Matt delivered a bulldog for a two count. Matt went for a Side Effect, but MVP elbowed out of it and hit a Hot Shot. MVP went for a Playmaker, but Hardy reversed it into a Side Effect for a two count. Hardy went to the top rope, but MVP dropkicked the top rope, crotching Hardy. MVP climbed up on the ropes and slugged it out with Hardy. Hardy got the better of it, and gave MVP a Side Effect off the second rope. Hardy was slow to cover and only got a two count. Hardy went for a Twist Of Fate, but MVP reversed it into a backslide. MVP put his feet on the ropes, but the referee caught him. As MVP argued, Hardy rolled him up for a two count. MVP blocked a Twist Of Fate and hit a knee to the midsection, then delivered a running kick to Hardy's head. Hardy fell through the ropes to the floor. It looked like Hardy would be counted out, but he got in just before the referee reached ten.
MVP started kicking Hardy in the midsection, yelling "Come on Matthew, you want my title?". MVP hit a kick to the side of the head, then measured for a big running kick in the corner. Matt moved and MVP caught his leg on the top rope. Matt hit a Twist Of Fate and scored the pin at the twelve minute mark.
Winner and new United States Champion: Matt Hardy.
The crowd, which was very hot for Hardy, popped for the title change, and MVP pounded the mat in disbelief in the ring as Hardy celebrated up the aisle.
Jim Ross and Jerry Lawler plugged a mobile vote to select the winner of tonight's Four Way match for the WWE Title. Lawler noted Orton only won 8% of the vote at Wrestlemania, and he went on to win the match.
Backstage, Eve Torres interviewed Matt Hardy. Hardy noted he was a European Champion, Hardcore Champion, Cruiserweight Champion and an eight-time tag team champion, but this title win meant more because he worked so hard for it. Matt said it was the biggest win of his career. Matt said he had one thing to say to MVP, "I am better than you".
Tazz and Mike Adamle discussed the ECW Championship match.
ECW champion Kane vs. Chavo Guerrero.
Chavo was accompanied to the ring by Bam Neely. As Chavo came out, they reviewed the attack on Kane's leg from last week on ECW. Once again, they did the "big fight" intros, which I always like for title matches. Adamle called referee Mike Posey "Scott Armstrong" so Tazz corrected him. That's one. Chavo tried to get at Kane's leg at the start, but Kane knocked Chavo down and gave him a dropkick as he sat up on the mat. Kane was favoring his leg. Kane put Chavo in a Hangman for a bit, then choked him in a corner. Kane pressed Chavo overhead and slammed him to the mat. Kane whipped Chavo into a corner, but Chavo gave him a drop toe hold into the corner and began kicking at Kane's leg. Chavo went for a whip, but Kane blocked it and flung Chavo over the top rope and to the outside.
Kane went after him, chasing him back into the ring. Chavo hit a baseball slide dropkick, then jumped off the apron at Kane, who caught Chavo and rammed him back first into the apron. Kane threw Chavo into the ring and went to the top rope, but Chavo shoved him off the top rope and Kane crashed to the floor. Chavo put Kane in the ring, stretched his leg and gave the leg a slingshot splash on the apron. Adamle noted Chavo leaped over the "three rings" to hit that move. He meant ropes. Adamle and Tazz actually were joking about "pulling an Adamle" during the match. Chavo kept working Kane over in the ropes, and the referee pulled him back. Bam grabbed Kane's leg and whipped it into the ringpost. Chavo applied a leglace in the ring, but Kane punched and kicked out of it. Chavo stood on the second rope and punched Kane, but Kane pulled him off into an Electric Chair.
Both men were down in the ring, but Chavo got to his feet first. Kane reached up and grabbed Chavo by the throat. Chavo kicked Kane in the leg to break away, then Kane decked him with a boot to the face. Kane hit a side slam for a two count. Kane went for a tombstone, but Chavo floated out of it. Chavo charged into a Kane backdrop. Kane hit a top rope clothesline, but Chavo rolled to the apron. Chavo pulled Kane throat first across the top rope and Kane went to grab him. Chavo went to the top rope, but Kane caught him as he jumped off. Chavo managed to swing it into a DDT anyway, and got a two count. Chavo went for a suplex, it didn't work, so he swept Kane's leg instead. Chavo went to the top rope, but Kane went to grab him by the throat. Chavo managed to knock Kane down, then went for the frog splash. Kane reached up as Chavo came down and grabbed him by the throat. Kane got to his feet, never releasing his grip, and hit a chokeslam for the pin at the nine minute mark.
Winner: Kane.
Kane had a brief staredown with Bam Neely before limping off.
Todd Grisham interviewed Randy Orton. Grisham noted that Orton had to survive in an elimination match to keep his title. Orton gave a confident promo, saying it was the "Age Of Orton" and he would retain the title.
Mick Foley and Michael Cole went over the "Tale Of The Tape" for Big Show vs. Great Khali. In discussing Show and Khali's shoe size, Michael Cole said he wears a size 9. Foley said that compared to Show & Khali, that was a children's size, and was "smaller than the shoes Coach left for me to fill".
Big Show vs. Great Khali.
Khali trash talked at the bell, although I don't think Show had any idea what he was saying. Show stepped up chest to chest with Khali and they began jabbering. Khali shoved Show, Show shoved Khali. Khali hit some punches, then Show ducked a clothesline. They traded punched, then traded headbutts. Then they traded chops. Khali hit a short arm clothesline, and Show went down. Khali hit a clothesline and badly missed some kicks in the corner. I mean, you could see the space between his foot and Show. Fans chanted "You can't wrestle" briefly. Show hit a headbutt and went for a slam, but Khali blocked it and hit a clothesline that sent Show over the top rope and to the floor. Khali shoved Show back first into the ringpost, then pushed him back into the ring. Khali hit a boot to the face on Show, then dropped an elbow to the back. Khali applied a crossface. No kidding, he really did. Show struggled in the hold, then got to his feet and picked up Khali for a slam. Show fell back under the weight and Khali got a two count. Khali applied a nervehold. Show is selling Khali's offense like crazy, yelling in pain. Show got to his feet and elbowed out of it, then hit a headbutt.
Show ran into the Khali Chop, and Khali got a two count. Fans are chanting "boring". Loudly. Khali applied a surfboard. Show backed Khali in a corner to break out and hit some back elbows. Show scooped up Khali and slammed him. Show got a two count. Khali hit a back elbow, a punch and a kick, then went for the Khali Bomb. Show broke Khali's grip and gave Khali the chokeslam for the pin at the eight minute mark.
Winner: Big Show
Show was selling like his arm was injured from the nervehold and the effort of hitting the chokeslam. The announcers noted that Khali dominated most of the match.
Coverage continued on the next page.
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VOAVideo: Huge Display of Lights Brings Out Christmas Spirit in US
For many families in the United States, taking a drive to see local light decorations during the Christmas holiday is an annual tradition. One of the most spectacular in the Washington area features more than one million lights. VOA's Deborah Block takes us to dazzling displays at Watkins Regional Park in Upper Marlboro, Maryland.


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But ending the stalemate might not have gotten underway if it hadn't been for State Senator Frank Padavan of Queens. According to one of the many updates on the situation up in Albany sent out by Brooklyn State Senator Velmanette Montgomery (which were more like mea culpas to the good folks of her district for the ineptitude of her colleagues), on June 30, 31 Democratic state senators sat in the Senate chambers, sitting on their hands because they lacked the 32-member quorum necessary to conduct business.
And then Padavan walked in.
No, really, that's all he did - he walked in.
According to Montgomery, Padavan inadvertently entered the chambers, which by the low standards of Albany actually constitutes showing up for work. According to the Senate Rules, a senator need only be spotted by the journal clerk and they are marked as present.
They could immediately leave the room, thereafter, without casting a vote, listening to any testimony, or even saying hello to the state senator that sits next to them, but the record will show that they showed up for work that day. Keep that in mind next time your own state senator brags about their stellar attendance rate!
So Padavan accidentally walking into the chamber gave the Democrats the 32-member quorum necessary to begin unanimously passing more than 100 major, as well as non-controversial, pieces of legislation.
Now, if this is all that it takes to establish a quorum, why didn't the Republicans take stricter measures? We would have made sure that there was police tape, road blocks, and construction cones around every door leading to the chambers and a big red sign that read "Danger! You Are About to Establish a Quorum!"
Right now, you are probably thinking to yourself, "What a fool this Padavan character, absent-mindedly wandering into the Senate Chambers and giving his foes on the other side of the aisle the one warm body and pulse that they needed to conduct the state's business."
We think history will remember him differently.
We're going to give Padavan the benefit of the doubt, and say that he knew exactly what he was doing when he entered the Senate Chambers that fateful Tuesday. He was taking one for the team. The Democrats get their quorum, and Padavan has plausible deniability with his Republican colleagues: he didn't know he was establishing a quorum, he was just grabbing another cup of that organic Peruvian coffee grown high up in the Andes that we know our fat cat Albany legislators make sure they have fresh brewed every morning.
And with that, New York State is back in business and God help us all.


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Cranberry Vaccinium oxycoccos
Cranberries are low evergreen shrubs that grow up to 7 ft long and about 10 inches high.
Famous for their berries, they're white to start with and then turn progressively redder as they ripen - bigger than the leaves of the plant itself.
Cranberry has for hundreds of years been revered for its perceived role in fighting urinary infections where it acts as a urinary antiseptic.