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On-line version ISSN 2309-8392
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Historia vol.57 n.1 Durban May. 2012
The Livingstone Museum and its role in postcolonial Zambia, 1964-2006
Die Livingstone Museum en sy rol in postkoloniale Zambie, 1964-2006
Friday Mufuzi*
History at Livingstone Museum, Zambia
The first article on the Livingstone Museum, published last year in Historia, demonstrated that the Museum was originally established as a tool to exhibit African material culture in order to provide evidence to the rest of the world of the superiority of European culture compared to African culture. The article argued that this was because European settlers saw the need to legitimise colonial rule in the territory; colonial officials felt that the "civilising" effect of European culture was necessary to rescue Africans from their "primitive" way of life.
This piece examines the Livingstone Museum and the role it played in independent Zambia, from 1964 to 2006. With the aid of temporary and permanent exhibitions mounted at the institution during this period, the article postulates that in the same vein as the colonial administration, the postcolonial government also used the Museum as a tool to promote its political agenda. Its main objective was to reverse the negative image that the Zambian culture and history had been accorded in the colonial period. The Museum was used as an ally by the nationalist government to promote national unity and patriotism, which had been undermined during the colonial era. In order to achieve this objective, the Museum staged exhibitions that glorified the African people and their culture at the expense of other racial groups that had emerged following colonial rule, such as Europeans and Indians. This article advances the thesis that contrary to the slogan "one Zambia one Nation", advanced by politicians after the attainment of independence (with the aim of creating a Zambian society in which all racial groups live in harmony) the Livingstone Museum's presentations in postcolonial Zambia were not balanced but were decidedly Afrocentric. In other words, postcolonial Livingstone Museum was also guilty of racial prejudice - the very same offence of which the colonial Museum was accused when they mounted their Eurocentric presentations. In practical terms, the Museum's exhibitions in each period reflected the current political dispensation. They were Eurocentric in the colonial period and Afrocentric in the postcolonial period. Nevertheless, the Museum does offer a platform, an educational centre through which both Zambian and foreign visitors are able to learn the country's culture, history, natural history and it indicates the path that the Zambian people have traversed from pre-colonial times to the present. Above all, it has kept alive the rich Zambian historical and cultural heritage.
Keywords: Zambia; colonialism; colonial period; postcolonial period; independence; Livingstone Museum; material culture; Afrocentric political agenda; Eurocentric racial prejudice; educational centre; one Zambia, one Nation.
Die eerste artikel oor die Livingstone Museum, gepubliseer in 2011 in Historia, het bewys dat die museum gestig is omruimte te skep vir die uitstalling van die materiele kultuur van Afrika om sodoende bewys te lewer aan die wêreld dat die Europese kultuur meerderwaardigheid is wanneer dit met dié van Afrikane vergelyk word. Die argument in die artikel was dat dit genoodsaak was deur die Europese setlaars se behoefte om hul beheer oor die area te legimiteer. Koloniale amptenare het dit gesien as 'n noodsaaklikheid om deur die "beskawende effek" van Europesekultuur Afrikane te red van hul "primitiewe" leefwyse.
Hierdie artikel ondersoek die Livingstone Museum en die rol wat dit gespeel het in onafhanklike Zambie vanaf 1964 tot en met 2006. Met die hulp van tydelike en permanente uitstallings wat tydens die periode by die museum gemonteer is, postuleer die artikel dat net soos die koloniale owerhede voorheen, het die postkoloniale owerheid die Livingstone Museum ook gebruik as 'n medium om hul agenda te bevorder - naamlik 'n ommekeer van die negatiewe beeld wat Zambie se kultuur en geskiedenis gebuk gegaan het onder kolonialisme. Die museum is gesien as 'n bondgenoot van die nasionalistiese regering in die se strewe om patriotisme en nasionaleeenheid te bevorder wat tydens die koloniale periode ondermyn was. Om die doelwit te bereik het die museum uitstallings opgerig tot die glorie van Afrikane en hul kultuur ten koste van ander groepe soos blankes en Indiers. In hierdie artikel word daar geargumenteer dat die slagspreek "one Zambia one Nation", wat na die verkryging van onafhanklikheid deur politici gebruik om 'n Zambiese gemeenskap waarin allegroepe in harmonie kon saamleef nie bereik is deur die postkoloniale uitstallings van die Livingstone Museum nie omdat dit uiteraard Afrosentries was. Om dié rede was die postkoloniale Livingstone Museum skuldig aan dieslefde rassevooroordeel waarvan die koloniale museum en die se Eurosentriese uitstallings beskuldig was. Derhalwe, reflekteer die museum se uitstallings die politiek van die dag - Eurosenties tydens die kolniale era en Afrisentries tydens die postkoloniale era. Nieteenstaande bied die museum 'n platform en 'n opvoedkundige sentrum waar beide die Zambiese en buitelandse besoekers kon leer oor die geskiedenis, kultuur, en die pad wat die mense van Zambie gewandel het vanaf die pre-koloniale tydperk tot die huidige. Bowen alles het die museum die ryke geskiedenis en kulturele erflating van die mense van Zambie lewendig gehou.
Sleutelwoorde: Zambie; kolonialisme; koloniale periode; postkoloniale periode; onafhanklikheid; Livingstone Museum; materiële kultuur; Afrosentries politieke agenda; Eurosentries rassevooroordele; opvoedkundigesentrum; een Zambie, een Nasie.
This article is a follow-up to a previous contribution to Historia, entitled "The Livingstone Museum and its Role in Colonial Zambia, 1934-1964."1 In that article I examined the factors that led to the establishment of the Livingstone Museum and the role it played in propagating a government agenda from 1934, when it was established, to 1964 when Zambia, then called Northern Rhodesia, achieved political independence. I attempted to show that contrary to the stated aim for the establishment of the Museum, namely "to make a collection of the material culture of the various ethnic groups in the territory for study and preservation, as it was fast dying out due to colonial mass-factory produced goods",2 it was established to achieve the colonial agenda of perpetuating colonial rule in the country.
The Museum was expected to produce knowledge on the African ways of life in order to reduce conflicts brought about by the meeting of two different cultures (the African and European cultures) while European settlers and colonial government officials exploited the territory's natural resources. The Museum presented a space to exhibit the African material culture in order to prove to the rest of the world the superiority of European culture compared to that of Africans. In conclusion, I indicated that in reality, the Museum was established for the purpose of legitimising colonial rule in the territory, which colonial authorities saw as necessary if the "civilising" effect of European culture was to save Africans from their "primitive" ways of life.
This article picks up on the same theme and examines the role the Livingstone Museum played in postcolonial Zambia from 1964 to 2006. With the aid of temporary and permanent exhibitions mounted during the study period, the article argues that just like the colonial administration, the postcolonial government has also used the Museum as a tool to promote its political agenda. The post-1964 regime's main objective was to reverse the negative image that Zambian culture and history received during the colonial era. This was done in order to promote national unity which had been severely compromised during the colonial period. In so doing, emphasis was placed on the glorification of the African people and their culture at the expense of other racial groups that had emerged following colonial rule, notably the Europeans and Indians. The essay concludes by contending that by putting up presentations that were mainly Afrocentric in character, those who ran the postcolonial Museum, like their counterparts in the colonial era and their Eurocentric exhibitions, were also guilty of racial prejudice.
Exhibitions in the postcolonial period, 1964-2006
Whilst the Livingstone Museum exhibitions during the colonial period emphasised displays that advanced the supremacy of the white race and the backwardness of Africans, those mounted during the postcolonial period sought to redress the situation. They reflected the African leaders' desire to build a country based on the diversity of the different people's cultural and historical background. Thus, during this period, the Museum was expected to be an educational centre in which people could learn about the cultural heritage and the history of the country.3 The exhibitions endeavoured to improve the negative image of Zambian culture and history that had been inculcated by the authorities in the colonial era.4
To underscore the new role the Museum was expected to play, in 1964 the year the country achieved her political independence, an exhibition on Zambian culture, in which the Museum played an important part, was held in Lusaka from 19 October to 30 November. On display were objects showcasing Zambian music; musical instruments; art pieces such as makishi masks, mbusa objects (related to Bemba girls' initiation ceremonies); woodcarving and beadwork. Also included were pottery objects; basketry and mats; ivory and horn carvings; metal work; stone work; skin and bark cloth work and traditional paintings. Most of the objects were collected by the Livingstone Museum from different parts of the country.5
The exhibition was the first of its kind in Zambia and was designed to show the wide range of the country's cultural heritage not only to the country's citizens but also to the many foreign guests who had come to witness and celebrate the birth of independent Zambia on 24 October 1964. Speaking of the exhibition, Simon M. Kapwepwe, a former freedom fighter in Zambia and advocate of the promotion and propagation of African culture in general and Zambian culture in particular, noted:
Each nation has its own cultural and artistic heritage and all these cultures are part of the story of man's endeavours on this earth. Zambia's day has dawned; and just as we now reveal our own political and economic personality so must we show that our own cultural heritage will add colour and vitality to the rich tapestry of mankind's achievements ... In this exhibition ... we have made an impressive start in revealing our cultural heritage. Let us now go forward into our future bearing these gifts from the past and let us draw inspiration from them so that we can make a continuing contribution to the history of the world's art and culture.6
Thus, in a country where the indigenous people's culture had previously been despised and Africans were made to explore their history through the eyes of European settlers, the exhibition demonstrated the importance of appreciating one's own cultural heritage and its significance in the promotion of national unity and identity through cultural diversity. The exhibition was also, as suggested by Kapwepwe, a contribution to the world's cultural heritage. It was also incorporated as part of the "International Art Exhibition", held in Lusaka from 19 August to 30 October 1964 as part of Zambia's independence cerebrations. Kapwepwe, who emphasised that "culture is the backbone of a nation",7 spearheaded the exhibition.
A similar exhibition, "Exhibition of Modern Zambian Sculptural Art" was held in Lusaka from 15 to 28 August 1966. The exhibition included old pieces, but focused on contemporary Zambian sculpture based on traditional style but incorporating new concepts and mass-produced tourist art.8 The exhibition was significant in that it disseminated information that shed light on the past material culture of the Zambian people and how traditional cultures and technology have evolved overtime. It was therefore an invaluable source of information on the development and history of sculpture in Zambia.
In the same year, Zambia participated in the "First World Festival of Negro Arts" that was held in Senegal. Most of the Zambian exhibits came from the Livingstone Museum.9 In 1970, the Museum mounted a similar exhibition which it named "Treasures of Zambian Traditional Art". This was held at the Mulungushi Hall in Lusaka during the Third Summit Conference of Non-Aligned Countries.10 Later in the year, it participated in the "International Exhibition on African Sculpture" staged at the National Gallery in Washington.11
Arising from the above, in contrast to the negative way Zambian cultural heritage had been presented in the colonial era, during the postcolonial period the Museum promoted it nationally and internationally, thereby contributing to the understanding and appreciation of world culture and history.
As noted earlier, the Museum's permanent exhibitions in the colonial era were Eurocentric. Consequently, as soon as the country gained its independence, the research staff was strengthened by the appointment of Zambian researchers. In 1965, Kafungulwa Mubitana was appointed in the Department of Ethnography; and in 1967, Maud Muntemba took up employment in the History Department. The Zambian research staff spearheaded research aimed at restoring the negative image that had been bestowed on Zambian culture and history during the colonial period. In the field of history, in 1969 Muntemba collected historical data from the Eastern, Central and Southern Provinces for inclusion in the new History Gallery. Data from other parts of the country were provided by scholars like Mutumba Bull, Harry Langworthy, Robbin Fielder and Robert Shecker.12 Various historical artefacts were collected from the Zambian and British governments with the help of Simon Kapwepwe. Several Ministries and some of the people who had participated in the Second World War provided some of their personal war memorabilia.13
On 9 September, 1971, the History Gallery that housed a new permanent History Exhibition, was officially opened. The exhibition highlighted pre-colonial history, focusing on centralised and amorphous states; colonial history (with the focus on the struggle for independence); and postcolonial history, where the emphasis was on the achievements since independence.14
In presenting its exhibitions, the Museum was expected to be objective. This was underscored by Jack Shamwana, chairman of the National Museums Board, in his address at the opening of the permanent History Exhibition in 1971. Shamwana gave a brief treatise on history, which he said comprised factual information. He went on to say that the interpretation of this information and the way it was constructed, differed from country to country and even from one person to another. He stressed that the Livingstone Museum's interest was not in the different interpretations but in "the presentation of actual facts" embedded in the exhibits regardless of whether they were of a controversial nature or not. He hoped that the Zambian people and government would understand and appreciate the dilemma the Museum faced in its endeavour to present the truth through its collection.15 However, a glance at the exhibits mounted revealed that they were almost exclusively Afrocentric.
Thus, during the postcolonial period, the Livingstone Museum exhibitions witnessed a paradigm shift from Eurocentric to Afrocentric. However, the Museum enjoyed more autonomy from the government than had been the case during the colonial period when the focus was expected to be an "exposé" of research findings of the Rhodes-Livingstone Institute. Indeed, the Institute had been mandated by the government to find ways, through its research activities, of reducing the tension purportedly caused by cultural misunderstandings between European settlers and the African people in the country.16
As had been the case in the History Department, changes were made to the Museum's Archaeology and Ethnography exhibitions.17 For instance, the Archaeology exhibition displayed the prehistory of Zambia, and this was divided into two epochs, the Stone Age and Iron Age. The display on the Stone Age period illustrated the development of man as he underwent evolutionary physical changes and adaptations to his environment which transformed him from the primitive man-ape Homo habilis to modern Homo sapiens.18 The advances in Stone Age technology were also exhibited, among them tools such as the hand axe or cleaver before the development of more specialised implements such as scrappers, microliths, arrowheads and spearpoints; flakes, bone and wooden tools as well as grass and other fibres that were used for cordage and matting.19
The displays on the Iron Age featured maps showing the migration of people from the Middle East 3 000 years ago down the Nile River; along the Mediterranean coast; across the Sahara trade routes into West Africa; and into the Democratic Republic of Congo Basin as far as Zambia in the first millennium A.D. Iron Age tools were also exhibited. The revolutionary changes the Iron Age people introduced into Zambia such as food production and metal working, which replaced the Wilton culture hunter gatherers, were also highlighted. Other displays included the Broken Hill Man; the Mosi-oa-tunya and Nachikufu caves; rock paintings; and artefacts excavated from Ingombe Ilede, such as the Ingombe Ilede woman's skeleton. Iron Age trade implements and their significance to the understanding of the cultural and economic life of early man in Zambia were also on display.20
The exhibits in the History Gallery endeavoured to give a general view of historical events in the country through the medium of historical documents, maps and photographs. It also featured information and materials used by prominent figures and details on important events in Zambian history.21 The first section explored the origins of the various peoples of Zambia, tracing their history back to the Early Iron Age and showing the expansion of the Bantu-speaking peoples. Maps and brief texts were used to illustrate this section. Objects that denoted the leaders of traditional society illustrated the traditional Zambian concept of polity. These included weapons of local manufacture, ceremonial axes, copper ingots, double gongs, elaborate bow stands, rare animal skins, ivory, shell beads and fly-switches. These symbols of traditional authority served to remind visitors that contrary to colonial thinking, as revealed in the exhibitions mounted at the Museum during that era, traditional Zambia was a highly organised society with a typical African political structure.22
Other exhibits included a variety of ancient European maps that illustrated old ideas of the geography of the African continent and European exploration in Africa. Notable among these was a collection of information on David Livingstone, the missionary-explorer, including his original letters and possessions. John Cecil Rhodes and the British South African Company (BSAC) were also featured, as were missionaries and their activities; colonial rule; and the struggle for independence. Another interesting item was the original Zambian national flag believed to have been hoisted on the first Independence Day in Lusaka, and the British flag that was taken down on the same day. The timeline of exhibits in the History Gallery ended with the First World War.23
The new Ethnography and Art Gallery endeavoured to show the material and spiritual culture of the people of Zambia. It provided a general view of the traditional art, architecture, belief and religious artefacts and various forms of indigenous technology. The exhibits were presented on a cross-cultural plane rather than on a selective and "tribal" basis, as was the case with previous arrangements during the colonial era. Commenting on the reasons for the change of concept regarding presentation, W.W Chakanika, the then Keeper of Ethnography, noted:
... the authors of the new Gallery see the development of material culture as being directly or indirectly related to man's endeavour to come to terms with his environment whether this be social, physical or spiritual. As such, the problem of appreciation of the material culture of the people of Zambia cannot adequately be understood in terms of the cultural advances of individual groupings or "tribes". Rather, the new Gallery attempts to present a generalised but integrative view of the traditional arts, architecture and technology of the people of Zambia.24
The new exhibits reflected this conceptual change. Various artefacts on display included traditional handicrafts; different forms of traditional technology; indigenous architecture; works of art; and items related to religious beliefs. The exhibition in this gallery featured chiefs' stools; ornamental objects; masks and costumes; plastic arts. It also traced the life cycle of mankind (including the passage of rites, namely birth, initiation, marriage and death); the development of cloth from trees, skin and natural cotton; traditional weapons; witchcraft; the slave trade; fishing and trapping methods; and Zambian staple crops. The ethnography exhibition ended with a model of a Zambian village.25
Commenting on these exhibitions, William Muzala Chipango, the first African mayor of Livingstone, noted that they were highly educative for the African people in areas of history and culture compared to those mounted during colonial times, which denied indigenous people of their history, making them see themselves through the eyes of white settlers. Chipango further noted that some people, particularly those with Western education, even denounced Zambian culture as primitive as compared to the Western way of life. The exhibitions therefore tried to restore the image of Zambian culture and history that had been distorted by the long period of colonial rule.26
Furthermore, Chipango applauded the various temporary exhibitions that the Museum staged on different aspects of Zambian art, noting that they enhanced acceptance and confidence in the way Zambians saw their culture and themselves. In addition, he noted that displays on the Stone and Iron Age Man, African Kingdoms and the people's struggle against foreign rule, provided information that served to educate audiences on the way of life and history of the Zambian people.27
Harischandra B. Oza echoed Chipango's observations on the educative role of the new exhibitions on indigenous Zambian culture and history. However, he noted that the exhibits tended to overemphasise African culture at the expense of other cultures that existed side by side in Zambia. In his view, they were as racially segregative as the colonial exhibitions had been. He noted that although Indians were accorded a higher status in the racialised, compartmentalised colonial society in Zambia compared to Africans, on the whole, just like Africans, Indians faced social, economic and political discrimination from European settlers. He sombrely noted that it was for this reason that some Indians like himself, had identified with African nationalism during the struggle for independence. He identified other Indians, such as R.V. Nayee, Bimsih J. Devalia (in Livingstone); Rambhai D. Patel, who was popularly known as "Kanjombe" (in Lusaka) and T.L. Desai (in Ndola), all of whom had been closely involved in the liberation of Zambia from the colonial yoke. And yet displays on Indian culture and history in Zambia were not reflected in the Museum, exactly as had been the case during the colonial period.28
George Grubb concurred with Oza's sentiments.29 He noted that where the activities of the white people were displayed, the exhibitions emphasised the nefarious aspects of colonial rule, thereby rendering the whites as objects of ridicule, yet the new leaders were claiming to build a country where all people, regardless of race, tribe, creed, or religion, could live harmoniously in accordance with the principle of "one Zambia, one Nation."30 J.R. Nayee and R.S. Nayee echoed Oza and Grubb's observations.31
Arising from the foregoing, it can safely be said that in its effort to redress the negative way in which indigenous people were portrayed in colonial presentations, the Museum, which by this time had a predominantly Zambian research staff, had become overzealous and produced exhibitions that projected an overtly Africanist image, thereby making them racially segregative in the eyes of minority racial groups.
History exhibitions, 1994-2003
Because of financial constraints that the Museum faced, it was not until almost a quarter of a century later, in 1994, that the permanent history exhibition was overhauled.32 The main theme in the gallery was: "Follow the Steps in Zambia's History". The changes effected were designed to improve the presentation of materials and update the exhibition by adding new information. The exhibition was laid out in chronological order and presented a concise account of the history of Zambia from the precolonial period to the advent of the Third Republic, about 1990.
In the old exhibition, the display on missionary activities focused on David Livingstone. The new one was broadened to include other missionaries and their mission stations. The display, labelled "The Double Face of Colonialism", portrayed the missionary as an agent of colonialism and took the form of a painting showing a missionary holding a Bible in one hand and a gun in the other.
Other notable displays were those on the slave trade; the Lenshina Uprising; political developments during President Kaunda's rule; the Mushala Rebellion; attempted military coups against Kenneth D. Kaunda's government; food riots; and events leading to the Third Republic government under Frederick T.J. Chiluba.33
Commenting favourably on the Museum's exhibits in 1995, Douglas McArthur noted that:
The Museum raises questions. about European colonisation of the country. A section on the "Double Face of Colonialism" leads off with a painting of a man holding a Bible in his left hand and a gun in his right. "Colonialism brought wheeled transport, a cash economy, commercial agriculture, Western education, English law and urbanisation", says one descriptive panel. "But for Africans, it also meant loss of productive land, racial discrimination in institutions, a different pricing system and a lack of exposure to public office."34
McArthur appears to have been fascinated by the Museum's history displays. Regarding the exhibit on the slave trade, he noted:
Exhibits trace the practice of slavery in Africa from its introduction by Arab traders in the 10th century through its adoption by Europeans in the 1400s. Britain abandoned slavery in its territories in 1807, but in practice it continued until 1900.35
Concerning the displays on the struggle for independence (which incidentally was also included in the permanent History exhibition mounted in 2004), McArthur observed:
The museum traces the political struggle that led to Zambia's independence in October 1964. The spirit of the day is captured by a model of a bare-chested black man, a triumphant look on his face, uplifting his arms as he breaks free from the chain.36 (See Figure 1)
However, McArthur was disappointed that the Museum did not include some tragic events such as the ritual murders in Livingstone that were alleged to have been fomented by Asian traders in 1995, and the food riots of June 1990 that resulted in 30 deaths.37
McArthur's observations suggest that the new permanent exhibition, just like the previous ones that were staged after the country's achievement of independence, was too subjective, indeed too Afrocentric. In addition, it avoided exhibits that presented controversial issues and the tragic side of Zambian history, particularly those incidents involving race relations. For example, as McArthur, pointed out (see above), the ritual murders using African agents in 1995 were not featured.38
The permanent History exhibition, opened in 2004
From 1 January 2003 to 31 December 2004, all exhibitions in the Museum were overhauled so that they reflected what the Zambian society had been through over time. In fact, in 1996, Mungoni Sitali, the Keeper of Ethnography and Art at the Museum, carried out a survey in Livingstone among Zambian and foreign visitors to the Museum to find out what they would have liked to see in the displays.39 The results of the survey showed that the Museum's exhibitions were out of touch with public expectations.40 In part, the survey's report noted that:
The demands for information and materials on political history are many. Both groups of visitors have requested for the updating of the History Gallery where themes are not abreast with contemporary facts. The presentation of colonial history gives visitors an impression that the colonial era was an easy affair in the people's lives. Respondents expressed wishes to see amplifications of negative effects of colonialism in Zambia.41
In order to redress the situation revealed by Sitali's study, the Museum's permanent exhibitions in all galleries were organised around the theme, "The Story of Man in Zambia and his Environment." Thus, the Archaeology Gallery described and analysed the story of human evolution and cultural developments in Zambia from the Stone Age Period to Iron Age, while the History Gallery took the visitor on a fascinating journey through the history of Zambia from about 1550 to 2001. The new exhibition was broad based compared to previous exhibitions, which focused more on the political history of the country. It included other dimensions of history such as cultural, social and economic history.42
Although many people lived in towns, most people traced their origins from villages, so the Art and Ethnography exhibition was labelled "From our Village to their Town". It highlighted the characteristics of traditional life compared to modern life. The Natural History exhibition gave the visitor some insight into ecology as well as indicating the systematic and behavioural patterns in the plant and animal life in relation to Zambian society and the environment.43
For the first time in the history of the Museum, exhibits reflecting Asian contribution to the history of Zambia were displayed. A hammock (machila) in which colonial government administrative officials were carried during their tours of rural areas was part of the display. There were also photographs showing colonial administrative officials, with, in some cases their spouses, being carried in the hammocks or on the back of African men. A montage showing some eminent personalities in the cultural, social, economic and political development of the country from the precolonial period to about 2001 was also on display. The socio-economic and political trends during President Chiluba's era from 1991 to 2001 were also highlighted.44
The exhibits on David Livingstone were removed from the main History Gallery to form a new section, the "David Livingstone Gallery." This gallery presented the life and works of David Livingstone in great detail. Emphasis was on his missionary and exploratory expeditions in southern and central Africa and events after his death up to his burial at Westminster Abbey in London in 1874. However, David Livingstone, particularly as he was reflected in the old exhibition, was unpopular among the local visitors and even some foreign visitors who saw him as a precursor of colonialism. This was revealed by Mungoni Sitali's opinion survey among Zambian and Foreign visitors to the exhibitions at Livingstone Museum. Regarding the David Livingstone exhibition, he noted that:
They believe that the exhibition on the late missionary-explorer is too neat, as evidence abounds that the missionary paved the way for colonialism in Africa. This, they say has been underplayed at the Livingstone Museum exhibitions ... Respondents [said that they wanted to see] ... Dr David Livingstone's role in the exposure and colonisation of this country.45
In 1995, Douglas McArthur had made similar observations. He scornfully noted that: "While recent books have questioned Livingstone's accomplishments as a missionary and explorer, his namesake museum still treats him as a hero".46
In view of the above, the new David Livingstone exhibition included exhibits that took on board comments made by members of the public. Thus, among the exhibits was a copy of the letter Livingstone wrote in 1958 to his friend Professor Freire Sedridge in which he confided to him his ulterior imperial motives for his African explorations.47 A copy of a photograph in which Livingstone is shown together with his friend, Vardom, a hunter and trader, who he first met in the 1850s, was also exhibited. Interestingly in the light of the current uproar about rhino poaching, the photograph shows the two men posing with a rhinoceros horn (see Figure 2). David Livingstone is believed to have corresponded with Vardom up to 1873, the year he died. The exhibit questioned the motive behind Livingstone's companionship with a hunter-trader for the rest of his life. However, it was left to individual members of the public to make their own interpretations.
It is obviously too early to make a conclusive assessment of the new permanent exhibitions on the public, because the exhibits were only opened to the public in 2004 and the end of the timeframe for this study is 2006. Nonetheless, the book, Zambia, Then and Now: Colonial Rulers and their African Successors,48 authored by William D. Grant, a historian and former colonial district commissioner in Kasempa, Northwestern Zambia provides some pointers. He visited the country in 2006, a full 48 years after his first arrival there and his book gives a glimpse of the type of reactions that can be expected from visitors to the exhibitions. In his book, Grant includes a brief analysis of the Museum's new exhibitions based on his visit on 22 July 2006. He heaps glowing praise on them and was particularly impressed with the prehistory, precolonial and the natural history exhibitions. He noted:
I found the Africans' copper mining and smelting initiatives particularly interesting. some as early as the twelfth century. The other part of the Museum was the David Livingstone Gallery, which offered a comprehensive study of his several explorations, with facsimile copies of his letters and extracts from his journals.49
Although the new exhibitions had more information on the colonial and postcolonial eras compared to previous postcolonial period permanent exhibitions, Grant observed that information in the new exhibitions on these two eras was, in his view, "inadequate".50 This criticism is perhaps understandable, particularly from a former colonial official. He probably expected to see minute details of colonial activity to which he contributed as a participant in the colonial administration. He no doubt also expected to see detailed information on postcolonial development so that he could compare them to progress in the colonial period. This explains the choice of the title of his book, Zambia, Then and Now: Colonial Rulers and their African Successors.
A museum, particularly a national museum, is one of the places where one could expect to find the cultural and historical information of a country at a glance. Grant was therefore disappointed that the exhibitions at the Livingstone Museum could not provide him with much of the cultural and historical data on colonial and postcolonial Zambia, which he probably needed for his book. However, it is difficult for any museum, if only because of the limitation of space, to put up an exhibition that has comprehensive detail for every theme on display.
Both the colonial and post-colonial governments used the Livingstone Museum as a tool to advance their political agendas. During the colonial period, exhibitions mounted by the Museum were guided by European needs and the thinking of the time. The exhibitions presented were thus skewed towards the projection of Africans as a backward and ahistorical people. This was done to legitimise colonial rule in the territory, on the pretext of guiding Africans away from their "primitive" way of life as evidenced by their "primitive" material culture. Similarly, exhibitions mounted by the Museum during the postcolonial period were tilted towards highlighting the government's agenda of disseminating information on the cultural and historical heritage of the country and its idea to build a country based on national unity and development through cultural diversity.
Nevertheless, exhibitions presented by the Museum are significant in that they disseminated information relevant to an understanding of Zambian history. Thus, exhibitions during the colonial period provided information to visitors on the nature of colonial rule, particularly as regards European prejudices against Africans. Those mounted during the postcolonial period provided significant knowledge on areas such as precolonial centralised and amorphous African states; social, economic and political conditions in the country during the colonial era; the struggle for independence; postcolonial governments and cultural, social, economic and political conditions in the country up to 2006.
Additionally, collections gathered and information discovered during research expeditions and ultimately used as exhibits in the Museum provide physical evidence on different aspects of Zambia's history and are significant in the reconstruction of Zambian history. They have provided a past in which the Zambian people can participate; they are now able to take pride in their collective memory.
* Dr Friday Mufuzi is Keeper of History at Livingstone Museum, Zambia.
1. F. Mufuzi, "Establishment of the Livingstone Museum and its Role in Colonial Zambia, 1934- 1964", Historia, 56, 1, May 2011, pp 26-41.
2. National Archives of Zambia (hereafter NAZ), Northern Rhodesia Government, Legislative Council (hereafter Legco) Debates, Second Session of the Third Council, 7 March to 1 April 1930, cols. 166- 167; NAZ, District Notebook Series (hereafter KDB) 1/5/6: Secretary for Native Affairs (hereafter SNA) to Chief Secretary (hereafter CS), Livingstone, 2 December 1931; NAZ, KDB 1/5/6: SNA, Livingstone, to Provincial Commissioner (hereafter PC) Mazabuka, 10 May 1833; and National Museums of Northern Rhodesia, the Rhodes-Livingstone Museum, 1934-1951(Government Printer, Lusaka, 1951), p 4.
3. Livingstone Museum Archives (hereafter LMA), Government of the Republic of Zambia hereafter GRZ) Annual Report for the period 1 January to 31 December, 1964, p 6; Museum Development Plans and Appeals, "Livingstone Museum: Five Years' Development Plan, 1972-1976", p 2.
4. See LMA, GRZ, Rhodes-Livingstone Museum, Annual Report for the period 1 January to 31 December 1964, p 6; and LMA, Museum Development Plans and Appeals, "Livingstone Museum: Five Years' Development Plan, 1972-1976", p 2.
5. See, LMA, Exhibition of Zambian Culture, Lusaka, 19 October to 30 November 1964 (n.p., n.d.).
6. LMA, Exhibition of Zambian Culture, p 7.
7. LMA, International Art Exhibition, Lusaka, 19 October to 30 November 1964.
8. LMA, Index No. H1/38, Acc. No. 9173/1296, Exhibition of Modern Zambian Sculptural Art, Lusaka, 15-28 August 1966.
9. LMA, First World Festival of Negro Arts: Art and Dances from Zambia (Government Printer, Lusaka, 1966).
10. LMA, GRZ, The National Museums Board Annual Report, 1 January to 31 December 1970, p 7.
11. LMA, GRZ, The National Museums Board Annual Report, 1 January to 31 December 1970, p 7.
12. LMA, GRZ, The National Museums Board Annual Report, 1 January to 31 December 1969, p 7.
13. LMA, GRZ, The National Museums Board Annual Report, 1 January to 31 December 1969, p 7.
14. LMA, M/T/5, "Opening of New Galleries, 1969", Speech by chairman of the NMB at the opening of the new History Gallery, 9 September 1971; and GRZ, The National Museums Board Annual Report, 1 January to 31 December 1969, pp 6-7.
15. LMA, M/T/5, "Opening of New Galleries, 1969", Speech by chairman of the NMB at opening of the new History Gallery, 9 September 1971, p 1.
16. NAZ, Hansard No. 28, 26 June 1937, cols. 11-12; and NAZ, Records of the Crown Series (hereafter RC) 1384, Letter to secretary, Rhodes-Livingstone Museum Institute of Trustees, 18 August 1939.
17. LMA, GRZ, National Museums Board Annual Report, 1 January to 31 December 1969, pp 6-7; GM, "New Look Museum", Z Magazine, October 1969, p 8; and M.N. Chellah, "The National Museum of Zambia, Livingstone", Museum, 35, 2 (UNESCO, Paris, 1983), pp 128-129.
18. LMA, J.O. Vogel, "The Archaeology", in J.O. Vogel (ed.), A Guide to the Livingstone Museum (Livngstone Museum, Livingstone, 1975), p 13; and R. Nsakanya, "Guide to the Livingstone Museum", Paper at the SADCC Museums Conference, Livingstone, 13-17 June 1988, p 3.
19. LMA, Vogel, "The Archaeology", p. 13; and Nsakanya, "Guide to the Livingstone Museum", p 3.
20. LMA, Vogel, "The Archaeology", p 13; and Nsakanya, "Guide to the Livingstone Museum", p 2.
21. N.S.L. Mataa, "The History Gallery", in Vogel, (ed.), A Guide to the Livingstone Museum, pp 33-36; and Nsakanya, "Guide to the Livingstone Museum", p 3.
22. Mataa, "The History Gallery", pp 33-36; and Nsakanya, "Guide to the Livingstone Museum", p 3.
23. Mataa, "The History Gallery", pp 33-36; Nsakanya, "Guide to the Livingstone Museum", p 3.
24. LMA, RNA, W.W. Chakanika, "Ethnogaphy and Art Gallery", in Vogel, (ed.), A Guide to the Livingstone Museum, p 25.
25. Chakanika, "Ethnogaphy and Art Gallery", p 25; and Nsakanya, "Guide to the Livingstone Museum", p 2.
26. Interview with Muzala Chipango, Livingstone, 7 May 2007.
27. Interview with Chipango, Livingstone, 7 May 2007.
28. Interview with Harishchandra. B. Oza, Lusaka, 6 July 2002.
29. Interview with George Grubb, Livingstone, 9 May 2007.
30. Interview with George Grubb, Livingstone, 9 May 2007.
31. Interviews with J.R. Nayee, Livingstone, 12 May 2007; and R.S. Nayee, Livingstone, 14 May 2007.
32. LMA, GRZ, National Museums Board Annual Report 1994 (National Museums Board, Livingstone), p 8.
33. For details, see LMA, F.M. Mizinga, Storyline for the exhibition, "Follow the Steps in Zambia's History."
34. D. McArthur, "Colonialism Assailed at the Museum", The Globe and Mail Travel, 26 July 1995, p D.
35. McArthur, "Colonialism Assailed at the Museum", p D5.
36. McArthur, "Colonialism Assailed at the Museum", p D5.
37. McArthur, "Colonialism Assailed at the Museum", p D5.
38. On 7 May 1996, the accused Indians were found not guilty and acquitted by the High Court in Livingstone, while the alleged African agents were found guilty and sentenced to death. See H. Nyasulo, "Two Murder Accused Acquitted and Ritual Killers to Hang", Zambia Daily Mail, 8 May 1996, p 1.
39. LMA, M. Sitali, "Livingstone More than a Missionary ...a Colonialist", International Council of Museums (ICOM) Zambia Newsletter, 1 June 1996.
40. LMA, Sitali, "Livingstone More than a Missionary", p 1.
41. LMA, Sitali, "Livingstone More than a Missionary", p 1.
42. C. Imasiku, "L/stone Museum at the Heart of Zambia's Tourism", Tourism Supplement, The Post, 22 September 2002, p xii.
43. S. Siachoono, "Livingstone Museum Re-opens its Doors to the Public", Zambia Traveller Magazine, 29 January/February 2005, pp 36-37; and Imasiku, "L/stone Museum at the Heart of Zambia's tourism", p xii.
44. For details, see LMA, F. Mufuzi, Storyline for "The Story of Man in Zambia Exhibition", 2004.
45. LMA, Sitali, "Livingstone More than a Missionary", p 1.
46. McArthur, "Colonialism Assailed at the Museum", The Globe and Mail Travel, 26 July 1995, p D1.
47. For details see, T. Holmes (ed.), David Livingstone Letters and Documents, 1841-1872 (James Currey, London, 1990), pp 49-50. The book was published on behalf of the Museum. It includes the Zambian Collection (housed at the Museum) which was previously unknown and unpublished.
48. W.D. Grant, Zambia, Then and Now: Colonial Rulers and their African Successors (Routledge, London and New York, 2009).
49. Grant, Zambia, Then and Now, p 269.
50. Grant, Zambia, Then and Now p 269.


text:
- 2014 regulations
Ecclestone wants new engine regulation scrapped
- Drivers:
- Bernie Ecclestone
Bernie Ecclestone has repeated his desire to postpone the 2014 engine regulations and says he thinks FIA president Jean Todt "will get rid of it."
The FIA has introduced a new 1.6-litre V6 engine regulation from 2014 onwards in an attempt to create more economical units. Ecclestone has long held reservations over the impact that the change will make, specifically referencing the sounds of the new engines as a major concern. Ecclestone has now told the Hindustan Times that even Ferrari president Luca di Montezemolo is against the new engine being introduced despite it already being tested.
"I listened to the noise of the engines in (Ferrari's headquarters at) Maranello the other day, the new engine and the old engine, and even Luca di Montezemolo said it sounded terrible and didn't like it," Ecclestone said. "(Todt) will get rid of it. I think Luca is also saying we should suspend it for two or three years. I think it is sensible to get rid of it and stick with what we have got. It is much cheaper than the new one. It probably could be 30% of the price.
"I blame the FIA for this stupid engine formula. It really wasn't [Todt's] fault, (former FIA president Max) Mosley started the engine and then he got carried away... Todt really hasn't interfered with us. He has been travelling the world and seeing all the different federations but he hasn't bothered us."
Ecclestone has support from the Formula One Promoters Association (FOPA), with chairman Ron Walker saying the difference in sound would "appal" the circuits.
"The circuits would be appalled if they went ahead with that new engine now, particularly if there is no guarantee the sound will be the same," Walker said. "The circuits will all support Bernie in his quest to keep the same engine because it will mean great savings in the cost burden of running the sport."

subset: commoncrawl


text:
An elephant is killed every 15 minutes in Africa - more than 140,000 elephants have been poached between 2007 and 2014 - their bloodstained bodies discarded in the bush. Now it's time for the UK to take a stand for elephants and demonstrate global leadership by closing the UK's domestic ivory markets.
Save Me Trust is calling for the British government to close the antique and modern ivory markets and stop the transit of any ivory products through the UK before the International Illegal Wildlife Trade Conference in London in February 2018.
The UK should not have any part in the global illegal ivory trade. Introducing a ban sends a powerful message that the UK is committed to the protection of the world's threatened elephants and reinforces the UK's role as a global leader in tackling illegal wildlife trade.
The international trade in ivory has been banned since 1989 but in many countries, including the US, UK, and China, domestic trade is still allowed for antiques. However, the reality is that without stopping the ivory trade dead we will kill all the elephants and drive these incredible animals to extinction in our lifetimes.
China and the US have acted; we must too. Ivory trading ensures poaching continues. In the last year, we've seen huge steps in the battle against elephant poaching including China - which has the world's largest ivory market - announcing they will ban domestic ivory trade by the end of 2017. Only the full closure of the UK's domestic market will effectively contribute to international efforts to tackle the illegal ivory trade and protect elephants.
Anne Brummer, CEO of Save Me Trust, said "We have seen a never-ending 'circle of destruction' since the ivory stockpiles were sold off in 1998 and again in 2008, this has reignited the demand and led to the deaths of hundreds of thousands of elephants - it has to stop - we need to kill the trade before it kills all the elephants. I have been meeting with Michael Gove and am very impressed with his support and commitment on this issue and indeed other that we campaign for."
Save Me Trust's proposal, given to Environment Minister Rt Hon Michael Gove during several meetings , sets out to outlaw the sale of all ivory in the UK - antique or modern - and ban the transit of ivory products through the UK. It is being supported by Lord Stockton, Boris Johnson, Stanley Johnson and William Hague.
The proposal would not require the destruction of any ivory products. Family heirlooms and historic items made from or containing ivory would be allowed to be passed on to family members or given to museums, but not bought, sold or traded for goods in kind.
Museums would be allowed to acquire, display and exchange collections from around the world and items of significant historical importance can be saved for the nation.
Antique furniture which contains less than 5% ivory and less than 200 grams in weight and antique Miniatures which were painted between 17th-19th century on thin slithers of ivory would need to be self-certified by the antique trade. The seller would be responsible for certification of the item prior to sale. The 1947 classification would be scrapped, meaning it would be illegal to sell all ivory, irrespective of its age.
Musical instruments which may contain ivory which is less than 5% of the item and less than 200 grams can be taken abroad, bought or sold. Specific instruments would need an exemption, for example, some piano ivory keys and bagpipes. Each instrument would require an individual exemption certificate.
Save Me is also calling on the British government to issue an end date for the sale of new musical instruments that include ivory to be sold in the UK.
Save Me has been actively campaigning to stop the UK ivory trade. Last autumn they started a government petition that attracted over 100,000 signatures and forced a debate in parliament that took place in February 2017. At the time Dr. Brian May said; "These sentient beings and their multi-generation family groups are being driven to extinction because of human greed and a desire for 'trinkets'. This has to stop. How could we begin to explain that we let elephants become extinct on our watch!"
12th August 2017 World Elephant Day
History has been unkind to elephants - bloody unkind. Throughout history, the human desire for ivory - used in products from jewelry and religious artefacts to 'trinkets' - has far outmatched efforts to stop the killing of African elephants for their tusks. Ivory has been desired since antiquity because its relative softness made it easy to carve into intricate decorative items for the very wealthy.
An estimated 26 million elephants roamed throughout Africa when the first European traders and explorers arrived (c1500-1800). The traders soon became hunters when they discovered ivory. They needed a way to transport the heavy ivory to the coast, but due to "sleeping sickness" that affected horses, cattle, and donkeys, people were the primary movers of goods. The need for human porters meant that the growing slave and ivory trades went hand-in-hand, particularly in the east and central Africa.
Brian May talks about the Ivory Trade
In the 19th century, the European empires stretched across Africa. The elephant population halved within a century to around ten million. Ivory is in vogue in Europe and America. Combs, piano keys, pool table balls and ornaments fashioned from elephant tusks are in high demand. Tragically, by the beginning of the 20th century, Africa's elephant populations had been reduced to 1.3 million due to the insatiable demand from the West.
In the 1950's and 60's, as many African countries became independent, most increased colonial game and legislation laws that made hunting illegal or permitting it only with the purchase of expensive licences. Hunting had become the exclusive preserve of the wealthy - an image that continues to this day.
It didn't stop poaching and the ivory trade though. Throughout the 1980s, around 250 elephants were being killed EVERY DAY. By the end of the decade, less than 600,000 elephants remained. In Kenya alone, the population dropped by 89% during the decade from 167,000 to just 19,000. The African elephant was on the brink of extinction.
The Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species (CITES) banned all commercial ivory trade which came into force in 1990. Kenya destroyed its entire ivory stockpile in a gesture against the ivory trade.
After the ban - and with the world united in conservation efforts over the last ten years of the century - elephant populations began to recover. Kenya's population jumped from 55,000 to over 125,000 but this success came with a cost. In 1998, under mounting pressure from African leaders whose citizens faced poverty and drought, they allowed a 'one-off' sale of stockpiled ivory.
Japan bought 55 tonnes of ivory from Zimbabwe & Namibia for £3 million. In 2008, CITES granted Japan and China permission to import elephant ivory from government stockpiles; 102 tonnes of stockpiled ivory from Botswana, South Africa, Namibia and Zimbabwe were sold to Japan and China for £9.3 million completely legally.
The CITES ban, an insatiable lust for ivory from an increasingly wealthy Asia and the massive profits soon attracted the interest of professional gangs involved in the mass slaughter of whole herds from helicopter gunships as the trade became second only to drugs on the world's black markets.
Between 2010 and 2014, the price of ivory in China tripled driving illicit poaching, whilst elephant numbers dropped by 62%. Over 100 elephants were being killed EVERY DAY. Shamefully, in 2016 - there are more African elephants being killed for ivory than are being born. We are still driving these magnificent sentient beings towards extinction.
Bull elephants with big tusks are the poacher's main targets and their numbers have been diminished to less than half of the females. Female African elephants also have tusks. Elephants are matriarchal and live within a structured group. When the Bulls and Matriarch females are killed, the youngsters are not only orphaned but have had their group structure destroyed. Generations of knowledge is lost.
The Asian Elephant
The Asian elephant's habitat ranges over 13 countries. They are endangered with less than 40,000 remaining worldwide – that's less than 10% of the African elephant population.
Wild Asian elephants suffer severe habitat loss in some of the most densely human-populated countries on the planet. Their traditional territories and migration routes have been fragmented by development, highways and industrial mono-crops such as palm oil and rubber tree plantations, which have destroyed millions of hectares of forest ecosystems.
With no access to their natural habitat, elephants are forced into deadly confrontations with humans where neither species wins. Asian elephants are also poached for their ivory tusks, meat, and body parts while baby elephants are captured from the wild and sold into the tourism industry. Worldwide, Asian elephants are trained, traded and used for entertainment in tourist parks and circuses and also for illegal logging activities. These captive elephants are often mistreated, abused and confined to sub-standard facilities without adequate veterinarian care.
Elephants and humans share a long history, yet there is still so much we don't know about them. They do have the largest brain of any land animal; they are smart, sentient, social and empathetic - qualities we strive for ourselves. We share so many characteristics with elephants that they may well be more like us than any other animal.
Elephants are a keystone species. It means they create and maintain the ecosystem in which they live and create the biodiversity that makes it possible for a myriad of flora and fauna species to live in those environments as well.
Are we really the generation that will oversee the extinction of the largest land mammal on our planet? What a tragic and shameful legacy to leave for our children and grandchildren, a handful of 'carved trinkets' and a couple of elephants caged in a zoo. All species of elephants have the capacity to deliver a cubic ton of dung a week. Their depletion in numbers has meant that the seeds passed in this dung is a factor in reducing the natural rejuvenation of the areas they live in. Sign up to our newsletter and support us by becoming a "Friend of Save Me"
Save Me Trust Statement - Ivory
Elephants are being murdered for their tusks every day. These sentient beings and their multi-generation family groups are being driven to extinction because of human greed and a desire for 'trinkets'. This has to stop. How could we begin to explain that we let elephants become extinct on our watch? We do not believe that allowing the sale of ivory on a free market will help save wild elephants.
The recent experience of CITES allowing the sale of stockpiled ivory in 1998 and again in 2008 has seen the price of ivory triple in China and across Asia, with whole industries being set up to carve ivory again. This now fuels more demand that drives the black market price higher and sends criminal gangs rushing to Africa to murder wild elephants. We have created a never ending cycle of destruction.


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text:
Romulo Yanes
As with many European desserts, this recipe calls for no salt but does use salted butter rather than unsalted.
- Yield
- Makes 8 to 10 servings
- Active Time
- 30 min
- Total Time
- 2 1/4 hr
- 6 tablespoons salted butter
- 2/3 cup treacle or mild molasses (not blackstrap)
- 1/4 cup sugar
- Scant 1/2 cup water
- 1 cup all-purpose flour
- 1 teaspoon baking powder
- 1 teaspoon ground ginger
- 1 large egg, separated
- Confectioners sugar for dusting
- 1 cup chilled heavy cream
- 1/3 cup chopped crystallized ginger
- Preheat oven to 350°F with rack in middle. Line bottom and sides of a buttered 15- by 10-inch shallow baking pan (1 inch deep) with a sheet of parchment paper and butter parchment.
- Melt butter with treacle, sugar, and water in a small saucepan over medium heat, stirring, then cool to room temperature, stirring occasionally.
- Whisk together flour, baking powder, and ground ginger in a large bowl. Whisk in butter mixture and egg yolk until smooth.
- Beat egg white in a medium bowl with an electric mixer until it just holds stiff peaks, then fold into batter gently but thoroughly.
- Pour into baking pan, spreading evenly, and bake until top is golden and firm to the touch, 18 to 22 minutes. Cool cake in pan 5 minutes, then cover cake with a slightly damp kitchen towel and cool completely, about 1 hour.
- Dust cake generously with confectioners sugar, then cover with a sheet of parchment, then with a baking sheet or rack. Invert cake and peel off parchment now on top.
- Beat cream until it just holds stiff peaks, then spread evenly over top of cake, leaving a 1/2-inch border. Sprinkle crystallized ginger over cream. Roll up cake, starting from a short side, to make a 10-inch log, removing parchment as you go.
- If desired, slices of roulade can be frozen (up to 1 week), then lightly sprinkled with turbinado sugar (such as Sugar in the Raw) and broiled (do not thaw first) in a shallow baking pan 5 to 6 inches from heat until golden, about 3 minutes.
Cooks' note:
Roulade can be made 1 day ahead and chilled, covered.


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Department of Human Behavior, Ecology and Culture
Deutscher Platz 6
04103 Leipzig
phone: +49 (0)341 3550 - 315
fax: +49 (0)341 3550 - 333
e-mail: firstname.lastname@example.com
Department of Human Behavior, Ecology and Culture
The Department of Human Behavior, Ecology and Culture investigates the role of culture in human evolution and adaptation. The primary goal is to theorize, design, and conduct longitudinal studies of human adaptation and cultural dynamics in ecological context. By integrating cross-cultural fieldwork with mathematical models and advanced quantitative methods, we hope to contribute to the interdisciplinary study of human evolution and human social dynamics.
Please see the Projects and Fieldwork links on the left for much more information.
10 December 2019
Challenges of Learning to Escape Evolutionary Traps
Many animals respond well behaviorally to stimuli associated with human-induced rapid environmental change (HIREC), such as novel predators or food sources. Yet others make errors and succumb to evolutionary traps: approaching or even preferring low quality, dangerous or toxic options, avoiding beneficial stimuli, or wasting resources responding to stimuli with neutral payoffs. A common expectation is that learning should help animals adjust to HIREC; however, learning is not always expected or even favored in many scenarios that expose animals to ecological and evolutionary traps. We propose a conceptual framework that aims to explain variation in when learning can help animals avoid and escape traps caused by HIREC. We first clarify why learning to correct two main types of errors (avoiding beneficial options and approaching detrimental options) might be difficult (limited by constraints). We then identify and discuss several key behavioral mechanisms (adaptive sampling, generalization, habituation, reversal learning) that can be targeted to help animals learn to avoid traps. Finally, we discuss how individual differences in neophobia/neophilia and personality relate to learning in the context of HIREC traps, and offer some general guidance for disarming traps. Given how devastating traps can be for animal populations, any breakthrough in mitigating trap outcomes via learning could make the difference in developing effective solutions. Read full article here.
5 December 2019
Cultural linkage: the influence of package transmission on cultural dynamics
Many cultural traits are not transmitted independently, but together as a package. This can happen because, for example, media may store information together making it more likely to be transmitted together, or through cognitive mechanisms such as causal reasoning. Evolutionary biology suggests that physical linkage of genes (being on the same chromosome) allows neutral and maladaptive genes to spread by hitchhiking on adaptive genes, while the pairwise difference between neutral genes is unaffected. Whether packaging may lead to similar dynamics in cultural evolution is unclear. To understand the effect of cultural packages on cultural evolutionary dynamics, we built an agent-based simulation that allows links to form and break between cultural traits. During transmission, one trait and others that are directly or indirectly connected to it are transmitted together in a package. We compare variation in cultural traits between different rates of link formation and breakage and find that an intermediate frequency of links can lower cultural diversity, which can be misinterpreted as a signature of payoff bias or conformity. Further, cultural hitchhiking can occur when links are common. Read full article here.
11 November 2019
Lions, Bylaws, and Conservation Metrics
African lions are a significant threat to pastoralists, triggering both retaliatory and nonretaliatory killings that represent a high-profile example of human–wildlife conflict. In the present article, we report on a grassroots campaign to reduce such conflict by shifting agropastoralists' attitudes toward lion killing and the central role of bylaws in its apparent success. Insofar as all of East Africa's principal protected areas still harboring lions are surrounded by pastoralist populations, the vast majority of which persecute lions, this novel strategy is of considerable wide-scale and practical significance. We report on an estimated 59%–69% reduction in the number of lions killed since the implementation of bylaws and use our experiences to highlight the need for fresh dialog among project managers, conservation organizations, and their funders in crafting appropriate conservation success metrics. In the context of human–wildlife conflict, changes in peoples' norms and attitudes are of greater significance over the long term than simplistic tabulations of the number of individuals saved. Read full article here.
15 August 2019
Unpacking mating success and testing Bateman's principles in a human population
Human marriage systems, characterized by long-term partnerships and extended windows of parental care, differ from the mating systems of pulsed or seasonally breeding non-human animals in which Bateman's principles were originally tested. These features, paradigmatic of but not unique to humans, complicate the accurate measurement of mating success in evaluating Bateman's three principles. Here, we unpack the concept of mating success into distinct components: number of partners, number of years partnered, the timing of partnerships, and the quality of partners. Drawing on longitudinal records of marriage and reproduction collected in a natural-fertility East African population over a 20-year period, we test and compare various models of the relationship between mating success and reproductive success (RS), and show that an accurate assessment of male and female reproductive behaviour requires consideration of all major components of mating success. Furthermore, ... Read full article here.
23 July 2019
Patterns of paternal investment predict cross-cultural variation in jealous response
Long-lasting, romantic partnerships are a universal feature of human societies, but almost as ubiquitous is the risk of instability when one partner strays. Jealous response to the threat of infidelity is well studied, but most empirical work on the topic has focused on a proposed sex difference in the type of jealousy (sexual or emotional) that men and women find most upsetting, rather than on how jealous response varies1,2. This stems in part from the predominance of studies using student samples from industrialized populations, which represent a relatively homogenous group in terms of age, life history stage and social norms3,4. To better understand variation in jealous response, we conducted a 2-part study in 11 populations (1,048 individuals). In line with previous work, we find a robust sex difference in the classic forced-choice jealousy task. However, we also show substantial variation in jealous response across populations. Read full article here.
27 June 2019
Counter-Culture: Does Social Learning Help or Hinder Adaptive Response to Human-Induced Rapid Environmental Change?
Human-induced rapid environmental change (HIREC) poses threats to a variety of species, and if or how it changes phenotypes is a question of central importance bridging evolutionary ecology and conservation management. Social learning is one type of phenotypic plasticity that can shape organismal responses to HIREC; it allows organisms to acquire phenotypes on a timescale that closely tracks environmental change while minimizing the costs of individual learning. A common assumption in behavioral ecology, is that social learning is generally an adaptive way to cope with HIREC by facilitating the rapid spread of innovative responses to change. While this can be true, social learning can also be maladaptive. It may hinder the spread of adaptive behavior by causing a carryover of old, no longer adaptive behaviors that slow the response to HIREC or even promote the spread of maladaptive behaviors. Here, we present a conceptual framework outlining how an organism's evolutionary history can shape cognitive mechanisms, social behavior, and population composition, which in turn affect how an organism responds to HIREC. Read full article here.
12 June 2019
Hidden Markov Models Reveal Tactical Adjustment of Temporally Clustered Courtship Displays in Response to the Behaviors of a Robotic Female
We present a statistical approach—a custom-built hidden Markov model (HMM)—that is broadly applicable to the analysis of temporally clustered display events, as found in many animals, including
birds, orthopterans, and anurans. This HMM can simultaneously estimate both the expected lengths of each animal's display bouts and their within-bout display rates. We highlight the HMM's ability to estimate changes in animals' display effort over time and across different social contexts, using data from male greater sage grouse (Centrocercus urophasianus). Male display effort was modeled across three sites in two experimental treatments (robotic female simulating interested or uninterested behavior) and in the presence or absence of live females. Across contexts, we show that sage grouse males primarily adjust their bout lengths rather than their within-bout display rates. Males' responses to female behavior were correlated with male mating success: males with more matings showed high display persistence regardless of female behavior, whilemales with fewer matings
tended to invest selectively in females that were already showing interest in mating. Additionally, males with higher mating success responded more to the presence of a female than males with fewer
matings did. We conclude with suggestions for adapting our HMM approach for use in other animal systems. Read the full article.
15 May 2019
Rapid environmental change in games: complications and counter- intuitive outcomes
Human-induced rapid environmental change (HIREC) has recently led to alterations in the fitness and behavior of many organisms. Game theory is an important tool of behavioral ecology for analyzing evolutionary situations involving multiple individuals. However, game theory bypasses the details by which behavioral phenotypes are determined, taking the functional perspective straight from expected payoffs to predicted frequencies of behaviors. In contrast with optimization approaches, we identify that to use existing game theoretic models to predict HIREC effects, additional mechanistic details (or assumptions) will often be required. We illustrate this in relation to the hawk-dove game by showing that three different mechanisms, each of which support the same ESS prior to HIREC (fixed polymorphism, probabilistic choice, or cue dependency), can have a substantial effect on behavior (and success) following HIREC. Read the full article.
02 May 2019
Machine behaviour
Machines powered by artificial intelligence increasingly mediate our social, cultural, economic and political interactions. Understanding the behaviour of artificial intelligence systems is essential to our ability to control their actions, reap their benefits and minimize their harms. Here we argue that this necessitates a broad scientific research agenda to study machine behaviour that incorporates and expands upon the discipline of computer science and includes insights from across the sciences. We first outline a set of questions that are fundamental to this emerging field and then explore the technical, legal and institutional constraints on the study of machine behaviour. Read the full article.
06 March 2019
Moralizing gods, impartiality and religious parochialism across 15 societies
The emergence of large-scale cooperation during the Holocene remains a central problem in the evolutionary literature. One hypothesis points to culturally evolved beliefs in punishing, interventionist gods that facilitate the extension of cooperative behaviour toward geographically distant coreligionists. Furthermore, another hypothesis points to such mechanisms being constrained to the religious ingroup, possibly at the expense of religious outgroups. To test these hypotheses, we administered two behavioural experiments and a set of interviews to a sample of 2228 participants from 15 diverse populations. These populations included foragers, pastoralists, horticulturalists, and wage labourers, practicing Buddhism, Christianity, and Hinduism, but also forms of animism and ancestor worship. Read the full article.
01 February 2019
Identity fusion, outgroup relations, and sacrifice: A cross-cultural test
Identity fusion theory has become a popular psychological explanation of costly self-sacrifice. It posits that while maintaining one's own individual identity, a deep affinity with one's group can contribute to sacrifice for that group. We test this and related hypotheses using a behavioral economic experiment designed to detect biased, self-interested favoritism among eight different populations ranging from foragers and horticulturalists to the fully market-integrated. We find that while individuals favor themselves on average, those with higher ingroup fusion sacrifice more money to other members of their ingroup who are unable to reciprocate. We also find that positive outgroup relations has a similar effect. Additionally, we assess a recently-posited interaction between ingroup and outgroup relations and show no consistent effect at the individual or sub-sample levels. Read the full article.
29 January 2019
War increases religiosity
Does the experience of war increase people's religiosity? Much evidence supports the idea that particular religious beliefs and ritual forms can galvanize social solidarity and motivate in-group cooperation, thus facilitating a wide range of cooperative behaviours including—but not limited to—peaceful resistance and collective aggression. However, little work has focused on whether violent conflict, in turn, might fuel greater religious participation. Here, we analyse survey data from 1,709 individuals in three post-conflict societies—Uganda, Sierra Leone and Tajikistan. The nature of these conflicts allows us to infer, and statistically verify, that individuals were quasirandomly afflicted with different intensities of war experience—thus potentially providing a natural experiment. We then show that those with greater exposure to these wars were more likely to participate in Christian or Muslim religious groups and rituals, even several years after the conflict. Read the full article.
24 October 2018
Higher fundamental frequency in bonobos is explained by larynx morphology
Acoustic signals, shaped by natural and sexual selection, reveal ecological and social selection pressures. Examining acoustic signals together with morphology can be particularly revealing. But this approach has rarely been applied to primates, where clues to the evolutionary trajectory of human communication may be found. Across vertebrate species, there is a close relationship between body size and acoustic parameters, such as formant dispersion and fundamental frequency (f0). Deviations from this acoustic allometry usually produce calls with a lower f0 than expected for a given body size, often due to morphological adaptations in the larynx or vocal tract. An unusual example of an obvious mismatch between fundamental frequency and body size is found in the two closest living relatives of humans, bonobos (Pan paniscus) and chimpanzees (Pan troglodytes). Read the full article.
16 October 2018
The evolution of bequeathal in stable habitats
Adults sometimes disperse, while philopatric offspring inherit the natal site, a pattern known as bequeathal. Despite a decades‐old empirical literature, little theoretical work has explored when natural selection may favor bequeathal. We present a simple mathematical model of the evolution of bequeathal in a stable environment, under both global and local dispersal. We find that natural selection favors bequeathal when adults are competitively advantaged over juveniles, baseline mortality is high, the environment is unsaturated, and when juveniles experience high dispersal mortality. However, frequently bequeathal may not evolve, because the fitness cost for the adult is too large relative to inclusive fitness benefits. Read the full article.
04 September 2018
Habitual stone-tool-aided extractive foraging in white-faced capuchins, Cebus capucinus
Habitual reliance on tool use is a marked behavioural difference between wild robust (genus Sapajus) and gracile (genus Cebus) capuchin monkeys. Despite being well studied and having a rich repertoire of social and extractive foraging traditions, Cebus sp. rarely use tools and have never been observed using stone tools. By contrast, habitual tool use by Sapajus is widespread. We review theory and discuss factors which might explain these differences in patterns of tool use between Cebus and Sapajus. We then report the first case of habitual stone tool use in a gracile capuchin: a population of whitefaced capuchins (Cebus capucinus imitator) in Coiba National Park, Panama who habitually rely on hammerstone and anvil tool use to access structurally protected food items in coastal areas including Terminalia catappa seeds, hermit crabs, marine snails, terrestrial crabs and other items. Read the full article.
18 July 2018
Greater wealth inequality, less polygyny: rethinking the polygyny threshold model
Monogamy appears to have become the predominant human mating system with the emergence of highly unequal agricultural populations that replaced relatively egalitarian horticultural populations, challenging the conventional idea—based on the polygyny threshold model—that polygyny should be positively associated with wealth inequality. To address this polygyny paradox, we generalize the standard polygyny threshold model to a mutual mate choice model predicting the fraction of women married polygynously. We then demonstrate two conditions that are jointly sufficient to make monogamy the predominant marriage form, even in highly unequal societies. We assess if these conditions are satisfied using individual-level data from 29 human populations. Read the full article.
16 July 2018
Complex Dynamics From Simple Cognition: The Primary Ratchet Effect in Animal Culture
It is often observed that human culture, unlike most other animal culture, is cumulative: Human technology and behavior is more complex than any individual could invent in their own lifetime. Cumulative culture is often explained by appeal to a combination of highfidelity social learning and innovation, the "ratchet effect." What is often overlooked is that both human and other animal cultures are supported by a more primary ratchet effect that retains and increases the prevalence of adaptive behavior. This primary ratchet can arise without appeal to specialized cognitive adaptations and is plausibly more widespread in animal societies. We use a simple model to highlight how simple forms of contingent social learning can create the primary ratchet effect, dramatically increasing the prevalence of adaptive, hard-to-invent behavior. Read the full article.
06 June 2018
Resolution of apparent paradoxes in the race-specific frequency of use-of-force by police
Analyses of racial disparities in police use-of-force against unarmed individuals are central to public policy interventions; however, recent studies have come to apparently paradoxical findings concerning the existence and form of such disparities. Although anti-black racial disparities in U.S. police shootings have been consistently documented at the population level, new work has suggested that racial disparities in encounter-conditional use of lethal force by police are reversed relative to expectations, with police being more likely to: (1) shoot white relative to black individuals, and (2) use non-lethal as opposed to lethal force on black relative to white individuals. Encounter- and use-of-force-conditional results, however, can be misleading if the rates with which police encounter and use non-lethal force vary across officers and depend on suspect race. We find that all currently described empirical patterns in the structuring of police use-of-force—including the "reversed" racial disparities in encounter-conditional use of lethal force—are explainable under a generative model in which there are consistent and systemic biases against black individuals. Read the full article.
25 May 2018
Social complexity and kinship in animal societies
Studies of eusocial invertebrates regard complex societies as those where there is a clear division of labour and extensive cooperation between breeders and helpers. In contrast, studies of social mammals identify complex societies as those where differentiated social relationships influence access to resources and reproductive opportunities. We show here that, while traits associated with social complexity of the first kind occur in social mammals that live in groups composed of close relatives, traits associated with the complexity of social relationships occur where average kinship between female group members is low. Read the full article.
24 May 2018
Sizing up human brain evolution
An innovative computational analysis of factors that might have influenced human brain evolution suggests that ecological, rather than social, factors had a key role in the evolution of large, rapidly developing brains. Read the full article.
03 April 2018
The Evolution of Covert Signaling
Human sociality depends upon the benefits of mutual aid and extensive communication. However, diverse norms and preferences complicate mutual aid, and ambiguity in meaning hinders communication. Here we demonstrate that these two problems can work together to enhance cooperation through the strategic use of deliberately ambiguous signals: covert signaling. Covert signaling is the transmission of information that is accurately received by its intended audience but obscured when perceived by others. Such signals may allow coordination and enhanced cooperation while also avoiding the alienation or hostile reactions of individuals with different preferences. Read the full article.
08 March 2018
Material security, life history, and moralistic religions: A cross-cultural examination
Researchers have recently proposed that "moralistic" religions—those with moral doctrines, moralistic supernatural punishment, and lower emphasis on ritual—emerged as an effect of greater wealth and material security. One interpretation appeals to life history theory, predicting that individuals with "slow life history" strategies will be more attracted to moralistic traditions as a means to judge those with "fast life history" strategies. As we had reservations about the validity of this application of life history theory, we tested these predictions with a data set consisting of 592 individuals from eight diverse societies. Read the full article.
12 February 2018
Generative inference for cultural evolution
Dr Anne Kandler and her co-author Dr Adam Powell have published a review paper on methods for inferring cultural evolutionary mechanisms from data. One of the major challenges in cultural evolution is to understand why and how various forms of social learning are used in human populations, both now and in the past. The authors demonstrate the applicability and utility of generative inference approaches to the field of cultural evolution. The framework advocated uses observed population-level frequency data directly to establish the likely presence or absence of particular hypothesized learning strategies. Read the full article.
11 January 2018
Evolutionary dynamics of the cryptocurrency market
New work from Dr Anne Kandler and colleagues sheds light on the cultural evolutionary dynamics of cryptocurrencies. Kandler and colleagues consider the history of 1469 cryptocurrencies introduced between April 2013 and May 2017. They reveal that, while new cryptocurrencies appear and disappear continuously and their market capitalization is increasing (super-)exponentially, several statistical properties of the market have been stable for years. These include the number of active cryptocurrencies, market share distribution and the turnover of cryptocurrencies. Adopting an ecological perspective, they show that the so-called neutral model of evolution is able to reproduce a number of key empirical observations. Read the full article.
11 January 2018
Inferring processes of cultural transmission: the critical role of rare variants in distinguishing neutrality from novelty biases
Neutral evolution assumes that there are no selective forces distinguishing different variants in a population. Many studies have sought to assess whether neutrality can provide a good description of different episodes of cultural change. One approach has been to test whether neutral predictions are consistent with observed progeny distributions, recording the number of variants that have produced a given number of new instances within a specified time interval: a classic example is the distribution of baby names. New work from HBEC scientist Dr Anne Kandler and colleague Dr James O'Dwyer shows that these distributions consist of two phases: a power-law phase followed by an exponential cut-off for variants with very large numbers of progeny. They show that analyses based on only the most popular variants, as is often the case in studies of cultural evolution, can provide misleading evidence. While neutrality provides a plausible description of progeny distributions of abundant variants, rare variants deviate from neutrality. Read the full article.
19 October 2017
Friendliness is more important in a new friend than which group she belongs to
Despite the global headlines emphasizing division and conflict, humans actually have a long history of forming friendships across group boundaries. But which criteria do they use for picking friends from a different group? In collaboration with three populations of horticulturalists in Bolivia, researchers of the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology and the University of California Santa Barbara found that we use very similar criteria when choosing friends from among in-group and out-group strangers – individual cooperative qualities are most important in both cases. Only when it comes to dividing limited resources, qualities associated with a group can affect partner preference. Full press release. Access the paper.
06 September 2017
Inferring individual-level processes from population-level patterns in cultural evolution
Dr Anne Kandler has published a new analysis of the potential for inferring learning mechanisms from population-level data. Patterns of cultural change depend upon individual-level strategies. Inferring these strategies from data is complicated by the paucity of individual-level data. Researchers commonly attempt to infer strategies instead of available population-level data. Kandler and her co-authors show that such data are useful in limited, but valuable, ways. These results represent a substantial advance and refine thinking about both the limits and potential of using aggregate data to infer individual processes.
26 August 2017
Multinomial analysis of behavior: statistical methods
Jeremy Koster and Richard McElreath have published a new statistical framework for analyzing behavioral data, applying the technique to human data from Koster's field site. The method accepts the multinomial nature of behavior data and also accounts for repeated observations. It is also capable of revealing individual-level trade-offs across behaviors, allowing for models that reveal the extent to which individuals who regularly engage in one behavior also exhibit relatively more or less of another behavior. These models can potentially be applied to a broad class of statistical analyses by behavioral ecologists, focusing on other polytomous response variables, such as behavior, habitat choice, or emotional states.
21 August 2017
Interethnic Interaction, Strategic Bargaining Power, and the Dynamics of Cultural Norms
New publication by Dr John Bunce, Interethnic Interaction, Strategic Bargaining Power, and the Dynamics of Cultural Norms.
Dr Bunce addresses processes of ethnic boundary maintenance and change, using ethnographic data from his fieldwork in lowland Amazonia, in combination with Bayesian models of normative behavior. Code and data.
24 July 2017
Conformity does not perpetuate suboptimal traditions in a wild population of songbirds
New analysis published on a collaboration between HBEC and the Edward Grey Institute at Oxford: Conformity does not perpetuate suboptimal traditions in a wild population of songbirds. Conformist learning can be adaptive, but it may be maladaptive when environments change. Using a field experiment, the researchers document the social learning strategies that allow a wild population to adapt to environmental change. A mix of conformity and innovation is found in the analysis and demonstrated in theory to be broadly adaptive. Code and data.
07 June 2017
Pay-off-biased social learning underlies the diffusion of novel extractive foraging traditions in a wild primate
New analysis of social learning in a wild primate, by Brendan Barrett, Richard McElreath, and Susan Perry. Using field experiments, they document the spread of behavioral traditions and analyze the learning strategies that may account for the spread. The analysis suggests that payoff-biased social learning strongly influences behavior. Data and code.
31 May 2017
Seminar: A Life History of Human Foraging in 39 Societies
Seminar (YouTube), presented by Richard McElreath at Aarhus University. This seminar presents progress on a large meta-analysis of foraging records from 39 human samples.


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I took a bunch of 30 seconds shots aiming M42 nebula as regular, in order to stack them later. Polar alignment was also regular, using EQ6 polar scope, probably not perfect.
I think M42 is a good target to measure periodic error in RA movement due to its near 0 degrees declination.
In order to show the drift, I stacked the shots without drift correction using a free software called startrails that gets the brightest pixels per shot, obtaining that way the best startrail you can achieve.
To measure the length of the drift, I requested a single shot solved plate from astrometry.net. They provide an exact width in arcminutes of the field. Then, I divide the width field by the width in pixels of my DSLR camera sensor, obtaining the resolution per pixel in arcseconds (a number close to 1 arcsecond/pixel for a 1,200 mm effective focal length telescope).
Then I measure the height of RA drift pattern with my regular post-processing free software, Fitswork4, and multiply that value by the previous resolution.
That is the way I have found that my EQ6 mount drifts around 40 arcseconds in RA movement. Dividing total exposure by the number of cycles (top peak to lower peak) I got the elapsed time needed to fulfill the periodic error: around 6 minutes long.


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CARSON, Calif. — LA Galaxy midfielder Juninho has a feel for the net these days, and so does his teammate David Beckham. So do a few others, too, in the Galaxy lineup -- it's a huge reason for the nearly three-month hot patch they're on.
LA look more like last year's champions with every outing, and Saturday night's 2-0 triumph over visiting Vancouver was exquisite evidence: shutdown defense, plenty of possession and two sensational strikes from their central midfielders, both worthy of Goal-of-the-Week consideration.
Juninho netted the first, a 28-yard blast to the upper-right corner in the 41st minute, and Beckham doubled the advantage with one of his trademark free kicks in the 79th. On a night the Galaxy, in Beckham's words, "could have played better," they were the difference in a match that wasn't particularly close.
"Juni's was incredible," Beckham said. "Juni's been doing that a lot recently in training and in games. When he's got his shooting boots on, there's not many goalkeepers that can stop him.
WATCH: Juninho's strike that earns Beckham's praise
"We needed that because we had a lot of the possession and we were creating chances but not putting them in. Juni steps up and puts one in."
It was a lot like a lot of other goals the Brazilian has scored the last few years, a sharp, dipping shot that left Vancouver goalkeeper Brad Knighton zero chance. It came from a Hector Jimenez feed that Robbie Keane redirected, and Juninho had time to settle the ball, look up and pick out his corner.
OPTA CHALKBOARD: Galaxy dominate proceedings vs. Vancouver
Beckham's goal was nearly as nice: a free kick, won by Keane, from 25 yards, deposited in the upper-left corner.
"I knew if I put it in the corner, the 'keeper wasn't getting there, simple as that," Beckham said. "And I hit it well. I knew once I hit it and I caught it well, it was going in."
The goal was Beckham's sixth in his last eight games and seventh of the season, his best mark in MLS.
"I'm not usually scoring that many, but I'll take it," he said.
So will the Galaxy, who are 10-3-2 in league play since mid-June, climbing from last in the West to second place (for about 20 minutes Saturday night) and now sit third, ahead of Seattle on goals scored — but having played three more games than the Sounders have.


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