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We are committed to providing quality commercial furniture to our customers at the lowest price. Your purchase will come with the satisfaction of knowing that you received the best value for your money. We are able to keep our prices low because we manufacture our own furniture.
If you find a similar product somewhere else on any of our items that carry the "Price Guarantee" logo, you will receive a 5% discount* over the lower advertised price. If you find a lower price on a similar item, please fax it to (888) 699-1115.
* All quotes must include all fees, shipping costs, applicable taxes and be submitted on official letterhead. Only orders of $1,500 + will be eligible for the discount. The amount of the discount will depend on the items in the order and the overall cost.
Restaurant Furniture.net is a leading commercial furniture manufacturer. Throughout the years, we had served many restaurants and assisted them becoming successful businesses.
Below you can view our galley of photos from some of the thousands of restaurants nationwide that we have furnished. This will allow you to see our furniture in a natural setting and give you a feel for how it will look in your restaurant.
A fashionable patio armchair that will add an element of style to your patio or terrace. The powder coat finish is available in rust or dark grey finish. This attractive, durable outdoor chair also comes arms for added comfort and plastic glides to protect the floor.
This attractive outdoor chair comes with a tough aluminum frame. It is also lightweight and extremely durable, perfect for outdoor use in a busy commercial environment.
We have passed the test! The tested chairs meet the applicable requirements of ANSI/BIFMA X5.1-2011. BIFMA - The Business and Institutional Furniture Manufacturer's Association (BIFMA) has a set of standards which apply to general purpose furniture. Compliance with these standards is strictly voluntary and requires a variety of different types of tests for compliance.
Examples of the types of tests required for compliance are listed below including the results as they relate to our products:
BIFMA is the trade association for business and institutional furniture manufacturers. Since 1973, BIFMA has been the voice of the commercial furniture industry.
BIFMA sponsors the development of safety and performance standards, provides industry statistics and forecasts, advocates for regulatory conditions that foster value and innovation.
At Restaurant Furniture.net, we are committed to providing our customers with excellent customer service. We stand behind all of our products and our goal is to make sure our clients are completely satisfied. When you shop with us, you will receive premium quality furniture at competitive prices.
Now that you chose the furniture for your restaurant it's time to give serious thought to the restaurant's layout.
Our professional team is here to help you. Once you provide us with your seating area's dimensions and the type of seating you prefer (chairs, booths, bar stools, etc...), we, in turn, will provide you with two seating layout diagrams to choose from.
This service usually costs $200 but comes free for any order of $3,000 or more. Below we have added some seating layout samples for your reference. For more information contact our sales team at: (888) 409-1115


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Serving Huntington, New York 11743
Huntington Roofing
For affordable, top-quality roofing in Huntington, call Quality Homes USA, Inc today. Quality Homes USA, Inc will provide you with the most reliable, highly-qualified roofers in Huntington, NY.
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Huntington Home Improvement
Call Huntington home improvement specialist, Quality Homes USA, Inc for any indoor or outdoor home improvement or enhancement projects including basement waterproofing, basement finishing, kitchen remodeling and bathroom remodeling in Huntington.
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Certified Huntington roof inspectors can save you money. Quality Homes USA, Inc has saved homeowners thousands of dollars by early detection of roof problems through our comprehensive roof inspections in Huntington and roof tune-ups. Call Quality Homes USA, Inc at (516) 210-2540 today for a roof inspection or roof tune-up.
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subset: commoncrawl


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Win 7 64
xampp 1.7.7
Hi and thank you for your help, warning! mysql noob...
before uninstalling a previous version of xampp I exported all of my databases in one mysql dump or at least I think I did. Now with fresh install of xampp 1.7.7 & mysql when I try to import the localhost.sql file I am hitting all kinds of roadblocks.
I am getting errors saying that "cds database already exists" and "information schema cannot be changed" ect when importing. Hindsight being 20/20 I wish I would have exported each database individually instead of checking all of them. I hope someone has seen this or understands what I'm saying.
major kudos for whoever can solve this one as I am screwed and have lost everything(2 complete sites, one of them using joomla) if I can't fix this.


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Welcome to the CRG Discussion Forum!Forum registration problems: Make sure you enter your email correctly and you check your spam box first. *Then* email KurtS2@gmail for help.Classified ads are not allowed on the forum.
Cool find, but you've got your work cut out for you. I vote to keep the 3 on the tree. Don't have to worry about many people taking it for an unauthorized joy ride.


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Chateau de Sancerre
The history of the Sancerre vineyards goes back almost a thousand year...
The Chateau de Sancerre stands in the heart of the Sancerre vineyards. In 1874, the castle was rebuilt on its old site in the style of Louis XII. In 1919 it was purchased, along with part of the vineyards, by Louis Alexandre Marnier-Lapostolle. It was he who restored the vaults and the spiral staircase which flanked the "Feudal Tower" - the only remaining vestige of the medieval castle. He also set up a private museum in Sancerre and was instrumental in building the reputation of Sancerre wines.
Today The Chateau de Sancerre is still owned by the Société des Produits Marnier-Lapostolle, also producers of Grand Marnier liqueurs and owners of the Chateau de Bourg Charente. It is here, in the heart of its historic birthplace, that an exclusive estate-bottled Sancerre wine is made and matured - the only wine which can be sold under the exclusive name Chateau de Sancerre.
Chateau de Sancerre Blanc 2018Sauvignon Blanc from Sancerre, Loire, France


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The Medical and Research Library at the Texas Department of State Health Services (DSHS) exists primarily to serve researchers, counselors, and medical practitioners working for or through the Texas Health and Human Services Enterprise (HHS). The library also addresses the general reference, staff development and information needs of HHS employees and assists students, other state employees and members of the public in Texas who require health-related information.
The Medical and Research Library acquires, organizes, and maintains a collection of materials, in both print and electronic formats; locates and retrieves documents; and provides assistance and training necessary to access and use information resources and services. Staff also provide current awareness services in support of the research activities of HHS employees.
The Texas Department of State Health Services Medical and Research Library's hours are 7:30 a.m. to 5:00 p.m. Monday through Friday except for State of Texas holidays.
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Allegheny General Hospital tests dissolving heart stent
Some 500,000 people receive heart stents each year. The metal stent keeps open an artery that is narrowing because of plaque. But once a patient receives a stent, he or she must be on blood thinners, which can lead to bleeding.
There is also a risk of a blood clot forming at the stent site, especially in the first year, if blood thinners are stopped for some reason during that period.
Dr. Tony Farah, an interventional cardiologist at Allegheny General Hospital, is excited about a new development that will change these limitations for many cardiac patients. It is called a bioresorbable vascular scaffold. It dissolves after a few months, dissolving into water and CO2 in the body. So there is no toxicity to human tissues.
"You don't really need a stent in there after the first six months. Once you open the blockage with a balloon followed by a stent, if it stays open the first six to 9 months, as a rule the blockage does not come back," Farah said.
Allegheny General Hospital is one of just a few sites in the country beginning human trials with the dissolving stent this week. And Farah is the principal investigator at AGH for the study.
Already there is a woman patient scheduled for next week. People who would like to be part of the trial locally, should call Allegheny General Hospital.


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Globalizing World Requires Transatlantic Partnership and Leadership
Minister of Finance, Federal Republic of Germany
Chairman, American Council on Germany
With the economic structural reforms enacted in many southern European countries now beginning to show results, German Finance Minister Wolfgang Schäuble joins Robert M. Kimmitt of the American Council of Germany to discuss the current state of the European economic recovery. Schäuble emphasizes the importance of American and European partnership and leadership in the world today. He also discusses the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership treaty currently under negotiation, as well as the need for a harmonization of accounting and regulatory rules between the United States and Europe.
KIMMITT: Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen. My name is Bob Kimmitt, and on behalf of the Council on Foreign Relations, I would like to welcome you to this conversation with Dr. Wolfgang Schauble, the finance minister of the Federal Republic of Germany.
Herr Bundesminister, willkommen in Washington. Mr. Minister, welcome back to Washington and to the Council on Foreign Relations. Today's exceptionally large turnout is a real compliment to you.
German Finance Minister Wolfgang Schauble has given a lifetime of service to his country, half—half to West Germany and half to united Germany. He was a central member of the historic group that—under the leadership of Helmut Kohl and supported strongly by the United States—moved Germany from division to unity in fewer than 11 months in 1989 and '90.
After service over decades in the Bundestag, the federal chancellery, and the interior ministry, he became federal minister of finance in October 2009, just as the financial crisis was moving from the United States to Europe. In these last five years, Wolfgang Schauble has become the most consequential finance minister in Europe and a leading figure in the G-7 and the G-20. Throughout, he's been a superb representative of Germany, a strong supporter of a more unified and effective European Union, and a committed transatlanticist.
It's my pleasure and honor to introduce Wolfgang Schauble, the minister of finance of the Federal Republic of Germany. Mr. Minister, the floor is yours.
SCHAUBLE: Thank you, Ambassador Kimmitt.
Ladies and gentlemen, it's a great honor and pleasure for me to be here again. And I will not waste my time, but I will start immediately in saying, above and beyond all of the irritations, that the three letters in Germany, NSA stand for, this fact remains true: Like no two other actors on the global stage, the United States and Europe—what we call the Western world—share common values, common strengths, and common interests when it comes to shaping the global order of the 21st century.
What conditions do we face together today? Globalization keeps marching forward. Digitalization is bringing many different places together into one world. The global balance is shifting. International politics are taking on a new shape. Power is moving to the non-Western world. Although the emerging countries are currently experiencing short-term difficulties, in the long term, global power relations will continue to shift towards emerging regions of the world.
This is a challenge that Europe and the U.S. face together. How should we react to this development? How should we deal with it? What does it mean for our conviction in the West that we have built a way of life that can work as a model for the rest of the world?
Some things haven't changed, like our values—liberty, equality, and fraternity, solidarity with the weak, human rights, and the principles of democracy, rule of law and separation of powers—we fought for these values in the two Atlantic revolutions of the late 18th century, the American and the French, and they form the core of our Western self-image. We come from the same Judeo-Christian tradition, from the same European enlightenment. We stand on the same foundations of ancient philosophy and politics, which were built in Athens, Rome and Jerusalem. That is the West.
And we regard our values as universal, freedom from persecution and torture, not being at the mercy of despotism, but being protected by laws that apply equally to everyone. That's what people want. These are human rights that are independent of culture or religion.
However, the attempts made since the French revolutionary wars to forcefully impose these values in other places have often ended in failure. And this has caused some people to attack the optimism about freedom and the vision of spreading democracy around the world and to abandon the notion of universalism altogether. I think this is going too far. But in light of changing global power relations, we would indeed be well-advised to adopt a more realistic and more modest stance today, and even more so in the future.
I also don't pay much attention to theories of decline, like those of Niall Ferguson, who talks about the "great degeneration" of the West. But it's true that Europe today is not in a position where it can achieve very much by giving moralistic lectures, and this also applies to the West as a whole.
Since World War II, people have taken for granted that the West functions well. But since the collapse of Lehman Brothers, as you just mentioned, six years ago, and the resulting financial and economic crisis, the functionality of the Western economic and social order as a whole has been called into question. Systemic problems have become visible. Not least, decision-making mechanisms need to be reformed. That's something we have learned, and not only from the years of crisis in Europe. Recent developments in the United States have shown us the same thing.
If the most powerful nation in the world can be at risk of going bankrupt over a period of weeks—and this can only be prevented at the last moment—then the creditworthiness of the West as a whole is in question, not just in financial and economic terms, but also in the political sense. And if we want to achieve something in this fast-changing and challenging world of the 21st century, then we must, above all, remain credible. It doesn't help the West's interests if we focus only on our moral strengths but fail to ensure that we maintain effective institutions and strong economies.
Today, our ambition should, first of all, be targeted at ourselves. We have to concentrate on making sure that we can get things done and that we stay competitive and attractive on the global stage.
The conditions for achieving this are better than people sometimes think. Some important trends indicate that the West's values and position in the world will remain strong in future.
For example, I am confident that economic growth will foster democracy in many developing and emerging countries. Economic modernization leads to growing demands for democracy. It fosters a mentality that calls for democracy. When people succeed on their own, independent commercial activities, their desire for self-determination and for a voice in public affairs grows.
Here's another example. The U.S. economy has gained new strength in the past couple of years. And in Europe, the past five years started a process to put the continent on a more solid foundation. In economic terms, Europe is no longer the world's main cause for concern. Despite all the shifts in the global economy, the U.S. and Europe still account for almost half of global GDP.
And when I say that the West's position in the world will remain strong in the future, I don't mean a unipolar moment, and definitely not an imperial one. The only word in these concepts that has turned out to be true is the word "moment."
Today's process of globalization has made it impossible to build empires in the traditional sense. We no longer have a situation where traditional centers of power dominate the countries in their periphery. Instead, the countries in the periphery are building their own centers, which exert a lot of influence on traditional power centers. These emerging countries are becoming stronger economically, and their self-confidence is rising. And this is causing fundamental change in the architecture of power.
For this reason, globalization can be successfully shaped only on the basis of integration, cooperation, and the recognition that our partners are our equals and not on the basis of hegemonic or imperial attitudes and actions. If we want freedom, democracy and the rule of law to be spread on a sustainable basis, the best way to do this is through integration, not intervention.
Globalization and empires don't go together. Globalization—in contrast to empires—is a global phenomenon, not a regional one. This makes globalization a much more powerful and long-lasting mega-trend. Because of this, Russia's current imperial moment will remain just a moment, especially since it's already based on a shaky foundation.
In a globalized world, soft power has decisive significance. And by this, I mean an attractive social model underpinned by a strong economy. And these long-term factors don't favor powers like Russia. Instead, these factors put the West in a good position, if we continue to do our homework.
A recent study by the European Institute for Security Studies shows that E.U. countries are considered to have the largest amount of soft power in the world. In my view, Russia does not currently offer a very attractive model for emerging countries, and Russia's economic outlook is rather gloomy, as well.
The Russian economy suffers from the fact it is increasingly dominated by commodities and its industrial sector is in decline. Today, Russia's economy is much less diversified than it was under the Soviet Union. Today, oil and gas exports make up 70 percent of Russia's total exports.
Russia's backslide into patterns of behavior from the previous century has caused the U.S. and Europe to move closer together. President Obama was just in Brussels for the first time. I am confident that the Ukraine crisis will help us to strengthen transatlantic ties and to rediscover our common interests.
We are looking at possibilities for more cooperation in the energy sector. And we are closely coordinating our actions on the basis of diplomacy and sanctions. At the same time, this crisis is also showing us how important it remains to maintain hard power. Europe is currently experiencing this right on its doorstep. But, like soft power, hard power has also to be underpinned by a strong economy.
I am seeing how recent crises are leading us towards a new culture of seriousness and focus. Even more than before, the West must be ready to set priorities and to avoid sideshows. We have to talk about what's really important.
The global crisis that followed the collapse of Lehman Brothers was a first loud wake-up call. The Ukraine crisis is another one. Two decades ago, the notion of the "end of history" became fashionable, first here in the U.S. and then in the rest of the world. Looking back now, this idea was completely ahistorical.
Europe and the U.S. have to work together to build common strategies for a world that continues to struggle for stability. For me, a guiding principle here is the notion of reciprocity. This starts with the regulation, for example, of financial markets. For example, we Europeans think it's counterproductive for the U.S. to place higher regulatory requirements on the U.S.-based activities of foreign banks. We think this poses the risk of discrimination, weaker regulatory cooperation, and the fragmentation of regulatory laws.
Of course, reciprocity doesn't end with financial market regulation. The U.S. has a global responsibility to lead. But in our multilateral world, this responsibility to lead can only be carried out in multilateral frameworks. And this calls for reciprocity in every area of policy.
For example, for a long time now, it's clear that foreign and security policy can't work on a unilateral basis. It can succeed only when partners work together closely, and as equals.
In addition, the universality of human rights must be observed in actual fact and must be reflected in our own actions. When it comes to civil rights and data protection, everyone in the world must enjoy the same rights.
By the way, in my view, the problem with NSA is not in the first place a problem of intelligence services. It's a problem of how the innovation of technology changes efforts and requirements to protect civil rights. And I think this discussion, which, is much more important, how we can protect our values—civil rights, privacy, freedom, democracy—in times of Internet, in this changing world. That is a discussion we have to start in the Western world. And I think we must (inaudible) by the way, as always, the U.S. should take the lead in this discussion. And it's not a matter that intelligence services, they—they look for information where they get it. It's a little bit ridiculous to think informations are allowed to everyone except intelligence services and we must not spend money for intelligence services.
So having said this, for decades, soft power was one of the central pillars of America's strength around the world. My generation has grown up under the soft power of the United States, to be very clear. If this pillar is to remain intact, and if the U.S. wants to ensure that it does not lose power overall, then it must do much more to exercise its leadership responsibility within the frameworks of multilateral relations.
As a token of their goodwill, the U.S. should finally ratify the IMF reforms to give the rising powers of the 21st century a say in the fund's affairs. This would strengthen the fund's legitimacy, as well as its capacity to act not only in times of crisis, but also in its day-to-day decision-making.
Viewed from a short-term perspective, non-reciprocal behavior sometimes seems to bring benefits. But in the long term, it causes more self-inflicted damage. It's a basic issue for transatlantic relations in particular. If reciprocity doesn't succeed between both sides of the Atlantic, then it certainly wouldn't succeed on a global basis. And when there's visible damage between friends, you can be sure that it's going to be even worse in the rest of the world.
We Europeans worry that the soft power of the U.S. is eroding because of unilateral actions. But soft and hard power go hand in hand. As much as Europe needs a strong U.S., even the U.S. needs a reliable Europe. To strengthen global governance in the 21st century, we, Europe and the U.S., need to be reliable partners.
Therefore, it is the task of the U.S. to strengthen its soft power, and it's the Europeans' job to strengthen their hard power. If both, Europe and the U.S., do their homework, we will set a new standard for our transatlantic partnership.
We need also reciprocity when it comes to global commons, places that up to now have been used on a joint basis, or have not been exploited, where there's no clear ownership and no globally binding rules for use. These global commons include space, the seas, the poles, and the Internet, especially the Internet, including taxation of companies acting on the Internet. We are already seeing conflicts and rivalries here.
The world is looking for global rules in these areas and for new forms of international cooperation or, let's say, global governance. The U.S. and Europe should pave the way forward here. Working together with as many partners as possible, we should develop and implement new forms of international governance.
"The problem with NSA is not in the first place a problem of intelligence services. It's a problem of how the innovation of technology changes efforts and requirements to protect civil rights."
European integration and the European model of cross-border cooperation are being carefully observed in Latin America and Asia. People there are paying a lot of attention to whether or not the European project succeeds. In Latin America, Asia, and in Africa too, decision-makers are thinking about carrying out similar projects if Europe achieves long-term success.
The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership is another area that holds key opportunities for sending signals to the rest of the world. That's why we need to negotiate patiently and to proceed from the assumption that we respect the same values, for example, in the areas of environmental and labor standards. The TTIP will give us a major boost to transatlantic relations. It's the most important transatlantic project for the foreseeable future.
Concluding this agreement together will improve our ability to counter challenges from outside, challenges that face companies and research centers in both Europe and the United States, challenges like forced technology transfer, cyber spying, discriminatory patent systems, the unfair practices in setting standards, and the violation of intellectual property rights. China, Russia, and India are not global models in any of these areas.
We also need the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership to set a key example for freedom in the world, an example of how freedom and globalization can lead to shared prosperity in the world of the 21st century.
Our transatlantic agreement would provide powerful momentum for a global trade agreement, which of all possible trade agreements would, of course, be first best. The transatlantic partnership needs a renaissance. And there's no better time than now, because the shared challenges we are facing are greater than ever. We've had plenty of wake-up calls, so let's join our forces and tackle these challenges together.
Thank you very much.
KIMMITT: Mr. Minister, thank you for those thoughtful and thought-provoking comments. I think they provide a very good foundation for the question-and-answer period that we'll have now. I'll start with a few questions. Then we'll turn to the audience.
If I may, why don't I pick up on the very last point you made about the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership? I think I can speak for everyone in this room, we would share your sentiments about its importance, not just in economic and financial, but in political and security terms. I think it's as important to the future of the transatlantic relationship as the North Atlantic Treaty was to its past.
What do you think the prospects are for this agreement? And because it seems to me that the negotiations have moved along at a pretty good pace, have hit the bumps that negotiations often hit, but is there a concern that the political momentum is slowing in Europe as perhaps some think it is in the U.S.?
SCHAUBLE: There is a concern, but I think maybe even the recent events in the relation with the Ukraine will be a good opportunity to fight against this slow down. And I would quote federal chancellor in government speech he delivered some weeks ago in parliament, when she said maybe we have a lot of free trade agreements with different parts of the world. It would be really incredible if—especially the two major economic spaces of the world, United States, and the closest alliance, United States and Europe, would not have such a common free trade agreement. Therefore, it's not to be imagined, we have to concentrate on this.
And I think—I have been in my—I had to present my draft budget in parliament this week. And in my speech, I said this transatlantic negotiations are a chance for ourselves, because we have to accept the Germans, that we need common standards, and that means not any German standard. It's only standard who can be agreed on the world, but that is not the way we can find common solutions. And the Germans understood what I mean and must not explain in Washington DC. What to tell you—to give one example.
For some—for some months, Indian minister for air traffic visited Berlin. And when he got the problem with our airport in Berlin, he couldn't really understand (inaudible)
I can't explain (inaudible)
KIMMITT: I will—I will not pressure—press you on the airport.
SCHAUBLE: (inaudible) no, not on the airport, no.
KIMMITT: You mentioned Ukraine and Crimea. You spoke some very strong words recently on that subject, I think some very clear words today. I think you came here from a meeting of the G-20 with your Russian counterpart at the table, unlike yesterday when the G-7 met without him at the table.
I was struck that you mentioned energy cooperation as an important way for Europe and the United States to respond to what has happened there. Do you think—and there are certainly things we need to do in the United States, difficult political decisions, but I think that have important long-term consequences both for us domestically and also for us strategically, so Keystone XL pipeline, export limits being lifted on energy resources.
Would this closer cooperation in the energy sector lead Germany to perhaps look closely at the Energiewende, the German energy policy, and that perhaps could reopen some issues that were closed there or perhaps reopen a more open debate on shale gas and other issues?
SCHAUBLE: I think there will be a reopening of the discussion in Europe. I think it's not—it's not—in the first place, it's not a problem in Germany. It's a problem in Europe. But if I have said, I think in Germany we are actually on the way to make our energy change a little bit more suitable, and we have made a lot of progress, even in this week. It's not easy to get, but we are doing step by step, because we know—and it's up to the finance minister, as well as the minister for economy, telling again and again our public opinion, that to remain a strong well-doing in economic affairs, well-doing state, we need solid energy with competitive prices. And that is not granted until now.
Therefore, we have to solve this problem in the medium term. Otherwise, we would risk that we will lose a lot of investment. Therefore, it's not the best way. I think we are—and especially in Europe, we are working on a European market, because that is the best way to solve the problem.
KIMMITT: So talking about Europe, German-French cooperation is often described as the motor of the European Union. France, of course, just formed a new government. You have a new counterpart. What would be your early assessment of this new government's ability to take on some of those tough issues that were laid out in the restructuring proposal of President Hollande?
SCHAUBLE: In France, it's similar to the United States. The decisive position is the president. And the president has not changed, and the president has announced—President Hollande has announced I think in early January the decisions he—France must take, and I think this announcement of President Hollande was the right one.
And now they are trying to implement. It's always more difficult to implement. But they are on the right track. And I think this government change is an instrument to implement what President Hollande announced.
I am hopeful and I'm confident that they will get it. France remains a strong country. And as you have said, it's granted—we Germany alone cannot lead Europe. It's impossible. We don't want and we can't. Even if we do so, we can't, on a lot of reasons. It's quite—therefore, we need a reliable partner. The most important partner is France.
Of course, if U.K., but U.K. will not. If U.K. would be more—would have been more engaged in European integration from the beginning, it maybe would be a little bit different. But in the given European structure, if France and Germany don't cooperate, if France and Germany don't find common solutions, common proposals, Europe is blocked. And therefore, we are—we depend on France, France depends on Germany, Europe depends on both. We are not dominating Europe. We involve very much Poland, similar important partner in the former eastern part of Europe, the former Soviet Pact, and as the triangle of Weimar.
But once again, we and France, we need France, but we are confident that France—France is very different related to Germany with a lot of advantages. But together we can—and I think—I am—to sum up, I am confident France will get it, in a French way, not in a German way, different, but (inaudible)
KIMMITT: Thank you. Minister, we're now going to invite our audience to join in the conversation. Please wait for the microphone. Speak directly into it. When I call on you, please stand, state your name and affiliation, and to allow as many attendees as possible to speak, please keep your questions and comments concise. In fact, I'd say keep your questions concise and your comments even more concise, please.
So could we have the first question? Please, Nancy?
QUESTION: Hi, Nancy Jacklin at Johns Hopkins SAIS. You spoke about the concern of banking regulation in the U.S., in a sense taking a view that is, in a way, territorial and essentially requiring foreign banks to have holding companies that are meeting U.S. capital standards. I suspect some reason for that or some concerns that led to that had to do with the slow pace at which Europe was assessing asset quality and stress testing of their banks and a worry that at least they be a source of strength for the operations in U.S. and some lack of confidence in that.
I wonder if you feel at this stage that the political will is finally there to deal with some of these difficult questions in terms of increasing capital and doing credible stress-testing on the European banking system.
SCHAUBLE: I wouldn't—I wouldn't be understood that I think reciprocity is only a problem of United States, but different regulations—different level of regulations are—it's the second-best solution, not the best solution. Therefore, I am obviously in favor (inaudible) for example, if you—but maybe we will—if it takes too much time if to go to—too much into details of banking regulation, capital requirements, it's the end. We can't do the accounting standards.
And again and again, I am trying even to get the G-20 involved in the issue of accounting standards, because it's hopeless. Since decades, since decades, we cannot achieve common accounting standards. Of course, I know—and since I have been finance minister for some years, I know better than I used to do so before, why are the reasons we have totally different traditions. In America, you have economists, market finance. In continental Europe, not in U.K., but in continental Europe, or maybe old Europe, economy is financed—is credit financed, bank financed. It's totally different. And therefore we—we have to find common solutions on this very difficult—different traditions is not easy. Nevertheless, we have to deliver in the globalized world, I think, for globalized markets.
And therefore, I would just mention, I can't really—I'm not satisfied that we don't make any progress in getting common accounting standards. You may say, oh, it's not so important, but I tell you, as soon as I am starting discussions, of course, we are increasing capital in European banks, as well. And you may know the discussion. As a finance minister, you suffer it again and again and again.
And then you are told, yeah, but you can't compare the American requirements with the European. The European is much stronger, because the way of accounting is totally different. And, of course, you take off (inaudible) another argument, what is (inaudible) help me with the wording.
SCHAUBLE: (inaudible) you can take it to companies. You make it out of your balance sheet, and that reduces your balance sheet. Therefore, your core capital is higher. And you can't compare.
And my answer is, why don't we get common standards for this? Is it impossible? I hope no. I think this century we'll have another 85 years, and in this 85 years, we should come to common standards (inaudible) yes?
KIMMITT: Right behind Nancy. Yes.
QUESTION: Thank you. Steven Kramer, National Defense University. So a day or two ago, the Greeks were able to float bonds on the market, and that in a certain sense can be seen as a great success for E.U. policy. But at the same time, the—you know, the unemployment rate increased, and in Italy and much of Southern Europe is very, very high. And you know—we all know that when European elections take place, the result is going to be a disaster, that the extreme right is going to do very, very well.
So what concerns me is the fact that the policies that you followed have created a huge disenchantment with the entire European Union mechanism. I mean, what are you going to—you know, and that austerity, which has delivered some success on the bond market, but not on the employment market, you see this as a long-term problem? And if so, where do you think the E.U. needs to go?
SCHAUBLE: It is a problem, not only a long-term, but as a short-term. But having said this, I don't agree with your analysis. Unemployment rate is high. And, of course, we have an increasing Euro-skeptic mood in some European member states. The relation between both is a little bit more complicated, because what are the unemployment rates in U.K.? And the anti-European mood in U.K. is even higher than in most continental European countries, not only in the Conservative Party, not only in the Labour Party, but everyone expects that maybe it's possible that in the coming European election for European Parliament, UKIP is very innovative party, to be very diplomatic, in the U.K. political system will be number one. That is therefore the relation between unemployment rate and—my first remark.
My second remark is, if you want to fight unemployment, you have to look what is—what is the very reason. In Greece, I can tell you. I have—I can—we both know what happened in the former GDR, what was a socialist part, Soviet-occupied part of Germany, in times of reunification, it's a day when we introduce on the very strong desire of population in GDR, the deutschmark in GDR, the first July of 1990, before German reunification.
The economy of the GDR until that time, number 11 on any OECD statistic, number 11. The economy was bankrupt, because they were not—the economy was not competitive. In the globalized market, in the common European market, with the European currency, you need a competitive economy first.
Second remark is, maybe we have all underestimated, even in United States, and in Europe, by sure, the changing—in labor markets by the globalization and the digital revolution, the competition not only on investment, but in the supply of—labor supply, cheap labor and better educated labor, by billions of people is huge. And by the technology change and revolution, it's increasing. There we have underestimated. Therefore, we have—what are we doing? We are fighting this crisis by structural reforms.
Yesterday, in the—in the G-20 meeting (inaudible) we agreed—quite interesting, under Australian presidency, the key structural reforms, to increase competitiveness, there is no—no global policy, no monetary policy, no monetary—quantitative easing (inaudible) that make—always help for the short term.
In the medium and long term, there is no way beyond—to buy competitiveness, to gain the preconditions to get employment enough, to deliver to the social standard, people won't ever—last remark to Greece. Years ago, maybe two years, three years ago, you know, no, we have some very interesting sessions overnight in the Eurogroup (inaudible) Greece program. And the then-Greek finance minister again and again, he says, oh, my people are suffering so strongly and we cannot accept additional conditionality and bah-bah-bah-bah-bah.
And at 3 o'clock, a colleague from one of the Baltic states said, "Oh, please stop. I can't suffer it, because I will tell you what my people had to suffer to achieve the change from former Soviet Union to become member of the eurozone. We did it. And now I have to tell my people that we have to pay for Greek?" Which are—minimum wages in Greece used to be higher than minimum wages—minimum wages by law than they used to be in Spain, in times when we—in Germany didn't have a minimum wage by law. Now we are introducing, because we want to fight our surplus on behalf of the recommendations of state, of White House (ph) (inaudible)
Joke. Joke. So having said this, it's too easy. And I think—I'm quite optimistic. Greece is doing well, better than expected. And, for example, I tell you, two years ago toursits in Greece (inaudible) in summertime, and Greece has wonderful coasts and island and so on. Two years ago, it was a disaster. Greece was too expensive, and everyone who traveled in this part of the Mediterranean went to Turkey.
Last year, they cut wages. Of course, it's not—they will not be loved in public opinion, but last year, it was the best year in tourism increase since decades. It works. Spain is doing very well. Portugal is doing very well. Ireland is on the right track. We—but there is no way beyond structural reforms. We're gaining competitiveness, and that has to be said.
Of course, we have to do it in a way which is political to be tolerated, accepted. That is the risk of democracy. But I think until now, we are rather—we are always aware and finding—and looking for the right balance. We are also aware on this problem (inaudible) I am quite optimistic that even in the next European Parliament, you will see a clear pro-European reliable majority. I am quite optimistic that even in Greece, the outcome of European parliament will be an encouragement for Samaras's government.
KIMMITT: I'm going to go to my left front, and then we'll go further back in the room.
QUESTION: Thank you very much. I'm Bridavata Nelson (ph) from the German Historical Institute. And my question is regarding the very highly emotional debate right now in Germany about retirement age. Do you think it would make sense, given the huge differences in retirement age between Germany, France and some other European countries, and sort of some grumbling in the German public that, you know, when we want to have chief union (ph) that's stronger financed and has schemes of sort of income redistribution without Europe, do you think there should be the goal to find more political consensus on certain common rules, such as a common retirement age within the European Union?
SCHAUBLE: Yes, but—look, the—you must not—if you look at Europe, you must not only look on France and Netherlands and Belgium and Germany, but also on Bulgaria, Romania, and the former eastern part. And the standard of life and the standard of social insurance is so totally different. And we had—of course, we have a common labor market. It's the freedom of movement for everybody. Therefore, we—if we—we have to do it step by step.
If we build common rules on social security in Europe, it's not to be managed. And having said this, in Germany, we agree that we have to raise the pension age from 65 to 67. That's decided. That will go on. But we have a very specific—it's overestimated in public debate, but the real problem is quite easy, and it's to be understood even in the United States. We fought a campaign on general election. We had, my party, Chancellor Merkel had some positions, as Social Democrats were totally averse. The outcome of the general election was totally clear. We won. And Social Democrats have been defeated.
But in our system, we need a majority in parliament, and we didn't get another partner, because our favorite partner did not get 5 percent, and therefore we have—we have close to majority, but not above. It's like inflation rate in European close to 2 percent, but below—we are below 50 percent. You know, therefore we need a partner, and the only partner was Social Democrats. Social Democrats, who had announced never, ever we will join a Merkel government. And voters said, yes, you are right. Go to opposition. Now they had to stay and to come to—they had to convince their own electorate. It's not easy to get, and therefore we make some compromise, not too much. It's in line with the recommendations that we have to care on surpluses, but we don't go beyond.
"[T]here is no way beyond structural reforms. We're gaining competitiveness, and that has to be said. Of course, we have to do it in a way which is political to be tolerated, accepted."
KIMMITT: Back left here, please.
QUESTION: Hi, thank you. My name is Ben Hancock. I'm a journalist for Inside U.S. Trade. I wanted to follow up on the comments about different banking regulations and also about accounting standards that you mentioned. Do you see the TTIP as a tool to address this issue? The European Commission has been quite clear that it wants to include financial services, regulations, or a method to cooperate on implementation on a more granular level within TTIP? Do you support that? Are you calling for that?
And then, on the standards this year, accounting standards, do you also see TTIP as a method of finally wrangling that issue? Thank you.
SCHAUBLE: I will—I will restrict myself a little bit, because I'm not responsible for the TTIP negotiations. It's the Ministry of Economy and, of course, with the European Commission. And if you try to take me to go to concrete details, I think I will make a lot of nonsense.
Therefore, let me say in this way. I am totally convinced that TTIP is in favor of both sides. Therefore, I am a strong supporter of TTIP. And I will always be in favor of working for common rules.
But what this means in a concrete details a little bit, it's a little bit too complicated for that discussions. Therefore, let's—you can't believe that German finance minister personally or this guy who is this old guy who is sitting at this table will always be in favor of—to expect—it's a view of the others. If you negotiate, you have to understand the position of the other. Otherwise, it makes no sense. Any negotiation starts with understanding and respecting the position of your partner in negotiating. Otherwise, you—it makes no sense, because you can be one successful and you will never have another negotiation with this partner if you don't care on this.
And I am—and as I have tried to tell you, I am—I remain convinced that transatlantic—strong, reliable transatlantic partnership is the best what we can deliver for this world of globalization, because, look, a competitive economy—there are other models in the world. We are not the only competitive economy, and that will—that will even change in the coming world.
But if you look at successful economies combined with democracy, rule of law, sustainability, responsibility for environment sustainability, social coherence, only the Western model, United States (inaudible) and Europe have this model. If we want to make this model, this way of life to be the model to make the globalized world stable, to prevent peace, stability, without any illusion in the nature of 7 and maybe 9 billion people, human beings, it's a population in which in Africa about 60 percent or 70 percent of people are—of population are younger than 20 years.
In this time, if we want to make our values what we are convinced they are worth, we have to cope. We can do it together. And we can't only do it in unilateral ways I would like to repeat what I tried to say. I think this time of globalization—look what happened in the last—it's like 60 years. This time of globalization is not—is not to be stabilized on universal—on—it can only be stable on multilateral solutions. Otherwise, we will—everyone will fail. That is the lesson that—this lesson has to be taken by whoever is concerned, all of us.
And the Europeans must not be as self-confident as they are. They have to care. They have to take responsibility, as well. I'm always fighting for a more reliable European partner, because if we let U.S. alone, and say, oh, you (inaudible) you have to—you are responsible to solve all the problems in the world, to please care (ph). It will not work. You need partner. You need partner.
KIMMITT: Back center, please?
QUESTION: Barry Wood, RTHK in Hong Kong. Minister, what has been the effect of the American failure to ratify the 2010 IMF reform? And what might its effect be going forward?
SCHAUBLE: Oh, look, we had two-hour discussion this morning, and we all agreed that we try to convince members of Congress that says ratification of the—of the 2010, the 14 quota reform is in the best interest even of the United States. But that's democracy. We respect—that is—I got this morning a lot of decision in the second chamber of Federal Republic of Germany I hate (ph). That's democracy. I have to take it.
That is—that is—second chamber is the representation of the state, and they always want the money of the federal government.
I'm—we have all agreed we hope that United States will ratify the 2010 reform up to the end of this year.
KIMMITT: OK, Judith?
QUESTION: Thank you. Judith Kipper, Institute of World Affairs. You've spoken eloquently about competition. And I wondered what policies you would recommend because in Europe, Japan and the U.S., the population is aging very rapidly. And in terms of the labor force, an aging population has a tremendous impact on society, health care, housing, workforce, you name it. What should we be doing to anticipate this issue in the—in the Western world plus Japan?
SCHAUBLE: What we can do is to take—to be aware on this development what is—what is going on. I tell you, Federal Chancellor Merkel has been criticized in Germany that they have arranged a lot of meetings. In the last five, six years, on exactly these issues, a lot of—including all parts of society, what does it mean? What are the consequences? How can we prepare on this? We must not—we must not be depressive.
Life expectation is increasing for every one of us. But having said this, of course, for—to remain competitive with the most thing is for research and education, education of children, schools, training. We need every girl and every boy, the best way educated for—the best possible way.
Research and development, we must be better, if we want to live to a higher standard, including social assistance, security. We have to be better than others. Therefore, we will know that the proposals will go on, that we will have different comparative advantages in the different parts of economy, but we can stay for a long time in leading. U.S. will be a leading economy (inaudible) quite sure. We are in research and—a lot of other things, innovation, we are better, in communication.
So institutional framework. Any economist (inaudible) quite optimistic that they will—even more get—understand, the most important thing for a reliable economy are the—is the institutional framework. If administration is corrupt, and if justice is not working reliably, you can't spend as much money as you wanted, will not work.
I have mentioned—and I'm quite sure other successful economies will face the problem that the more people get rich, the more they will ask sometimes to—for democracy, to the right to decide themselves, and not to think—I think some models give—make people rich, but tells them you—in a political way, you have—you must not care. That will not work. You can't—at the end, the human being tends to prefer liberty.
And therefore, we have a lot of specific advantages, but we have to care on this, and we have to have in mind. Therefore, I have to tell my people, please, don't have in mind (inaudible) we can. But we can do something, but we—if (inaudible) it's critical, it's dangerous. That's what we can do. And then prepare on—what does—what does it mean in elder society, how to reform our health care system, our—all these things, how we can use Internet for new things, and how we prepare our social reality or society not to—sometimes I think I have—I have make the proposal in my speech that we should take this issue of changing the world, societies, political systems by the Internet revolution more seriously.
One of my major concerns is that my generation and the young generation—the generation of my grandchildren—even my children—in Germany, live in total different world of communication. They don't see the same TV programs. They don't read the same newspaper, if the young generation don't read newspaper, bah-bah-bah-bah, and that. And therefore, we have to care how we can get society together. Without social coherence, there's no free—there's no stable freedom, ever.
"Our soft power—and especially the U.S. soft power—in this multilateral framework is not increasing. It must be changed."
KIMMITT: Frank Finelli, you have the last question.
QUESTION: Thank you, Minister Schauble, for your remarks. We've seen a string of poor economic news out of China, exports down over 6 percent, imports down over 11 percent, purchasing manager indexes below 50 percent, indicating contraction, GDP perhaps 5 percent on a quarter-on-quarter basis. Could you talk about the importance of the Asian export markets for the German economy and financial situation? And what would you like to see in terms of monetary and financial policy in Asia related to this issue?
SCHAUBLE: You know, the German economy is actually very strong in most Asian markets. That is one of the major achievements of German economy. Therefore, we tried to build on this. We tried to use it for European and transatlantic interests together in the relations.
Therefore, what we can do—not to mention one specific issue—is we must to use multilateral, universal, global institutions for enhanced governance. It needs economic governance of the globalized world. That's what we are doing in these very days in Washington, in the G-20, in the IMF, and again and again.
And therefore, that is one of my, very frank, my last answer. I would like to, once again, ask you for your assistance and for your understanding. And if you—you can—sometimes you can feel it in the G-20 and sometimes—and in finance ministers' meeting, that our soft power—and especially the U.S. soft power—in this multilateral framework is not increasing. It must be changed. That must be changed. U.S. have—together with Europe, we have to have a leading role. And I think the rest of the world is urgently waiting that we do so.
And, therefore, of course we will not dominate the world. It's the same with France and Germany and Europe. But we can lead. And that is the indispensable nation, God's own country. Good luck.
We need you.
KIMMITT: Thank you, Minister.
Mr. Minister, on behalf of the Council on Foreign Relations, and especially today's attendees, I'd like to thank you for taking almost two hours out of your very crowded bank fund schedule. That is a real compliment both to the council and to the attendees. Loved your last answer. It also—it also reminds us that Europe and the U.S. coming together is not being done on a zero-sum basis. Of course, we all have to reach out to China and other important emerging economies.
But the closer we are to one another, the more effective we will be in that outreach. We wish you every success in your important responsibilities, not just Germany and Europe, but we in the United States have a stake in that success. Thank you again for joining us.


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Major League Soccer's Disciplinary committee on Wednesday handed down two suspensions stemming from a physical game between the LA Galaxy and Chicago Fire over the weekend.
Galaxy defender Chris Birchall was given a two-game suspension for his reckless tackle in the 93rd minute on Fire winger Patrick Nyarko, which drew a yellow card and led to pushing and shoving near the team benches after the incident. Birchall also faces a $500 fine for the incident, which the Disciplinary Committee said "showed utter disregard for his opponent's safety."
Birchall clipped Nyarko with his right leg while the speedy Fire midfielder streaked up the sideline, sending Nyarko head over heels before a number of Fire players tried to confront Birchall for the tackle late in LA's 2-1 win. Chicago's Josip Mikulic was issued a red card during the fracas.
Birchall will serve his suspension July 20 when the Galaxy host the Columbus Crew and July 30 at the Vancouver Whitecaps FC.
The committee also handed down a one-game suspension and a $250 fine to Fire striker Diego Cháves for his reckless tackle on Landon Donovan in the 91st minute. He will serve his suspension against the Portland Timbers on Saturday. Cháves "endangered the safety of his opponent," according to the league's ruling.
The Disciplinary Committee also fined San Jose Earthquakes head coach Frank Yallop $500 for conduct unbecoming of a professional during the game against Philadelphia Union on Saturday. This fine is added to his automatic one-game suspension and $500 fine for being dismissed from the sideline by the referee.
Yallop's total fine is $1,000; he will not be permitted to be on the sideline or in communication with the bench during the Earthquakes game against the Columbus Crew on July 16.


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Most items are pretty much figured out, exception is really parts from the Anubis set & the weapons. So far, people have discovered that Anubis Mail is from surgery & Anubis Greaves are from startopia missions.
Assuming the spirit is from solving the riddle we're presented with, that leaves us with 3 Anubis items. I believe those are Anubis mask, Anubis boots and a neck item? I don't think we're given much hints on how to obtain them, the riddles in Secret of Growtopia seem to be used for something else, probably to obtain the spirit of Anubis or whatever.


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I just finished recording the 2nd movement of Vaughan-Williams' tuba concerto, the "Romanza." That is the one movement from the original publication that is recommended for euphonium.
In two places, the melody goes down to a low concert B natural (just above pedal Bb). That is the one note that is unsatisfactory with the 4-valve compensating system. Even with a trigger it is not going to be in tune without lipping down, and I did not have a trigger for the recording. The publisher includes
As most readers already know, the Holst Second Suite in F for Military Band is a great piece for euphonium players. The first movement has a particularly nice solo - in my mind it is an example of ideal euphonium scoring. The melody is lyrical and singing, and the band is scored very lightly behind the solo. For those who want to play this solo, even when your band has not programmed it, I wrote it as part of a 2-movement suite for euphonium and piano. The sheet music is available here:
In this video I go through some of the logic for using alternate fingerings. I'll show some specific examples and explain a bit about the advantages alternate fingerings can offer (technique or intonation). More information is available from my book Advanced Fingerings for Euphonium:
YouTube direct link: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nklNJEj_Fk0
Or view it right here:
Many previously-available items come back online now and then. Fortunately for us, three classic euphonium books are now available.
The first are the two volumes of Arthur Lehman's "The Art of Euphonium." These were originally distributed with an LP, but the printed books themselves are still quite useful. If you also want the recordings, there are high-quality MP3 files available in the links below. The recordings are with the U.S. Marine Band, Arthur's "home" for 20 years.
Updated 12-20-2018 at 06:49 PM by davewerden
When I was growing up I used to love Looney Toons cartoons. One of the visual themes that was used in various ways was a person with an angel on one shoulder and a devil on the other. The two mini characters would try to convince the main character to do something bad or something good. That was an effective tool for the stories, and its use dates back millennia (in somewhat different forms!). An early Disney Pluto cartoon used it as well. It continues to be useful to today's audiences, as shown
Updated 09-02-2016 at 09:51 AM by davewerden
I was just asked for a list of pieces suitable for an amateur quartet. The particular question in this case was about using them at an OcTubaFest, but these suggestions should work for several situations. Note that all are available as printed music or immediate download.
The title of this post mentions "Starter" but these are not for raw beginners. I'm referring to tunes to help get your group's repertoire started, although I have tried to stay within a fairly easy realm. If you can
Updated 01-20-2016 at 07:46 PM by davewerden
Would you like to be able to sight read better? Would you like to be able to improve your technique? Would you like to relax more when playing music so you can focus on the music instead of the notes? Then keep reading!
I have always emphasized that students and advanced players should be doing scales and arpeggios every day. You should know them well enough to incorporate them in your practice without needing music in front of you. That step may take a while, but it is not too difficult
I've had several questions about my cadenza in my solo of Concert Polka. On YouTube the video I posted of this solo features a different cadenza from what is written. It has a couple non-standard techniques. The simpler of the two is simply a "messy gliss" (like a French horn section often does in dramatic passages, where their upward slur is not clean, but rather includes all the partials along the way). The second one is simple enough if you have a decent lip trill ability, but it will test your


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As the weather gets warmer, what could be more fitting than Leed's travel & outdoor gifts to get audiences geared up and ready to take on the world? No matter if your target audience consists of the camping type or people who just want a weekend getaway to a nice hotel on the beach, we have all your needs covered. Business people and adventurers alike need to have a neat, portable way to travel with all their necessities intact. Toiletry kits are the most versatile and useful bag for travelers, as they will keep all their liquids and bathroom products safe and sealed away from their expensive business suit. Not to leave the local travelers out of the mix, there are plenty of Leed's travel & outdoor gifts to help keep their office on the road organized.


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The confrontation between virus writers and the anti-virus industry is escalating, with malware authors also going after fellow VXers.
The dog eat dog atmosphere has resulted in cybercriminals stepping up their attacks against the security industry and government organisations, according to a report Kaspersky Labs published this week. The report, Malware Evolution 2005, Part II, puts the ramp up in the cyberhooligan activity down to greed. VXers are no longer satisfied with the profits to be made from infecting consumers, so they've stepped up their activity and adopted more aggressive tactics in a bid to increase the effectiveness of malware attacks.
According to Kaspersky, cybercriminals are tracking the activity of the anti-virus industry as closely as the anti-virus industry is tracking malware authors. For example, they use multi anti-virus scanners to test new modifications of existing malicious programs against vendors' anti-virus databases prior to their release.
Ne'er-do-wells are also attempting to subvert almost every stage of anti-virus update development, for example by launching denial of service attacks against honeypot networks of PCs set up by security vendors. The aim of such attacks, along with the targeted mass mailing of malicious programs, is to make the interception of malicious code samples needed to produce security updates more difficult. Packing malware packages using multiple compression programs and writing malware that stops infected users from reaching the update servers of anti-virus vendors are also becoming more commonplace tactics.
"Until recently, only a few groups of virus writers have behaved in the way described above. However, data from 2005 shows that existing groups are banding together, and new groups are emerging," Kaspersky Lab virus analyst Yury Mashevsky said.
VXers are also turning against each other. Some cybercrims use malicious programs that destroy the software developed by rival groups. Malware authors are fighting each other for control of infected PCs. In early November 2005, for example, an attempt to hijack a botnet was detected that resulted in a network of infected computers changing hands three times in one day. "Criminals have realised that it is much simpler to obtain already infected resources than to maintain their own botnets, or to spend money on buying parts of botnets which are already in use," Kaspersky reports.
The target of attacks is also shifting towards government organisations. Kaspersky notes a large number of attacks against government-owned banks, e-trading portals, and the military last year. Although law enforcement agencies have steeped up their efforts to apprehend virus writers, these efforts are frustrated by the international scope of cybervandal activity, with miscreants commonly targeting overseas targets, and patchy response efforts.
"2005 shows that cybercriminals are likely to continue to focus on mobile devices and the financial sector. However, rootkits, botnets, cyber-blackmail, and other criminal activities are likely to remain widespread," the report concludes. ®


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Despite warnings that it was illegal to expand the state's already impressive smoking bans, places like Sarasota — the city and the county — have been doing just that
Local governments are pretty much barred by Florida law from banning smoking in places where state law allows it. That good news for the smoking industry was won by its lobbyists at a price.
As they fought to keep their carcinogenic, heart-and lung damaging and addictive products in common public use, there was a trade-off. In accordance with growing outrage about the odious pollution known as second-hand smoke, Florida's Legislature took the major step of banning smoking in almost every indoor area where the public is invited or where people work.
That forced many employed smokers to take their addiction breaks outside, rain or shine. But things didn't stop there. Some popular outdoor areas shared by nonsmokers and smokers became the next frontier for anti-smoking crusaders.
And they've been cheating, with help from local elected officials. Despite warnings that it was illegal to expand the state's already impressive smoking bans, places like Sarasota — the city and the county — have been passing and enforcing local ordinances that did just that. And though new Sarasota County Commissioner Charles Hines is too late an arrival to have been part of that, he sounds as if he could have been. When the County Commission was informed of a court decision that removed any alleged doubt and said local smoking bans are unlawful, Hines voiced an objection.
"Something doesn't make sense here," Hines charged. "Can you imagine a coach sitting in a Little League dugout smoking a cigarette with little 8-year-old kids running around?"
Well, no. Not these days. And I'm glad that to me and to Hines and to most Americans, it now seems out of the question to subject kids to second-hand smoke, and especially for a coach or other authority figure to do so.
That attitude reflects such great progress that I doubt a law is now even needed to keep some smoke-polluted features of the bad old days from returning.
From my experience at numerous youth baseball facilities in various Florida counties, the smoking-in-the-dugout worry is imaginary. It won't happen, with or without a change in the law. Youth leagues ban smoking around kids. Few coaches, even the addicted ones, would consider smoking in a dugout. And in the bleachers nearby, parents are accustomed to honoring signs that ask them not to smoke.
The wording often reads like a polite request, not a legal threat. It works because people know better now. And I think most outdoor smoking of the sort that would still require laws and cops to stop it probably doesn't need to be stopped at all. Bans at beaches, for instance, were really only justifiable as anti-litter measures, and littering laws are still enforceable.
Fine the butt tossers, of course. Or tar and feather them. But smokers who refrain from littering should be protected from anti-smoking crusaders who want to impose their disdainful will on smokers wherever they go.
Local elected officials might still make a case for needing authority to ban smoking in very limited ways, such as to prevent the public library's steps from becoming a smoke-choked hangout. That hardly counts as outdoors. But state lawmakers could rightly say Sarasota can't be trusted with such authority, given the city's record.
Sarasota deserved it when it became the place where a county judge slapped down its unlawful anti-smoking laws. After all, the city commission went beyond discriminating against smokers. It targeted the homeless for harassment, too, by banning smoking in city parks.
That was creative discrimination against the unwanted. It relied on the readily observable fact that a sizable percentage of this area's chronic and aimlessly homeless men act as if smoking is their primary activity in life.
I'll admit that even as a guy who calls for fairness and tolerance for homeless people who can't make a go of any other lifestyle, I get irritated watching their addiction to nicotine played out daily as a relentless ritual of bumhood. Get a better hobby. But worse is knowing well-connected people use local government as a heavy handed tool to harass people they don't like, by outlawing something that is nobody's business but their own.
Even bum-baiting, self-righteous bigots must get that you can't be against "nanny state" big government while supporting laws like that. Especially illegal ones.
Tom Lyons can be contacted at email@example.com or (941) 361-4964.


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French filmmaker Quentin Dupieux delivered one of 2010's most irreverent, hilarious and bizarre films, "Rubber," about a disposed tire that comes to life, witnesses his kin being burned by the hundreds, and goes on a murderous rampage.
Now he's back with "Wrong," which it was announced will be in competition at Sudance next month. It's about a man's quest for his missing dog, and the new trailer (by way of The Playlist) promises a film that's just as wacked out as his last.


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It's August therefor the madness that is the Edinburgh festival fringe is upon us.
Thousands of shows, comedians, dramas, musicals...all creative life is here, making it a difficult choice to decide what you want to see.
We spotted a flyer for "losing days" a play set to the tunes of frank turner which was described as "hilarious and harrowing".
A little worried that it was going to be one of those jukebox musicals, the promise of some frank made us buy the tickets.
We got lucky.
It's the autobiographical tale of the actor (Sam Underwood) and his struggle to overcome his bipolar disorder which is echoed by the play veering suddenly from comedy to sometimes violent intensity, accompanied by him and a guitarist playing songs from tape deck heart which helped him cope with the situations he finds his illness presents him with.
It was an unexpected gem of a show which left a deeper understanding of the complexities of this disorder, and I would recommend anyone in Edinburgh to check it out.
I don't know if frank has been asked permission for his songs to be used, but their inclusion emphasises that a song can mean many things to many different ears.
I don't think I'll hear "four simple words" again the same way.
P.S. We went to see Michelle Shocked who also has a show on and it turned into an excruciating under rehearsed exercise in self indulgent whining that went on forever... you just never know what you're getting in Edinburgh!
Losing days at the fringe
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Re: Losing days at the fringe
Haven't seen the show myself, but Sam and I chatted it through a while back. Thoroughly lovely person.
Shows? All of em.
"He's like an Uncle, I like him but I don't want to listen to him all day."
"He's like an Uncle, I like him but I don't want to listen to him all day."
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Quinn signs partial Chicago pension overhaul
Gov. Pat Quinn signed legislation Monday to help Chicago reduce a multibillion-dollar pension shortfall for two of its pension systems, but advised Chicago Mayor Rahm Emanuel and the city council not to raise property taxes for needed revenues.
An early version of the measure contained a property tax hike, which Emanuel said was necessary to avoid cuts to services. The provision was later removed, something Quinn noted in his decision to sign the bill.
"As the mayor and members of the Chicago City Council work to identify savings to meet their (pension) obligations ... I urge them to rule out a property tax increase on Chicago homeowners and businesses," Quinn said in a statement. "I recognize that Chicago's mission to find real solutions to its financial challenges will not be easy."
The law, which starts to take effect in January, addresses pensions for Chicago's municipal employees and laborers, affecting about 57,000 employees and retirees. It would nearly eliminate the $9.4 billion shortfall in those funds by cutting benefits and increasing contributions for both the city and employees.
In a statement, Emanuel called the new law "another step toward correcting the series of financial challenges that have been building over the last few decades." Emanuel said he would work with City Council members to find "alternative options" to replace property taxes as a revenue source, at least for the near future.
The legislation has been a political problem for Quinn, who faces a tough re-election race against Republican Bruce Rauner.
On one hand, Quinn has vowed to avoid increasing property taxes and even called for a property tax refund earlier this year -- an idea that went nowhere in the General Assembly. On the other hand, if he had rejected the bill it could have complicated his relationship with Emanuel, another top Illinois Democrat.
Rauner, a venture capitalist from Winnetka, wasted no time in blasting Quinn on the decision.
"I would have vetoed this law -- but Pat Quinn likes to raise taxes and left homeowners holding the bag again," Rauner said in a statement minutes after Quinn's decision. "This should have been a no-brainer -- veto the bill, don't squeeze Chicago families even more."
At the same time, a coalition of unions that's filed a lawsuit over the state's pension overhaul, called the new law unconstitutional and said it would sue. The We Are One Chicago union group said the plan is unfair and would disproportionately affect women, minorities and the low income.
"Mayor Rahm Emanuel's pension-slashing plan, now signed by the Governor, is wrong for Chicago," a group statement read. "This is no victory for the Mayor, but a huge, missed opportunity to find a truly fair, constitutional solution."
Emanuel, who took office in 2011, faces re-election next year. Already, several aldermen have opposed raising property taxes.
Chicago has the worst-funded retirement systems of any major U.S. city and has yet to address police and fire department pensions. There's an approximately $20 billion shortfall in four accounts and another $7 billion debt in the fund for Chicago Public School teachers.
The shortfall is largely the result of years of the city not making large enough contributions to the funds. Emanuel, who inherited much of the problem from the previous administration, has said the changes are needed to avoid an even larger tax hike, severe cuts in programs and services and the potential insolvency of the city's retirement funds.
But pension programs are created by state law, so only state legislators can make changes.
State lawmakers last year approved a sweeping overhaul to reduce the state's $100 billion pension shortfall debt. The plan would cut workers' and retirees' benefits.
Before signing the law, Quinn gave little hint of his plans and waited until the last day he had under Illinois law to act on the bill. Earlier Monday, he described his thought process as following his conscience to do the best thing for the state.
Follow Sophia Tareen at http://twitter.com/sophiatareen
The legislation is SB1922.
Online: www.ilga.gov


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While I was in New York last month for the Club Industry East show, I was struck by how different my life is from the New Yorkers that hurriedly filed past me on the street. I grew up in Topeka, KS, a town of 120,000 where driving to school, church, the grocery store and the doctor's office was a way of life. The only time I did much walking was when I went to the city pool and the Kwik Shop for candy in the summer. I live in the "big" city now — Kansas City, MO, with a metrowide population of 1 million. Walking to work or the store here is generally considered unusual. We are dependent upon our cars, and that's exacerbated by an inadequate public transportation system and our choices to live in suburbia.
However, in New York, I noticed how taking the subway and walking was a way of life for many people. Even if they lived in suburbia (is Jersey suburbia?), they took the ferry, subway or bus into Manhattan to work. And from their last stop, they usually walked at least a block or two to their final destination. Not to mention that at lunch, the streets swelled again with workers walking to nearby restaurants (we jump in our cars and drive to lunch). So despite most of them having desk jobs, their workday involved more movement than most office workers in my part of the world.
I guess this observation just drove home the fact that our car-dependent, technology-driven society has led many of us to a cushy but dangerously inactive lifestyle. And that's why when I looked around at the attendees at the Club Industry East show, I realized how fortunate these people were to work in a field where their focus was fitness all day every day. Unfortunately, few people are lucky enough to have jobs that surround them with treadmills, free weights, lap pools and group exercise classes all day. Instead, they have to carve out a little piece of their day to fit in a trip to the gym.
But change could be on the way for your desk-sitting members and potential members. After a decade of research on how humans expend energy, Dr. James Levine of the Mayo Clinic recently created an office of the future where employees can work at a vertical desk while walking on a treadmill or pedaling a stationary bike. They also can hold meetings while walking on an indoor track rather than sitting in a conference room. Levine's research showed that people could increase their caloric burn rates by integrating more movement into their daily regime. Walk-working from 9 a.m. to 5 p.m. burned 800 extra calories a day, his research found. Despite the health benefits, I don't think that this concept will go over well in most companies today (the expense of purchasing treadmills for everyone could be cost prohibitive), but I do hope this extreme example will lead more companies to consider small steps, such as incorporating a walking track on one floor of their building or encouraging people to walk outside for small group meetings, especially since another recent study found that workers who exercise during the day are more productive.
Until the day comes when walking to work becomes more common everywhere and taking a hike means holding a meeting rather than getting fired, you as fitness professionals can offer your members suggestions about how to fit more movement into their work day — perhaps getting their co-workers to join them. And even if that's all the further they can pull their co-workers into the world of exercise, you'll at least have played a hand in moving them further than they would have gone without you.


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As we transition from Social Blend and Disquisition into our new BlendoveR podcast, I decided to post a couple episodes here for new visitors to see where we came from…
Podcast: Play in new window | Download
So, here we are for the final Best Of Social Blend installment and I find myself writing this with mixed feelings. Next year, we move on to a new podcast, called BlendoveR, and I couldn't be more happier with the prospects.
On the other hand, Social Blend was a significant part of my life for the last 5 years. It is bittersweet closing this chapter, but it must be done, and we must move forward.
This episode contains most of the best moments – hilarious and serious – from Social Blend in 2012. I say "most of" because the initial cut ran beyond 3 hours, and some really good stuff needed to be trimmed for this final release.
That being said, there are a few guests we had this year that don't make an appearance on this episode. I apologize to those of you, as your contributions were significant and memorable, but when you have to squeeze it all into a time limit, things regrettably get removed.
Despite this, I thank all of our guests for their time and support this year.
But more importantly, on behalf of Terr, Jay, and myself, I thank YOU, the listeners, for the time you've taken to listen to our shows and for the support you've provided Social Blend for the last five years.
See you in 2013 at BlendoveR.com for the new show! – Greg Davies
During 2012, Social Blend was brought to you by:
- Greg Davies
- Terr Ciavarra
- Jay Fowler
- Tom Cheredar
- Corey Koehler
- Brian Hill
- Brian Bickerton
- Keith Wagner
- Mark Carras
- Jeremy Rosen
- Rami Taibah
- Chris Gore
- Audrey Ewell
- Lee Garnett
- Amy Vernon
- Rick Kelvington
- Erika Napoletano
- Hunter Camp
- Kat Smith
- Nathan Jurgenson
- PJ Rey
- Michael Brandvold
- Dave Dorman
- Andrew Zilch
- James McLean
- Dan Caycedo
Topics Featured in The Best of Social Blend 2012:
- Kim Jong Il
- Occupy Wall Street
- Geocities Discussion
- George Lucas Retirement and the Star Wars Sequel Trilogy
- Oklahoma Personhood Bill
- Pink Kryptonite
- Kony 2012 is a SCAM
- WTF Stories of the Year
- Game of Thrones
- FBI Communications Assistance Center
- James Holmes and the Dark Knight shooting
- New Digg v1
- Olympics
- Michael Brandvold Marketing
- Dave Dorman
- AskReddit
- Millennium and Back To Frank Black
- Brock's Dub
- Sons Of Tonatiuh
Presented by Greg Davies (cGt2099 from cGt2099.com), Terr Ciavarra (Media Nox), and Jay Fowler (SilentJay74 from JuicySnake.com) the Social Blend is a fun, and hard-hitting, podcast, with no respect for rules.
The End Of Social Blend and The Beginning of BlendoveR
As of January 2013, Social Blend and Disquisition will be merged into a single new-concept show called BLENDOVER
Kim Jong Il
After Kim Jong-il's death, what next for the people of North Korea?
Kim Jong-Un Named The Onion's Sexiest Man Alive For 2012
Occupy Wall Street
99%: The Occupy Wall Street Collaborative Film – Official Site
99%: The Occupy Wall Street Collaborative Film @ Facebook
99%: The Occupy Wall Street Collaborative Film @ Kickstarter
99%: The Occupy Wall Street Collaborative Film @ Twitter
Geocities Discussion
Old Home and Location of Geocities
Jones' Big Ass Truck Rental and Storage
George Lucas Retirement and the Star Wars Sequel Trilogy
After Red Tails Troubles, George Lucas Wants To Retire To Indie Films
Disney Acquires Lucasfilm For $4.05 Billion; Plans To Release Star Wars Episode VII In 2015
What The Disney Acquisition Of Lucasfilm Actually Means: One Star Wars Geek's Analysis
Wikipedia: Star Wars Sequel Trilogy
Oklahoma Personhood Bill
Brilliant Democratic State Senator Tacks 'Every Sperm is Sacred' Clause to Oklahoma's Personhood Bill
Urban Dictionary: Boston Cream Pie
Pink Kryptonite
DC Database Wiki: Pink Kryptonite
Wikipedia: Variations of Kryptonite
Kony 2012 is a SCAM
Am I the only one who is suspicious about Invisible Children, the organisation behind Kony 2012?
Cashing in on Uganda's oil boom
How Invisible Children Falsely Marketed The LRA Disarmament and Northern Uganda Recovery Act
Invisible Child On Jason Russell
Invisible Children Co-Founder Detained: SDPD
Invisible Children Founder and KONY 2012 Star Found Masturbating in Public
Kony 2012 — Jason Russell's Naked Meltdown
Kony screening provokes anger in Uganda
Uganda's Oil Could Be Gift That Becomes a Curse
Upvotes to the left if you want to see Jason Russell's meltdown video mashed up with the Village People's music
US denies interest in Uganda oil
The visible problem with Invisible Children
Wikipedia: Oil and Natural Gas in Uganda
WTF Stories of the Year
Teacher Rumored To Be Hardcore Porn Actress, Removed From Classroom
Winner of bug-eating contest choked to death, says Broward Medical Examiner
Game of Thrones
The Most Shocking Moments Of 'Game of Thrones' Season 1
Sherry Turkle's Chronic Digital Dualism Problem
FBI Communications Assistance Center
FBI forming "Communications Assistance Center" to help spy on Americans
FBI quietly forms secretive Net-surveillance unit
James Holmes and the Dark Knight shooting
12 Killed In Shooting At 'Dark Knight Rises' Screening In Colorado
Tragedy compounded: Killers' parents become instant pariahs
New Digg v1
Digg v1, Mark 2 is totally 'meh'
Australia left wishing its Olympic athletes cried tears of gold
Yorkshire is doing better in the Olympics than Japan, South Africa and Australia
Michael Brandvold Marketing
Michael Brandvold Marketing – Official Site
Michael Brandvold Marketing @ Facebook
Michael Brandvold Marketing @ Google+
Michael Brandvold Marketing @ LinkedIn
Michael Brandvold Marketing @ Twitter
Dave Dorman
What pop culture fads do you fear you will never be rid of?
Millennium and Back To Frank Black
Lance Henriksen Wants 'Millennium' Movie
BackToFrankBlack.com – Main Page
The Black Family united! Lance, Megan and Brittany speak!
Back To Frank Black @ Facebook
Brock's Dub
The Empire Strikes Back (Brock's Dub)
Toddlers and Tiaras (Brock's Dub)
Sons Of Tonatiuh
Sons of Tonatiuh – Official Site
Sons of Tonatiuh @ Encylopaedia Metallum


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200g unsalted butter, softened
200g light soft brown sugar
125g demerara sugar
2 large eggs, beaten
1 tsp vanilla extract
400g plain flour
1 tsp baking powder
1 tsp bicarbonate of soda
a pinch of salt
200g dark chocolate chunks
You will also need 2-3 baking trays covered with baking parchment.
Preheat the oven to 170oC/150oC fan oven/325oF/gas mark 3.
Cream the butter and both of the sugars together in a free-standing machine until pale, light and fluffy.
Gradually add the beaten eggs, mixing well between each addition. Scrape down the sides of the bowl with a rubber spatula, add the vanilla extract and mix again.
Sift the flour, baking powder, bicarbonate of soda and a pinch of salt into the bowl and mix again until thoroughly combined. Fold the chocolate chunks into the cookie dough.
Use either an ice-cream scoop or large spoon (I used my hands and rolled them into balls) to scoop the dough into even-sized mounds. Place 3-4 cookies on each baking tray, allowing plenty of space between each cookie as they will spread during cooking.
Bake the cookies in batches on the middle shelf of the preheated oven for about 5 minutes. Remove from the oven and sharply bang the baking tray on the work surface to deflate the cookies, then return to the oven for a further 5-7 minutes until pale golden brown.
Allow the cookies to cool on the baking trays for a few minutes before transferring to wire racks until cold.


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This is my first Father's Day. I'm one of those "older" parents: having spent most of my time in my 20s and 30s engaged in social activism and not enough time nurturing deep relationships, I ended up pushing off fatherhood until my early 40s.
Now here I am, with a beautiful, energetic 4-month-old son (we named him Justice) and an amazing life partner who has shown herself to be an incredibly attentive, deeply loving mother. Although we come from differing religious traditions — I'm a former Catholic turned spiritual agnostic, she's a former Buddhist turned Baha'i — we both share a deep and abiding concern for the fate of our world.
This concern is fused inextricably with our love for our son. We expose him to a diverse circle of friends and caretakers so he'll learn early on the common humanity in us all. We take him on forest hikes, let him gaze curiously at sky, and help him cuddle with our cats so he'll have appreciation for this planet we call home. And we babble, giggle, tickle, cradle, and sing to him as much as we can so he'll know viscerally how precious and joyful life truly is. Of course, we know this is only the beginning. He'll need far more than this.
For we live in profoundly perilous times, to say the least. Justice is inheriting a planet wracked by environmental decline, marred by violent conflict, and increasingly divided between the super-rich and increasingly super-poor. Oh yes, and all of these crises just happen to be converging just now in new and disturbing ways.
You might ask: then why have children? It's a fair question.
My answer: because in the midst of it all, one of the most responsible things we can do is nurture our young to become caretakers and shepherds of a better future.
Having witnessed Justice's fierce yearnings since birth — his adorable smiles, coos, rollovers, kicks, and yes, even his drools — I feel all the more committed to helping him prepare for the wrenching, and potentially glorious years ahead.
As the American Empire fades, forcing us to learn to make and do things we've off-shored to others, he'll need a can-do attitude, an adaptive mindset, and a willingness to learn new skills (and some old ones too). As his friends and neighbors face economic difficulties in greater numbers, he'll need to create and seize new opportunities in partnership with those around him. As our food, energy, and water become all the more taxed, he'll need to help restore our land, air, and sea. And as stresses mount and conflicts arise, he'll need the power of loving persuasion to bring people together in the spirit of sharing and unity.
Okay, perhaps I'm putting a bit too much on our "Little Man," as we're so fond of calling him. He's not even a toddler yet!
Still, I have reason for hope for my son, his generation, and those yet born who will one day usher in a new era.
My first place of solace is nature's resilience. Despite being clear-cut, over-harvested, polluted, mined, and abused in countless ways, our planet is still marvelously abundant, mostly functioning, and teeming with life. Its life-giving processes are, to be sure, being pushed to the brink, and our global climate has been shaken off balance in irrevocable ways. Still, our planet will survive, with or without us — and will almost certainly be granted a reprieve once fossil fuel-powered civilization begins to wind down in the decades to come. Justice will bear witness to incredible loss, but can take comfort in the fact that nature's resilience, with the healing hands of millions, will restore, rehabilitate, and recalibrate life's presence here on Earth.
My second reason for hope is history's promise. While war, injustice, and hatred have scarred our existence for millennia, peacemakers, social justice advocates, and, dare I say, love-makers of all kinds have consistently sprung into action, reminding us of our humanity and changing history for the better, time and time again. From the early challenges to Roman imperial excess to the popular overthrow of dictators and tyrants, from courageous resistance in the Nazi-occupied Warsaw Ghetto to the peaceful Indian revolution over British occupation, from the American anti-slavery movement to the Civil Rights movement — all of these and many more point to our species' thirst for justice, and a willingness to make deep sacrifices to ensure dignity for us all.
Such passion and determination show no signs of letting up in the present day: less than one year ago, millions of people the world over took part in the "Occupy" movement to challenge Wall Street "banksters" and global financiers' rigging of our economies. Right now, widespread demonstrations for freedom and justice are underway throughout Turkey, often in the face of violent government repression. Such determined action will be sorely needed in our own neck of the woods, at least if we hope to push our society from corporate domination to democratic community. Given the resurgence of the youth, permaculture, economic justice, food sovereignty, and climate protection movements, I remain hopeful for a more equitable, humane future.
Lastly, I have faith in the human heart. I don't for a minute believe that humanity is bad or "evil" by nature. We're all prone to selfishness, dishonesty, and misdeeds. But we also have an innate capacity for empathy, fellowship, and deeply felt love. This love, despite its failings, transcends space, time, race, gender, religion, nation, and species.
When I see Justice laugh or smile with joy, I nearly melt. His innocence has a due date, it's true. But his heart need never shy away from love for his brothers and sisters, whose destiny we must all help guide toward brilliant tomorrows.