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Differences of Opinion and Common Ground
Iraq's former dictatorial regime banned political parties, which are the foundation on which every nation is built. Since the regime was toppled, however, the only parties to emerge have been of a religious or nationalistic orientation, whereby the latter refers to the representation of Iraq's Kurds.
Because the Baath party always claimed to be the only pillar of Arab nationalism in Iraq, other nationalist organisations gradually disappeared from the political landscape. In order to be able to fully grasp the implications of the conflicts among the Sunnis, the Shias, and the Kurds this needs to be taken into consideration.
The Sunnis are also suffering from the fact that they did not involve themselves to any significant extent in the process that lead to the formulation of the Iraqi constitution, which in turn put them in a weak negotiating position in this process. For example, only 15 members of the "Committee of Sunni Clerics" were involved in the Constitution Committee.
The Sunnis boycotted the last elections and obviously do not feel they are in a position to get their opinions across. In the national assembly the Sunnis cannot get their way without coalition partners. Their position in parliament is additionally weakened not least because they boycotted the last elections.
Federalism: a bone of contention
The question of a federal Iraq is one of the bones of contention in the drafting of the new constitution. In view of the conditions in this historical region and the differences regarding language, customs, and traditions, there was widespread agreement on the issue of an autonomous Kurdistan. The call for a federalist system or autonomy is one of the oldest demands of the Kurdish movement. While this demand was indeed acknowledged by former Iraqi governments, it was never actually implemented.
Even though the Shia concept of federalism – which, in the words of Abdul Asis el-Hakim of Najaf of the Shiite alliance, constitutes a Shia insistence upon autonomy for the southern regions of the country – cannot be compared with Kurdish demands for autonomy, it nevertheless meets with resistance from the Sunnis.
They argue that a federal system is a threat to Iraqi unity and will eventually lead to a break-up of the country. Be that as it may, the Sunnis were not able to avert Kurdish autonomy since it has been in existence since 1991.
The just distribution of mineral resources
But federalism is not the only bone of contention; there is also the key question of how the country's mineral resources should be distributed. In the view of both the Kurds and the Shias, distribution of these resources should be the responsibility of both the regional authorities and the central government. They would like to see it set down in law that mineral resources should be distributed in accordance with the density of the regions' and provinces' populations.
The Sunnis, on the other hand, reject this formula and would like to see the distribution of mineral resources remain in the hands of the central government. Unlike the mostly Sunni western regions of Iraq, the non-Sunni regions of Kirkuk and Basra are rich in oil deposits.
Iraq's national identity
The question of Iraq's national identity equally gives rise to differences of opinion among Sunnis, Shias, and Kurds. The Sunnis, who are considered the champions of Arab nationalism, called for an Arab state with a constitution that states that Iraq, or the Iraqis, are part of the Arab nation (umma).
President Jalal Talabani has, however, pointed out that Iraq's citizens belong to a variety of ethnic groups and that the population is not, therefore, exclusively Arab; there are also Kurdish Iraqis, Turkmen Iraqis, Assyrian Iraqis, and Chaldean Iraqis. That being the case, he said, it would be incorrect to say that all Iraqis belong to the Arab umma. It was subsequently agreed that Arab Iraqis are members of the Arab umma, and that Iraq is part of the Islamic world and a member of the Arab League.
The Baath party
One of the central Sunni demands is to not ban the Baath party as a political and ideological body. To date, however, only the party name has been abandoned, not the party itself. The implications of the role of the Baath party during the Saddam Hussein era are complicated: under the old regime, many people only joined the Baath party under duress or for other reasons, and did not actually identify with its ideology.
Issues that could ignite further debate – most particularly the Kirkuk question – have been postponed until after the upcoming elections. The draft constitution stipulates that this question must be resolved by 31 December 2007 at the latest. This means that Article 58 of the national constitution, which will no longer be valid once the new constitution is in place, still applies.
The Sunni demand for a religious state and the recognition of Islam as the main source of legal order came as a surprise. However, not all Sunnis agree with this demand, which leads to the assumption that it is a matter dear to the hearts of radical Sunnis alone. It is justifiable to consider this demand an attempt to forge a gulf between the Shia and Kurdish parties – Shiites and Kurds had practically reached a compromise concerning the role of Islam in the constitution, after long and tough negotiations and without the Shiites.
While secularism has always been the cornerstones of the Kurdish position, the Shias have now been working for the recognition of Islam as the only source of justice in Iraq.
Women's issues
The new constitution treats women unfavourably. Article 39, which defines their rights, has de facto abolished the Law on Civil Status that had been in place since 1959. Article 39 gives Iraqis the right to regulate civil matters (such as marriage) according to their religious beliefs. Many fear that if the constitution and Article 39 actually come into effect and are applied this will lead to a split within the different groupings.
This would in turn bolster individual parties and weaken the central government. The Law on Civil Status dates from the monarchy between 1921 and 1958. However, the governments of the era were reluctant to actually implement it for fear of a direct and fierce confrontation with the Shia clerics and, in particular, those who followed Ayatollah Mohsen el-Hakim in Najaf. After the revolution of 14 July 1958 other articles were added to the law, which was subsequently passed despite resistance from the clerics.
Above all, it was Article 74 that fuelled the clerics' protest. This article gave women and men equal rights in terms of inheritance – a rule that directly contradicts a verse in the Koran. Article 74 restricts the number of wives a man can have and defines the age at which a woman can marry, while according to the Shias, a woman can be married at the age of nine.
Generally speaking, however, the articles of the draft constitution are based on the ideals of liberalism. Most of the articles state that men and women are equal and that all Iraqis have the same rights and obligations. They guarantee the political freedom to found parties, associations, and trade unions; the freedom to practice religion; the freedom of speech; and the freedom of movement. Arbitrary arrests and attempts to exert pressure on those holding contrary opinions are against the law.
The highest level of agreement
However, there is an article in the draft constitution that declares all laws that are not compatible with Islam to be null and void. On the other hand, there is also an article that firmly anchors the constitution in democracy and declares all laws that are undemocratic to be null and void.
The period before the elections, during which the Constitution Committee was set up, proved that there is indeed a culture of debate in Iraq. The same can be said for the majority of clerics who are trying to include their demands in the drafting process. This is what made it possible for a sort of compromise to be reached on many points with the followers of laicism, which in turn means that the aim will now be to draft laws that are compatible with both Islam and democracy.
In view of the problematic demands for a federalist state and the dissolution of the Baath party, the Shias, Sunnis, and Kurds who are negotiating with each other have reached the highest level of agreement.
Anyone who examines the situation in Iraq more closely in the light of the heavy burden of the past and the dominance of religious groups will see that the draft constitution offers Iraq and Iraqi society promising ways of development and progress.
Raschid al-Khayyun
© Qantara.de 2005
Translation from German: Aingeal Flanagan
Interview Saad Eddin Ibrahim
"The EU must Cease Support of Repressive Systems in the Arab World"
The director of the Ibn Khaldun Centre in Cairo, Saad Eddin Ibrahim, says that he has observed positive signs that Arab states are opening up to democracy. But, he says, the reform process requires that Islamists not be shut out of the political dialogue
Interview Joschka Fischer
"The Iraqi People Must Develop Consensus!"
During his visit to the United Arab Emirates Germany's Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer gave an Interview to the television channel Al Arabia calling on Iraq and Saudi Arabia's neighbours to play a decisive role in helping stabilize the region.
Analysis Amr Hamzawy
The Autumn of the Patriarchs: Where Is the Arab World Headed?
The past months have seen dramatic changes in the political sphere of the Arab world. In his analysis, Amr Hamzawy makes an optimistic prognosis but warns that radical Islamism and ethnic violence are still influential factors in the region


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Baxton Studio Dakota Pewter Gray Leather Modern Sofa
Product Overview
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- Wooden frame
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- Assembly required
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- Matching loveseat also available (sold separately)
Overall: 89" W x 35" D x 32" H
Seat: 82.5" W x 21" D x 18.5" H
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text:
Louis Antoine de Saint-Just
Quick Facts
|Military and political leader
|Politician Writer
|Literature Politics
|25 August 1767, Decize, canton of Decize, arrondissement of Nevers, Nièvre
|28 July 1794, Paris, Île-de-France, France (aged 26 years)
Louis Antoine Léon de Saint-Just (French pronunciation: [sɛ̃ʒyst]; 25 August 1767 – 28 July 1794) was a military and political leader during the French Revolution. The youngest of the deputies elected to the National Convention in 1792, Saint-Just rose quickly in their ranks and became a major leader of the government of the French First Republic. He spearheaded the movement to execute King Louis XVI and later drafted the radical French Constitution of 1793.
He became a close friend of Maximilien Robespierre, and served with him as one of the commissioners of the powerful Committee of Public Safety. Dispatched as a commissar to the army during its rocky start in the French Revolutionary Wars, Saint-Just imposed severe discipline, and he was credited by many for the army's subsequent revival at the front. Back in Paris, he supervised the consolidation of Robespierre's power through a ruthless and bloody program of intimidation. In his relatively brief time on the historical stage, he became the enduring public face of the Reign of Terror and was dubbed the "Angel of Death" by later writers. Saint-Just organized the arrests and prosecutions of many of the most famous figures of the Revolution.
Saint-Just was arrested in the violent episode of 9 Thermidor and executed the next day with Robespierre and their allies. In many histories of the Revolution, their deaths at the guillotine mark the end of the Reign of Terror.
Early life
Louis Antoine de Saint-Just was born at Decize in the former Nivernais province of central France. He was the eldest child of Louis Jean de Saint-Just de Richebourg (1716–1777), a retired French cavalry officer, knight of the Order of Saint Louis, and of the 20-years younger Marie-Anne Robinot (1736–1811), the daughter of a notary. He had two younger sisters, born in 1768 and 1769. The family later moved north and in 1776 settled in the village of Blérancourt in the former Picardy province, establishing themselves as a countryside noble family living out of the rents from their land. A year after the move, Louis Antoine's father died leaving his mother with the three children. She saved diligently for her only son's education, and in 1779 he was sent to the Oratorian school at Soissons. After a promising start, Saint-Just acquired a reputation as a troublemaker, augmented by infamous stories (almost certainly apocryphal) of how he led a students' rebellion and tried to burn down the school. Nonetheless, he earned his graduation in 1786.
His restive nature, however, did not diminish. As a young man, Saint-Just was "wild, handsome, [and] transgressive". Well-connected and popular, he showed a special affection toward a young woman of Blérancourt, Thérèse Gellé. She was the daughter of another wealthy notary, a powerful and autocratic figure in the town; he was still an undistinguished adolescent. He is said to have proposed marriage to her; she is said to have desired it. Though no hard evidence exists regarding their relationship, official records show that on 25 July 1786, Thérèse was married to Emmanuel Thorin, the scion of a prominent local family. Saint-Just was out of town and unaware of the event, and tradition portrays him as brokenhearted. Whatever his true state, it is known that a few weeks after the marriage he abruptly left home for Paris – without an announcement, but not without gathering up a pair of pistols and a good quantity of his mother's silver. His venture turned short when his mother had him seized by police and sent to a reformatory (maison de correction) where he stayed from September 1786 to March 1787. Chastened, Saint-Just attempted to begin anew: he enrolled as a student at the School of Law, Reims University. After a year, however, he drifted away from law school and returned to his mother's home in Blérancourt penniless, without any occupational prospects.
At a young age Saint-Just had shown a fascination with literature, and during his stay at the reformatory he used his time to begin writing a lengthy poem. He published it anonymously more than two years later, in May 1789, at the very outbreak of the Revolution. The 21-year-old Saint-Just thereby added his own touch to the social tumult of the times with Organt, poem in twenty cantos. The poem, a medieval epic fantasy, relates the quest of young Antoine Organt. It extols the virtues of primitive man, praising his libertinism and independence while blaming all present-day troubles on modern inequalities of wealth and power. Written in a style mimicking Ariosto, it gave a juvenile foreshadowing of his own political extremism. Spiked with brutal satire and scandalous pornographic episodes, it also made unmistakable attacks upon the monarchy, the nobility, and the Church.
Contemporaries regarded Organt as something of a salacious novelty and it was quickly banned, but censors who tried to confiscate it discovered that few copies were available anywhere. It did not sell well and resulted in a financial loss for its author. The public's taste for literature had changed in the prelude to the Revolution, and Saint-Just's taste changed with it: aside from a few pages of an unfinished novel found amidst his papers at the end of his life, Saint-Just devoted his future writing entirely to undecorated essays of social and political theory. With his previous ambitions of literary and lawyerly fame unfulfilled, Saint-Just directed his focus on the single goal of revolutionary command.
Early revolutionary career
Blérancourt's traditional power structure was reshaped by the events of 1789. The notary Gellé, previously an undisputed town leader, was challenged by a group of reformists who were led by several of Saint-Just's friends, including the husband of his sister Louise. Their attempts were not successful until 1790 when Blérancourt held its first open municipal elections. Mandated by the National Constituent Assembly, the new electoral structure allowed Saint-Just's friends to assume authority in the village as mayor, secretary, and, in the case of his brother-in-law, head of the local National Guard. The jobless Saint-Just, despite not meeting the legal age and tax qualifications, was allowed to join the Guard.
Saint-Just immediately exhibited the ruthless disciplinarianism for which he would be famous. Within a few months he was the commanding officer, at the rank of lieutenant-colonel. At local meetings he moved attendees with his patriotic zeal and flair: in one much-repeated story, Saint-Just brought the town council to tears by thrusting his hand into the flame of a burning anti-revolutionary pamphlet, swearing his devotion to the Republic. He had powerful allies when he sought to become a member of his district's electoral assembly, and he initiated correspondence with well-known leaders of the Revolution like Camille Desmoulins. In late 1790, he wrote to Robespierre for the first time, asking him to consider a local petition. The letter was filled with the highest of praise, beginning: "You, who uphold our tottering country against the torrent of despotism and intrigue; you whom I know, as I know God, only through his miracles..." Through their correspondence, the two developed "a deep and mysterious friendship that would last until the day [they] died."
L'Esprit de la Revolution
While Saint-Just waited for the next election, he composed an extensive work, L'Esprit de la Revolution et de la constitution de France, published in the spring of 1791. His writing style had shed all satire and now adopted the stern and moralizing tone of classical Romans so adored by French revolutionaries. It revealed an unexpectedly moderate set of principles deeply influenced by Montesquieu, and remained fully confined to a paradigm of constitutional monarchy. He expressed abhorrence at the violence in the Revolution thus far, and he disdained the character of those who partook in it as little more than "riotous slaves". Instead, he heaped his praise upon the people's representatives in the Legislative Assembly, whose sober virtue would guide the Revolution best. Spread out over five books, L'Esprit de la Revolution is inconsistent in many of its assertions but still shows clearly that Saint-Just no longer saw government as oppressive to man's nature but necessary to its success: its ultimate object was to "edge society in the direction of the distant ideal."
The new work, like its predecessor, attracted minimal readership. On 21 June 1791, just days after it was published, all attention became focused on King Louis XVI's ill-fated flight to Varennes, and Saint-Just's theories about constitutional monarchy were made suddenly irrelevant. Yet the episode had another effect – it fostered a public anger toward the king which simmered all year until finally a Parisian mob attacked the Tuileries Palace on 10 August 1792. In response, the Assembly declared itself ready to step down ahead of schedule and called for a new election, this one under universal male suffrage. The timing was excellent for Saint-Just, who turned the legal age of twenty-five before the end of the month. The fear inspired by the invasion of the Tuileries made most of his opponents retire from the scene, and Saint-Just was elected as one of the deputies for the département of Aisne. He left for Paris to join the National Convention as its youngest member.
Deputy to the Convention
Among the deputies, Saint-Just was watchful but interacted little at first. He joined the Parisian Jacobin Club but he remained aloof from Girondins and Montagnards alike. He waited until 13 November 1792 to give his first speech to the Convention, but when he did the effect was spectacular. What brought him to the lectern was the discussion over how to treat the king after Varennes. In dramatic contrast to the earlier speakers, Saint-Just delivered a blazing condemnation of the king. He demanded that "Louis Capet" should be judged not as a king or even a citizen, but as a traitor, an enemy who deserves death. "As for me," he declared, "I see no middle ground: this man must reign or die! He oppressed a free nation; he declared himself its enemy; he abused the laws: he must die to assure the repose of the people, since it was in his mind to crush the people to assure his own."
The young deputy's speech electrified the Convention. Saint-Just was interrupted frequently by bursts of applause and towards the end of his speech he uttered his eerily universal observation, "No one can reign innocently." Robespierre was particularly impressed – he spoke from the lectern the next day in terms almost identical to those of Saint-Just, and their views became the official position of the Jacobins. By December, that position had become law: the king was taken to a trial before the Convention, sentenced to death, and executed by guillotine on 21 January 1793.
Constitution of 1793
Because the first French Constitution had included a role for the king, it was long since invalid and needed to be updated for the Republic. A large number of drafts had been circulating within the Convention since the king's execution, and Saint-Just submitted his own lengthy proposal on 24 April 1793. His draft incorporated the most common assertions of the others: the right to vote, the right to petition, and equal eligibility for employment were among the basic principles that made his draft tenable. Where he stood apart from the rest was on the issue of elections. Saint-Just dismissed all complex systems of voting and eligibility and supported only the classical style of a simple majority of citizens in a nationwide vote. Amid a flurry of proposals by other deputies, Saint-Just held inflexibly to his "one man one vote" plan, and this conspicuous homage to Greco-Roman traditions (which were particularly prized and idealized in French culture during the Revolution) enhanced his political cachet. When no plan gained enough votes to pass, a compromise was made which tasked a small body of deputies as official constitutional draftsmen, and Saint-Just was among the five elected members. In recognition of the importance of their mission, the draftsmen were all added to the powerful new Committee of Public Safety.
The Convention had given the Committee extraordinary authority to provide for state security ever since the outbreak of the French Revolutionary War in early 1793. Committee members were originally intended to serve for periods of only thirty days before replacements were elected, so they needed to work quickly. Saint-Just took charge of the issue and led the development of the French Constitution of 1793. Before the end of his first term, the new document was completed, submitted to the Convention, and ratified as law on 24 June 1793.
The new constitution remained a showpiece for Saint-Just but little more. However much he may have wanted to see it implemented, emergency measures for wartime were in effect. The war had called for (or provided cover for) a moratorium on constitutional democracy. It gave supreme power to the sitting Convention, with the Committee of Public Safety at the top of its administrative pyramid. Robespierre, with Saint-Just's assistance, fought vigorously to ensure that the government would remain under emergency measures – "revolutionary" – until victory.
Committee of Public Safety
Proscription of the Girondins
During the time that Saint-Just was working on the constitution, dramatic political warfare was taking place. The sans-culottes – deemed "the people" by many radicals, and represented by the Paris Commune – had grown antipathetic to the moderate Girondins and on 2 June 1793, in a mass action supported by National Guardsmen, they surrounded the Convention and exacted the arrest of the Girondin deputies. The deputies – even the Montagnards, who had long enjoyed an informal alliance with the sans-culottes – resented the intimidation but they were compelled to make some obeisance. The Girondin leader Jacques Pierre Brissot was indicted for treason and scheduled for trial, but the other Brissotins were imprisoned (or pursued) without formal charges. The Convention debated their fate and the political disorder lasted for weeks. Saint-Just had previously remained silent about the Girondins, but now clearly stood with Robespierre who had been thoroughly opposed to most of them for a long time. When the initial indictment by the Committee was served, it was Saint-Just who delivered the report to the Convention.
In its secret negotiations, the Committee of Public Safety was initially unable to form a consensus concerning the jailed deputies, but as some Girondins fled to the provinces and attempted to incite an insurrection, its opinion hardened. By early July, Saint-Just was able to address the Convention with a lengthy report in the name of the Committee, and his damning attack left no room for any further conciliation. The Girondins' trials must proceed, he said, and any verdicts must be severe. The proceedings dragged on for months, but Brissot and twenty of his allies were eventually condemned and sent to the guillotine on 31 October 1793. Saint-Just used their situation to gain approval for intimidating new laws, culminating in the Law of Suspects (17 September 1793) which gave the Committee vast new powers of arrest and punishment.
Military commissar
Saint-Just made the proposal that deputies from the Convention should directly oversee all military efforts, which was approved on 10 October 1793. Amid worsening conditions at the front in the fall of that year, several deputies were sent to the critical area of Alsace to shore up the disintegrating Army of the Rhine. Results were not sufficiently forthcoming, so at the end of the month Saint-Just himself was sent there along with an ally from the Convention, Philippe-François-Joseph Le Bas. The two men were charged with "extraordinary powers" to impose discipline and reorganize the troops.
|" Soldiers, we have come to avenge you, and to give you leaders who will marshal you to victory. We have resolved to seek out, to reward, and to promote the deserving; and to track down all the guilty, whoever they may be... All commanders, officers, and agents of the government are hereby ordered to satisfy within three days the just grievances of the soldiers. After that interval we will ourselves hear any complaints, and we will offer such examples of justice and severity as the Army has not yet witnessed."
|– Saint-Just's first proclamation to the Army of the Rhine, 1793
From the start, Saint-Just dominated the mission. He was relentless in demanding results from the commanders as well as sympathetic to the complaints of common soldiers. On his first day at the front, he issued a proclamation promising "examples of justice and severity as the Army has not yet witnessed." Within a short time, many officers were dismissed and many more were executed by firing squad, including at least one general. The entire army was placed immediately under the harshest discipline.
Among soldiers and civilians alike, Saint-Just repressed opponents of the Revolution but he did not agree to the mass executions ordered by some of the other deputies on the mission. He vetoed much of the deputies' work and had many of them recalled to Paris. Local politicians were even more vulnerable to him: even the powerful Eulogius Schneider, the revolutionary leader of Alsace's largest city and called the "Marat of Strasbourg", was arrested by Saint-Just's orders and rapidly dispatched to the guillotine. Saint-Just worked closely only with General Charles Pichegru, a reliable Jacobin whom he respected. Under Saint-Just's unblinking surveillance, Pichegru and General Lazare Hoche ably secured the frontier and began an invasion of the German Rhineland.
With the army revitalized, Saint-Just returned briefly to Paris where his success was applauded. However, there was little time to celebrate. He was quickly sent back to the frontlines, this time in Belgium where the Army of the North was experiencing the same problems of discipline and organization. Again he delivered results ruthlessly and effectively, but after less than a month the mission was cut short. As Paris convulsed in political violence, his assistance was required by Robespierre.
President of the Convention
With the republican army advancing and the Girondins destroyed, the left-wing Montagnards, led by the Jacobins and Robespierre, controlled the Convention. In these circumstances, on the first day of Ventôse in Year II of the Revolution (19 February 1794), Saint-Just was elected president of the National Convention.
With this new power he persuaded the chamber to pass the radical Ventôse Decrees, under which the régime would confiscate aristocratic émigré property and distribute it to needy sans-culottes. But these acts of wealth redistribution, arguably the most revolutionary acts of the French Revolution, never went into operation. The Committee faltered in creating procedures for their enforcement, and the frantic pace of unfolding political events left them behind.
Opponents of the Jacobins saw the Ventôse Decrees as a cynical ploy to appeal to the militant extreme left. Sincere or not, Saint-Just made impassioned arguments for them. One week after their adoption, Saint-Just urged that the Decrees be exercised vigorously, and hailed them for ushering in a new era: "Eliminate the poverty that dishonors a free state; the property of patriots is sacred but the goods of conspirators are there for the wretched. The wretched are the powerful of the earth; they have the right to speak as masters to the governments who neglect them."
As the spring of 1794 approached, the Committee of Public Safety, led by Robespierre, Couthon, Lebas and Saint-Just, exercised near complete control over the government. Despite the vast reach of their powers, however, rivals and enemies remained. One of the thorniest problems, at least to Robespierre, came in the shape of the populist agitator Jacques Hébert, who discharged torrents of criticism against bourgeois Jacobinism in his newspaper, Le Père Duchesne. Ultra-radical Hébertists in the Cordeliers Club undermined Jacobin efforts to court and manage the sans-culottes, and the most extreme Hébertists even called openly for insurrection.
Saint-Just, in his role as president of the Convention, announced unequivocally that "whoever vilified or attacked the dignity of the revolutionary government should be condemned to death", and the Convention agreed in a vote on 13 Ventôse. Hébert and his closest associates were arrested the following day. Saint-Just vowed, "No more pity, no weakness towards the guilty... Henceforth the government will pardon no more crimes," and on 4 Germinal (24 March 1794), the Revolutionary Tribunal sent Hébert, Ronsin, Vincent and most other prominent Hébertists to the guillotine.
The ongoing political combat – bloody enough since at least the time of the arrest of the Girondins to be known as the Reign of Terror – spread more and more widely. When the Hébertists fell, Robespierre felt compelled to eliminate his other rivals in the Cordeliers, starting with Fabre d'Églantine and his close friend Georges Danton. Danton was among the most vocal of the moderates who opposed the Committee, and he was especially opposed to Saint Just's fanaticism and "extravagant" use of violence.
Danton's criticism of the Terror won him some support, but a financial scandal involving the French East India Company provided a "convenient pretext" for his downfall. Robespierre again sent Saint-Just to the Convention to deliver a Committee "report" (31 March 1794) in which he announced the arrest of Danton and "the last partisans of royalism". In addition to charges of corruption related to the trading company, Saint-Just accused Danton of conspiring to restore the monarchy, and he denounced him as a "bad citizen", a "false friend", and a "wicked man". After a tumultuous show-trial, Fabre, Desmoulins, and other top supporters of Danton went to the scaffold with their leader on 16 Germinal (5 April 1794). In his report, Saint-Just had promised that this would be a "final cleansing" of the Republic's enemies.
The violent removal of the Hébertists and Dantonists provided only a mirage of stability. Their deaths caused deep resentment in the Convention, and their absence only made it more difficult for the Jacobins to influence the dangerously unpredictable masses of sans-culottes. The elimination of the popular demagogues and the consequent loss of support in the streets would prove disastrous for Saint-Just and Robespierre during the events of Thermidor.
As the deliverer of Committee reports, Saint-Just served as the public face of the Terror, and later writers dubbed him the "Angel of Death". After the events of Germinal, Saint-Just intensified his control over the state-security apparatus. He created a new bureau of "general police" for the Committee of Public Safety which matched – and usurped – the powers that had been given officially to the Committee of General Security. Shortly after its establishment, however, administration of the new bureau passed to Robespierre when Saint-Just left Paris once more for the front lines.
Last days
Battle of Fleurus
Sent back on mission to the army in Belgium, Saint-Just again took supreme oversight of the Army of the North and contributed to the victory at Fleurus. This hotly contested battle on 26 June 1794 sent the Austrian army into retreat and marked the turning point in the War of the First Coalition. France would remain on the offensive until its eventual victory in 1797. After his return from the battle, Saint-Just was treated as a hero and "cheered from all sides."
Back in Paris, Saint-Just discovered that Robespierre's political position had degraded significantly. As the Terror reached its apogee – the so-called "Great Terror" – the danger of a counterstrike by his enemies became almost inevitable. Saint-Just, however, remained unshakable in his alliance with Robespierre. The French victory at Fleurus, and others which followed, reduced the need for national security during the war which had been predicated as a justification for the Terror. "The excuse for the Terror was at an end." Opponents of the Terror used Saint-Just's own words against him by demanding a full implementation of the constitution of 1793.
With political combat reaching a fever pitch, the Committee introduced a bill to establish a newer version of the "Law of Suspects" – the Law of 22 Prairial. With it, a new category of "enemies of the people" was established in terms so vague that virtually anyone could be accused. Defendants were not permitted legal counsel and the Revolutionary Tribunal was instructed to impose no sentence other than death. The bill was swiftly shepherded into law by Robespierre, and although Saint-Just was not directly involved in its composition, he was certainly supportive. The new statutes defined the Great Terror: in their first month, the average of executions in Paris rose from five per day to seventeen, soaring in the following month to twenty-six.
The Law of Prairial was the breaking point for opponents of Robespierre. Resistance to the Terror spread throughout the Convention, and Saint-Just was compelled to address the division. Bertrand Barère and other Thermidorians have claimed that he proposed a dictatorship for Robespierre, but nonetheless some of them considered him to be redeemable, or at least useful – until he delivered his uncompromising public defence of Robespierre on 9 Thermidor (27 July 1794).
On the dais, Saint-Just declared the absolute necessity of current law, and conspiring deputies buzzed angrily as he spoke. Finally several of them physically shoved him away from the lectern, and each started his own address in which they called for the removal of Robespierre and all his supporters. Amid the uproar, recalled Barras, Saint-Just "did not leave the platform, in spite of the interruptions which would have driven any one else away. He only came down a few steps, then mounted again, to continue his discourse proudly... Motionless, unmoved, he seemed to defy everyone with his calm."
Saint-Just saved his dignity at the lectern but not his life. Rising in his support, Robespierre sputtered and lost his voice; his brother Augustin, Philippe Lebas, and other key allies all tried to sway the deputies, but failed. The meeting ended with an order for their arrest. Saint-Just, still on the platform, remained unmoved and "looked on contemptuously" at the scene. His confidence seemed validated when troops from the Paris Commune under Hanriot arrived to liberate them, but within hours the entire group was confined to the Hôtel de Ville. When soldiers finally broke inside, a number of the defeated Jacobins tried to commit suicide; Saint-Just stood beside Lebas who shot himself in the head. Any contemplation of his own suicide is unclear, but he alone emerged unruffled from the wild, violent final arrest – among the captured, "only St. Just, his hands bound but his head held high, was able to walk." Robespierre, Saint-Just and twenty of their allies were guillotined the next day, and Saint-Just reputedly accepted his death with coolness and pride. At a last formality of identification, he gestured to a copy of the Constitution of 1793 and said, "I am the one who made that."
Other writings
Throughout his lifetime, Saint-Just continued to work on books and essays about the meaning of the Revolution, but he did not survive to see any of them published. They have been collected and edited in various Œuvres complètes. These include Organt, L'Esprit de la Revolution, published speeches and legislative proposals, as well as military orders, notes, drafts, and private correspondence.
Many of Saint-Just's legislative proposals were compiled after his death to form an outline for a communal and egalitarian society – they were published as a single volume, Fragments sur les institutions républicaines. The proposals were far more radical than the constitution of 1793, and identify closely with the legendarily fearsome traditions of ancient Sparta. Many of them are interpreted as proto-socialist precepts: the overarching theme is equality, which Saint-Just at one point summarizes as "Man must be independent... There should be neither rich nor poor."
De la Nature
Saint-Just also composed a lengthy draft of his own philosophical views, De la Nature, which remained hidden in obscurity until its transcription by Albert Soboul in 1951. Soboul first published this work in 1951 under the title "Un manuscrit oublié de Saint-Just" in the Annales historiques de la révolution française, No. 124. An expanded version is included in Alain Liénard's Saint-Just, théorie politique and later versions of Œuvres complètes. De la Nature outlines Saint-Just's ideas on the nature of society; the actual date it was written is disputed, but the most agreed upon range is between 1791 and 1792.
Based on the assumption that man is a social animal, Saint-Just argues that in nature there is no need for contracts, legislation, or acts of force. These constructs only become necessary when a society is in need of moral regeneration and serve merely as unsatisfactory substitutes for the natural bonds of free people. Such constructs permit small groups to assume unwarranted powers which, according to Saint-Just, leads to corruption within society. Because a return to the natural state is impossible, Saint-Just argues for a government composed of the most educated members of society, who could be expected to share an understanding of the larger social good. Outside the government itself, Saint-Just asserts there must be full equality between all men, including equal security in material possessions and personal independence. Property must be protected by the state but, in order to secure universal independence, all citizens (including women) must own property.
Posthumous publications
- Saint-Just, Fragments sur les institutions républicaines (French)
- Saint-Just, Théorie politique, edited by Alain Liénard, Seuil, Paris, 1976. (French)
Complete collections
- Œuvres de Saint-Just, précédés d'une notice historique sur sa vie edited by Adolphe Havard, Paris, 1834. (French)
- Œuvres complètes de Saint-Just in two volumes edited by Charles Vellay, Paris, 1908. (French)
- Œuvres choisies, with introduction by Jean Gratien, Paris, 1946. (French)
- Œuvres complètes, edited by Michèle Duval, Paris, 1984. (French)
- Œuvres complètes, edited by Anne Kupiec and Miguel Abensour, Paris, 2004. (French)
Ambitious and active-minded, Saint-Just worked urgently and tirelessly towards his goals: "For Revolutionists there is no rest but in the tomb." He was repeatedly described by contemporaries as arrogant, believing himself to be a skilled leader and orator as well as having proper revolutionary character. This self-assurance manifested itself in a superiority complex, and he always "made it clear… that he considered himself to be in charge and that his will was law." Camille Desmoulins once wrote of Saint-Just, "He carries his head like a sacred host."
Saint-Just's rise to power wrought a remarkable change in his personality. Freewheeling and passionate in his youth, Saint-Just quickly became focused, "tyrannical and pitilessly thorough." He became "the ice-cold ideologist of republican purity," "as inaccessible as stone to all the warm passions." A measure of his change can be inferred from the experience of Thérèse Gellé, who is known to have left her husband and taken up residence in a Parisian neighborhood near Saint-Just in late 1793. Saint-Just – who had already developed something of a relationship, tepid but potentially expedient, with the sister of his colleague Lebas – refused to see her. Gelle stayed there for over a year, returning to Blérancourt only after Saint-Just was dead. No record exists of any exchanges they might have had, but Saint-Just is known to have written to a friend complaining impatiently about the rumors connecting him to "citizen Thorin".
In his public speaking, Saint-Just was even more daring and outspoken than his mentor Robespierre. Regarding France's internal strife, he spared few: "You have to punish not only the traitors, but even those who are indifferent; you have to punish whoever is passive in the republic, and who does nothing for it." He thought the only way to create a true republic was to rid it of enemies, to enforce the "complete destruction of its opposite." Regarding the war, he declared without regret to the Convention, "The vessel of the Revolution can arrive in port only on a sea reddened with torrents of blood." He urged the deputies to embrace the notion that "a nation generates itself only upon heaps of corpses."
Despite his flaws, Saint-Just is often accorded respect for the strength of his convictions. Although his words and actions may be viewed as reprehensible, his commitment to them is rarely questioned: he was "implacable but sincere". Like Robespierre, he was incorruptible in the sense that he exhibited no attraction to material benefits but devoted himself entirely to the advancement of a political agenda.
Camus and Saint-Just
In Albert Camus's The Rebel (1951), Saint-Just is discussed extensively in the context of an analysis of rebellion and man's progression towards enlightenment and freedom. Camus identifies Saint-Just's successful argument for the execution of Louis XVI as the moment of death for monarchical divine right, a Nietzschean Twilight of the Idols. Saint-Just's dedication to "the sovereignty of the people and the sacred power of laws" is described as "a source of absolutism" and indeed "the new God". His kind of "deification of the political" is examined as the source of the creeping totalitarianism which grew so powerfully in Camus' own lifetime.
In popular culture
Representations of Saint-Just include those found in the novel Stello (1832) by Alfred de Vigny, and in the plays Danton's Death (1835, by Georg Büchner) and Poor Bitos (Pauvre Bitos, ou Le dîner de têtes, 1956, by Jean Anouilh). In film, Saint-Just has been portrayed by Abel Gance in Napoléon (1927); Jess Barker in Reign of Terror (1949); Michael Pennington in Danton's Death (1978); Bogusław Linda in Danton (1983); and Christopher Thompson in La Révolution française (1989). Jean-Pierre Léaud plays a surreal caricature of Saint-Just in Jean-Luc Godard's Week End (1967).


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George Smith's Long‐Awaited Book: The System of Liberty
George H. Smith is one of the best-read, most insightful libertarians living today. He is the author of most of the Cato University Home Study Course, which you should definitely download. He writes a weekly article for Libertarianism.org titled "Excursions into the History of Libertarian Thought." He is the author of Atheism: The Case Against God (1974), Atheism, Ayn Rand, and Other Heresies (1991), and audio series on "Great Political Thinkers," "The Meaning of the U.S. Constitution," and "The Ideas of Liberty." And finally -- finally -- he has been persuaded to write down much of what he knows about the history of classical liberal thought in a new book from the Cato Institute and the Cambridge University Press, The System of Liberty: Themes in the History of Classical Liberalism.
It's a great study of classical liberalism and the relations among such liberal ideas as individualism, natural rights, utilitarianism, self-sovereignty, and what Lord Acton called "the polar star of liberty." Along the way he answers such criticisms of liberalism as "atomistic individualism" and "social Darwinism." It's a college course in political philosophy in just 217 very readable pages. Buy it now for the low low price of $24.95.


text: 686 Silver Pigeon 7/26/2012 - 4:17 PM Permalink Report Abuse 59 out of 65 people found the following review helpful 4 out of 5 Does what it is supposed to do Holds 5 choke tubes -flush mount and extended tubes fit inside this case. However, the clear plastic factory choke containers will not fit inside the case. Comment | Was this review helpful? Yes | No Name Leave a Comment Submit Comment


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(Based on the writer's visit to Shanghai from May 6 to 9,2008, for a discussion on the "Beijing Olympics & Security" )
The suspicions of the Chinese relating to a possible foreign hand in the recent uprising in Tibet seem to be focussed essentially on three non-governmental organisations, namely, the National Endowment For Democracy (NED) of the US, the Neumann Stiftung (Foundation) of Germany,and the "Reporters Without Borders " of France and the US-funded Radio Free Asia, which was started by the Clinton Administration.
2. Two detailed papers on the NED prepared by me in the past are available at http://www.southasiaanalysis.org/papers2/paper115.html and http://www.southasiaanalysis.org/papers2/paper198.htm. Not much is known about the other two NGOs. Radio Free Asia's budget was increased by the concerned authorities in Washington DC after the outbreak of the Tibetan uprising in March,2008. It is not known where from it broadcasts --- possibly Taiwan or Thailand. Its Tibetan language programmes seem to be largely produced in Nepal and its Uighur language programmes in Pakistan and Turkey.
3.I had reported as follows in my paper of March 19,2008, available at http://www.c3sindia.org/tibet/206/us-steps-up-broadcasts-telecasts-to-tibet/ :"The US authorities are reported to have taken action to strengthen the transmitting power of Radio Free Asia (RFA) and the Voice of America (VOA) in order to enable their broadcasts to overcome the jamming by the Chinese authorities. They have also announced an increase in their hours of broadcasts and telecasts to the Tibetan people with effect from March 18,2008. Mr.James K.Glassman, the Chairman of the Broadcasting Board of Governors (BBG), which is an independent federal agency which supervises all U.S. government-supported, non-military international broadcasting, announced on March 18,2008, as follows: "The violent crackdown by Chinese authorities in Tibet compels us to increase our broadcasts.Our audience clearly will benefit from these trustworthy sources of news and information, which differ sharply from Chinese government sanctioned broadcasts." At present, RFA broadcasts eight hours daily to Tibet via shortwave radio. The VOA broadcasts four hours daily, also via shortwave. With effect from March 18, each has expanded its respective radio programmes by two additional hours daily. The VOA will also double its weekly Tibetan-language television programming from one to two hours via the AsiaSat 3 satellite. Mr.Libby Liu, President of the RFA, said on March 18,2008: "RFA's Tibetan service is working round the clock to bring authoritative, breaking news to the Tibetan people. These additional hours will greatly enhance our capacity to deliver this news, including live updates, to people on the ground."
4.The Chinese also seem to suspect that some Indian NGOs may be helping the Tibetan Youth Congress (TYC). An anonymous E-mail circulating in China alleges than an Indian organisation called "Defence" has been running training classes for TYC elements in Himachal Pradesh. It is further alleged that Chota Rajan, the mafia leader, is orchestrating the training of anti-Pakistan elements from Afghanistan and anti-China elements from Himachal Pradesh in India. One cannot rule out the possibility that this mischievous mail making baseless allegations against India is being disseminated by the mafia group of Karachi-based Dawood Ibrahim at the instance of Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) in order to plant suspicions about India in the minds of the Chinese.
5. Even after all that has happened since March 10,2008, one could notice a reluctance on the part of the Chinese to come to terms with three stark realities staring them in their face. Firstly, despite the undoubted economic progress in Tibet, there is considerable alienation against Beijing due to religious reasons and due to perceptions of discrimination against the Tibetans. Second, the unwise demonisation of the Dalai Lama by the Chinese authorities has not dented the reverence in which he is held not only by the Tibetans, but also by large sections of the Buddhists all over the world. This demonisation of His Holiness by the Chinese authorities has proved counter-productive and has added to the alienation. Unless they reverse this policy and treat the Dalai Lama with all the respect that is his due, they cannot reverse the process of alienation. Third, there is no doubt that organisations such as the NED and the RFA have been taking advantage of the situation created by the mishandling of the Tibetan people by the Chinese authorities in order to fish in troubled waters. The Chinese have to blame themselves for this.
6. While it is not correct that any Indian organisation or group has been helping the TYC, one cannot deny that large sections of the Indian civil society---including this writer--- have an empathy for the Tibetans and His Holiness and wish them success in their efforts to highlight their grievances and have them redressed. If they do not feel sorry for the Chinese in their predicament, it is because of the way the Chinese have repeatedly stabbed India in the back---- by transfering military nuclear and missile capabilities to Pakistan and by their irredentist claims to Indian territory. No Indian in his right senses will entertain the Chinese claims to Arunachal Pradesh or at least to a part of it in Tawang. The longer the Chinese insist on Tawang being given to China, the greater will be the sympathy in the Indian civil society for the Tibetan cause.
7. India is not among the ill-wishers of China. It applauds the Chinese economic miracle. It applauds even more the great achievements of Shanghai. India wants the Olympics to succeed and will co-operate in every possible way with the Chinese authorities in preventing any terrorist threat. If the Olympic Games turn out to be less spectacular than China had wanted them to be and if the unrest and the global movement against China continues, the Chinese will have to blame themselves for it. (11-5-08) Concluded
(The writer is Additional Secretary (retd), Cabinet Secretariat, Govt. of India, New Delhi, and, presently, Director, Institute For Topical Studies, Chennai. He is also associated with the Chennai Centre For China Studies. E-mail: email@example.com )
Sunday, May 11, 2008
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Used 2010 GMC Sierra 1500 Extended Cab
Pros & Cons
- Smooth and quiet ride, agreeable seats, brawny optional V8s, comprehensive standard safety equipment, upscale interior on SLT and Denali models.
- Large turning circle, bland base interior design, mediocre cabin storage.
Used 2010 GMC Sierra 1500 Extended Cab for Sale
Get More For Your Trade-In
Edmunds' Expert Review
Powerful, comfortable and offered in a wide array of body styles and configurations, the 2010 GMC Sierra is a prime choice for a full-size pickup.
Vehicle overview
"Sierra" is the rare automotive name that isn't completely inscrutable. It means "mountain range" in Spanish, and a mountain range has a lot in common with a good pickup truck. Rugged. Tough. Unyielding. See? Every now and again, automakers pick a name that actually makes some sense. And in this case, the vehicle lives up to its billing -- the 2010 GMC Sierra 1500 is one of the best full-size trucks you can buy.
As ever, the 2010 Sierra is a robust specimen. There are no fewer than three optional V8 engines, and towing and hauling ratings are top-notch. However, drivers are demanding a lot more from their trucks these days than just the ability to do grunt work. To this end, the Sierra offers plenty of standard and available features, including luxuries like a navigation system and a USB jack that are generally associated with passenger cars and SUVs. There are also two interiors, the more upscale of which (SLT and Denali trims only) is sourced from GM's full-size luxury SUVs and features a full center console and good-quality materials.
The base interior, however, which is the interior most Sierras are stuck with, is about as spartan as it gets in this segment. It offers plenty of functionality, but hardly anything in the way of visual interest. Rivals like the Dodge Ram and Toyota Tundra have nicer interiors even in base trim. Other demerits include a lackluster base V6 and a rather cumbersome turning circle.
Competition is stiff in this segment, as evidenced by our latest full-size truck comparison test -- the Ram and Tundra both beat out the Sierra's twin, the Chevy Silverado, even though the GM trucks are still a fairly new design. But the entrants were closely bunched in the scoring column, and we still have a lot of respect for the GM twins. The 2010 GMC Sierra 1500 shares enough characteristics with its namesake that we don't hesitate to recommend it alongside its capable full-size peers.
2010 GMC Sierra 1500 models
The 2010 GMC Sierra 1500 is a half-ton full-size pickup that's available in three body styles: standard cab, extended cab and crew cab. Standard cabs can be had with a standard bed (6-foot, 6-inch) or long bed (8-foot). Extended cabs can have a short (5-foot, 8-inch), standard or long bed. In the interest of maneuverability, crew cabs come only with the short bed.
Regular cabs can be had in base Work or nicely equipped SLE trims, while the extended and crew cabs are also available in the plush SLT trim. There's also an SL trim and a top-of-the-line Denali trim for crew cabs only. The Work trim comes with the basics, including air-conditioning (extended- and crew-cab versions), a trip computer, OnStar, vinyl seating, a tilt steering wheel, a 40/20/40-split front bench seat, a CD/MP3 player with an auxiliary audio jack and satellite radio. The SL adds full power accessories, keyless entry, cruise control and adjustable lumbar support for the driver.
Moving up, the SLE also offers premium cloth seating (with a lockable compartment and a power outlet built into the center cushion of the split front seat), an auto-dimming rearview mirror and a leather-wrapped steering wheel. The premium SLT adds a premium interior design with a full center console and upgraded materials, rain-sensing wipers (with heated washer fluid), a Bose audio system with a six-CD changer, leather seating, remote engine start, an exclusive dash design with wood and metallic accents, 12-way power/heated front seats and rear audio controls. Sierra Denali models trump the SLT with a unique powertrain, on-road-biased suspension tuning, special wheels, exterior styling enhancements, a heated steering wheel, a turn-by-turn navigation feature for OnStar and USB connectivity (optional on SLE and SLT).
Depending on the Sierra ordered, notable available options include a variety of towing packages, the Z71 Off-Road package (skid plates, an off-road suspension and a locking rear differential), the All-Terrain package (similar to the Z71 but with special interior and exterior enhancements) and the XFE (extra fuel economy) trim variant for the two-wheel-drive 5.3-liter V8 crew cab (which features aerodynamic enhancements and lightweight aluminum components that improve fuel economy).
Other options include 20- and 22-inch wheels, a rear back-up camera, upgraded audio systems, Bluetooth, a navigation system with real-time traffic reports, a rear-seat entertainment system, heated power-folding outside mirrors, a sunroof, a power-sliding rear window, a cargo management system, rear park assist and the "EZ Lift" tailgate that requires only about half the effort (compared to the standard tailgate) to open and close.
2010 Highlights
Performance & mpg
There are four different engines available for the 2010 GMC Sierra 1500. Work trucks have a 4.3-liter V6 (195 horsepower, 260 pound-feet of torque) as standard. This can be upgraded to a 4.8-liter V8 (295 hp, 305 lb-ft) or a 5.3-liter V8 (315 hp, 338 lb-ft). The SLE trims will have one of the two V8s as standard, depending on style, while the SLT has the 5.3-liter engine as standard.
Available on select models is a 6.2-liter V8 (403 hp and 417 lb-ft). The 6.2 comes standard on the Denali. A six-speed automatic transmission is standard on the two big V8s, while the 4.8-liter V8 and the V6 come only with a four-speed automatic. In 0-60-mph testing, we clocked the related Silverado with the 6.2-liter V8 in a very quick 6.6 seconds. Properly equipped, a Sierra 1500 can tow up to 10,600 pounds.
Buyers have a choice of two-wheel drive, four-wheel drive or, in the case of the Denali, all-wheel drive. The Work and LS trims with 4WD have a traditional floor-mounted selector for the transfer case. All other 4WD trims have Autotrac, which features an automatic setting that shifts into 4WD when wheel slippage is detected.
Fuel economy estimates range from 15 mpg city/22 mpg highway and 18 mpg combined for a crew cab XFE down to 12/19/14 mpg for the Denali AWD.
Antilock brakes (front disc, rear drum) are standard, with an all-disc setup available via the Max Trailering package on the Denali trim. A stability control system with roll-mitigating technology is also standard across the lineup, as are front-seat-mounted side airbags and side curtain airbags.
In government crash tests, the 2010 GMC Sierra 1500 earns top five-star ratings for frontal collisions. As of this writing, neither the government nor the independent Insurance Institute for Highway Safety had subjected the newly side airbag-equipped 2010 Sierra to side-impact crash testing.
The 2010 GMC Sierra 1500 is part of the new breed of big trucks that are actually pleasant to drive. The steering is light but reasonably precise, and the truck's comfortable seats and smooth, quiet ride make long road trips enjoyable. However, the Sierra's turning circle is a little larger than that of most other trucks. Acceleration is sluggish with the base V6 but just fine with even the modest 4.8-liter V8. The 5.3-liter V8 feels brawny, and the 6.2-liter V8 turns the Sierra into a veritable muscle truck. We much prefer the six-speed automatic that comes standard with the two bigger V8s; the four-speed feels past its prime.
The Sierra's base interior is a little dull relative to the competition. However, the Sierra SLT and Denali feature a unique upscale dash and door panel treatment with a full center console and attractive wood grain and metallic accents, although you'll pay a stiff entry price for this privilege. The rear seat in crew cab models is quite comfortable, and the seat cushions can be folded upward for a nearly flat load floor. Interior storage is adequate, but some might take issue with the smallish cupholders and the haphazard organization of the center console box.
Consumer reviews
Read what other owners think about the 2010 GMC Sierra 1500.
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KOTH North Bend Oregon 5th Wheel Guest quarters.
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This work was featured in a collection I came across called Zencha no Kokoro ("Spirit of Zen and Tea"). Other than its first owner, what is the painting's connection with tea? This work clearly reflects the turbulent times in which it was painted. But is the mighty dragon being engulfed by the storm around him, even as his eyes are fixed determinedly on the mountain's peak? Or is he emerging from the storm's grasp? Perhaps that is the point: the ending of the dragon's quest has not yet been written.
—Mellow Monk
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I haven't been in the States for almost 3 years but just returned after a week with family in Ohio and a week of partying in New York. Both were GREAT! But as great a time I had, I couldn't wait to get back home to Costa Rica. Being in the States just reminded me of why I never want to live there again. I sorta view the US like many people view New York City, love to visit but wouldn't want to live there.
I'm sure my brother and his family wouldn't mind if I compared them to the, 'Leave it to Beaver' family, because really, it's a fairly accurate comparison. Although Zack, my nephew, would have to snort Coke and drink a 6-pack every day to get in as much trouble as the 'Beaver', and my sister-in-law is also no June, I'd say more of a nicer, prettier Rosanne Barr. But the family dynamic is pretty much spot-on.
I think the best way to describe my brother's family is to describe my brother and his house. He lives in the same town where we were raised as kids and has worked at Kroger's (big grocery store chain) since he was like 17, he's 43 now. Goes to work every day, church on Sundays and has all the trappings you'd expect, nice home, 2 cars, 2 motorcycles, flat screen, fenced in yard with 2 dogs and big-ass basement that contains about 73 duct-taped, boxes of memories. Pretty much my family about 10 years ago, except I think my son was snorting coke back then. lol
He loves his life and I'm happy for him and his family. But secretly his life saddens me. So safe, so predictable, so comforting, and to me, so pathetic. Where's the life in a fenced in yard of STUFF? And really, no matter how important you think your 'stuff' is, at the end of days it will wind up in a garage sale. Yes, even the complete set of gold-plated, special edition, Norman Rockwell plates that cost you 3 months salary and will undoubtedly have various family members feuding for years after your death, will ultimately (I said ultimately) find themselves on ebay no matter how much they may have meant to you.
I just want to SHAKE HIM out of his complacency and tell him there's a great BIG WORLD out there and the experiences are endless.
But here I am, sitting in La Fortuna, Costa Rica enjoying my life but still wondering where I'm going to come up with $230. to pay my next month's rent. Yeah, I'm livin the DREAM *wink*... and while my brother and his family are off on a 3-week vacation to Maine, I'm just wishin I owned a complete set of gold-plated, special edition, Norman Rockwell plates... you know, so I could pay the rent.
Great song that pretty much sums up how I feel about the US. So take 2 minutes, I'm sure you'll enjoy it.
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Here's something that's been weighing on my mind: it shocks me that Cabin In The Woods doesn't have a much stronger following and I genuinely cannot come up with a reason for its lack of one. I saw it twice in theaters and have watched it 3 times since it's been an instant watch on Netflix. I LOVED it during the first viewing and have found that even after a few more, it totally holds up. The thing about it is that it's fun and at times hilarious, while at others, really scary. It's a must-see for fans of the horror genre, like myself, while others who could take or leave horror will also enjoy it.
Longtime lovers of scary movies like me can appreciate all of the clever shout-outs to horror flicks of old. In fact, Cabin In The Woods is kind of a tribute to the whole horror genre. Writers Josh Whedon and Drew Goddard take every cliche and stereotype we've come to associate with scary movies and puts them all together AND supply a fun and interesting explanation for them. They very smartly and creatively find a way to BOTH strictly follow the formula and make something completely original. They somehow manage to make a horror flick that is every bit a generic horror flick, that is like every other horror flick ever made, while, simultaneously, taking that seemingly generic premise and using it to disassemble and reconfigure the formula we've seen in horror flicks since the spawn of the genre. This film is so much more than a zombie movie or a slasher flick or even a supernatural story. It is everything all at once. And IT WORKS. It even has some social relevance while still managing to never take itself too seriously. In all honesty, I think it's kind of perfect.
The acting is mostly good (I say mostly because there is one actor whose performance is slightly sub par – but hers is the ONLY one), good enough, in fact, to give these stereotypical characters surprising depth. Like every other aspect of this film, they are two things at once: the cliched caricatures we're used to seeing in scary movies and very much, well, not. And in addition to the scary stuff, which is often pretty scary, there's an abundance of excellent humor that lightens it up. For this reason alone, it is definitely a crossover film: it appeals to fans of the horror genre and those who usually shy away from it. There's eye candy for all (I could make a sandwich with Chris Hemsworth and Jesse Williams) and even one completely awesome cameo by a woman who has become an icon in the sci-fi world. Like I said, perfect.
There's also a big, big, big, big surprise ending that, for me, sets it apart from damn near every other film (horror or otherwise) I've seen. It takes a lot of balls to end a movie in such a way and for that, kudos to Whedon and Goddard. I've read that before the first screening, Whedon told the audience something like, "Enjoy it and then keep it to yourself." Because it's very much like Fight Club in this way; the first, second and third rules about Cabin In The Woods are: You don't talk about Cabin In The Woods. To be less vague and disclose any more detail than I already have is to rob you of the sheer joy you'll feel when you realize that this film is irrevocably and unapologetically going balls-to-the-wall, batshit bonkers. This moment first shows itself in a scene in the second act that I call "The Purge" which is quite possibly the coolest fucking scene in any scary movie, EVER. As well as frightening and funny and thrilling and wildly fun in a shit-yourself giddy kind of way all at the same time. Which is in itself a rarity in any film and even more rare, is that I could use that same sentence to describe the movie itself.
If you're a fan of horror flicks, you have to watch this. If you're not, you still should watch it because whether you care about all the details that pay homage to the genre or not, Cabin In The Woods is one wicked fun ride.


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Sky's the limit: County estate sales could set record
Money no object? Looking for the ultimate Christmas gift? Forget the Neiman Marcus catalogue with its $12 million Lear jet. Forget Victoria's Secret's $11 million diamond and sapphire-encrusted holiday "fantasy bra."
Look no further than your own backyard for this year's gift extraordinaire. Three Albemarle County properties are on the market for $9 million plus: Chapel Springs Farm, Mirador, and Mount Juliet Farm.
Mirador, one of the most famous properties in Greenwood, is offered by Jos. T. Samuels Realty for $14.5 million. Built in 1842 and purchased by railroad baron Chiswell Dabney Langhorne in 1893, it was the childhood home of Irene Langhorne, wife of artist Charles Dana Gibson, and Nancy Langhorne, who married Lord Astor and later assumed his seat in Britain's House of Commons.
Even with all that history, what are the chances that Mirador and its 189 acres will fetch the $14.5 million asking price?
Local real estate agent Ross Stevens is wary. "I don't have any buyers in that price range," he says. "Look at Verulam," he continues. "Less than a year ago, that property with 550 acres sold for $6.8 million. And Verulam backs up to a 1,000-acre wildlife refuge.
"The market does move quickly," he adds, "but I don't see that much movement."
Roger Voisinet, another local agent, is philosophical. "Records are always going to be broken in real estate," he says, "but the fact that one person overpays for something doesn't mean similar properties are worth the overpaid amount."
Hmmm. Could that mean that Chapel Springs Farms Holdings LLC, owners of Chapel Springs Farm– with its 1,622 acres in Free Union– might be overreaching?
"Anything I'd say about that would be speculation," Voisinet says. "I haven't seen the place."
Stevens notes that while a lot of those acres are mountain land, the property is virtually one of a kind. Even so, "How they're justifying those prices is a mystery to me," he says.
Who's likely to be in the market for these two properties– or Mount Juliet Farm's 541 acres in Crozet, which McLean Faulconer has listed for $9.5 million? Voisinet points out, "Overall, Albemarle is an attractive place. Charlottesville is perceived to be a safe city with lots of cultural attractions, so it's interesting to people."
But still, nineteen point five million dollars? If agent Venable Minor, father of internet millionaire Halsey Minor, manages to sell Chapel Springs Farm for the asking price, it will set a record for county property, exceeding even the $17 or $18 million paid by currently-on-trial Tyco tycoon Mark Swartz for Keene's 1,400-acre Enniscorthy in 2001.
"But that was funny money," Stevens says. "These numbers are unheard of."
Stevens also has a theory about the sort of buyer who might be in the market for properties with such hefty price tags. "First we had the dot.com-ers coming in. They made it quickly, and they spent it just as quickly. Then we had the influx of stock market money."
But those halcyon days are over, Stevens notes. "I don't know where this money will be coming from," he says, "but these are emotional buys. No one's going to buy property like this for investment."
He points out that Mirador's acres are in a permanent open space easement, which means no development potential. In addition, available tax benefits for that sort of much-ballyhooed preservation device have already been realized.
Still, "People are fleeing more expensive areas," Voisinet notes. "A lot of foolish things have happened in real estate."
And we all know the holidays can be an especially foolish time– when some people throw good sense to the wind. If you already have the Lear jet and the jeweled bra, there's probably still time to snag one of these offerings.
Ring up an agent, complete the deal, and tuck the deed in your darling's stocking. Then have yourself a merry little Christmas.


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History's verdict on West Philippine Sea, South China Sea controversy
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Alachua County Booking Report: November 15 2019
Published: Nov. 15, 2019 at 7:58 AM EST
Attached is a PDF file containing all bookings at the Alachua County Department of the Jail from November 14 2019.
The PDF can be found on this page as "Booking Logs 11-15-19."
If you're reading on a desktop or laptop the file will appear to the right of the article text. Mobile readers, please scroll to the bottom of this article for that PDF.
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Metal: Gold 585, 14K
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Thickness: 0,30 mm
Chain length: 18 + 3 cm
We are aware that by choosing the jewellery that has captivated you, you would wish to preserve its beauty forever. Therefore, our priority at GIORRE is to provide the highest quality products that will be your every day accessories.
GIORRE jewellery is created on own designs, inspired and based on Polish tradition and jewellery art, made of the highest-quality precious metals used in jewelry business: silver 925 and 585 gold, accompanied or decorated with Swarovski pearls and crystals, confirmed by a certificate of authenticity - because jewelries that express your feelings and commemorate unique moments, deserve a special warranty.


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'A clear Dave's Pick, the Nikon D7200 is the company's best effort yet in the enthusiast DSLR market.'
'great camera'
'Overall the Nikon D7200 is an impressive enthusiast DSLR.'
'The D7000 line has always been a solid DSLR, Nikon's 2015 enthusiast camera takes the fully featured D7100 and enhances the sensor even more, for images with rich, yet true-to-life colors and excellent noise reduction. '
'Lots of customisation options available.'
'With faster burst shooting, improved autofocus and much greater ISO range, the 7D MkII is clearly a superior camera. '
'Stacks of customisation.'
'The menu system is vast, and there are a lot of features available there that might not be apparent at first glance.'
'It isn't a true successor to the 6-year-old D700, or just a cheaper, less well-specified version of the D810 - instead, the D750 is a compelling camera in its own right that actually out-performs the D810 in some areas. '
'It's a powerful and versatile camera that's arguably more compelling than the D810 for most photographers at around two thirds of the price.'
'The D750 is a great SLR camera. '
'Irrelevant of its tilt-angle screen the Nikon D750 brings together many successful elements that make it an undeniably great DSLR camera. '
'Disappointing video features'
'The built-in pop-up flash worked well indoors, with no red-eye and adequate overall exposure. '
It's tough, fast and powerful, and Pentax's new DSLR is aimed at adventurers
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