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Bollywood is about to go viral -- if it hasn't already.
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This comes as YouTube has recently expanded its international offerings. Last month the site announced that it was now available in 58 languages.

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Henry Wadsworth Longfellow
Henry Wadsworth Longfellow (27 February 1807 – 24 March 1882 / Portland, Maine)
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Tales Of A Wayside Inn : Part 3. The Sicilian's Tale; The Monk Of Casal-Maggiore
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MIA > Archive > Pablo > Arab Revolution
The current Arab revolution forms part of the colonial revolution that has been irresistibly developing since the last world war. This revolution, furthermore, is only one aspect of the accelerating and irremediable break-up of the capitalist regime, and consequently forms part of the proletarian revolution by which the end of the capitalist regime will be completed and the new socialist social order will begin.
The text contained in this pamphlet had as its purpose the opening of a discussion in the organized movement of the Fourth International on some fundamental aspects and problems of the Arab revolution as seen in its proletarian and socialist dynamic, i.e., independently of its present bourgeois-democratic stage, from the viewpoint both of immediate tasks to be accomplished and of its present leadership.
From this point of view, this text was conceived for a discussion among revolutionary Marxists familiar with the terms employed and the ideas developed therein. In order to render it clearer and more up-to-date, we think it useful in this preface to emphasize the following points:
The notion of the Arab nation is based above all upon the criteria of language and historical formation, more than on geographic or economic unity. Given the diversity of the geographic limits and the historical peculiarities of the Arab world, the aspiration for Arab unity within the frame of a centralist state or of a federation is above all peculiar to the Arab revolutionary masses.
The Arab ruling classes are too heterogeneous, too bound up with local and regional interests, too marked by their particularist formation and their different links with imperialism, to blend without resistance, spontaneously and under their own impulse, into an organized Arab unity. Their present cleavages and oppositions are eloquently significant of the organic inability of the Arab ruling classes to attain Arab organic unity under their leadership.
From this point of view, the unity of the Arab nation will prove to be historically the exclusive result of the victory of the Arab revolution under proletarian leadership in its socialist stage. In the meantime, the particularist resistance of the Arab ruling classes, profiting by the regional attachments of the masses, will have to be faced.
These considerations do not at all have as their purpose any attenuation whatever of the historical reality of an Arab nation currently seeking its organic unity. They aim rather at emphasizing the fact that Arab national consciousness, as well as the aspiration for Arab unity, are characteristic above all of the Arab masses struggling against imperialism and its native allies, and that only these masses will be able to bring about the unity of the Arab nation.
Underdeveloped countries, the Arab lands are characterized by the predominance of an agricultural economy and a peasantry that is far the most numerous class in the population.
As a result of the facts that the decisive part of the cultivated land is in the hands either of feudalists (the Middle East) or of European settlers (the Maghreb), and that native small properties, whether individual or communal, are endangered by the competition of big properties exploited in a capitalist way and by lack of technical and financial aid from the state, the agrarian question in all these countries takes on capital importance.
For a radical solution it would be necessary not only that the lands (generally the best ones) of the feudalists and settlers be recuperated, but that the state should also take dispositions to help the peasants – as individuals or as organized in collectives – to keep up their lands, improve their output, and recuperate new lands by various public works. That is to say, there would be needed, in addition to a revolutionary agrarian reform, a revolutionary state, which could not be other than the workers' and peasants' state.
In the absence of such a social solution, bourgeois agrarian reforms could not have any result other than, in the best of cases, to replace the class of native feudalists or the settlers by a layer of rich peasants who would easily dominate those peasants devoid of sufficient land and of adequate technical and financial means to keep it up in a competitive market economy.
This last-mentioned form of agricultural economy, which is currently prevalent everywhere in the Arab countries, has as a further result an irrational utilization of land – a situation which, under the very unfavorable climatic conditions of the Arab countries, soon ends up in the sterilization of production over vast areas of land.
The social consequence thereof is the speeded-up impoverishment of great masses of the peasantry, aggravated by the continued population increase.
To maintain the existent land in a productive state, and to include therein other arable areas, requires a state able to provide such an effort for the benefit of the peasant masses.
We thus fall back once more on the imperious need for a truly popular state, that of the power of the workers and peasants.
Concerning the forms that the agrarian revolution may take on, our text emphasizes the profit that it would have to derive from the continuance of pre-capitalist communal customs in matters of land ownership in the Arab countries, which might in certain cases facilitate the adoption, right from the beginning, of measures of collectivization rather than individual parcelling out. But this does not at all obviate the capital importance of giving the land or a life-interest in it to those who really work it and to win their democratic consent to any measure planned in this field.
In order to back up the agricultural effort and to solve the question of the unemployment of the great masses of the Arab countries, the industrial development of these underdeveloped countries must naturally be speeded up. The question of industrialization is also conditioned by the nature of the social regime. Without statification of the surplus value which the imperialist and capitalist firms, oil companies and others, are extorting from the Arab masses, as well as the land rent of the feudalists and the big settler owners, the question of the large-scale industrialization of the Arab countries will naturally remain insoluble. And yet these countries possess immense power resources (petroleum, sunlight) which, together with the financial resources and the abundant labor power formed by the majority of their currently non-productive populations, could rapidly solve the question of their industrialization on a vast scale.
The classic bourgeoisie of the Arab countries is of trading origin and formation. It has historically developed a special trait – very important for its attitude toward the agrarian question and its faculties for an effective struggle against imperialism and especially against the feudalists – its role as a usurer toward the peasants.
It is wrong to believe that the peasantry is the victim solely of the feudalists. The trading bourgeois of the towns exploit the Arab peasantry, composed of share-croppers and poor peasants, in a way which, although more subtle, remains no less rapacious – whence the fundamental opposition of these parasitical layers of the bourgeoisie to a genuine agrarian reform.
The revolutionary proletariat in the Arab countries will not be able to carry out properly its struggle for the completion of the revolution unless it takes into account this reactionary nature of the commercial bourgeoisie.
It is true, however, that, side-by-side with this classic bourgeoisie, there are developing at varying degrees some still limited strata of an industrial bourgeoisie, which is trying to shake off the tutelage, stifling for its own development, of imperialism and the feudalists.
With these strata, temporary alliances for precise goals, which do not alienate the autonomous objectives and policy of the class party of the proletariat and the poor peasants, are possible and indeed necessary. But this party must at no moment forget that the goal of the industrial bourgeoisie is not the extermination of imperialism but a coexploitation of the native masses, a coexploitation pushed in the best of cases to an overturn of the present relationship between foreign capital and native capital, in favor of the latter. Next, that the struggle of this bourgeoisie against the feudalists also cannot go beyond certain limits, for the feudalists keep up various economic relationships with this bourgeoisie, which furthermore, by its nature (because of its weakness), does not at all want to support a decisive fight against imperialism and against the feudalists, by basing itself (necessarily in this case) on the revolutionary masses.
The crime of the past and present policy of the Communist Parties consists, not in their seeking under certain circumstances an alliance with the colonial bourgeoisie, but in their idealizing it – which prevents defining the limits of its progressive action and hinders the autonomous class organization and policy of the proletariat.
The examples of Nasser's Egypt and Kassem's Iraq are in this connection highly instructive.
In both cases we are dealing with a revolution that is bourgeois-democratic from the viewpoint of the immediate tasks to be accomplished, led by political staffs of national officers who ideologically represent what can be called the Arab national bourgeoisie, i.e., the bourgeois strata which to a certain extent are opposed to imperialism and the feudalists.
These strata are generally those of the industrial bourgeoisie in the making. Both Nasser's and Kassem's regimes are, from the political viewpoint, Bonapartist regimes, of an unstable balance between the classes, while destined to cast their weight finally in favor of a single class.
In the case of Nasser, it is now clear that his Bonapartism is operating decisively in favor of the Egyptian industrial bourgeoisie. Furthermore, to the degree that the class struggle develops in Egypt and in the Arab world generally, and that the Nasser regime proves unable to solve the bourgeois-democratic tasks of the Arab revolution – viz. real independence from imperialism (with a real liquidation of all its economic after-effects), unification of the Arab nation, agrarian revolution, emancipation of women – the Nasser regime is turning against the masses and again drawing close to imperialism.
The true face of the Arab "national" bourgeoisie was unmasked on the occasion of the Iraqi revolution.
This revolution forms, at the present stage, the most advanced point of the Arab anti-imperialist and social revolution. Despite the fact that its official leadership is still assumed by a staff of "national" officers who would like to keep it within "Nasserist" (i.e., bourgeois-democratic) limits, the drive of the masses is infinitely more powerful than in the case of Egypt. This causes the Bonapartist character of Kassem's regime to be far more strongly marked than Nasser's, for Kassem does not have at his disposal a broad social base of his own.
In Iraq, because of the weakness of the industrial bourgeoisie, the hostility of the feudalists, and the successive purges of pro-Nasser elements in the army, Kassem has been seen to yield gradually to the pressure of the revolutionary masses, who form his real support against imperialism, Nasser, and domestic reaction. To the degree that the Iraqi revolution deepened, with creation by the masses of their own organs of dual power, including militias, and the increased politicisation of the expanding trade-union organizations, the social aspect of the revolution predominated over its initial national and anti-imperialist aspect.
These developments were far from pleasing to Nasser, hence his violent attacks against the Iraqi revolution and his spectacular anti-Communist and even anti-Soviet shift. This attitude, far from being accidental or personal, is in reality characteristic of the colonial bourgeoisie faced by the internal class struggle and the social problems of the revolution.
Khrushchev himself, disappointed and exasperated by Nasser's anti-Communist and anti-Soviet attacks, was forced to stammer out a few elementary notions of revolutionary Marxist policy in the matter of the national bourgeoisie, but without drawing therefrom lasting conclusions defining a coherent line. Criticizing 'nationalism", i.e., the alliance, in colonial and dependent countries, of all classes, under the political leadership of the bourgeoisie, Khrushchev differentiates the struggle's "anti-colonialist" phase, properly so called, from the social phase during which "the interests of different classes can possibly not coincide." [1] "The attempts, by covering oneself with the banner of nationalism, to disregard the interests of the various layers of the population, and those of the workers, are inconsistent." [1]
In reality the life-and-death struggle with the national bourgeoisie is inevitable in all cases where the revolution must be led from its anti-imperialist bourgeois-national phase up to its socialist proletarian social conclusion. The question is one, not of persons, but of classes.
From this point of view, it is not enough to criticize Nasser at a given moment, only to paint him in rosy colors at another moment, or to embrace Kassem, but to define a clear class line toward the colonial bourgeoisie which the Bonapartist regimes of both represent.
The now evident "betrayal" of Nasser was inevitable, inherent in the class nature of the colonial bourgeoisie confronted by the social deepening of the revolution. The "betrayal" of Kassem, to whom the favors of the Kremlin are now being given, is no less inevitable, in case the Iraqi Communist Party should prove unable to complete the revolution under its own leadership, backed by the country's masses democratically organized in their committees, militias, and trade unions.
Kassem is only the super-Kerensky of the Iraqi revolution, i.e., the representative of a Bonapartist regime of an extreme fragility, which is trying to maintain a precarious balance between the revolutionary drive of the masses and the conservative and reactionary forces, still unable for the moment to go over to a counter-revolutionary offensive.
Under the rising pressure of the masses, Kassem is obliged to make progressive concessions, while resisting the social completion of the revolution and trying to stay within bourgeois limits. All the real gains of the masses – militias, trade-union organization, promises of a new emancipating status for women, etc. – are in reality the results of their struggles driving through Kassem's resistance. His opposition to the legalization of the Communist Party and to the free political activity of the masses is in this connection significant of his limitations and class resistances.
At a later stage, in case of a retreat of the masses because of fatigue or disorientation the Kassem regime would try to annul some of these gains and to stabilize the bourgeois regime. [2]
The greatest danger now lying in wait for the Iraqi revolution is the Stalinist policy of the Iraqi CP. This party, the strongest of all the Arab Communist Parties, is at present torn between the tendency that is subject to the revolutionary pressure of its rank and file and of the masses, and the executive tendency that is docile to the Kremlin's directives.
The former is instinctively seeking a class line, distrusting Kassem (and with good reason), and trying to base itself above all on the autonomous organization and action of the revolutionary masses. It is embodied, at the leadership level, by the party's native cadres, who were formed in "the dungeons and the camps" of the old regime and remained steadily in contact with the masses. [3] But the dominant tendency in the leadership is represented by the hardened Stalinists formed in exile, in the USSR and the Popular Democracies, who subordinate the party's autonomous class policy to the changing interests of Soviet diplomacy. It is this tendency that gives Kassem unconditional support, that paints his regime in bright colors, and that calls for the disastrous Menshevik policy of the revolution by stages, Iraq allegedly needing to pass through a whole period of bourgeois-democratic development before there ripen the economic and social conditions that permit visualising the possibility of the socialist revolution under the leadership of the proletariat.
In case this tendency proves more powerful than the revolutionary pressure of the masses, the Iraqi revolution will inevitably experience defeat, either in the form of an overthrow of the present regime by the concerted and unexpected action of foreign and domestic forces, pro-Nasser for example, or else by the stabilization of the Kassem regime on a bourgeois basis.
The hope of a progressive development of the revolution lies only in the masses' revolutionary dynamism, which might under certain conditions push the Iraqi CP beyond the limited goals of Soviet diplomacy, and make it outline a revolutionary orientation toward power.
The Kremlin is interested in the Iraqi revolution only in connection with its foreign policy, where it is a matter of utilizing the Iraqi trump card to bring pressure on Nasser and the imperialists. By this pressure Nasser might be prevented from being integrated in the imperialist orbit, while imperialisms such as England, which have great interests in Iraq and in the Middle East, might show more understanding toward for example the European goals of Kremlin diplomacy.
In general, the Kremlin is at present seeking, not to develop the social dynamics of the Arab revolution and to help it to victory under proletarian leadership, but simply to win the favors of the colonial bourgeoisie and to draw it away from coalition with imperialism.
In this way, as against ephemeral successes on the diplomatic level, as the experiment with Nasser once more clearly demonstrates, the Kremlin sacrifices the fundamental interests of the colonial revolution, which would be able to triumph only under proletarian leadership, in an inevitable and necessary struggle against the national bourgeoisie.
The criminal embellishment of the national bourgeoisie by the Kremlin and the Communist Parties at its disposal, whether it is question on any occasion of Nasser or Kassem, of Sukarno or Nehru, of Fidel Castro [4], et al., is at present the most powerful brake on the progressive development of the colonial revolution.
Once more, we repeat, it is not a question, in colonial and dependent countries, of avoiding alliances with the national bourgeoisie to the extent that it engages in an effective struggle against imperialism and the feudalists. It is a matter of considering these alliances to be temporary, to make them about precise goals of common action, to maintain the complete organizational and political independence of the party of the proletariat, to avoid painting this bourgeoisie in glowing colors, to prepare the masses ideologically for the bourgeoisie's inevitable turn against themselves as soon as they begin the struggle in the field of the social deepening of the revolution, its completion on the bourgeois-democratic level and its socialist development.
The social development of the Iraqi revolution soon raised a new question: what attitude to take toward Arab unity under present conditions.
Where it is a question of Arab states of the same social regime, the imperative need of Arab unification in a centralized state or a federation must have priority over the political nature of the regime under which the process of unification is carried out. But where it is a question of Arab states of social regimes that are different or are becoming so, the imperative need of unification must be subordinated to the necessity of defending the social conquests of the revolution, its proletarian and socialist future.
To take a concrete example: in the case of relations between Iraq and the UAR, it is certainly necessary to take into account the fact that the Iraqi revolution currently constitutes the socially most advanced outpost of the Arab revolution, and that consequently its gains cannot be simply annulled by just simply putting it under the whip of Nasser's reactionary dictatorial regime – and this allegedly in the name of the highest interests of Arab unification.
But the Iraqi Communist Party, now the fierce defender of the country's independence, should have justified the temporary subordination of unification to the imperative needs of the development of the social revolution in Iraq on the basis of quite other arguments than those it is at present using. [5]
The Iraqi CP's only justification for temporarily suspending unification with the UAR could in reality be only its determination to carry out the proletarian revolution in Iraq and to avoid compromising this process by subjecting it to Nasser's reactionary regime, which Nasser, in case of unification, would spread throughout Iraq as well.
But instead of such an attitude, the Iraqi CP, nowise facing toward the perspective of the proletarian revolution, puts forward fallacious pretexts that compromise its cause and the communist cause among the Arab masses who ardently long for Arab unification: the so-called need of better guaranteeing the country's economic (in reality, capitalist) development within the limits of Iraqi national independence, and the anti-democratic nature of Nasser's regime.
We repeat: this last argument could be valid only if the Iraqi CP were setting up, as opposed to the unification demanded by Nasser, the need to complete the victory of the social – i.e., proletarian – revolution in Iraq. Otherwise, it is Nasser who is right in implicitly considering that, both social regimes being equal, it is unification that must take priority over the more or less democratic nature of the political regime.
If the Iraqi revolution constitutes at present the most advanced stage, socially and from the viewpoint of proletarian perspectives, of the Arab revolution, the Algerian revolution, at the other end of the Arab world, represents a no less important peculiarity of that revolution. In Iraq, the tone was set by the strength of the revolutionary movement of the masses and the presence of a Communist Party that has a real base and plays an important role in the revolutionary process. In Algeria, the lack of an important proletarian and communist movement is combined with an equally extreme weakness of the bourgeoisie and the resultant importance of the plebeian masses: poor peasants, agricultural and industrial workers, impoverished petty-bourgeoisie.
It is the cadres arisen from these masses and basing themselves upon them who are leading the present revolution under the banner of the FLN.
Despite the still essentially national-democratic slogans inscribed on that banner, the revolutionary strength of the plebeian mass movement in Algeria proves to be enormous and impressive. The Algerian people's armed struggle has now been invincibly maintained for almost five years against the bulk of the military forces of one of the main imperialist powers of our century, which is trying with an unheard-of savagery to keep under its yoke Algeria, the key-country of its African colonial empire.
Never has the disproportion between the means utilised by imperialism and a small colonial country been so overwhelming; never has so broad-scale an attempt been made to exterminate physically the great masses of an oppressed people, in order to break its indomitable will to struggle. The atrocious colonial war of Algeria, which has unfortunately been going on up till now amid a shameless passivity on the part of the proletarian masses of France and of the so-called civilized capitalist countries, will be written down in history as the most sanguinary and infamous colonialist enterprise of imperialism before it finally leaves the stage.
Just the fact that under such unfavorable conditions the Algerian revolution, practically alone, continues the combat, growing more solid and profound, should be sufficient to justify not only the immense respect that the proletariat of Europe ought to feel toward its heroic Algerian brothers, spurring it to support them in their well-justified combat against imperialism, but also respect for the organization that began the revolution and was formed in the struggle itself, the FLN.
This organization, really a united front of diverse tendencies of Algerian opinion in the anti-imperialist struggle, is certainly not a homogeneous revolutionary party, and cannot within its present structure evolve toward such a party. But what is sure is that it includes all the valid revolutionary forces of the Algerian people, from which tomorrow there will emerge the cadres of the revolutionary Marxist tendency who will know how to lead the Algerian revolution to its complete victory.
The weaknesses which characterize and the dangers which lie in wait for the present leadership of the Algerian revolution should be neither covered up nor minimised. The lack of a precise doctrine, of a clear and precise programme, can lead the best-intentioned cadres of the revolution to become objectively servitors of a bourgeois, pro-imperialist, and anti-democratic cause, following the example of the Bourguibist leadership of the Tunisian revolution, or of the King of Morocco, of the Moroccan revolution.
The lack of a clear and radical social and political doctrine corresponding to the true interests of the peasants and workers who embody the Algerian nation in its struggle, means practising a policy that is in the final analysis bourgeois, with a future that will inevitably be "Bourguibist."
The FLN would be unable to avoid such an evolution unless, starting right now, a coherent tendency within it should fight perseveringly to endow it with a precise and radical social and political programme and with a more definite and strict organizational structure that links it ideologically and organizationally to its militant base, especially the fighters and the Algerian masses of the interior, and their effective and permanent control.
It is of course not a question of fostering illusions about transforming the FLN in its present structure and entirety into a proletarian and socialist party. But what can and must be contemplated is transforming it into a transitional political formation by means of working up a definite programme and a structure that links it to its base and ensures that base's control over it.
The programme must include a radical agrarian reform, the statification of the principal enterprises and means of production, the emancipation of women, the federation of the Maghreb and its confederation under certain conditions with the rest of the Arab nation of the Middle East, of Egypt, the Sudan, and Libya, the democratic structure of popular power (constituent assembly; people's committees, which are already administering those parts of the country that are liberated or under de facto control).
Such control must include the transfer to Algeria itself of the principal organs of the revolutionary government and their attachment to the ranks of the fighters and the masses of the interior, while maintaining and developing delegations and various services abroad.
Only such political and organizational measures can effectively counteract the bureaucratic corruption of the leadership, fight against the trend to "Bourguibist" – i.e., pro-bourgeois and pro-imperialist – formations in the leadership, increase the flexibility of the organization of the revolution, deepen its close liaison with the masses, and inspire them with a new energy.
What is more, to the degree that the Algerian revolution makes clear its social and democratic aspect, it cannot fail to meet with an increasingly sympathetic echo among the popular masses of the other Arab countries, and even of European countries, including France, and its soldiers, workers and peasants in uniform.
The reactionary and barbarous enterprise of imperialism would appear in the eyes of the masses to be even more infamous as it struggles against the steadily deeper revolution of the Algerian people.
Even the conduct of the war, from the strictly military viewpoint, would prove to be modified by such measures, for the main strength of the Algerian combatants at the present stage lies in their mobility and their close fusion with the population. But whoever says mobility and close fusion with the masses is really saying social and political deepening of the revolution, rendering individual combatants conscious of their mission, and the masses conscious of the goals of the struggle and more and more involved in its victorious completion.
The possible generalization of the revolutionary war throughout the whole Maghreb would, furthermore, be enormously facilitated by such an orientation.
Naturally it is a question here only of suggestions for a programme, a tactic, an organization, whose more precise details must be worked out by the revolutionary Marxist tendency of the great Algerian revolution.
The Fourth International considers it its duty at present to help unconditionally and unreservedly this revolution as well as the colonial revolution in general.
Conscious of the terrible lag of the workers' movement of the advanced capitalist countries in comparison to the colonial revolution, it realizes that, in order to bring together and weld the joint between the two branches of the world revolution, political propaganda is not enough. There are needed acts of real practical solidarity with the colonial masses in struggle, now in the vanguard of the revolutionary assault against imperialism and capitalism.
1. Khrushchev statements on 17 March 1959.
2. After this preface was written and was being set in type, Kassem started a trial of strength with the Iraqi CP and the revolutionary masses.
He is now trying to suppress the militias once more, and is proceeding to purges and even arrests of revolutionary elements. Kassem in his turn is taking Nasser's anti-Communist road.
"Paradoxically, General Kassem's strongest asset in the present struggle for power," writes the British ex-cabinet minister Anthony Nutting in the 28 June New York Herald Tribune "is that the Communists have built him up to a position from which they cannot now tear him down." (My italics.)
3. For this tendency, "what matters is the radical and immediate transformation of the social and economic structure" of Iraq. "It is the one that demands the nationalization of enterprises, the sharing out of land, the hanging of traitors, the purge of the army and the administration. It is this tendency that worries General Kassem. And it is likely that it is against it that the government is – in the shadows – furbishing its arms." (Study by E. Sablier in Le Monde of 28 May 1959.)
4. Fidel Castro is at present the latest "hero" discovered by the Communist Parties of Latin America, to whose regime they attribute the revolutionary gains of the Cuban masses. Fidel Castro, however, is only the Bonapartist representative of the bourgeoisie, who is undergoing the pressure of the masses and is forced to make them important concessions, against which his bourgeois teammates are already rising up, as has just been clearly shown by the opposition set going inside his own government against the – timid enough – agrarian reform.
5. As well as, for that matter, the other Arab Communist Parties, beginning with that of Syria, led by Bagdasche.
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|The Arab Revolution
Table of Contents
Michel Pablo
Marxist Writers'
Updated on: 6 July 2020


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Alcatel's One Touch View - its Windows Phone 7.8-running handset bound for Russia - has been teased in a promotional video.
Well, the phone makes an appearance right near the end, anyway. The rest of it is taken up with a character going by the name of Ricky, who tells us about his life. Which isn't that thrilling, admittedly, but does provide a glimpse of what we can expect from the One Touch View.
The One Touch View looks like being one of the first handsets to come running the Windows Phone 7.8 operating system. It comes in a range of colours, much like Nokia's Lumia 920.
On the specs front, it looks a little mid-range, but that's no bad thing. It packs a 4-inch, 800x480-pixel display, a 1GHz processor, and a 5-megapixel camera on the back. So it's not going to trouble the Samsung Galaxy S3 or HTC One X+, but then it's aimed at a different market.
Windows Phone 7.8
Microsoft will roll out Windows Phone 7.8 to handsets running Windows Phone 7.5. It brings some features from Windows Phone 8, such as resizable Live Tiles on the Start screen. So you don't have to miss out just because you haven't invested in a Windows Phone 8 mobile.
Via Engadget


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Whenever a liberal labels an organization "non partisan," consider yourself duly alerted that it is nothing of the kind.
Here is what said liberal is actually saying if he or she could stomach the candor -- This is an organization that shares my views. I call it "non partisan" in a feeble attempt to provide legitimacy it would otherwise not possess. (video after page break)
This transparent dynamic was on display Wednesday night when Washington Post and Bloomberg columnist Ezra Klein guest hosted on MSNBC's "The Rachel Maddow Show" --
There's a number for you -- 180. That is the number of bills to restrict voting rights that have been introduced in state legislatures since the beginning of 2011, according to the non-partisan Brennan Center for Justice.
Not surprisingly, Klein stumbled in describing the "Brenner" center as non partisan, implying that such a description was a bit much even for a Maddow guest host.
The Brennan Center for Justice, part of New York University School of Law, is named for the late Supreme Court justice William Brennan -- father of the "living" Constitution. The organization is headed by Michael Waldman. Name ring a bell? According to his bio at the Brennan website, Waldman did a bit of work for Bill Clinton back when Clinton was president. In fact, Waldman was "responsible for writing or editing nearly 2,000 speeches, including four State of the Union and two inaugural addresses."
Can you imagine a think tank run by someone who wrote that many speeches for George W. Bush -- that many major speeches -- being described on MSNBC as "non partisan"? The chances of this, to put it charitably, are nil. Instead, you'd hear it derided as "radical."
Not only that, the Brennan Center is a major beneficiary of financial contributions from an organization backed by left-wing financier George Soros, aka, He Whose Name Must Never Be Mentioned On MSNBC.
The Soros-funded Open Society Foundations donated $7.4 million to the Brennan Center from 2000 to 2010, plus another $2.8 million to New York University, NewsBuster Iris Somberg wrote last October.
Media coverage of a voting study released by the Brennan Center last fall was curiously lacking in references to Soros. "None of the five stories by The New York Times, Washington Post, Wall Street Journal, USA Today, or CBS News noted that this study was funded by Soros," Somberg wrote.
Moreover, the study itself was riddled with questionable conclusions, according to a detailed, withering critique at National Review Online by Hans A. von Spakovsky, a senior legal fellow at the Heritage Foundation, former FEC commissioner and former voting counsel at the Justice Department.
"To judge from the number of reports citing its conclusions, the Brennan Center report is certainly a successful propapanda effort," von Spakovsky wrote. "However, neither the editorials of the Washington Post and the New York Times nor the Brennan Center report are empirically driven. Rather, they are myth-driven diatribes against common-sense election reform that the vast majority of the American people agree with, no matter what their race or political background. They are certainly not the devastating constraints on voters that the Brennan Center's report puffs them up to be."
Further evidence of Brennan Center propagandizing is evident from the organization's website, which today prominently displays a press release titled "Justice Department Will Sue Florida Over Voter Purge."
"We are disappointed with Secretary of State (Ken) Detzner's decision to press forward with this misguided voter purge," says Wendy Weiser, "Director of the Democracy Project," according to the release. "The state's planned purge, so close to the election, opens the door to errors, confusion and the removal of eligible voters."
"So close to the election" ... that's five months away.
The press release neglects to mention the reason that Florida officials are purging their voting rolls of non-residents and ineligible voters at this alleged 11th hour -- the Department of Homeland Security dragging its feet for nine months in failing to allow access to its SAVE system of a dozen immigration databases.


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Access is from Whitson Street or via the cafe.
St James is not a Parish Church and has no regular income from a church congregation.
Please consider making a contribution to maintain this Heritage Building for Bristol and the Nation.
Also we continue to rely on donations for our charitable work of supporting vulnerable people.
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St James House is an independent supported housing provision.
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Beatrice looked at the box just in front of her. She held it with both hand while it rested on her lap. Tears fell on the lid; Beatrice sat motionless, deep in her thoughts. It had been a couple of hard days since the death of his brother; murdered by her lover. She would now be the Queen of Remenia, as she had planned. With Alice demise, Beatrice easily distorted the events of that day. She said Alice had confessed she had deprived the King of his life, before committing suicide in front of Beatrice.
Once again the kingdom mourned the death of its King. Once again they would crown a member of the royal family; and it would be Queen Beatrice. She grinned with that reflection. But the smile would fade at once. The price she had to pay was stiff; she had lost her love Alice. The rain compounded her feelings, but she enjoyed feeling miserable.
Duke Roland visited Beatrice earlier that morning and delivered the box in Beatrice hands. He found the box while cleaning Alice's wardrobe. The box had Beatrice name on it. The Duke knew how close Alice was to Beatrice, and had respected what he thought were Alice wishes. As he departed, he knelt and kissed Beatrice's hand. She could the sadness in his face; loosing his daughter was devastating.


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The knee is a complex joint. It contains the distal end of the femur (the femoral condyles) and the proximal end of the tibia (the tibial plateau). The femoral condyles usually glide smoothly on the tibial plateau. This allows the lower leg to move smoothly and painlessly.
The most common cause of knee damage that leads to knee replacement is osteoarthritis. Osteoarthritis is a degenerative disease of the bones of the knee. It causes the surfaces of the knee joint to become irregular and rough, preventing smooth painless motion of the knee joint.
Knee joint replacement may be recommended for:
The operation is performed under general anesthesia. The orthopedic surgeon makes an incision over the affected knee. The patella (knee cap) is moved out of the way, and the surgeon shaves the heads of the femur and tibia to remove any rough parts. This allows helps the prosthesis to adhere better. The two parts of the prosthesis are implanted into the thigh bone and the tibia bone using a special bone cement.
You will return from surgery with a large dressing on the knee area. A small drainage tube will be placed during surgery to help drain excess fluids from the joint area. Your leg will be placed in a continuous passive motion (CPM) device. This mechanical device that flexes (bends) and extends (straightens) the knee at a pre-set rate and amount of bending.
Gradually, the rate and amount of bending will be increased as you can tolerate it. The leg should always be in this device when you are in bed. The CPM device helps speed recovery, and decreases pain, bleeding, and infection after the operation.
You will have some pain after surgery. However, you may receive intravenous (IV) medicine to control your pain for the first 3 days after surgery. The pain should gradually get better. By the third day after surgery, medicine you take by mouth may be enough to control your pain.
You will also return from surgery with several IV lines in place to give you hydration and nutrition. The IV will be removed when you can drink enough fluids on your own.
You will receive antibiotics to reduce the risk of developing an infection.
You will also return from surgery wearing special stockings. These devices help lower your risk of getting blood clots, which are more common after lower leg surgery.
You will be asked to start moving and walking early after surgery. You will be helped out of bed to a chair on the first day. When in bed, bend and straighten your ankles often. This can prevent blood clots from forming.


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ETA: Estimated Time of Arrest
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Artwork description:
An original painting.
Measuring 11" x 8" Inches on heavy paper and certificate of authenticity.
I mixed oil with gold sparkle to create textures with cross hatching for details. I apply layers of colors to create erosion and textures and dust atmosphere.
The images are a journey to our ancestor, spiritually and aesthetically amplifying our organic spiritual world by resembling the erosion within our self in celebration of the natural cycle of life, the time we live and wonder.
My influences in art are the cave painting and everything in between our days.
I like mysticism of human emotions, history of myths and Egyptians, Jewish, African, Mayas, Quiches, American Indians. British, Irish Etc etc..I'm still trying new styles, forms and subjects. Always trying to mix different styles that are commonly considered "incompatible" so I rarely work with only one painting at a time, and I hardly have a day without painting something new. I considered my art to have a melted culture but a universal spirit as I believe each individual develop its own signature and identity to make it unique as I considered my art to be.
This artwork is sold unframed.
All paintings are very carefully packed in cardboard boxes with layers of bubble wrap to protect them to ensure the painting will reach you safely.
Buy any three of my artworks in this same order and you will get a four original painting absolutely free.
The artwork listed are unique, original paintings and not prints, signed and dated by the artist.
Please note that the images with the background are not to scale and are for display purposes only. Please refer to the dimensions mentioned on artwork dimensions.
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Copyright © 2017 All rights reserved. The image of this artwork and the artwork itself cannot be copied, altered, or distributed in any form. Any derivatives attempted an imitation of artwork, duplication and/or editing of photos is expressly forbidden under copyright laws.
Thank you.
Materials used:
Pen and ink and spray paint. Varnish. Paper.
JOE COCKER. (With a little help from my friends). (2016)
Mixed-media painting by Ro West
$200Free shipping
- Mixed-media painting on Paper
- One of a kind artwork
- Size: 8 x 11 x 0.3 in (unframed) / 8 x 11 in (actual image size)
- Signed on the front
- Style: Abstract
- Subject: People and portraits
This artwork is sold by Ro West from United States


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An event every day that begins at 12:00 am, repeating until December 24, 2019
Enjoy a one hour train ride aboard the Georgetown Loop Railroad with Santa and Mrs. Claus as Santa and his helpers will be on board to entertain the kids. Trips are complete with complimentary hot chocolate, cookies, candy canes and more!
Choose from the coach section, parlor car, or Presidential car. Please note the train is decorated, enclosed and heated throughout the holiday season.
To make reservations and for additional information please visit www.georgetownlooprr.com
The train departs from Georgetown's Devil's Gate Depot at various times throughout the day – Please allow plenty of time to arrive as traffic along I-70 can be unpredictable – For a complete look at the train schedule and to purchase tickets, please visit www.georgetownlooprr.com
An event every week that begins at 12:00 am on Sunday and Saturday, repeating until June 14, 2020
One event on August 22, 2020 at 12:00 am
One event on August 23, 2020 at 12:00 am
One event on August 29, 2020 at 12:00 am
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Phone: (303) 567-4660
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Lavish Home Spear Curtain Rod 3/4 inch - Antique Copper
This stylish curtain rod set will beautifully frame your windows. This rod set adds a touch of elegance for your windows when you hang curtains in your kitchens, bathrooms or bedrooms. Featuring a tastefully finished material to add elegance to any look and is designed to match nearly any decor. These rods are suitable for all rod-pocket style curtains. Made from aluminum and steel materials which will last for years of performance. All the necessary mounting hardware is included for easy installation.Product Features:Set Includes:0.75" Pole2 Finials2 Mounting Brackets6 Screws4 Wall AnchorsFinish: Antique CopperPole Material: SteelFinial: SpearFinial Material: AluminumRod Adjusts from 48" to 86"Rod Diameter: 0.75"Projection from Wall: 3.5"
Weight (lbs.):2.1
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Is an ABA-accredited school allowed to accept any transfer credits from an unaccredited school?
Quote from: Yuki Sprite on June 25, 2012, 09:44:34 AM Is an ABA-accredited school allowed to accept any transfer credits from an unaccredited school?Yes. Contrary to what some other posters have said, ABA schools CAN accept non-ABA credits. They can even accept credits from non-law schools. (For instance, Joint JD/MBA programs accept credits from business schools.)Very, very, very few schools do, though. To the best of my knowledge, there are only 2 or 3 and they're all in California. Not to be demeaning, but generally speaking, look for the worst ABA accredited schools in California to begin your search. Outside of those very few schools, no other ABA accredited schools accept non-ABA law school credits, to the best of my knowledge.
In addition, since you're already a member of the bar, it's possible that you're more or less prohibited from attending law school again. You'd have such a huge advantage over your non-lawyer classmates that schools might be very skeptical about admitting you. I imagine that neither the ABA nor the individual law schools themselves want to encourage people to obtain bar admission first, then seek admission to law school. You may even want to check with the CA bar, they may have some restrictions on acquiring a second J.D.
From the research I have done, which has only been in Southern California, none of the ABA schools accept transfer credits from unaccredited schools. The lower-tiered schools like Western State, La Verne, and Thomas Jefferson will accept transfer from state accredited schools, but not unacredited. So if any school does, it's probably outside the LA area. I'll keep searching, but if you know one or two off the bat let me know because I am curious about that.


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It's partially the tale of my first hunt, a meditation on why I occasionally hunt and partly a eulogy to my good friend Stuart who killed himself a few christmas' ago.
It was both the worst of times and the best of times, literally a trip to hell. I saw the hell Stuart made for himself contrasted against the heaven of his surroundings. He died feeling completely alone, despite being surrounded by people who loved him and living virtually rent free in a paradise. It was also the starting point for my great friendship with The Northern Monkey, the first of our many adventurers.
Here it is:
I'd collect the kind of articles we'd show each other at Sunday brunch and every few weeks I'd post them to Stuart. Although he'd lived stateside for four years, Stuart read the websites of English newspapers everyday; I sent him magazine cuttings, PG Tips tea, and his favourite liquorice cigarette papers. We'd talk on the phone, make endless plans for a road trip and it was like he'd never left. I know people who live down the road who I have less contact with.
Ginger Mick's call on Boxing Day changed all that. By the 28th I was on my way to meet Stuart's brother The Northern Monkey and collect his body.
When Stuart was still alive, after marrying and divorcing the heavenly Celeste, he became the live in caretaker of an old homestead off Canby road in Loudoun County.
Unlike the showy new build McMansions around it, it's hidden from the road. Although the nearest house is only at the end of its drive, it's not somewhere that encourages visitors, if you hadn't been there before you'd never find the place. The world is kept at arms length.
As recently as the mid-nineties Loudoun County would have been the back of beyond, now the locals are moaning it's become a burg of sub divisions. McMansions for defence contractors who commute to DC and pay the priced-out Loudouners to work their hobby farms. One of our hosts told us how amazed the locals had been to hear how, two weeks before, Stuart had been woken to find a bear raiding his dustbins, "This is the suburbs now! You just don't get bears here!"
The stone farmhouse is framed with recycled Oak beams, you could easily imagine them leaving Deptford creek {a natural dry dock in south london] as parts of a sixteenth century ship, they're heavily studded with hand forged square nails and scored with the rebates of previous uses. The house has twisted over the years, it creaks, whistles and groans like an aging mutt making itself comfortable by the fire. Its rough block work walls and wide balconies are, like the locals when viewed from an English sensibility, the point where an east-coast folksiness meets the trimmed goatee of southern charm.
Stuart: 'Come on out you'll love it, I've given my republican gun nut neighbour permission to hunt on the land, and he's given me a freezer full of venison already'.
SBW: Will he take me hunting?
Stuart: 'He says he'd love to, he tried to take me, so I told him about you. He's right up for it.'
By the time I arrived at the farm Stuart was dead and I'd forgotten all about republican gun nut neighbors.
The Republican Gun-nut Neighbour came by to introduce himself on our first morning.
Short, with white hair, his lively eyes clouded by dismay. Walking on eggshells, he tries to get the measure of us and of our grief. We are bound together by the feeling that suddenly the world's a different, less pleasing shape.
When someone really is your friend you don't need to agree with them to enjoy their company. The contrarians are drawn together, which side of the argument they've planted their flag on is less important than the joy of the argument itself. If Stuart ever had two friends who agreed, he'd fall out with one or both of them. The mark of his friendship was how many times you'd fallen back in with him. To keep the world on its toes he employed an unusual mix of prickliness and open hearted charm that was by turns confusing and beguiling. In counterpoint to RGN's republican-gun-nut-ism, Stuart was a dyed-in-the-wool lefty, but I could instantly see how they'd have been such great pals. If you're really good at arguing, and have well thought out supporting evidence at your fingertips, the one thing you'd crave is a worthy adversary. Preferably a self-employed worthy adversary, so that the whole day can be dedicated to thrust, feign and riposte.
We stood around looking into the hole in our lives, drank coffee, smoked Marlboro and cried a few manly tears together.
Later we walked over to RGN's place; we thought to meet Mrs RGN.
"Now boys there's something you've gotta see while you're here".
RGN has dedicated a whole room in his house to trophies from his trips to the plains of southern Africa, really, if it's smaller than a rhino, walks on four legs and lives on the savannah, there's now one less of them and it's nailed to RGN's wall. Maybe I've led a sheltered life but I've never met anyone with an Africa room in the UK. Not even once.
"Everyone must see the Africa room" confided the long suffering Mrs RGN.
RGN " I know you spoke about this with Stuart, and I'd be honoured if you allow me to take you both deer hunting"
Mrs RGN " No! This is your obsession! They don't want to hunt!"
TNM and SBW "We'd love to!"
SBW "I'm not sure we've got the right gear though"
TNM "won't we need camouflage clothes?"
RGN "you wont need anything special, this is gentleman's hunting, dress warm I'll pick you up in the morning"
At twenty to too-early-to-even-think-about-getting up I was woken by RGN standing over me in the dark, asking me why I was still asleep, he added (a touch indignantly – we were on the cusp of wasting valuable hunting time) that The Northern Monkey was asleep too! Stumbling down stairs I found RGN dressed from head to foot in Realtree camouflage, brewing coffee in the kitchen. I was just burning my lips with the coffee when TNM slouched into the room still fitting his front teeth. He looked a bit alarmed when RGN picked up a hunting rifle that had been obscured by the kitchen table. I looked a bit alarmed too when RGN walked away from the backdoor and carried his rifle up stairs. TNM didn't help calm my nerves when he whispered "Is it just me or can you hear banjos?"
On the first floor balcony that looks out over the pond RGN had set up three folding chairs. As dawn broke over the woodlands RGN started to make radio contact with other hunters in the area, he turned to us and in a stage whisper told us to keep very quiet. In the grey light of dawn, sharing a pair of binoculars, we scanned the light grey of the woods looking for the light grey of a deer. For a good twenty minuets we excitedly had a tree under rapt observation.
While we were trying not to laugh RGN tells us that his friends are hunting on the other side of the woods and are likely to drive the deer towards us, 'this is the best hunting place for miles' RGN goes back to scanning the woods. TNM has taken him at his word and starts whispering questions, before turning to me and whispering "I think all this shooting has made him a bit deaf".
If you grew up in the city, you'll be used to seeing 'meat' as a commodity, one totally divorced from 'animals'. Milk comes from a carton, meat from a plastic tray. I spent a few years as a vegetarian health nut in my late teens and early twenties before I found myself challenged by two conflicting beliefs. I believed that meat wasn't good for us to eat (mainly due to the effects of industrialised farming) and I believed that my body would let me know what I needed to eat if I had the clarity of mind to listen. One morning I was chatting with one of my fellow food nuts when he casually mentioned the chicken kebab he'd enjoyed the day before. To say I was surprised would be an understatement. Then he hit me, right between the eyes, with an idea. 'When you think of eating meat do you salivate?' I checked "yes" 'then you need to eat meat'. For lunch that day we had chicken kebabs, with a side order of sacred cow.
I'm not really one for evangelising, but I do like to debate. Right down to the bone. Especially with people who disagree with me, but are smart enough to fiercely debate without bearing a grudge. I've enjoyed debating the meat eating issue with vegans, vegetarians, and the people I just can't see eye to eye with, the meat eaters who are afraid of their dinner and appose hunting.
Would you prefer the animal to die instantly never having seen a hunter coming, or to die from being eaten alive by a predator in the wild?
Apart from the odd hysteric, the consensus is 'if you're prepared to kill it and grill it yourself who am I to tell you that you shouldn't eat it'. And have I talked a good fight about doing just that! Most meat eaters seem to do a spot of hand wringing and say something like 'I would but, well if I had to, to eat, then I would', while that might be good enough for them, that's never been good enough for me. Every time the debate has been aired I've proclaimed how much I want to earn the right to eat meat by killing it myself. It doesn't have to mean killing every meal but killing a meal is something I must do.
I'm sitting in the freezing cold, on the other side of the world, looking out for a deer to shoot. Am I all mouth and trousers after all? Will I be able to pull the trigger and end a life? Kill a living thing?
Stuarts death had generated a swirling cauldron of emotions, my soul was fragile and exposed, things that should have been said will now forever remain unsaid, adventures we'd planned will never happen.
Suddenly a buck and his harem of does have emerged from the woods and are standing at the far side of the pond, RGN is handing TNM, the rifle and instructing " at this range you're going to have to aim about an inch lower than you want to hit, wait for your chance and hit him just behind the shoulder".
While my experience was confined to air guns; shooting bottles in suburban gardens and tin ducks at fairgrounds. TNM later tells me he was once invited to a rifle range by the chief of police in a province of northern Pakistan. One shot with a Lee Enfield 303 was all it took to leave him with an aching shoulder and a ringing in his ears that lasted all morning.
Steadying himself against the uprights of the balcony TNM takes a deliberate aim and a massive bang shatters the stillness of the dawn. The deer jump, with all but one of them spinning 180 degrees in the air and they're gone. Alongside the shock of the noise, I'm flooded with a torrent of conflicting emotions; the deer have gone I'll not get my chance to face the test today; TNM looks frozen to the spot for a second before his face breaks into elation. I'm delighted for him – he got to test himself and passed, RGN couldn't look happier! He knows he's just been present at the birth rite of another hunter, his tribe has increased. RGN takes the rife, ejects the spent cartridge, and flicks the safety on. The realisation hits him, TNM has a thousand yard stare as he stutters "F-fork in hell, th- that was amazing". We're doing the back patting bit and TNM is putting the spent cartridge case into his pocket when the deer gets up. You didn't need the field glasses to see that TNM has shot one of its legs off. RGN hands me the rifle and his voice is full of steely certainty as he tells me "You must shoot and kill the deer". I work the bolt and disengage the safety catch as time slows to a crawl, TNM latter told me that I was so still and calm that he assumed I'd been shooting all my life, but in the moment, my moment, I was so far outside of time that in between my heart beats I could hear an action replay of a sports psychologist I know talking me through the process he'd modelled from expert shooters. I knew nothing of the mechanics of making a shot and gripped the rifle like it was going to stop me from drowning. Each juddering heartbeat sent a tremor through my body that took an age to subside; in the distance I heard RGN's voice say 'steady' while the crosshairs danced over the doe.
She gave a second spastic lurch towards the cover of a bush and my moment of truth had come. The sight picture magically stabilised and time slowed again as my finger tightened against the trigger. During its glacial journey towards its breaking point I just had time to wonder if I'd actually put a live round in the breach when the roar of .300 WinMag told me the rifle had defiantly been loaded. The doe dropped to the ground. I stood up and turned to face the others wearing the same stare I'd seen on TNM.
There is a sharp pinch of regret in that moment, Deer have a alive-ness to them that is made slap-yer-face obvious by its absence, their trembling super sense; once so energetic to every shifting air current, as if hearing sounds before they're made, the spooky ability they have to react to intentions. Gone. Meat on the ground.
The test of my resolve had been met, I'm still troubled by the industrialised meat that forms so much of my diet, but I have sacrificed my disassociation. In that moment I reconnected with the food chain. Honesty has a flavour, one I'm delighted with.
RGN was more than delighted. The birth rite had produced twins!
TNM and myself walked, still shaking with adrenalin, over to the pond and round to the deer's body. Amid the florid swearing and expressions of delight we knew we'd managed to pull it off, we were blooded deer hunters. England's honour was safe once more.
SBW: Why didn't you shoot the one with antlers?
TNM: Which one with antlers? I only saw the one I shot.
The Northern Monkey's shot had taken off the doe's front left leg off just below the shoulder, mine was at least level with her heart but it had entered a way to the right as she'd twitched by (that's my excuse and I'm sticking to it). Much further to the right and this would be a story about despatching a deer tracked through the woods.
After dragging the carcass back to the farm and hefting it into the back of his jeep we drove up to RGN's place full of questions about rifles, deer, and when we'd get to do it again. As we drove up RGN's drive way I became overcome with a sense of my own deer hunter-ness and started to profess my desire to learn the whole process (later to become the subject of this blog) from tracking to marksmanship to butchery. As we parked up outside RGN's garage he dropped the tailgate, letting the deer slump to the ground, clicked open a Buck knife and handed it to me with the words "Go on then Mr Bushcraft".
One of the things that I've learned by spending time with the management consultants and renegade psychologists is that the starting point to a new experience tends to define how the experience is encoded, if there are enough points of familiarity the 'can do' program kicks in – What's a dead deer? It's a very big chicken and I butcher them every week. No problem.
The unexpected difference between field dressing and kitchen butchery is the temperature; chilblains rang through my hands as I heaved the gut pile out onto the driveway. A flock of turkey vultures waited impatiently from their perch.
Our victory and joy at holding up the honour of old England was short lived, as TNM pointed out "every time we leave the room someone asks RGN 'is it true it took two limeys to kill one little whitetail'?"
Thanks for reading


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We've put together eight simple steps to take if you want to find out more about a planning application, and support or challenge it.
Whether you have a special interest, like archaeology, or more general concerns, this guide will help you present your views effectively...
Planning shapes our cities, towns and villages. It helps to nurture vibrant and thriving communities.
National and local planning work together to make sure that development is good for people and the environment. The Planning Help website can help you to play your part, and make your voice heard.
Find out how you can use Neighbourhood Planning to shape where you live.


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Community college to expand again
Seeks larger space in Hat City: Danbury-area students enroll in record numbers
DANBURY -- Naugatuck Valley Community College starts the new semester with more classes that ever in Danbury and a plan to triple its space.
The community college, which has its main campus in Waterbury, recorded its highest Danbury enrollment this fall, with 1,067 students filling 6,000 square feet on Main Street.
"Everyone comes to the school for a purpose, to compete a degree or get new training, so they all are really engaged in those tight quarters," said Sarah Gager, interim dean of student services and former director of the Danbury center.
But, the school has outgrown its location for the second time since it opened a Danbury campus in 2008.
Naugatuck Valley Community College started with space for classes on Crosby Street and added classes at Danbury High and Western Connecticut State University.
It moved to its 183 Main St., location in 2010 and consolidated its offerings. It has four classrooms, a computer lab, a help lab for noncredit classes, and the space is completely used, Gager said.
The college is offering "hybrid courses," in which class time is split between an online and a physical classroom to get more students into classrooms. NVCC has expanded its Saturday course offerings.
The state Department of Administrative Services solicited bids for new space to lease. Bids were due Nov. 29.
NVCC is seeking 18,000 usable square feet of office, laboratory and classroom space.
It will include on-site, reserved, paved and lighted parking for up to 20 staff and faculty vehicles and adequate on-site parking and/or public parking within reasonable walking distance for 300 student vehicles, with potential for more parking as the need arises.
Danbury Mayor Mark Boughton said he has been aware of the school's plans to move.
"We'd like to keep the school downtown, and so would they," Boughton said.
They are looking at a variety of places, he said.
"One space we have pointed out is 1 Ives St., which is next to Two Steps (Downtown Grille)," he said.
The college's Danbury growth has proven its need, Boughton said.
"Clearly, there's been a demand for services. It's a great value, especially for English-language learners or returning students or those returning to the workforce,'' he said.
"We're a very young city, which is good, but it means we have to make sure we have enough educational opportunities," he said.
Gager said the plan is for the new space to be ready by the start of next year.
Besides doubling class space, NVCC hopes to add a library and a science laboratory, and expand core student services such as advising, registration, admissions and financial aid.
Last fall, the Danbury center began offering degrees in general studies and business management, and certificates in administrative support and business management.
The next step will be to add a liberal arts and science degree, which would provide the classes necessary for a student to transfer as a junior to another Connecticut college, such as Western Connecticut State University.
Gager said the college hopes to have more partnerships between Western and NVCC, to improve student retention and access to both schools.
About 140 students transferred from Naugatuck Valley Community College in Danbury to Western last fall.
email@example.com; 203-731-3333


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Handcrafted Poly-Acrylic Ball Point pens with a 24K gold plated finish.
This pen offers a pull a part refill system fitting of a standard "cross" type refill. The pen is protected from skin oils and is non-toxic. Acrylic and Poly pens are super sanded, polished, and then waxed to provide a lasting lustre finish.
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Did David Bowie Start the Credit Crunch?February 17, 2009
He's one of Britain's most influential artists but now David Bowie stands accused of starting one of the nation's latest trends: The credit crunch. As implausible as it seems, the Daily Mirror has today accused the pop legend of inspiring 'securitisation', one of the key factors behind today's economic fallout.
Back in 1997 Bowie came up with the idea of selling his projected royalties income in the form of 'Bowie Bonds'.
In other words, Bowie realised he would have a steady stream of money coming in from the sale of his music but rather than wait for it to accrue, he sold the rights to the future earnings so he could withdraw a large cash sum there and then. This became known as 'securitisation'.
Towards the end of the 1990s, the banks began to adopt a similar model but on a much much larger scale.
But instead of selling royalties in the case of Bowie, they began to sell on mortgages that they had loaned to their customers.
The premise was that the buyer of the loans would have a guaranteed income from the interest on the repayments and the banks would take an upfront cash sum in return.
Banks were lending out huge bundles of loans in the guise of contracts, giving the buyer the rights to the future repayments on those loans.
The problems began when loans were given to people who were then unable to pay them back. This caused many of these contracts to be rendered worthless and a lot of this bad debt had to be written off, causing the financial system to lose billions of pounds.
Did Bowie cause the credit crunch? No. But inadvertently he set the paradigm.


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Bar Furniture Range
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For more information on our Bar Furniture range please contact us now. If you would like to speak to one of our sales advisors about your specific Bar Furniture requirements, please telephone us now using the details below.


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High Desert inmate dies after fight
Nevada Appeal Capitol Bureau
An inmate at High Desert Prison died Thursday following a fight with another inmate.
Daniel Ruiz, 36, was serving time for two counts of attempted lewdness with a minor. He was sentenced in 2011 to up to 12 years in prison by a Clark County judge.
An autopsy is scheduled and an investigation will be conducted to determine if criminal charges will be filed in the case.


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Ya, this is pretty close to my dream home/apartment. I have a new appreciation for Thonet chairs, they have a beautiful silhouette. And that flooring is my favorite. I'm curious about the bed though, is it two mattresses pushed together?
Other Stories
20 comments:
Holy love!ReplyDelete
A lot of European "matrimonial" beds are two mattresses together, although there is often a topper that is an inch or two thick that covers the whole space. I love that configuration, it's wide like an American king size bed but not as long so it's really cozy as a family bed.ReplyDelete
I am in adoration with that Swedish-style stove in the last picture, I would love a stove like that!
i was also intrigued by the bed - i want something similar... with drawers under it!ReplyDelete
it might be two mattresses, but it looks like just one. in scandinavia and germany (and maybe some other countries), they use two twin-size duvets so there's no blanket-stealing and you can have different thicknesses for each person if you want too. i'm a fan of this system =)ReplyDelete
Ha, I have just prepared the exact same post! I love this place too :)ReplyDelete
Gosh, if only there were such apartments in Israel... Not that we need the furnaces, but they make a nice decor touch. I definitely love the big windows and the bright light!ReplyDelete
The bed is indeed an ikea bed, single mattress, two blankets. You know it's not a staged home when each side gets their own blanket:)
Oh, mine too!!! So bright and lovely <3ReplyDelete
Oh my goodness. This is such a dream!ReplyDelete
that bed is a little odd. i'm sure it's just two mattresses but the rest of the place is amazing. i love the dining room.ReplyDelete
in LOVE with the art in the living room, acks!!!! gorgeous****ReplyDelete
So bright and lovely... I love that configuration! I am in adoration with that Swedish-style stove in the last picture!ReplyDelete
really pretty house. not two beds, just two blankets. thats how we had out bed in sweden. great because there is not a game of tug of war in the night :) xReplyDelete
Having a white space is like having a blank canvas. I love punctuating the decor on a white wall. xooxReplyDelete
totally in love with this space. Open and clean but still warm and cozy. Agreed on the previous comments that it's probably 2 mattresses and 2 duvets. It's pretty common in the Scandinavian countries. We stayed in a Norwegian cabin last winter and I must say it was pretty awesome to have my own blanket but still be snuggled up next to my Mr.ReplyDelete
- AnonymousSeptember 27, 2011
what a beautiful home!ReplyDelete
As a person who lives in Sweden and is half Swedish (1/2 American) I can tell you that it is indeed two beds pushed together but with one top mattress holding them together. Most Swedes also have two duvets. I read an article a few years back about IKEA and how it had a hard time when first selling in the U.S. And it was primarily because no one bought bedding or sheets because the sizes are different. Now, of course they cater to the U.S. Markets needs. Now a days there are many kings and queens in Swedish homes but I would say that two singles pushed together is still the majority. Although Swedish singles are just a bit wider then U.S.ReplyDelete
thanks for the fab post! that living room is one of my favourites ever!ReplyDelete
And I concur with Stephanie & Kerry - it's most likely the two single duvets.
I remember being so sad at Hay in Copenhagen as their duvet's only came in singles...
This is one awesome place. I foudn myself more and more excited to decorate our house with each new photo I saw. Happy weekend!ReplyDelete
Also a Swede very familiar with the IKEA range, I think it is this bed (http://www.ikea.com/se/sv/catalog/products/80123993/) painted white with two mattress put on the floor below to make an extra bed (a bunk bed). You see this bed a lot in Sweden with either a "cosy corner" made for the kid underneath, a work space, or if you need an extra bed, a mattress (or in this case two) underneath.ReplyDelete
- AnonymousNovember 08, 2012
I want toc opy this bed. Do you know where the drawers come from? It doesn't look like ikea. Thanks for a lovely blog!ReplyDelete
Thank you for your comments, I love hearing from you!
Questions, comments or sponsorship inquires, please contact me via the 'contact' link.


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Club Room
Sales Policies:
Payment Methods: Visa, Master card are accepted.
Non Refundable Reservations: The total price of the reservation will be charged at the booking process.
Refundable Reservations: No deposit will be charged but you need to send your credit card details that we can make a reservation for your stay.
If cancellad or modified up to 1 day before the date of arrival 100 % of the first night will be charged.


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Tuesday, September 30, 2008
Gabitril Goes Down
Gabitril was also allegedly marketed as a treatment for pain. I was unable to locate a single controlled study examining the efficacy of Gabitril for pain, though there were a small number of uncontrolled (i.e., not very useful) studies suggesting that maybe Gabitril could be used to treat pain. Regarding sleep, the placebo-controlled trials I located did not suggest that the drug was particularly effective (1, 2). So we're looking at a drug with essentially no controlled evidence of efficacy being pushed for pain, sleep, and anxiety. Well-done, Cephalon.
Some of the supporting evidence about the off-label marketing cases came from a sales rep who wore a wire to collect evidence on the company's marketing practices. Apparently a total of four company whistleblowers were involved. Shades of Peter Rost?
Read more about the case at the Philadelphia Inquirer.
PS. Cephalon published the negative anxiety Gabitril trials in June 2008. As is well-established, companies often fail to publish negative data about their products, so why is Cephalon being so open? A skeptic might note that with the legal case againt Cephalon gaining steam, it would look even worse if Cephalon was sitting on negative data. So perhaps knowing that bad publicity was coming due to the lawsuit led Cephalon to allow the negative anxiety results to be published, as they could state "Look at how open and honest we are." I'm just saying that it's a possibility.
Reference for anxiety trials:
Mark H. Pollack, Jane Tiller, Fang Xie, Madhukar H. Trivedi (2008). Tiagabine in Adult Patients With Generalized Anxiety Disorder Journal of Clinical Psychopharmacology, 28 (3), 308-316 DOI: 10.1097/JCP.0b013e318172b45f
Update: Also read a related post at Health Care Renewal. It mainly discusses Cephalon's opiate-laced "perc-o-pops" (Actiq) approved to treat cancer pain, but marketed in a much broader manner.
Follow-up mini-rant: Let's not excuse the physicians who jumped on board. Docs need to do a much better job of checking the evidence base, though when some of the evidence base consists of publishing the same data repeatedly and when negative trials are often not published, what kind of "evidence base" are we really talking about?
6 comments:
I can tell you what Gabitril can cause -- anaphylaxis! As a general internist I admitted 2 pts within a 6 month period when a local psychiatrist started putting EVERYONE on Gabitril.
First, do no harm.
- Tuesday, September 30, 2008 6:07:00 PM
I have been taking this drug for nearly 3 years for anxiety and sleep. Yes, a little confusion initially but after a while the side effects mellowed. I have also tried a number of other drugs which did little or nothing and the side effects were so dastardly the drug was not worth the benefit. THIS MEDICATION HAS BEEN A GODSEND FOR ME. People with severe anxiety are often drug resistant...making efficacy very subjective!
- Sunday, November 02, 2008 8:05:00 AM
I had a sever racing thought rection to Neurontin, so they tried Gabitril for anxiety. It took a full year for all anxiety to leave and I was never told of the pain relief part, and I wondered why my pain had gone down,only then did I read about that.
There seems to be 3 Gaba sisters, Lyrica, Gabitril and Neurontin and if you can tolerate any of them, the long term effect are amazing on anxiety for Fibromyalgia.
- Friday, December 19, 2008 5:37:00 PM
Gabitril sure puts me to sleep in a hurry. Dont believe everything you read. This medicine does work for anxiety and sleeplessness. At least for me.
- Monday, December 29, 2008 12:22:00 AM
Oh my God. That post above where it say Neurontin gave racing thoughts and after a year on Gabitril all anxiety was gone and is a Godsend for Fibromyalgia.
I couldn't have written that, but that is exactly what happened to me! Exactly. As each month passed, my anxiety lowered and lowered until it was gone. I think they need to test it on Fibro patients, since it works great for our community.
- Tuesday, April 07, 2009 12:49:00 PM
I'm sure noone will read this, since this post is very old. But I can verify that this stuff works where no other drug has. It has allowed me to sleep deeply and enter REM sleep, which I hadn't done in almost a year. It has relieved a considerable amount of pain, better than anything else I tried. And it does relive a certain amount of anxiety to boot. So everything you said it didn't work for? It did for me. And trust me, I've tried a LOT of medications.
- Sunday, June 13, 2010 11:08:00 AM


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Item #5020
Annual. This unique blend of basils will provide you with exquisite culinary delights for your kitchen, texture and scent for your flower arrangements, color and form for your flower beds. Includes: Lemon Basil, Anise Basil, Cinnamon Basil, Red Rubin Basil, Dark Opal Basil, Thai Basil, and Genovese Basil. See inside of packet for suggested uses of these superior, outstanding varieties.
This packet plants five 10-foot rows or 5 successive sowings of 10-foot rows.
Seedling Image
Full sun
12"-24" tall
Days to Emerge:
Seed Depth:
Seed Spacing:
When to sow outside: RECOMMENDED. 1 to 2 weeks after average last frost, and when temperatures are warm. Basil is very sensitive to frost.
When to start inside: 6 to 8 weeks before sowing outside.
Special sowing instructions: Must have warm temperatures; wait to sow until nighttime temperatures are above 50° F.
Harvesting: Basil should be harvested before the plant flowers. The leaves have more flavor when harvested in the morning. The young, top leaves taste the best, and should be used fresh; the older leaves may be used for vinegar and pesto. Cut a few stems but never more than 1/3 of the plant. Wash stems, gently shake dry, and strip the leaves off the stem. If there is any chance of temperature dropping to 32° F, harvest crop immediately; basil is very frost sensitive.
Artist: Renee Jorgensen
Item #5020
1.00 grams
We all want to be organized, and while some of us are better at it than others, any tool to help us get and stay organized is worth its weight in…More…
There's a reason [basil][1] is so popular-it's delicious! There are many known species of basil, but Ocimum basilicum, also known as Sweet Basil or…More…
Drying Herbs
Many herbs are easily preserved by drying, and hold their flavor well when dry. Simply cut a handful of stems and rubber band them or…More…


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Anyone can tell you if a trailer "looks good" or not. But Drew Magary, who spent over a decade working in advertising, is here to tell you whether or not a trailer WORKS. This week's trailer? "Wrath of the Titans".
The 2010 remake of "Clash of the Titans" is notorious in Hollywood circles because it was the first movie to take advantage of the success of "Avatar" by retrofitting 3D technology onto a movie that had already wrapped its principal photography. The resulting film was panned by critics, with the murky picture being one of their main complaints. HOWEVAH, "Clash" went on to gross nearly half a billion dollars worldwide, which is why we are now faced with a sequel to the remake (remakequel!). This time, the movie is going to be SHOT in 3D (yay) by the dude who directed "Battle: Los Angeles" (uh oh).. Will it be enough to draw back audiences who are tired of paying big 3D surcharges? Let's answer a few questions:
Does the trailer let us know what the movie's about? Not really, but that's almost beside the point. You know that Sam Worthington is Perseus, and you know that's he gonna have to fight himself some giant monsters. That's pretty much what I expect when I go to see a "Titans" movie.
Why is Sam Worthington rocking Danny McBride's hair? I have no idea. Am I supposed to take that hair seriously? He looks like a redneck Chris O'Donnell.
Whoa, is that the Marilyn Manson version of "Sweet Dreams" playing in the background? It is! What the heck? Did I time travel back to 1999, when uncool people thought Marilyn Manson was cool? I don't get it. This trailer needed some big huge orchestral score. Instead, I get a nu-metal cover no one liked that signals to my brain "D-BAG FLICK."
Is there a line in the trailer on par with "Release the Kraken"? Alas, no. I was hoping for one, but all I got was Liam Neeson talking about how being half-human makes you stronger than a God (so not true), and Ralph Fiennes taunting Sam by telling him he will have tears like a human or something. Whatever. Dialogue is not this movie's strong suit. LAVA MONSTER.
I didn't know that old wooden doors could protect you from fire attacks! The more you know.
Does Worthington execute a perfect suplex at the end of the trailer? He does! In fact, the fight scenes look very much like a WWE match. If only John Cena had signed on to play Ares.
Does stuff blow up real good? It does! Plus you get all kinds of cool monsters, like a two-headed dog thing, and a demon that has, like, ANOTHER demon sticking out of its back. Plus there's a flying horse and a pretty lady. What more do you need?
Does this trailer work? Yes. It's a spectacularly dumb trailer and I hate the music, but the effects look pretty cool and that will be enough for your average bored 14-year-old once March rolls around.
Trailer Park: Wrath of the Titans!
Anyone can tell you if a trailer "looks good" or not. But Drew Magary, who spent over a decade working in advertising, is here to tell you whether or not a trailer WORKS. This week's trailer? "Wrath of the Titans".


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And the Babe of the Week Is…Courtney Walker!
Courtney Walker, the babe who's been featured on too many websites to count and who loves posting pictures of herself washing cars on Facebook, has just become our latest Babe of the Week.
You all voted and it was a pretty open and shut case with Walker taking home nearly 50 percent of all the votes. Was it her go-go dancer experience or her bikini contest skills that gave her the edge? Who knows? All that's certain is that even her closest competition Kathy Perez didn't stand a chance of beating her when it came to the polls. Maybe next time, ladies.
Check out our tribute to Babe of the Week Courtney Walker below.
Here's the deal: At the end of the week, each Babe of the Day will compete for your votes and the winner will become Babe of the Week. Each week's winner will then face off to become Babe of the Month, and those winners will then duke it out for – you guessed it – the Babe of the Year title. Only those lucky ladies will be inducted into GuySpeed's Hall of Fame, an honor reserved for the hottest of babes.


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Instruct the camera of the current device orientation.
#include <camera/camera_api.h>
camera_error_t camera_set_device_orientation(camera_handle_t handle, uint32_t val)
- handle
The handle returned by a call to the camera_open() function.
- val
The orientation value, such as 0, 90, 180, or 270. Zero represents the default orientation (landscape or portrait), 90 represents rotated to the right, and 180 degrees represents upside down based on the marking on the device.
You can specify values such as 0, 90, 180 or 270 degrees, where 0 degrees is the default orientation of the device. It is the responsibility of an application to update the camera when the device orientation changes.
Use this function to let the camera on the system know how the user is holding the device. This allows the camera to adjust internal parameters, such as exposure weighting, face detection, or other orientation-dependent features to match the orientation of the device.
This function has no effect on the output image rotations. It is simply used to inform the camera hardware that the orientation of the scene has changed in order to optimize internal algorithms, such as metering and face detection.
CAMERA_OK when the function successfully completes, otherwise another camera_error_t value that provides the reason that the call failed.