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Instructions for a 160M antenna that will fit in the space that a 75M dipole will with almost as good of results as a full size 160M dipole!
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September has been a busy month, due to birthday's but as soon as I heard that this months challenge was Cinnamon Buns and Sticky Buns chosen by Marce from Pip in the City, I knew that I would be making them for my hubby's birthday, as aside from being addicted to cake and cupcakes, he is also up for a bit of bun (well to tell the truth he eats anything baked).
Well it turned out to be a huge weekend, with much BBQing and singing on his new PlayStation and not to mention the sampling of cake and champagne, so the prospect of waking up on Sunday to bake was not that appealing, but I was organised with all the ingredients ready to do in the pantry, so it all went really well. Especially since waiting for dough to rise allows time for catnaps. Also I am glad about this months challenge as it was easy on the wallet, no copious amounts of chocolate or out of season products to purchase, and for this I was very thankful due to purchases of said champagne and PlayStation.
So how did it go?, you may ask . . .
Well the dough was soft and light, smelling slightly of lemons, so therapeutic after all that champagne and it came together perfectly, with no need to curse at sticky fingers and pry it off of my bench. So it was kneaded for the requisite time and popped into the oiled bowl, covered in plastic and left in the warm sunshine to rise.
As you can see I managed to take photo of this stage, made the fillings and then I went off for a nap. 2 hours later woke up and punched down the dough before I remembered to take a photo. Bugger. So I rolled out the dough, decided to make the smaller buns, and made a half batch of each. Turned on the oven, and put the covered buns out for another prove, remembered to take photo. Then tripped off to bed again.The oven buzzer went, I shot up, stumbled into the kitchen and saw the kids watching the buns rise, screamed in terror that they were going to touch my babies (the buns not the kids), checked the oven temp and popped the Sticky Buns in first, with a tray underneath in case the caramel overflowed. Then realised I forgot to take a photo, double Bugger.
Paced around, pretending to clean up whilst I waited for the beauties to bake and was very nervous about burnt toffee/caramel on the bottom of my oven, but not to worry, they can out perfectly. Then I popped the Cinnamon Buns in and let them bake.
Flipped the Sticky Buns, tried not to make a mess, dragged the Cinnamon Buns out and let them cool, OMG they smelt so good. By this stage the family were hanging around like bade smells. Don't blame them really. Whipped up a half batch of the icing, drizzled, let it set. Then remembered to take photos. Yay.
I wonder how well these would translate into cupcakes . . . . .


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AEJ 98 LaneJ MCS The framing of Title IX: The New York Times and Washington Post
Elliott Parker <[log in to unmask]>
AEJMC Conference Papers <[log in to unmask]>
Tue, 22 Dec 1998 05:41:06 EST
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The Framing of Title IX The Framing of Title IX:A Textual Analysis of The New York Times and The Washington Post, 1971-1975. Julie B. Lane1718 W. Abingdon Dr. #201Alexandria, VA 22314(703) 683-0463 Title IX of the 1972 Education Amendments, which increased females' sportsopportunities, is often held responsible for the elimination of men's teams.Given the media's power to define issues, New York Times and Washington Postcoverage of Title IX's passage and implementation was analyzed. It emphasizedmale athletic establishment concerns about Title IX's implications for existingintercollegiate sports, and largely disregarded women's groups' arguments thatTitle IX was necessary to address discrimination against womenThe Framing of Title IX:A Textual Analysis of The New York Times and The Washington Post, 1971-1975. Twenty-five years after passage of legislation intended to achieve genderequity in high school and college athletics, the number of women participatingin athletics has increased dramatically. Yet women are still underrepresentedin the media and presented in stereotypic ways. These trends persist despite legislation requiring gender equity in athletics.This study explores media coverage of the passage and implementation of Title IXof the Education Amendments of 1972, the legislation that prohibited sexdiscrimination at schools receiving federal funds, with a particular emphasis oncoverage of its implications for athletics. While Title IX applied to allaspects of education at federally funded institutions, implementation of thetitle regarding athletic programs proved to be most controversial. Title IX is closely associated with today's female athletes because it madesports participation a more viable option for them. Prior to its implementationin 1975, there was no greater discrepancy in education than in athletic programsfor males and females (Fishel & Pottker, 1977). Title IX changed that byrequiring that, "No person in the United States shall, on the basis of sex, beexcluded from participation in, be denied the benefits of, or be subjected todiscrimination under any education program or activity receiving Federalfinancial assistance..." (P.L. 92-318; 20 U.S.C. 1861 et seq.). Some exceptionswere made, but athletics was covered. The number of girls participating in high school athletics has increaseddramatically following implementation of Title IX (Hogan, 1988), but the mostdrastic change has occurred at the college level. During the 1971-72 schoolyear, 172,447 men participated in 24 sports at NCAA institutions, more than fivetimes the number of women athletes participating in 19 sports (NCAA, 1974). By1991-92 the ratio or male to female athletes had dropped to less than 2 to 1(NCAA, 1994). But both before and after Title IX, women who do participate insports,especially those sports considered "masculine," are often viewed asexceptions to the rule and have their femininity questioned (Pederson & Kono,1990; Calhoun, 1987; King & Chi, 1979; Hart, 1971). The sports world hastraditionally been a male one and women do dare enter it are often treated astrespassers. [1][1] [2][2] The passage of Title IX and the debate over itsimplementation offered an opportunity to redefine women's place in athletics andposition women as legitimate citizens of the sports world. The media,specifically in the focus and tone of their coverage, had the opportunity toreflect these issues. The media play an important part in determining how people define issues, insports as in any other area. This is largely accomplished through the framingof issues -- the emphasis or disregard by the media for certain issue attributesor characteristics. Given this influence, the frames used by them to cover the Title IX debate wereundoubtedly important in shaping the future of women's sports and sportscoverage. According to Boutlier and SanGiovanni (1983), "regardless of what isactually happening to the relationship between women and sport, it is themedia's treatment and evaluation of that relationship that will shape itsdirection and content." Through the use of historical documents from the NCAA and NOW, combined with acritical text analysis of the New York Times and Washington Post, in this studyI answer the research question: How did the media frame Title IX? History of Title IX In 1971 Representative Edith Green (D-OR), chair of the House SpecialSubcommittee on Education, introduced legislation banning sex discrimination infederally assisted education programs. A weakened version of this ban,exempting all undergraduate admissions policies, passed the House on November 4as Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972. Senator Birch Bayh (D-IN)simultaneously worked to pass a similar provision. His amendment to the Senateversion of the Education Amendments was approved in February 1972. Thisstronger Senate version (it did not exempt public undergraduate institutions)was part of the bill signed into law by President Nixon on June 23, 1972. The general idea of gender equality in United States schools, colleges anduniversities was now law, but there was no clear definition of what constitutedsex discrimination in education. This lack of specificity by Congress led tothree years of conflict before Title IX actually went into effect, and it wasduring this three-year period (June 1972 - July 1975) that the issue of sexdiscrimination in school athletics became a major source of controversy. Despite efforts by Representative James O'Hara (D-MI), chair of the HousePostsecondary Education Subcommittee, to formally disapprove or weaken theregulations written by the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, TitleIX went into effect on July 21, 1975. Title IX and the Feminist Movement Women's groups were very important to passage of Title IX. After layingdormant for several years following the achievement of suffrage, the women'smovement had reemerged in the 1960s. The Feminine Mystique (1963), in whichBetty Friedan questioned women's "family-centered role," combined with women'sexperiences in the civil rights struggles of the 1960s to reignite the feministmovement. While women's groups did not become involved in the Title IX fight specificallyuntil approached by Green, they were already challenging sex discrimination ineducation and had recently begun focusing on federal remedies (Fishel & Pottker,1977). There were also indications that females were ready to challenge themale hold on sports. As sports may be "one of the last bastions of traditional male ideas" (Messner,1989) in our society, controversy over attempts to require the admittance offemales was to be expected. The NCAA led one side in the Title IX conflict andwomen's groups fought back against it. Setting the Agenda for Media Framing of Title IX This study explores the reciprocal relationship between the news media andspecial interest groups using framing theory and feminist media theory. Byportraying women largely as housewives, mothers and sex objects, the mediasuggest to the public that these roles are the proper ones for women. Notdepicting women in certain roles has just as great an influence; it results inthe "symbolic annihilation" of women (Tuchman, 1978). These tactics are clearly at play in sports coverage. According to Wood(1994), "men and women are portrayed in stereotypical ways that reflect andsustain socially endorsed views of gender." Sports coverage of women athletesand women's athletics is a small percentage of that given to men (Huggins, 1996;Rintala & Birrell, 1984) and when women athletes are covered the focus is oftenon their gender rather than their athleticism (Duncan, 1990; Hilliard, 1994;Swift, 1993, p. 23; Leavy, 1977). The feminist rhetoric used by supporters of Title IX strongly challenged suchstereotypes. Theories of media frames, however, suggest that coverage of TitleIX would not employ feminist rhetoric, but rather would use the language oftraditional masculinity and focus on areas posing the biggest threat to thattradition. In this study, I examined news coverage of the athletics requirements of TitleIX in the New York Times and Washington Post between 1971 and 1975, looking atthe frames used by the media. I also compared the media frames to the rhetoricemployed by interest groups working on both sides of Title IX to determine whatwas not discussed. LITERATURE REVIEW This study examines the media's role in framing Title IX as an athletics issue,paying special attention to the impact of social influences on the frameemployed. The process by which the media frame issues is integral tounderstanding the resulting media coverage of those issues and the largercontext in which "news" is defined. Media framing is influenced by acombination of forces including journalism routines and cultural ideology. AsTitle IX was at once a women's issue and a sports issue, it is also imperativeto consider gender stereotypes and the masculine orientation of sports. Gitlin (1980) describes media frames as "persistent patterns of cognition,interpretation, and presentation, of selection, emphasis, and exclusion, bywhich symbol-handlers organize discourse, whether verbal or visual" (p. 7). Byselecting certain words or phrases to describe something, by portraying it in astereotypical way, by repeating selected themes associated with it, or byrelying on certain sources while dismissing others, journalists frame thatsomething (Entman, 1993). Frames serve to organize thoughts and beliefs, and itis important to understand the framing process in order to recognize the media'suse of it regarding Title IX. Gitlin's (1980) examination of media coverage of Students for a DemocraticSociety (SDS) during the last half of the 1960s is a prime example of how mediaframing can define something, in this case a social movement. Althoughinitially treated positively by the media, as the movement began to threaten thecountry's ideological foundation the media grew increasingly uncomfortable withit and shifted the frame so that the movement was portrayed as an "undoubtedmenace" (Gitlin, 1980, p. 72). A variety of tools were used to accomplish this,including trivialization and marginalization of the movement, and polarizationof the debate (Gitlin, 1980) . The movement lost its ability to define itself;the media defined it instead. Media framing also marginalized a large group of Americans "moderate in toneand adult and middle class in leadership" involved in the 1980s' anti-nuclearmovement (Entman & Rojecki, 1993). While Gallup polls showed a large majorityof the public supported a freeze on nuclear weapons (71 percent in 1983; 78percent in 1984), the media dismissed this anti-nuclear movement in favor of theopposing presidential policy on such weapons (Entman & Rojecki, 1993). The"carnival-like" atmosphere of freeze demonstrations was emphasized by the NewYork Times over the purpose behind the movement (Entman & Rojecki, 1993). Sometimes the media may not promote one policy or ideology over another but mayinstead employ frames to define the choices to which a debate is limited. InEntman and Page's (1994) study of the policy debate among elites over U.S.involvement in the Iraq-Kuwait situation in the early 1990s, the authors notethat while media coverage did not seem to favor one solution over another, themedia did limit debate to a choice between going to war immediately or waiting abit longer before going to war, ignoring any other option (Entman & Page, 1994). Having established the impact of media frames, it is important to determine howthese frames are constructed. According to Entman (1993), "[T]he frame in anews text is really the imprint of power." While news industry leaders canexert power directly, much power takes the subtle form of setting "boundariesand guidelines to direct [daily news] decisions" (Shoemaker & Reese, 1996, p.170). Media powers are guided in turn by larger external forces, the mostsweeping of which is the dominant social ideology. The media serve thesepowerful interests by defining news so that it perpetuates this ideology. As defined by Becker (1984), "An ideology is an integrated set of frames ofreference through which each of us sees the world and to which all of us adjustour actions." It is communicated through a set of "familiar cultural themes"that "are selectively chosen and constructed into a coherent structure"(Shoemaker & Reese, 1996, p. 222). The media are widely recognized as primaryoutlets of ideology (McQuail, 1977; Hall, 1977). Dominant ideological views ofwomen, sports and women's place in sports likely influenced media coverage ofTitle IX and, thus, the cultural message communicated by the media. Hall attributes the media's ideological power to their ability to "definesituations." The media use "boundaries of acceptability" (Shoemaker & Reese,1996, p. 170) to guide their coverage of issues, events and social and politicalgroups. Those that agree with the dominant ideology are considered acceptableand are reported on in ways that promote hegemony. As explained by Gramsci (1971), hegemony is the way in which the dominant groupimposes its ideological framework on society. Another way to look at it is as"a whole body of practices and expectations" which "constitutes a sense ofreality for most people in the society" (Williams, 1973, p. 110). Hegemonicvalues are integrated into the news indirectly through the media's day-to-dayroutines and organization-level relationships and are accepted as "natural"(Shoemaker & Reese, 1996). The media also communicate what lays outside the dominant ideological frame.Once identified, such issues are portrayed "in a way calculated to underscoretheir deviance" (Shoemaker & Reese, 1996, p. 225). Hallin (1986) places news into three categories: consensus, legitimatecontroversy and deviance. News about the deviant is where journalists takesides and make value judgments and where journalism "marks out and defends thelimits of acceptable conflict" (Hallin, 1986, p. 117). The media's hegemonicrole is most strongly felt in this category and may be where coverage of TitleIX fits as the issue challenged traditional gender-based expectations. Shoemaker (1984) found that the legitimacy of deviant political groups isquestioned more often than that of mainstream groups. She argues that whiledifferences between deviant and mainstream groups probably do exist, the mediamay tend to "emphasize and accentuate the differences and ignore thesimilarities" (Shoemaker, 1984). At the same time, because deviance generallyqualifies something as newsworthy (McManus, 1994; Patterson, 1993), deviantissues and events are often featured in news coverage. Shoemaker, Chang andBrentlinger (1987) found that U.S. television and newspaper coverage of worldevents was most often of issues or events that challenged the dominantideologies of the respective countries or deviated from American norms. The media, therefore, "certify the limits within which all competingdefinitions of reality will contend" (Gitlin, 1980, p. 254) and, guided by thedominant ideology, promote hegemony. The media may reevaluate these limits orboundaries when confronted with new situations, yet journalists' decisions aboutwhat is and is not news and which sources to depend on for information areinfluenced by the dominant ideology. Historically excluded from the power structures of both society as a whole andmedia organizations, women have played no significant role in defining thedominant social ideology or influencing media routines (Creedon, 1993; Molotch,1978; Epstein, 1978). Consequently, women are portrayed in stereotypical waysor as extremists, their struggles are personalized or trivialized, polarizedviews of their concerns are offered, and their "self-transformation" rather thanthe "social transformation" of the women's movement is the focus (Rhode, 1995).Often they are simply ignored. These patterns laid the foundation for themedia's framing of Title IX. Tuchman (1978) calls such media treatment of women "symbolic annihilation."Women may be present in media coverage, but not in ways truly reflective oftheir roles in society. Passed off as reality, these images become accepted asreal and even ideal; true portrayals are missing. The amount of news involving women and "women's issues" that appears in themainstream media is a small percentage of that devoted to men. The heavyreliance on male sources remains even when the issue being discussed is ofparticular importance to women (Women, Men and Media, 1993). Not only do mendominate newspaper articles and television segments, they also appear more oftenthan women in newspaper photographs (Miller, 1975; Blackwood, 1983; Luebke,1989). Women are often relegated to the lifestyle section, a more "feminine"part of the newspaper (Luebke, 1989). This underrepresentation of women was true for news coverage of the women'sliberation movement in the 1960s and 1970s, especially during the early part ofthis revival. New York Times coverage of women accounted for an average of0.211 percent of its total news space between 1964 and 1970; in 1977 it stood at0.471 (Cancian & Ross, 1981). National news magazine and television coveragewas similar (Funkhouser, 1973; Cancian & Ross, 1981). A 1970 "press blitz" (Robinson, 1978) about the women's movement was largelydue to movement efforts targeted at the media (Davis, 1991). Tuchman (1978)attributes increased coverage to increased "legitimation" of the movementresulting from better organization and others (Freeman, 1975; Hole & Levine,1971) point to the movement's growing popularity and increased governmentinvolvement in women's rights. While this heightened coverage was welcome, it did not solve the problem. "Onthe whole...despite coverage of women forcibly induced by the legitimation ofthe women's movement, newspapers continue[d] to view women in the news asoccasional oddities that must be tolerated," says Tuchman (1978). Even when women are present in the news "it is from a man's perspective of whatis interesting" (Molotch, 1978), or it is because they have been conferred with"satellite status" due to their relationships with newsmaking males (Lang,1978). When women do make the news pages due to their own accomplishments theystill do not receive equal treatment (Kahn & Goldenberg, 1991; Women, Men andMedia, 1993). Many are relegated to a special "women's section," segregatedfrom the hard news even when they are involved in situations with far-reachingsocial or political ramifications such as the women's movement (Epstein, 1978). In many cases the media rely on stereotypes. Women are typically portrayed aseither wives or mothers of men, sex objects selling products to men, orconsumers of goods to make themselves more attractive to men (Hole & Levine,1971, p. 249). McCracken's (1993) study of almost 50 women's magazines revealshow even these texts often define the ideal feminine role in relation to men. The Pingree, et al, (1976) consciousness scale identifies five roles, orlevels, into which women are placed, ranging from the "two-dimensional,nonthinking decoration" Level I to Level V, where women and men are viewed "asindividuals" with no consideration of sex. Eighty-eight percent ofadvertisements in Playboy, Time and Ms. featured women from the lowest twolevels while only 12 percent depicted women working in the "man's world"(Pingree, et al., 1976). Even 56 percent of Ms. advertisements portrayed womenin stereotypical Level I and Level II roles (Pingree, et al., 1976). Although the original "bra-burning" incident at the 1968 Miss America pageantnever happened, the event quickly came to symbolize the entire women's movement(Davis, 1991). The incident gave the male-dominated media institutions theperfect story: it had conflict, a controversial event, and could easily becharacterized as extreme. Feminists were often described in extreme or"unfeminine" terms (Rhode, 1995). Even when the focus was not on the extremes, the movement did not fare muchbetter. The physical appearance of feminists was often described; they weretypically identified in relation to men; and their maintenance of a "feminine"appearance was often mentioned (Robinson, 1978; Davis, 1991). Men were rarelydescribed in comparable terms. By focusing on the extremes and trivializing the movement overall, the mediaframed it as deviant and a threat to hegemony. As a result, issues for whichthe movement fought could be largely dismissed (Molotch, 1978; Robinson, 1978). Title IX posed a particular challenge to dominant gender roles because perhapsnowhere else in society is the division between masculine and feminine morerigidly defined than in sports. Although women have found media coverage of their concerns lacking across theboard, their most difficult challenge may be in athletics. The sports world is"one of the 'last bastions' of traditional male ideas of success, of male powerand superiority over - and separation from - the perceived 'feminization' ofsociety" (Messner, 1989). It may be the one area where men's authority is stillassumed and accepted by most of society -- or at least it would appear that waybased on media coverage. The concept of women as outsiders or trespassers in the world of sports is notnew. In the seventh century B.C. women were not allowed to even watch theOlympics much less participate in them (Calhoun, 1987) and women have continuedto be dominated by men throughout their history (Pederson & Kono, 1990; Bryson,1987; King & Chi, 1979). Sports generally involve traits traditionallyassociated with males and masculinity such as aggressiveness, bravery,independence, competitiveness, force and strength (Bryson, 1987; King & Chi,1979; Boutlier & SanGiovanni, 1983). Women have been traditionally allowedentrance into the sports world primarily by playing a "feminine supporting rolefor male jocks" (Calhoun, 1987). Those who choose to stray beyond that roleoften face questions regarding their womanhood (Germone & Furst, 1991; King &Chi, 1979; Eitzen & Sage, 1978; Kingsley, Brown & Seibert, 1976; Hart, 1971). This conflict arises from society's view of individuals as either "masculine"or "feminine." These sex-typed roles are learned early in life and arereinforced culturally (Bem, 1981; Germone & Furst, 1991). Male roles emphasize"prov[ing] oneself publicly in athletics, as in other fields of endeavor" inorder to "attest to one's importance as a force in both the social and physicalworld" while the role expected of women is the opposite (King & Chi, 1979). This division is particularly strong within sports. Sports have traditionallybeen depicted as a way for boys to become men; no corresponding axiom is appliedto girls (Edwards, 1972). Sports are an expected part of a boy's life whilegirls must actively seek them out. Consistent with these different socialization experiences is Harry's (1995)finding that men appear to commonly associate sports with expressions of genderwhile women for the most part do not make such a connection. Women are increasingly becoming involved in sports despite socializationprocesses that steer them away from athletics. By 1991 there were 158,000female athletes participating at the intercollegiate level, a 147 percentincrease over 1976 (Carpenter & Acosta, 1991). The number of women spectatorshas also grown steadily (Anderson & Stone, 1981; Gantz & Wenner, 1991). Despite these changes in women's sports participation and spectatorship, themedia continue to underrepresent and trivialize women's sports and rely onstereotypes of female athletes. These portrayals likely influenced the media'sTitle IX frame or are a result of that frame. Typically women receive about 7 to 15 percent of newspaper sports coverage(Huggins, 1996; Rintala & Birrell, 1984). These figures remain low when thecontent of magazines is examined, especially that of Sports Illustrated, themost widely read U.S. sports magazine (Lumpkin & Williams, 1991). Nine percentof feature articles in Sports Illustrated were devoted to women athletes between1954 and 1987 (Lumpkin & Williams, 1991). Women were also disproportionatelyrepresented in coverage of recent Olympic games where they were well representedamong participating athletes; they accounted for about one-fourth of thecombined Olympic coverage of seven British newspapers in the summer of 1992(Alexander, 1994). Even in tennis, where women's participation is more sociallyacceptable than in other sports and female professionals are relatively visible,coverage largely favors males (Hilliard, 1984). Rintala and Birrell (1984) point out that since the number of males and femalesparticipating in sports is not equal, fairness does not necessarily mean equalspace in the media. They found in their study of Young Athlete, however, thatnot only did boys outnumber girls in the number of photographs and articles,they also appeared in a disproportionate amount of coverage aboutfemale-dominated sports (Rintala & Birrell, 1984). As with the rest of news coverage, the problem with media coverage of femaleathletes goes beyond mere statistics. Women who are depicted in sports sectionsor magazines are often trivialized or portrayed in stereotypical ways. Much attention is paid to their hair, clothing and makeup, and those womengenerally considered physically attractive are featured more often and morepositively than those who do not measure up to traditional beauty standards(Duncan, 1990; Hilliard, 1984). The women pictured are more likely than men tobe portrayed as passive or sexy, and the differences between male and femalebodies are often emphasized (Duncan, 1990). Hilliard (1984) found that femaletennis players are often shown suffering from anxiety or depression attributedto the incompatibility of their roles as women and athletes. The cover ofSports Illustrated Women/Sports magazine's premier issue featured basketballplayer Sheryl Swoopes' pregnancy and teases for articles concentrating more onsexual rather than athletic aspects of female involvement in sports (Spring1997). Such media portrayals of female athletes perpetuate gender divisions withinsports. "Focusing primarily on her gender role rather than her athletic abilityand accomplishments, the media will not let the reader/viewer forget oldstereotypes and stigmas," says Kane (1989). Media stereotypes are not limited to women, however; the media also help defineideal "masculinity." Trujillo (1991) examined how the media promote thehegemonic masculinity of the American sports culture, hegemonic masculinityinvolving "the connecting of masculinity to toughness and competitiveness" plus"the subordination of women" and "the marginalization of gay men" (Connell,1990). Exemplified by their coverage of legendary baseball pitcher Nolan Ryan,the media present masculinity as expressions of physical power and fortitude,occupational success, patriarchal control over family, frontiersmanship, andmuscle-bound heterosexuality (Trujillo, 1991). Given the media's hegemonicpowers, consistent presentation and promotion of these features result in theiracceptance as features of the ideal male athlete. They come to define "what itmeans to be a man" (Hanke, 1990). Even when a male athlete does not meet thestandards set by Ryan, but acts vulgar or boorish, the media still portray himas displaying traditional masculinity and apologize for any of his flaws(Hilliard, 1984). Many studies have compared media coverage of women athletes before and afterthe passage of Title IX. What is missing is an examination of media coverage ofthe Title IX debate itself to determine what happened between the introductionof the legislation and implementation of the regulation to define Title IX andinfluence subsequent coverage of it and women athletes. This study seeks tosupply the answer by asking: what frame did the media use between March 1971 andSeptember 1975 to cover Title IX? This question will be investigated through ahistorical analysis detailed in the next section.METHOD This study examines media framing of Title IX. Before this analysis could beperformed, it was necessary to look at the arguments put forth by the mainactors in the debate. Then, using Gitlin's (1980) definition of media frames, atextual analysis of the Title IX debate was performed to determine what themedia did with this information, that is, the frames they employed. This study is limited to the period between March 2, 1971, and July 21, 1975,the period during which legislators were most heavily and directly involved inshaping Title IX. March 2, 1971, was the date Green opened hearings in theHouse Special Subcommittee on Education that resulted in the 1972 EducationAmendments, and on July 21, 1975, the regulations implementing Title IX wentinto effect. The controversy over athletics did not begin until November 1973,therefore, the bulk of this study focuses on this latter stage. This paper isalso restricted to the debate over interscholastic and intercollegiateathletics, referred to as athletics. The battle over Title IX was fought mainly between men's collegiate athleticorganizations and women's activist groups. The most prominent collegiateathletic organization in the early 1970s and the leader of the opposition to theTitle IX regulations was the NCAA. It worked closely with several otherorganizations, most prominently the American Football Coaches Association(AFCA). Leadership on the other side of the debate was more diffuse. Severalwomen's groups worked to gain approval of the regulations. Because NOW was theleading women's group of the day, it was selected for in-depth study; however,the congressional testimony of the Association of Intercollegiate Athletics forWomen (AIAW) and the Women's Equity Action League (WEAL) were also considered. In order to determine how the media interpreted each side's position, how theypresented those positions, and which parts of those positions they selected,emphasized and excluded, it was first necessary to ascertain what thosepositions were. This was accomplished through archival searches and a review oftestimony given before congressional committees. The NCAA archive at NCAA headquarters in Overland Park, Kansas, and NOW'sarchive in Radcliffe College's Schlesinger Library in Cambridge, Massachusetts,were searched for any information pertaining to each organization's stand onTitle IX. From a variety of papers were culled major positions taken andarguments made by the NCAA and NOW. After identifying the positions and information put forth by each side, themedia frame or frames used to cover Title IX were identified through a textualanalysis of two major daily newspapers, The New York Times and The WashingtonPost. These elite publications were the most heavily read newspapers in a1971-71 survey of 58 congressional leaders; 82 percent reported reading the Postregularly and 67 percent the Times (Weiss, 1974). The Times and Post were searched for articles published between January 31,1971, and August 20, 1975[3] pertaining to passage of the 1972 EducationAmendments and passage and implementation of the bill's sex discriminationprovision (Title IX) in general or as it related specifically to athletics.The Washington Post Index was searched for articles indexed under headingsrelated to athletics, education, discrimination and the major individuals andgroups involved in the debate[4]. These articles were then examined to makesure they focused on Title IX. Criteria used to determine this included whetherTitle IX was a focus of the headline or lead or discussed in a substantialpercentage of paragraphs. The Nexis database does not include Post articlespublished during the time period studied. Both The New York Times Index[5] and the Nexis database[6] were used tolocate pertinent articles in the Times in the same categories as listed above.These articles were then reviewed to make sure they met the criteria discussedabove. The practice of content analysis involves more than simply counting how manytimes certain words or phrases appear in a text. According to Gerbner, et al.,(1969, p. x), "The purpose of any analysis is to illuminate or to make possibleinferences about something that is not otherwise apparent." The growinginterest in qualitative analysis of media content has expanded upon thisprocess, providing a more holistic approach to examining news texts (Entman &Rojecki, 1993; Barkin & Gurevitch, 1987; Dahlgren, 1982). While the traditionalquantitative approach focuses much attention on how different parts of a textfunction individually, such studies "reflect...an increased awareness of theneed to employ methods that remain sensitive to the role of language in theconstruction of meaning within news stories (Carragee, 1991). Viewing the textas a whole rather than a collection of many separate parts clarifies the meaningand significance it holds for readers. Barkin and Gurevitch (1987) write,"Thematic analysis of media texts...is specifically concerned with narrativepatterns, the broad outlines that establish a context for determining thesignificance of the elements." Immersing oneself in a subject over an extended period of time enables theresearcher to recognize these patterns and understand the subject's many facetsand innerworkings. This in-depth study together with a solid theoreticalfoundation validates the qualitative method of interpretation. Framing analysis employs this approach by looking at how the media createmeaning out of an issue or event, define it for the public and direct discussionabout it. In determining the frame used, it is not of primary concern whetherone side or position is favored over another or whether certain positive ornegative terms are used and how often they are used. Rather, it is thedefinition of the issue or event that is most important, a definition determinedby the media based on their interpretation of the situation. A qualitativeanalysis steps back from the news text and looks not only at, for example, whichsources are quoted or paraphrased and how many times, but also at why thosesources were chosen or emphasized, why others were excluded or trivialized, andwhat this means for the direction of the debate. This approach considersalternative ways of looking at an issue or event and asks why the media chosethe definition they did. It explores the reasoning behind these decisions andthe effect they had on the debate. This text analysis, therefore, examines theunderlying reasons for why the media covered Title IX the way they did. With this in mind, the articles were searched for patterns in: the focus ofheadlines, leads and closings; selection of sources and placement of sourcequotes; emphasis or exclusion of major arguments or information presented by theissue's supporters and opponents; physical placement of articles within thepublications; and the selection and presentation of accompanying photographs.It is these patterns and the themes they represent that taken together constructthe media frame. A total of 44 articles were analyzed: 19 in the Times and 25in the Post. The first of the Times articles appeared on Feb. 9, 1974, and thelast on July 9, 1975. The Post articles spanned the period May 12, 1974, toJuly 29, 1975. Details about the NCAA and NOW's positions on Title IX and theframes employed in media coverage are discussed in the next chapter. FINDINGS Some slight differences were found between the Times and the Post Title IXcoverage, but the basic findings were very similar and, therefore, they will beaddressed jointly. The first step in identifying the media's framing of Title IX was to ask howTitle IX proponents and opponents portrayed the matter. As discussed earlier,archival research and a review of testimony delivered before Congress suppliedthe answer. The NCAA and men's collegiate athletics on Title IX The NCAA put forth its frame of Title IX using several different arguments todispute HEW's interpretation of the law. These arguments can be placed intofour broad categories: financial implications, the applicability of Title IX toathletic programs, the regulations themselves, and a history of support ofwomen's athletic opportunities. It was joined in these arguments by severalother male-dominated collegiate athletic groups, most prominently the AFCA. The first category, financial implications, was the NCAA's main reason forcriticizing the Title IX regulations. The regulations would have an"undesirable if not fatal impact upon existing college athletic programs,"according to Executive Director Walter Byers in a June 12, 1975, memorandum torepresentatives of NCAA member institutions (Walter Byers Papers). Theorganization argued that revenue-producing sports, i.e., football andbasketball, are in a class by themselves and should be treated differently thanother sports (men's and women's) since they produce both money and publicity forcolleges and universities. Further, the NCAA maintained that because women'sprograms did not generate revenue, they should not have to be supported to thesame degree as men's revenue-producing programs and should not expect to receiveequal funding. The NCAA's second major argument was over the applicability of Title IX toathletic programs. The organization continually asserted that athletic programsdo not receive funding directly from the federal government and, therefore, thelaw clearly did not apply to them. The NCAA further argued that by applyingTitle IX to athletic programs, HEW had exceeded its authority and congressionalintent. Third, the NCAA felt that the HEW regulations themselves were too broad,ambiguous and vague. It feared that athletic administrators at its memberinstitutions would not be clear as to what was and was not required regardingthe allocation of resources, financial and otherwise, for coaches, recruiting,scholarships, facilities, etc. The NCAA feared "equal opportunities" for womenwould be interpreted to mean equal expenditures, but that the regulations werenot clear on this matter. Finally, the NCAA pointed out its support of athletic opportunities for womenin the past and the present. The organization argued that while it and itsmember institutions were supportive of increasing opportunities when and wherethere was interest on the part of women, women's programs should not be expectedto have handed to them in one fell swoop the rewards it took men's programsdecades of hard work to earn. These four arguments were consistently put forth publicly and privately by theNCAA in internal memoranda and letters, news releases, and testimony beforecongressional committees. They represent Title IX as framed by the NCAA. The Title IX position of NOW and other women's groups NOW also approached its framing of Title IX from several different angles.Five major ones emerged: civil rights, the value of sports and their place insociety, the applicability of Title IX to athletic programs, financialimplications, and the regulations themselves. These angles were consistent withthose used by WEAL and AIAW. NOW saw Title IX first and foremost as a civil rights issue and looked tointerpretation of the 1964 Civil Rights Act and Brown v. Board of Education tosupport its arguments that Title IX applied to athletic programs and that HEWwas acting appropriately in its efforts to correct patterns of discriminationagainst women. "Title IX was MEANT to institute change," testified NOWlegislative director Casey Hughes on June 24, 1975. "There is no way to changewithout changing" (NOW Papers). Second, NOW stressed the value of sports to people in general, regardless ofsex, and the place sports should occupy in society. It contended that organizedsports had become too commercialized and that the basic values of athleticactivity had been forgotten. NOW also asserted that if sports were meant to bea part of the educational experience they should be equally available to bothsexes and more students in general, and if they were not educational they didnot belong in schools. NOW's third argument, that Title IX applied to athletic programs, was promptedby NCAA claims to the contrary. The organization argued that federal fundsassist these programs even if only indirectly. A fourth approach used by NOW dealt with the financial effects of Title IX andwas also a response to claims made by the NCAA and college football coaches.NOW argued that football and basketball were actually a financial drain on othersports and most education institutions in general. It pointed out that whenrevenue was produced by sport programs it was not used to support the women'steams that already existed. Further, the organization maintained that it shouldnot automatically be assumed that women's sports would not increase overallrevenues. Finally, NOW voiced concerns over the regulations themselves, claiming theywere vague and did not go far enough in guaranteeing equal athleticopportunities for women. Still, the organization urged approval of the finalregulations, charging that sex discrimination was continuing in the absence ofregulations and HEW's consequent non-enforcement of the law. NOW consistently took these five approaches in its campaign to implement theathletic aspects of Title IX. They were revealed through public and privatecommunication via internal memoranda and letters, task force reports, newsletters, news releases, and testimony before congressional committees. How the media framed Title IX To analyze the media's use of these organizational frames, two mainstreamnewspapers' coverage of Title IX was examined. Using the method detailed in theprevious chapter, articles printed in The New York Times and The Washington Postdealing mainly or exclusively with the law's athletic impact were selected forstudy. A majority of all Title IX articles focused on this aspect: 54 percentof the articles in the Times and 50 percent of those in the Post. The athleticcontroversy ignited media coverage of sex discrimination in education. It was expected that the mainstream media would report the Title IX debate in away that favored the NCAA and its allies over women's groups. It was surprisingthen that the Times and Post showed no clear favoritism to the NCAA side and, infact, appeared to openly support increased funding and opportunities for womenin school- and college-based athletics. It is the frame in which issues areplaced, however, rather than the actual information included in the individualnews stories that is most important in creating overall impressions of thoseissues. Looking at Title IX coverage from this angle confirms the media'ssupport of the NCAA position. Definite themes emerge from both Times and Postcoverage that reflect the themes put forth by the NCAA. While NOW's opinion wasnot totally ignored, it was essentially located within the perspective of theNCAA. Media frames The most striking impression made by stories discussing the application ofTitle IX to athletics was that the regulations constituted a major challenge tothe male domination of intercollegiate athletics. Other approaches were used toreport on Title IX, but they were definitely secondary to the notion that theregulations meant changes for male athletic programs. There were two facets tothis concept of challenge or change: 1) more women than ever before wereexpected to enter into this traditional male stronghold and 2) sports such asfootball might be forced to share their revenues. It was conveyed througheither simple statements that Title IX would revolutionize college sports orcause big problems for colleges, or through discussion of the possibility orneed for an exemption for revenue-producing sports. NOW and other women's groups attempted to portray Title IX as a means ofsecuring women's civil rights in the field of sports and called for a return tothe basic values of sports. The former argument came through in media coverage,but only faintly, and the latter was virtually ignored. Another angle coveredby the media was the confusion and uncertainty felt by both sides overadministration of the regulations and the general dissatisfaction of each sidewith HEW's interpretation of the law. While these areas were discussed, it wasclear the neither the Times nor the Post felt they told the real story of TitleIX. Times and Post coverage generally announced that Title IX was a sports issueand not a civil rights matter. The revolution expected in intercollegiateathletics due to Title IX was the focus rather than past discriminatorypractices that led women to fight for Title IX. Because sports at colleges anduniversities were dominated by men, it was obvious that men would be doing mostof the changing. In other words, for women to gain men would have to sacrifice.The need for Title IX -- what women had faced in the past and their right toequal treatment -- was secondary. While some articles did focus on the concerns and arguments put forth bywomen's groups and some articles were balanced or at least not blatant in theiruse of this dominant frame, a pattern emerged from the examination of headlines,leads, bodies of articles, physical placement and photographs indicating a framesupportive of the NCAA's position. While the headlines were quite balanced anddiverse, story leads generally directed readers' attention to the NCAA'sconcerns about change or harm to intercollegiate athletics as a result of TitleIX. Because the articles were written in inverted pyramid style, these leadshelped establish this frame as the dominant theme around which articles wereorganized. Most sources were used to comment on this frame and articlesemphasizing it were prominently placed. Accompanying photographs often drewattention to this frame also. While headlines, leads and article themes framing Title IX as a threat to theexisting system or a problem for colleges and universities were typicallystraightforward and strongly worded, those emphasizing discrimination or women'srights were often ambiguous. Quotes by NCAA representatives (or footballcoaches or athletic directors) usually referred to the need to exemptrevenue-producing sports or how the regulations would "destroy" intercollegiateathletics. Criticism put forth by women's groups in the articles, on the otherhand, was usually less specific, e.g., the regulations were "too weak." Criticism of the regulations themselves by both sides was a minor frame. Eventhis frame, however, subtly supported the NCAA's arguments. By focusing oncriticism of the regulations in general, the Times and Post also drew moreattention to the controversy surrounding Title IX and away from the need for it. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS In searching for an explanation for these findings, there is no simple answer.Several different interests intersected in Title IX. In regard to the media's frame selection, it helps to consider the differentfactors at play in Title IX. First, it involved sports, which occupy a uniqueposition in American society and have historically been the sole purview of men,and it especially threatened football, perhaps the most "macho" of Americansports. Second, it pitted women against men at a time when the relationshipbetween the sexes was already tense and rapidly changing. Third, the debateinvolved economic arguments on one side and less "scientific" arguments on theother. Few parts of American culture remain unaffected by sports. There is aconnection between sports and education, religion, politics, the economy, socialclass, race, gender and mass media (Eitzen & Sage, 1982; Sage, 1984). Thissports culture is communicated to the American people largely through the massmedia, a major source of information about cultural norms. The sports sectionis the most popular section of newspapers and in some cases half of a paper isdevoted to sports (Eitzen & Sage, 1982). Many people "experience" sports solelythrough media coverage of them, enabling the media to determine what they meanfor readers (Oriard, 1993). The dominance of males is perhaps more pronounced in this sports culture thananywhere else in society (Messner, 1989; Edwards, 1979). There is more to thisdominance than the fact that more men than women play and watch them. It isingrained in sports; it is a part of athletic tradition. The characteristicsassociated with sports are traditionally those considered masculine, and femaleathletes are still held up to male standards. The media help perpetuate sports'masculine tradition by making gender comparisons and continuing to emphasizemale athletes and men's sports. This is still true today despite the huge gainswomen have made thanks to Title IX. It was much more pronounced in the early1970s when Title IX was coming into being. Football rules this masculine world of sports. Football was regarded asspecial even by Title IX supporters. Senator Bayh, a vocal proponent of theregulations, said, during floor debate over his sex discrimination amendment,"What we are trying to do is provide equal access for women and menstudents...where there is not a unique facet such as football involved"(Congressional Record, August 6, 1971, p. 30407). College football is a big business, a large source of entertainment formillions of Americans. This fact was pointed out proudly by the NCAA andfootball coaches as proof of its special position in athletics and Americanculture, and decried by women's groups as gross commercialization and adeparture from the basic values of sports. The mass media, especiallytelevision, have been largely responsible for the transformation inintercollegiate sports over the years and Oriard (1993) claims this isespecially true for football. "The late nineteenth-century daily newspaper"created" college football to an even greater degree [than television createdprofessional football in the 1950s and 1960s], transforming an extracurricularactivity into a national spectacle," he said (Oriard, 1993, p. 57-58). Football is often used as a metaphor for American masculinity. "The game is amale preserve that manifests and symbolizes both the physical and culturalvalues of masculinity," according to Arens (1975). Messner (1989) asserts thatfootball's popularity "is largely the result of the contorting clarity itprovides between the polarities of traditional male power, strength, andviolence and the contemporary fears of social feminization." The Title IX debate must also be placed in historical context. Women's groupshad been fighting for equal rights on many fronts in the decade proceeding TitleIX and running into opposition on all of them. The fact that this particularbattle involved sports just heightened the controversy. Like the menencountered on those other fronts, the NCAA had more power in terms of money andestablished relationships with media organizations than did NOW and otherwomen's groups. The media had "symbolically annihilated" (Tuchman, 1978) the women's movementin general and did not alter its practices when it came to Title IX. Theylargely neglected the efforts of women's groups to portray Title IX as a civilrights issue and ignored their attempts to question the propriety ofcommercialized sports in a school setting. Few articles focused on theirconcerns and those that did were found on back pages with few photographs usedto draw attention to them. Such handling branded their arguments insignificantand not newsworthy. In contrast, concerns voiced by the NCAA and footballcoaches were emphasized. Most coverage focused on their concerns and thiscoverage was placed where readers would likely see it, announcing that theirpositron was what the Title IX debate was about. Traditional ideas about what makes something newsworthy should also beconsidered. Conflict is widely accepted as a "news value" (McManus, 1994;Patterson, 1993). Such news values are so widely accepted that even whendisagreements over them occur within the news community they do not stray past"the hegemonic boundary" (Gitlin, 1980, p. 263). This boundary is drawn throughan agreement about news values, that is, "that news involves the novel event,not the underlying, enduring condition; the person, not the group; the visibleconflict, not the deep consensus; the fact that 'advances the story,' not theone that explains or enlarges it (Gitlin, 1980, p. 263). This seemsparticularly true of the Title IX debate. Discrimination against women insports had always existed. It was tacitly accepted, considered natural, and notdeemed newsworthy. An attempt to alter college football, however, drew instantattention; it was a "novel event," going against deeply ingrained tradition. This change in football was portrayed largely as an economic one and, in acapitalistic society such as America, would naturally attract much attention.Although the NCAA and NOW disputed how much money football programs actuallymade, both sides acknowledged that money to increase women's athleticopportunities might come from football. It was easy to see the conflict in thissituation and the conflict could be quantified. The numbers spoke forthemselves. The right of women to have an equal share in school-based athletics and theidea of redefining sports, on the other hand, required more subjective reportingand posed more problems for the media. The belief that sports belonged to menrarely had been questioned before and until Title IX there was no widespreadcall for equality on the part of girls or women. Title IX threatened the dominant ideology of the media and society at largeregarding the meaning and place of sports in society, the relationship betweenthe sexes, and the definition of sports. Sports had always been a male domain,perhaps the last "refuge" from feminine influences. Implementation of Title XIcould change this. Discrimination was not a novel event but rather a constantstate and to focus on it would go against traditional news practices. Thesechallenges to the dominant ideology were rebuffed in order to preserve thestatus quo and the position of dominant groups -- hegemony at work. As withcoverage of female athletes, coverage of Title IX focused more on gender issuesthan on athletic issues. The debate was portrayed as a conflict between men andwomen rather than an attempt to increase athletic opportunities for studentsregardless of gender. Men's claims to the sports world were supported withoutquestion while women's claims were open to debate. Significance of media frame While the media may have criticized the imbalance of resources between men'sand women's sports, they still focused on those aspects of Title IX which mostconcerned the NCAA. Discussions of women's concerns was lacking. Becausereaders are left mainly with impressions rather than actual information, thisidea of Title IX as an economic issue survived. By framing the issue in a waythat focused on the NCAA's concerns and the way men's sports would be affected,the media helped confirm the role of women in sports as that of trespasserrather than rightful participant. Although recently Title IX has been associated with the advent of two women'sprofessional basketball leagues, it is still largely thought of as the reasonmany schools have dropped men's baseball and wrestling programs. For example,the second article in a recent Post series on "Title IX at 25" was titled"Equity Leaves Its Mark on Male Athletes" (July 7, 1997), and led with theelimination of the men's wrestling and gymnastics programs at SyracuseUniversity. The power of the media to create a lasting frame is critical. This ability todefine an issue may have wide-ranging society effects given the importance ofmass media in disseminating cultural norms. In addition, by framing the Title IX debate as essentially a referendum on thefuture of college football, the media not only directed attention to the NCAA'sconcerns, they avoided the overriding problem of discrimination on the basis ofsex in education. The media bypassed women's main concerns about the educationsystem and its athletic component in favor of what the male establishment saw asmost interesting. While the original goals of Title IX sponsors were achievedby the legislation and regulations, media coverage focused on the sports aspect.Thus, Title IX became known primarily as a sports issue and women's otherconcerns regarding education were secondary. Conclusion This study provides further evidence of the power of the media to define anissue. Employing a patriarchal frame, the New York Times and Washington Post inthe mid-1970s defined Title IX as a sports issue posing a threat to the existingmale-controlled intercollegiate athletic system. Sports permeate Americanculture and reflect traditional sex roles. Women's forays into athleticsdeviated from this norm. Arguments that widespread sex discrimination existedand women's civil rights were being violated by denying them the opportunity toparticipate in this system were made to appear trivial in comparison.Inadequate coverage was afforded these matters and the coverage that did appearwas relegated to back pages. Traditional social norms of masculinity were thusreinforced and challenges to them in the name of civil rights effectivelysilenced. Masculine hegemony was maintained within the sports world and thenews industry. Would more women journalists, especially sports journalists, have made adifference? Tuchman (1979) has argued that even if women were betterrepresented within the journalism profession the dominant ideology wouldcontinue unchanged. Female editors of women's pages, for example, were found toapproach the content of women's pages much the same as their male colleagues(Merritt & Gross, 1978). Kanter's (1977) study of men and women in corporationsfound that women who achieve leadership positions often adopt traditional malebehavior. Most Post coverage studied here was written by a woman reporter andyet it trivialized the concerns of women's groups. Her support of women'sgroups should not be assumed, but it is interesting to note. Regardless of how individual reporters covered Title IX, a frame wasestablished more than 20 years ago that still dominates. Once an issue isdefined, it is difficult to redefine it. Today Title IX is known as a sportsissue. The fact that it forced changes in discriminatory school admissionspolicies and treatment of faculty is virtually unknown. Within athletics, TitleIX is still seen as the reason for changes made in men's intercollegiateathletics, although it is also acknowledged as the impetus for the increasingnumbers of girls and women participating in sports. Debate over Title IXcontinues today with a focus on how many wrestling and baseball teams have beeneliminated or reduced to make room for women's teams. Discrimination againstwomen in sports is still largely dismissed. Men still have first claim.Following a 1997 Supreme Court decision to not hear Brown University's appeal ofa ruling requiring strict interpretation of Title IX in regard to athletics, theheadline at the top of the Post's front page read: "Court Won't Review SportsEquity Ruling: College Women May Gain at Men's Expense" (April 22, 1997). It would be interesting to learn whether this article is typical of currentcoverage or if changes have occurred in the media's handling of Title IX. Thisstudy is a historical examination, limited to media coverage of the creation ofTitle IX in the early 1970s. A comparable study of current Title IX frames inthe media would be valuable to determine if and how coverage has changed insubsequent years as Title IX has been incorporated into education institutions. Given the power of the media to define and reinforce cultural norms, without achange in their approach to women athletes, women will probably never achievetrue equality in the sports world. The impact of this dismissal andtrivialization reaches far beyond sports. As Edwards 91972) said, "No matterhow vociferous women become in their quest for human rights, until they havesucceeded in overthrowing the male domination of sports, they might as well berunning on a treadmill. REFERENCES Alexander, S. (1994). Newspaper Coverage of Athletes as a Function of Gender.Women's Studies International Forum, 17, 6, 655-662. Anderson, D.F. and Stone, G.P. (1981). 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Berkeley, CA: University ofCalifornia Press. Gramsci, A. (1971). Selections from the Prison Notebooks. Q. Hoare and G.N.Smith (Eds.). New York: International. Hall, S. (1977). Culture, the Media and the 'Ideological Effect.' In J.Curran, M. Gurevitch and J. Woollacott (Eds.), Mass Communication and Society(pp. 315-348). Beverly Hills, CA: Sage. Hallin, D.C. (1986). The "Uncensored War": The Media and Vietnam. New York:Oxford University Press. Hanke, R. (1990). Hegemonic masculinity in thirtysomething. Critical Studiesin Mass Communication, 7, 231-248. Harry, J. (1995). Sports Ideology, Attitudes Toward Women, and Anti-HomosexualAttitudes. Sex Roles, 32, 1/2, 109-117. Hart, M.M. (1971). On Being Female in Sport. In Stephanie L. Twin (Ed.), Outof the Bleachers: Writings on Women and Sport (pp. 24-35). Old Westbury, NY:The Feminist Press. Hilliard, D.C. (1984). Media Images of Male and Female Professional Athletes:An Interpretive Analysis of Magazine Articles. 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Social acceptance of femaleathletes by college women. Research Quarterly, 48, 727-732. Lang, G.E. (1978). The Most Admired Woman: Image-Making in the News. In G.Tuchman, A.K. Daniels and J. Benet (Eds.), Hearth and Home: Images of Women inthe Mass Media. New York: Oxford University Press. Leavy, J. (1977). Sports chic. Women Sports, March 1977, 53-57. Luebke, B.F. (1989). Out of Focus: Images of Women and Men in NewspaperPhotographs. Sex Roles, 20, 3/4, 121-133. Lumpkin, A. and Williams, L.D. (1991). An Analysis of Sports IllustratedFeature Articles, 1954-1987. Sociology of Sport Journal, 8, 16-32. McCracken, E. (1993). Decoding Women's Magazines. New York: St. Martin's. McManus, J.H. (1994). Market-Driven Journalism: Let the Citizen Beware?Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. McQuali, D. (1977). The Influence and Effects of Mass Media. In J. Curran, M.Gurevitch and J. Woollacott (Eds.), Mass Communication and Society (pp. 70-94).Beverly Hills, CA: Sage. Merritt, S. and Gross, H. (1978). Women's Page/Life Style Editors: Does SexMake a Difference? Jourrnalism Quarterly, 55, Autumn 1978, 508-514. Messner, M.A. (1989). The Meaning of Success: The Athletic Experience and theDevelopment of Male Identity. In D.S. Eitzen (Ed.), Sport in ContemporarySociety (2nd ed.) (pp. 363-379). New York: St. Martin's. Miller, S.H. (1975). The Content of News Photos: Women's and Men's Roles.Journalism Quarterly, 52, 70-75. Molotch, H.L. (1978). The News of Women and the Work of Men. In G. Tuchman,A.K. Daniels and J. Benet (Eds.), Hearth and Home: Images of Women in the MassMedia (pp. 176-185). New York: Oxford University Press. National Collegiate Athletic Association (1974). The Sports and RecreationalPrograms of the Nation's Universities and Collges, Report Number Four, Shawnee,Mission, KS: NCAA. ---------------------------------------------- (1994). The Sports andRecreational Programs of the Nation's Universities and Collges, Report NumberEight. Overland Park, KS: NCAA. National Organization for Women Papers. Cambridge, MA: Radcliffe CollegeSchlesinger Library. Oriard, M. (1993). Reading football. Chapel Hill, NC: The University of NorthCarolina Press. Patterson, T.E. (1993). Out of Order. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. Pederson, D.M. and Kono, D.M. (1990). Perceived Effects on Femininity of theParticipation of Women in Sport. Perceptual and Motor Skills, 71, 783-792. Pingree, S., Hawkins, R.P., Butler, M. and Paisley, W. (1976). A Scale forSexism. Journal of Communication, 26, Autumn, 193-200. Rhode, D.L. (1995). Media Images, Feminist Issues. Signs, 20, 3, 685-710. Rintala, J. and Birrell, S. (1984). Fair Treatment for the Active Female: AContent Analysis of Young Athlete Magazine. Sociology of Sport Journal, 1, 3,231-250. Robinson, G.J. (1978). Women, Media Access and Social Control. In L.E. Epstein(Ed.), Women and the News (pp. 87-108). New York: Hastings House. Sage, G. (1984). Sport in American Society: Its Pervasiveness and Its Study.In D.S. Eitzen (Ed.), Sport in Contemporary Society (2nd ed.) (pp. 9-20). NewYork: St. Martin's. Shoemaker, P.J. (1984). Media Treatment of Deviant Political Groups.Journalism Quarterly, 61, 66-75. Shoemaker, P.J., Chang, T.K. and Brentlinger, M. (1987). Deviance as Predictorof Newsworthiness: Coverage of International Events in the U.S. Media.Communication Yearbook, 10, 348-365. Shoemaker, P.J. and Reese, S.D. (1996). Mediating the Message: Theories ofInfluences on Mass Media Content (2nd ed.). White Plains, NY: Longman. Swift, E.M. (1993, March 22). Teen ice queen. Sports Illustrated, pp. 22-23. Trujillo, N. (1991). Hegemonic Masculinity on the Mound: Media Representationsof Nolan Ryan and American Sports Culture. Critical Studies in MassCommunication, 8, 290-308. Tuchman, G. (1978). The Symbolic Annihilation of Women by the Mass Media. InG. Tuchman, A.K. Daniels and J. Benet (Eds.). Hearth and Home: Images of Womenin the Mass Media (pp. 3-38). New York: Oxford University Press. Tuchman, G. (1979). Women's Depiction by the Mass Media. Signs, 4, 3, 528-542. Walter Byers Papers. Overland Park, KS: National Collegiate AthleticAssociation Library. Weiss, C.H. (1974). What America's Leaders Read. Public Opinion Quarterly, 38,1-22. Williams, R. (1973). Marxism and Literature. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Women, Men and Media (1993). The News: Looking Like America? Alexandria, VA:Unabridged Communications. Wood, J. (1994). Gendered Lives Communication, Gender and Culture. Belmont,CA: Wadsworth. [3] This period extends from 30 days before Green opened hearings through 30days following the regulations effective date to allow for any lag in thepublication of articles and any preview or follow-up articles.[4] This included athletic associations, colleges and universities,discrimination, education, sexism, sports, sports - collegiate, women, women'srights movement, Birch Bayh, Edith Green, John O'Hara, John Tower, Congress,House of Representatives, House - Education and Labor Committee, Senate, Senate-Labor and Public Welfare Committee, and Department of Health, Education, andWelfare.[5] Searched for articles in which the following words appeared: Title IX,intercollegiate athletics and women, higher education and amendments, highereducation and bill, discrimination and education and sex, sex and bias andeducation, Congress and education, Congress and athletics, Edith Green, JohnTower, NCAA and women, NOW and education and women, Weinberger and women, JamesO'Hara, and Birch Bay and education.[6] Articles appearing under the following headings were noted: education andschools - U.S., education and schools - enrollment, education and schools -equal education opportunities, colleges and universities - finances, collegesand universities - discrimination, athletics - U.S., athletics - college,athletics - interscholastic, and women.
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WINNSBORO — Consistency and practice allowed Fairfield County to once again boast being the place where the King of Barbecue in South Carolina was raised.
Pit master George King of the Can't Quit Smoking barbecue team flexed his "money muscles" to win the S.C. State Championship again this year. After a third place finish in 2010, he has taken the top prize each of the last two years.
King began cooking barbecue at age 17 when he helped J.W. Joy cook barbecue at a Labor Day lake house party. That night he basically kept the fire going, but he learned a lot from Joy. Joy has a basement room full of his own barbecue trophies though he does not compete as much anymore. He does, however, prepare barbecue to benefit a Columbia area children's home each year.
"We keep our meat for four hours in the smoke," he said. "Then we wrap it in foil and let it sit for two hours before putting it back into the smoke."
When he takes the meat off the pit, he slices some and he takes the meat from the "money muscle," the pit master term for the best part of a Boston butt and uses a fork to make pulled pork. King also cooks ribs in the competitions.
Four years ago he finished fourth in the amateur division at Pig on the Ridge.
"At that time I thought (myself and teammate Gary Freeman) might be on to something," King said.
He decided to step it up a notch. The professional competition is where the big boys go to see what their pork is made of. If a pit master has competed in two or fewer professional contests, he or she can go back and compete at the amateur level, though.
King tried the professional division at a Saluda Shoals event in Irmo and finished fourth. A second place finish and a People's Choice Award at two other competitions got him hooked on competing.
The barbecue season runs from January to December with the first competition occurring the last week in February. In each event, the top 10 finishers receive points in increments of two with the highest score of 20 going to the first place finisher.
At the end of the season, the point totals are calculated and a winner is declared. Both of his winning years King has had 242 total points. This year the competition gained ground, though. The second place finisher, Up in Smoke, a cooking team headed by Brian Teigue of Rock Hill, earned 232 points, up from 192 a year earlier when he also finished second.
King and his team had the highest score of the more than 200 teams that competed statewide in 30 barbecue contests for the title. The S.C. Barbecue Association presented each of the three teams with three awards and cash prizes.
Jeff Smith of Aiken, as the pit master of Smokin' Stacks BBQ Team, was the second runner up. This was Smith's first time in the top three. King did not mind sharing some of his tips for this article, but noted there is a knack to barbecue that goes beyond a special recipe secret.
"One thing to tell people who think they'd like to do this is that they had better have a thick wallet, because it costs lots of money," King said.
Fortunately for him, the professional level carries twice the prize money as the amateur level and he has won the top prize before. The competitions supply the meat but most have $250 entry fees. That is on top of expenses for gas and charcoal. He is now sponsored by Oak Ridge Barbecue Rub in Missouri, so that helps make it feasible for him keep his competitive edge.
King bought a backwoods party grill smoker, and he said it works so well because the fire never touches the meat. The apparatus uses a smoke box and indirect heat to slow cook the pork and give it its signature taste. It takes him eight to 10 hours to cook the barbecue. His friends often are beneficiaries of his practice runs, because they buy the practice meat from him.
For the judges he prepares a sweet, tomato-based sauce but for the public, he typically serves a sweet mustard sauce. This year his efforts earned him an 11th place finish at Pig on the Ridge. King performed so well at the contests he entered (there were 30 statewide), that the S.C. Barbecue Association declared him the statewide winner, an authority given the organization by the S.C. Legislature.
The state barbecue championship has been a project of the S.C. Barbecue Association, which set it up and administered it. Approximately 200 teams statewide earned points in the 2012 competition and their scores can be found at scbarbeque.com.
"Almost anyone can win one contest somewhere sometime, but who is the unquestioned best? That's always another question," said Lake High of Columbia, president of the S.C. Barbecue Association. "This year it's George King of Winnsboro. He's demonstrated it over and over. And to prove that his barbecue abilities are no fluke, George was also the number one pit master last year too."
South Carolina's barbecue championship competition was the first in the nation where teams compete in a year-long barbecue marathon. Now other states are adopting this format as a true test of cooking ability.
"These three teams are truly the best of the best," said High. "They faced stiff competition from some of the best barbecue cookers from all over the South. Their accumulated scores show that they consistently cook top barbecue."
It's only human for some South Carolinians to think the best barbecue comes from their part of the state, but as High points out, great barbecue can be found all parts of the state.
"If anyone thinks that good barbecue comes from only one area of the state they need to take a look at the hometowns of these championship teams – Winnsboro, Rock Hill and Aiken, from one side of the state to the other," High pointed out.
Well done, Winnsboro. Once again you have a champion to call your own.


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Jon Olsson Invitational 2012: Day 1 & 2
Apr 5th 2012JOI is officially underway! He's invited a host of riders along to Åre, Sweden for his annual 'throw yourself off a huge kicker' competition. Related posts:Jon Olsson Invitational 2012 Yes! It's returning on April 3rd - 7th and will... Jon Olsson Invitational 2011 Here's updates from practice and their mellow afternoon. So basically... Jon Olsson Invitational 2011: Finals Andreas Hatveit killing it in qualis, all eyes were on... [IMG]http://media.newschoolers.com/uploads/images/17/00/45/23/49/452349.jpeg[/IMG]
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