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Mr. CASON, from the Committee on Federal Relations, submitted the following majority report:
MR. PRESIDENT: The Committee on Federal Relations, to whom was referred Senate Joint Resolution No. 1, introduced by Mr. Bennett, entitled "A Joint Resolution ratifying certain amendments to the Constitution of the United States," have had the same under consideration, page: 44[View Page 44]and a majority of said committee have intrusted me to report said resolution back without amendment, and recommend its passage.
Mr. LEE, from the same committee, submitted a minority report as follows:
The minority of the committee to whom was referred the joint resolution notifying the amend ment to the Constitution of the United States can not coincide with the views the majority have taken of the vital questions thus involved They believe the temper of the public mind is unsuited to the work of the expansion, or retrenchment, of the organic law of the Government under existing circumstances. The country has just emerged from the panic of revolution, and they believe the people have not yet had sufficient time for reflection ; first, whether there is any present necessity for reformation ; and second, whether under all the circumstances of the public situation, though there might be such necessity, wise and salutary measures could now be established. They, therefore, recommend that tho whole question may be left in the hands of the people for their action at another time and under more auspicious circumstances.
Mr. OYLER. I understand our Democratic friends desire to discuss this matter; and as I myself, members of the committee, and those who agree with me in regard to matters contained in this joint resolution have no disposition to dodge or blink discussion, I would like an arrangement to be now made that the matter may be made the special order for some day not far hence, so that everybody can be accommodated.
Mr. CULLEN. I am opposed to the suggestion of the Senator. Every member of the Union organization in Indiana, especially those in this Senate, have discussed and rediscussed the principles involved in this resolution, and we are prepared to vote. If there is to be any discussion upon it, of course let us now hear what our friends have to say against its adoption; but I am opposed, sir, to putting this thing off another day or another hour. Let us emulate the example of other States in regard to this matter, and vote upon it with out delay.
Mr. BENNETT. As far as I am concerned, although I introduced this resolution, I do not intend to say one word upon it. I had intended simply to say what the Senator from Rush [Mr. Cullen] has just said. I know he expressed the desire of the Republican party on this floor, for I have talked with most of the Senators I thought would want to discuss it. and they think every Republican in the State of Indiana fully understands the question - it has been discussed from every stump and school house - the people have voted for it, and we know where they stand. Out of respect to the minority of this Senate, if they desire to discuss it (I understand they are ready,) I should like to hear them. Then, I propose we take the vote, and I hope no Republican member will cause unnecessary delay by discussing the question.
Mr. TAGGART. I would like to have this matter set for some other day, from the fact that I was called home the other day, and have just returned to my place. I would like to have time to examine this matter before called to vote upon it; nevertheless, if my friends on this side of the House can let it go, I shall acquiesce.
The LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR. The question is not on the passage of the resolution, but on the disposition of the report of the committee. In its regular order the joint resolution would come up on its passage.
Mr. CULLEN. I move to concur in the majority report.
Mr. HANNA. The pending joint resolution contemplates four amendments to the Constitution of the United States, with an additional enabling section, conferring upon Congress the power to give them force and effect by appropriate legislation. The question thus resolved, at once assumes proportions of the gravest importance, for it becomes a question whether the great magna charta of our cherished institutions, under the present circumstances, can be changed at all, and whether the change proposed, if accomplished, will not diminish our stability as a civil government, and endanger our safety and prosperity as a people. It proposes to change the whole organic structure of our Government. It does not purpose merely to lop off from the trunk of the old oak a crooked and leafless limb that is thought to be useless, or to engraft upon some branch of its noble arms additional luxuriance and beauty, but it lays the ax to the roots of the tree itself. This is threatened revolution; dark, dismal, direful revolution; not civil revolution only, but moral revolution, most appalling in its quality, and terrible in its results. The day and the hour are not auspicious for reforming great, cardinal, fundamental, original principles in our form of government. We have been told repeatedly by Presidents, Governors, and other heads of departments, that our dreadful civil conflict was inaugurated, prosecuted and fought out for the maintenance of the Federal Constitution, and the preservation of the Union of States under it. Let that promise first be made good. If it has been a war for the preservation of the Union, let us first have union before we proceed another step further. If it has been waged for the maintenance of the Constitution, let us have the Constitution, the Constitution unimpaired, or let us throw it away altogether; deny that we have been honest in our declarations; deny that we want a republican government, and at page: 45[View Page 45] once assert that we are in favor of a new Constitution and a new Government Let us do one thing or the other. We must do it; there is no escape; the choice is inevitable. Senators stand here and deliver eloquent eulogies on the Constitution of the United States, while at the same time they place themselves in open opposition to the most palpable requirements. They stand by it so long as it suits their individual ends, and the purposes of their party; but beyond that their reverence ceases, and their obedience changes to renunciation. Its friends and its enemies must occupy different space. There are but two sides to the question. We must be for it, or else we must be against it. To stand by it is to obey it, obey it strictly, in all its parts, in its spirit and in its letter. Anything short of that, is infraction, disobedience, opposition, violation. When we came into this body, we were sworn to support it, all of it, without conditions and without reservations. But we are now asked to engraft amendments upon it that will be in open and flagrant violation of its very letter. Can Senators tell us they are the friends of both? Such a position is inconsistent with itself, and can not be maintained. To favor the amendment is to oppose the Constitution. That we may sustain the one, we must be adverse to the other. The two propositions are at war with each other incompatible, incongruous, and wholly unsusceptible of harmony. The proposition is to amend the Constitution of the United States, while the friends of the measure tell us that the States of the Union are not united that ten of them are dismembered States, lost States, dead States, States without life, and States that may be deprived of representation in the Federal Congress. The position is not simply absurd, but it is monstrous! If one single State has been withdrawn from the great confederation, over which our fathers established our written Constitution, the Union is dissolved; and we are no longer the United States of America, bound by its written Constitution. Unless this Government is a self-preserving government, unless the several States, its competent parts, can at all times, and under all circumstances be kept alive, maintained in their identity, forever joined together by the bonds of equality, and preserved in all their functions as representative States, the Union is a nullity, and its Constitution a mockery. There is but one way by which amendments to the organic law of this Government can be made good, and that is the way prescribed by the Constitution itself. In the very first step to be taken, it requires the co-operation of all the States in the federal Congress. There are no exceptions to the rule - there can be no exceptions - and one line, letter or word of it can in no wise be amended in any other way.
After speaking at length of the power of the present Congress to propose constitutional amendments, he pronounced this a measure to strengthen and perpetuate the ascendancy and control of a political party. Its most potent advocates have said so on the floors of the National Congress, where it had its origin, and we must be permitted to take them at their word. It is not ite a conscript measure, but it is a measure to the same effect. It is a measure of alliance, with a new element of doubtful quality, proceeding from an inordinate love of place and power. It is a measure of the Radical party, to enfranchise the negro population of the United States, in the interests of the Radical party. There can be but little controversy about that. The politicians, on the near approach of popular elections, may deny it, but the statesmen of that party, who shape its ends and give it its vitality, hold that position. This whole scheme is nothing more nor less than a measure of the Northern States against the Southern States, for punishment as against them, and for the increase of power as its results will affect us. It leaves no place for the foothold of justice, it makes no room for the throne of reason, it promulgates no principle that should live for its own sake, and for the good it will achieve in the interests of mankind. It is all the other way, wrong in its origin,wrong in its designs, wrong in its results.
Mr. H. continued his remarks until he had consumed one hour and thirty minutes time.
Mr. BENNETT. Believing as I do that Senators on our side of the house do not desire to discuss this question, and believing they desire to be heard through their votes, thereby ratifying the emphatic and overwhelming voices of the people at the last election, I will demand the previous question. We all can sit by the hour out of respect for the dead and hear a funeral dirge and listen to the old song:
"Hark from the tombs a doleful sound,"
but, sir, I think these gentlemen have been satisfied, and I think we have allowed the minority ample opportunity for discussion, for I do not think that any of them can say any more or say anything any abler than the Senator who has just taken his seat. I therefore move the previous question on the adoption of the report.
Mr. SHERROD. I hope the Senator will not force that motion. I would like to submit a few remarks at this time, for I feel that this is a very grave question, and a question I should like to make a record on in the shape of a few remarks. I promise page: 46[View Page 46] I will not detain the Senate but a short time.
Mr. NILES. I ask the Senator from Fayette [Mr. Bennett] to withdraw his mo-motion in order that I may submit a report concerning the ventilation of this chamber, in which every Senator is interested.
Mr. BENNETT. Certainly, for that purpose only.
Mr. NILES submitted a report from the special committee thereon, recommending the placing of ventilators near the floor and top of the chimneys, &c.
The report was concurred in.
Mr. NILES then offered a resolution, which was adopted, directing the Librarian to carry into effect the recommendations of the committee.
The LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR. Does the Senator from Fayette now insist on his demand for the previous question?
Mr. BENNETT. I do.
The Senate refused to second the demand for the previous question - affirmative 17, negative 19.
Mr. SHERROD spoke for three quarters of an hour in opposition to the measure proposed to be adopted, declaring it to be a violation of the plainest provisions of the Federal Constitution. It was not adopted by two-thirds of the Congress of the United States, because nearly one-third of the States were excluded from representation in both Houses, although their State Governments were thoroughly organized, and they had elected members who had appeared at the proper time and claimed their seats. Then, again, the proposed amendment is not a complete legislative act, because it was not presented to the President of the United States, as is expressly required by the Constitution. It is utterly inexpedient, unjust, and destructive of our form of Government for three-fourths of the States, on any pretext, to seek to tamper with or regulate the right of suffrage in the several States, as is contemplated in the second section; and this fact alone is fatal to the character of the pending amendment. The third section, proscribing certain classes of men in the South, is so contrary to the theory of our Government, and so oppressive, that it can not be supposed those who proposed it entertained a single hope that it would be accepted. It is calculated to endanger the existence of the Government, as revolutions may always be expected, sooner or later, from acts which disenfranchise the enfranchised class. Take from each State the right to determine who shall be voters therein, and vest that power in three-fourths of the States, and you strike a blow that will destroy the very foundations of our liberties. Mr. S. urged objections against other portions of the proposed amendment; recited reasons why we should be content with what the North has gained in the late civil struggle; and closed by declaring that when the principle of State rights - of local self government - shall be abandoned by the representatives of the American people, the day is not far distant when our boasted liberties will have found their grave beneath the dark waves of despotism.
[A message from the Governor informed the Senate that W. R. Holloway would be his Executive Messenger.]
Mr. BENNETT. I again renew my motion for the previous question, upon the adoption of the report of the majority of the Committee.
Mr. VAWTER. Will the Senator withdraw that motion for a moment.
Mr. BENNETT. Certainly. I know what you want.
Mr. VAWTER. Some five or six weeks ago I prepared a speech on this question, but do not expect to deliver it on account of the condition of my health. Ordinarily I do not give reasons for my vote, but I am opposed to this Constitutional Amendment, and desire that my reasons be printed with the BREVIER LEGISLATIVE REPORTS.
MANY SENATORS. - "Consent," "consent."
The LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR. It is so ordered by the Senate.
Mr. CULLEN. Why not extend this privilege to all gentlemen who desire to make a record on this question?
MANY SENATORS. - '"Consent," "consent."
Mr. BENNETT. I insist on my demand for the previous question.
The demand tor the previous question was seconded - affirmative 26, negative not reported.
The question being "Shall the main question be now put?" it was so ordered by the Senate.
The report of the committee was then concurred in by yeas 29, nays 18.
Mr. BENNETT. I move that the rules be suspended in order that the joint resolution may be considered as engrossed, read the third time now and put upon its passage; and upon that I demand the previous question.
The motion was agreed to.
The joint resolution [S. 1] ratifying the constitutional amendment, was then read the third time and finally passed the Senate by yeas 29, nays 18, as follows:
YEAS - Messrs. Armstrong, Bellamy, Bennett Bonham, Brown, Cason, Church, Cravens, Cullen, Cumback, Houghton, Hyatt. Jaquess, Johnson, Kinley, Lewis, Milligan, Niles, Noyes, Oyler, Parrish, Reagan, Rice, Richmond, Stein, Terry, Thompson, Ward and Walcott - 29.
NAYS - Messrs. Barker, Bowman, Carson, English, Gifford, Hanna, Huey, Huffman, Humphreys, Lee, Mason, Newlin, Sherrod, Smith, Staggs, Taggart, Turner and Vawter - 18.
page: 47[View Page 47]Mr. VAWTER asked and obtained leave of absence for Mr. Hunt, who has gone home to prepare for the contest to be made for his seat.
And then the Senate adjourned.


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How to Create a Silverlight ProgressBar Like the 1C Enterprise 8.2 Progress Bar
Last Updated on Sunday, 25 March 2012 02:41 Written by Andrew Ivanov Monday, 26 March 2012 12:00
My attention was recently drawn to the splash screen of 1C Enterprise 8.2. Namely, I liked the elegant progress bar. See picture below:
So without thinking twice, I decided that it would be nice to add the stylish progress bar to my arsenal of Silverlight controls. Here's how:
Learn More
Tags: bar, how to, manager, progress, ProgressBar, Silverlight, state, Storyboard, visual, VisualState, VisualStateManager | Posted under 3rd Party Software, Programming/Coding | No Comments

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Has anyone used this speaker on a bicycle?
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Daisy Lee Gates passed away Monday at West Georgia Health.
She was born August 31, 1946, to the late Willie Jenkins, Sr. and Magalene Gates.
Daisy confessed Christ as her Lord and united with the St. James C. M. E. Church.
In addition to her parents, she was preceded in death by her daughter, Cynthia Gates.
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In honor of Women's History Month (and Lisa Dabbs' excellent post on 10 Women Who Rock . . . and Teach), Edutopia's @VideoAmy has created this playlist of awesome female educators. Enjoy!
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Photograph by Rebecca Hale
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April 8, 2013…the green monster was unleashed upon us…Pollen. It's funny how it happens; the days leading up to it give no hints, then boom, it's here. That's the way the pollen arrived this year. The streets are awash in green dust and the sky's hazy with sniffle-inducing clouds. It's at these times I'm glad my childhood pollen allergies took their leave long ago… After just a couple of hours at the office, my wineberry bike is turning green…...
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AEJ 05 DouaiA Intl NEWS FRAMES AS META-NARRATIVES: THE CASE OF CNN AND AL JAZEERAS COVERAGE OF THE KIDNAPPINGS IN IRAQ
Elliott Parker <[log in to unmask]>
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This paper was presented at the Association for Education in Journalism andMass Communication in San Antonio, Texas August 2005. If you have questions about this paper, please contact the authordirectly. If you have questions about the archives, emailrakyat [ at ] eparker.org. For an explanation of the subject line, send email to[log in to unmask] with just the four words, "get help info aejmc," in thebody (drop the "").(Feb 2006)Thank you.Elliott Parker====================================================================NEWS FRAMES AS META-NARRATIVES: THE CASE OF CNN AND AL JAZEERA'S COVERAGE OF THE KIDNAPPINGS IN IRAQAziz DouaiDoctoral StudentThe College of Communications115 Carnegie BuildingThe Pennsylvania State UniversityUniversity Park, PA 16802[log in to unmask]814 777 3060Draft of March 30, 2005Paper submitted to the International Communication Division of the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication for review and presentation during AEJMC's 2005 conference.NEWS FRAMES AS META-NARRATIVES: THE CASE OF CNN AND AL JAZEERA'S COVERAGE OF THE KIDNAPPINGS IN IRAQABSTRACTThis paper identifies the dominant news frames ("meta-narrative" frames) in both al Jazeera's and CNN's coverage of the kidnappings of Americans and other foreigners in Iraq. I argue that news frames generated in the coverage of international conflict incidents form a "meta-narrative" frame that comments on the frame itself and the nature of the conflict. It concludes that meta-narrative frames in the global media's coverage of international conflict still remain local.Paper submitted to the International Communication Division of the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication for review and presentation during AEJMC's 2005 conference.NEWS FRAMES AS META-NARRATIVES: THE CASE OF CNN AND AL JAZEERA'S COVERAGE OF THE KIDNAPPINGS IN IRAQ Terrorism has been a highly charged and contested label in international communication research, cross border communications, and international media coverage in general (P. Norris, M. Kern, and M. Just, 2003). Many researchers get engulfed in this definitional debate, inevitably incurring simultaneous praise and condemnation, leading some to conclude that probably "terrorism is in the eye of the beholder" (Norris, Kern & Just, 2003, p.6). For the purposes of this study, and to steer clear of these contentions, I have adopted an encompassing, tolerant definition of terrorism as "the systematic use of coercive intimidation against civilians for political goals" (p.6). As Norris, Kern & Just persuasively argue, the forgoing definition encompasses conceptual and practical considerations of techniques and tactics, targets and victims, and goals and objectives of terrorism. Hereafter, I will use the word "terrorism" in compliance with these definitional considerations, and the term "terrorist" to refer to an individual who employs terrorist methods viz. systematic and coercive intimidation. The contentious nature of terrorism as a contested concept has inflicted the mass media's framing of terrorist incidents. In a post 9/11 world, we can cautiously assume consensual, overarching news frames in American news media's coverage of (international/Islamic extremist/al Qaeda) terrorist acts, as in the instances of the Bali bombing in Indonesia, the bombings in Casablanca, and, more importantly, the frequent kidnappings, abductions, and beheadings of foreigners in Iraq at least as a realization of the media's agenda setting function and its tendency to build consensus (e.g. McCombs, 1997). The emergence of al Jazeera as an alternative and powerful news media outlet in the Middle East has disrupted, I argue in this paper, the dominant narratives and consensual frames of the American news media (as shown in CNN's coverage). Indeed, the news frames predominating in al Jazeera's coverage of the kidnappings, abductions, and beheadings of foreigners in Iraq could have found their echoes in American media's coverage in light of the increasing professionalism and credibility of al Jazeera that have compelled CNN and other networks to broadcast footage still bearing al Jazeera's logo on their screens (Jasperson and El Kikhia, 2003). Yet, as this paper will argue, those echoes never materialize since each network remains entrenched in its own overarching frame (what I prefer to term a "meta-narrative" frame). Building on the rich body of framing research and the news media's coverage of "two sided" conflicts and issues, this paper seeks to "identify" and "pin down" the dominant news frames ("meta-narrative" frames) in both al Jazeera's and CNN's coverage of the kidnappings, abductions, and beheadings of Americans and other foreigners in Iraq. I will argue that news frames generated in the coverage of international or cross-border and conflict incidents form a "meta-narrative" frame that comments on the news frame itself as well as the nature of the "conflict." Thinking of news frames as "meta-narrative" frames in an international coverage context will help inform the analysis of pertinent events or situation and how it was defined. The kidnappings, abductions, and beheadings of Americans and other foreigners in Iraq, despite being tragic and horrific incidents, remain very conducive to illuminating these intricate issues. Their relevance to these media outlets in terms of "physical proximity," the "local angle," let alone the gripping human interest story side will always influence the coverage and the ensuing constructed frames (e.g. Todd Schaefer, 2003). Political and international relations' implications should not be absent from our considerations. Finally, the concept of news frames as meta-narratives brings to the fore a need for comprehending the role of the media in the coverage of two-sided (international) conflicts, and essentially how global media will always remain local through their less than primary "actor" status.DEFINING NEWS FRAMES AS META-NARRATIVES Verbal conceptualizations of "news frames" have stemmed from its literal connotations of the term. While a "frame" always conjures up images of "pictures" and "buildings," as a verb, "to frame" remains frequently interchangeable with verbs like "construct", "formulate", and "arrange" (Encyclopedia Britannica, 2004). The house or picture metaphor of news frames is central to the concept, viewing frames as journalistic windows or lenses that provide a "snapshot" or a "strip" of reality (Reese et al, 2001). Theoretical conceptualizations of news frames have similar conceptualization. Hertog and McLeod (2001) broadly define frames as "cultural structures with central ideas and more peripheral concepts." News frames are manifestations of the metaphors, ideology and narratives dominant in the broader culture. Under this cultural perspective, news frames are stable, symbolic and powerful (Pan and Kosicki, 1993). Goffman (1974) broadly define frames as "schemata of interpretation." News frames are viewed as translators or interpreters of meaning and organizers of the social world. They provide an interpretive package of information. The psychological bent appears to permeate this conceptualization. Entman (1993) refers to framing as a process of selecting some specified "aspects of reality and mak[ing] them more salient in a communicating text." News frames, then, might define, diagnose, and evaluate a problem within a given context. A synthetic definition of a news frame emerges from Tankard et al (1991) influential study. A news frame isA central organizing idea for news content that supplies a context and suggests what the issue is through the use of selection, emphasis, exclusion, and elaboration (p. 336).It can be detected that Tankard and his collaborators attempt to synthesize the diverse conceptualizations of news frames. Operationally, definitions of news frames have spanned the spectrum of and crisscrossed the former theoretical definitions. The cultural approach operationally defined news frames as a basic concept of "conflict" couched in a "master narrative" (Hertog & McLeod, 2001). In news frames, the "actors," i.e. the sources, "will structure the discussion." The master narratives (derived from culture at large) will organize divergent ideas (Hertog & McLeod, 2001). News frames have also been operationalized as an overarching frame interpreted through a "Media Package" or paragraph (Gamson and Modigliani, 1989). Consisting of key words used in media coverage, material from pamphlets and direct quotes from knowledgeable sources, about nuclear power, Gamson & Modigliani (1989) construct paragraphs framing nuclear power as "progress," "public accountability" or "energy dependence," to measure the frames used in the news media. The concept of news frames has also been operationalized as the amalgamation of salient aspects in a news story rather than a dominant theme. Ashley and Olson (1998) categorized the aspects/attributes used to describe the woman movement as a focus on feminists' appearance, and a rare mention of the movement's goals. Some researchers used content analysis to identify the range of words making these aspects salient in a news story. Tankard et al (1991) operationalized the concept of a new frame as the sum total of "focal points of news presentations" detected through what they term "framing mechanisms" (pp.335). Implicit in the former definitions is the view that news frames are the product of journalists' framing decisions. The underlying belief behind all definitions of news framing is the principle of organizing news in a particular form to induce certain interpretations. The cultural perspective calls the central idea "a master narrative." Organization of information revolves around a dominant theme/ narrative to the exclusion, or diminutive presentation, of others. A dominant news frame usually coexists with other secondary frames. Definitions of news frames share an emphasis on the idea of exclusion and selection of specific attributes of the issue (Tankard et al., 1991). While agreement on attributes as being essential to news frames exists, a divergence in these definitions' focus on the process of framing versus the content of framing is quite apparent. It is the recommendation of this literature review that news frames should be viewed as encompassing both process (of selection, exclusion and inclusion) and content (meaning and interpretation). In consequence, a study of news frames would benefit from a marriage of both a qualitative and a quantitative assessment of the frames present in the news. Methodologically, the present paper welcomes both approaches but for purposes of this study, it will limit its scope to a qualitative assessment of news frames. A comprehensive definition is put forth to reconcile these tensions and overlaps that have plagued studies of framing. It is posited here that framing refers to the process of organization, selection, and making salient specific news attributes (Tankard et al, 1991; Entman, 1993; Gamson & Modigliani, 1989). Organization of news attributes includes quotes from the protagonists, officials, activists, politicians and representatives (of the victims). It is the opinion of this author that if qualitatively assessed, news frames remain essentially as embedded news stories with a meta-narrative of their own. The meta-narrative usually seeks to identify the protagonists (their identity and name(s), for example), their purposes (goals, demands, responses�), culminating in establishing, or reiterating a broader context. The other implication of the "meta-narrative" perspective is that news frames tell stories and narratives about the frames themselves, how they got constructed, and to what end. What I have termed news framing as "meta-narratives" finds its inspiration in Entman's (2004) model of the media's framing of US foreign policy questions that rely on elucidating an "event" and an "actor" (via a focus on problem, evaluation/cause, and remedy). In conclusion, this literature review and explication of news frames has argued that the disparate views and definitions of news frames can be distilled into an encompassing definition that stresses context, selection and exclusion of information. As such, attention is equally shared between the content (meaning) and the process (construction) of these frames. Assessment of these frames is admittedly problematic (Tankard et al., 1991), but for purposes of exploration and subsequently enriching any methodological analysis of these news frames, a qualitative assessment is perhaps mandatory. Further, when it comes to international news coverage of contentious events and issues like terrorism news frames are best thought of in terms of "meta-narrative" frames highlighting the workings both the workings and construction of these meta-narrative frames. Meta-narrative frames are constructed through the parameters of naming or labeling, identity and purpose (demands, response�) probably constituting what Tankard et al (1991) term "focal points of news presentations."RESEARCH QUESTIONSThis paper examines a contentious event (kidnapping of foreigners in Iraq) with foreign policy implications and seeks to illuminate the meta-narrative frames enveloping its coverage in CNN and al Jazeera. The research project is interested in answering two main research questions:1) What "meta-narrative" (news) frames does CNN and al Jazeera's coverage of kidnapping incidents in Iraq generate? The paper will identify the "meta-narrative" frames focusing on issues of naming, identity and demands of the perpetrators or the official responses to those demands.2) How can thinking of news frames as "meta-narratives" inform the study of international media's coverage (of two-sided conflicts)? The paper will discuss the implications of "meta-narrative" frames existing in the coverage of the two media outlets on "global" media, and how issues of proximity and local angle will trump and drive the framing of contentious issues.TEXTUAL ASSESSMENT OF NEWS FRAMES IN CNN AND AL JAZEERA'S COVERAGE OF KIDNAPPING INCIDENTS IN IRAQ The study used Lexis-Nexis Academic Universe to retrieve CNN transcripts, using keywords: hostages, kidnappings and Iraq during 2004. The search yielded 25 news stories, of which I have chosen to shed extra focus on a gruesome incident that ended in the killing of an American hostage (Mr. Nick Berg). That horrible incident gained wide media coverage, and ushered in the era of taped (and broadcast) killing of American and other foreign hostages in Iraq. I therefore further limited the search to the period following that incident, that is, CNN transcripts between April and September of 2004. The period consciously avoided merging media coverage during the US presidential campaign and elections to eliminate highly partisan -dominated reporting. To compare CNN to al Jazeera, this study uses al Jazeera's coverage of the incidents in the network's English Website as the main data source for al Jazeera's news frames. A preliminary comparison of the English and Arabic version of the websites leaves scarce doubt that the English language Website remains faithful to the editorial policies of the network. The Website's search engine, as well as a careful attention to the links of related stories, permitted the retrieval of most, if not all, the articles (30 articles) covering the issue of the foreign hostages in Iraq, during the same period (April and September 2004). A qualitative assessment of the data has led to the identification of a dominant and overarching news frame (what I have previously termed a "meta-narrative" frame) in CNN's coverage that is in diametric opposition to the "meta-narrative" frame permeating al Jazeera's coverage of the kidnapping crises in Iraq. CNN National Edition's coverage pressed forth a news frame of terrorism and the "war on terror," as an organizing coverage tool, while al Jazeera's coverage presented the incidents within "the Iraqi insurgency and resistance frame." The exploratory analysis and identification of these news/meta-narrative frames assumes that framing techniques, rhetorically and structurally, are enriched when combined with a meaning/textual analysis. The assessment therefore concludes that the "meta-narrative" frames in CNN and al Jazeera are identifiable through an examination of the "labels" used to refer to the perpetrators (terrorist or otherwise), their identities (Iraqi or foreign), their demands or the response to those demands and the preceding acts of terror.The Iraqi Insurgency and Resistance Frame in al Jazeera: Unlike CNN's coverage of the kidnapping (and/or eventual beheading) incidents in Iraq, al Jazeera.net never refers to the perpetrators as "terrorists." Instead, they are frequently referred to with a diversified descriptive lexicon. Utilizing terminology such as "captors," a "masked man" in the video, "Iraqi group," "armed Iraqis" and sometimes as "Iraqi resistance." More often than not, the "captors'" alleged group name is used, and confusing, previously unknown names have cropped up in the coverage: "Ansar al-Din," "Jamaat al-Tawhid and Jihad," (The Group of One God and Jihad) or "Saraya al-Mujahidiin" (The Mujahedeen Brigades). 1 It appears very practical to put all of these "captors" in one basket that is the "the Iraqi Resistance" thereby creating a superficial homogeneity, and a probable unity of purpose among factions that never dreamt of being unified. The term "terrorist" is not a mot de choix, and in the few instances of its use, it is stressed as a quote from American/allied officials in Iraq or in the US, as in this instance: "We should not give in to these despicable threats from terrorists," said Koizumi.2 The poignant issue of labeling the perpetrators of those acts of "terror" goes in tandem with another delicate site of tension, which is the identity of these people. If the victims' identities are clearly apparent, the perpetrators' identities are hidden, inherently illusive, literally and figuratively masked and hooded to terrorize and sow confusion. While CNN, as will be explained, frequently points out the non-Iraqi identity of the terrorists3, mostly through their affiliation with trans-national terrorists of al Qaeda, al Jazeera.net never questions their Iraqi identities.4 The coverage of al Jazeera indefatigably grounds the kidnapping crises in the Iraqi context of war, occupation, retaliation, and fighting the Americans. Almost universally, the adjective "Iraqi" qualifies the perpetrators, as in these instances: "Iraqi captors release foreign drivers," "Iraqi group claims Kurds' beheading," and "Armed Iraqis hold foreigners hostage."5 In essence, both emphasizing the Iraqi identity and endowing the perpetrators with "actual" names reminds the audience that this is a "real" war with victims and perpetrators, not even remotely resembling other fights with broader international terrorist groups. Being Iraqis, the perpetrators potentially glean legitimacy in al Jazeera's coverage (and potentially with the network's primary audiences) and broadcast their grievances and complaints against the US intervention in their country. Al Jazeera's expansive broadcasting of the demands of the "captors'" and "armed Iraqis" serve to further accomplish, reinforce, establish and reiterate the frame of the "Iraqi resistance" or "national insurgency." Quoted at length, these demands range from justifying the brutalization and beheading of the hostages as a retaliation and revenge against the scandalous acts of Abu Ghraib. For instance, in one of those demands al Jazeera reports: "his captors threatening to kill him unless the US released all Iraqis in "occupation jails." 6 Actually, the first immensely publicized incident of kidnapping and beheading took place while the US Congress was examining the Abu Ghraib photos. In their words, beheading the hostages represented a "revenge for the abuse of Iraqis by US troops," and redemption of the "dignity of Muslim men and women" through blood.7 Often times, the demands are for a complete withdrawal of foreign troops from Iraq, so far met only by the government of the Philippines, to save the hostages' lives.8 In conclusion, the meta-narrative frame of resistance has been constructed throughout al Jazeera's coverage in the form of a meaningful message: Iraqi groups, like : "Ansar al-Din," are combating American occupation in Iraq and kidnapping Americans and foreigners is probably a tactic of war distinct from terrorism.International Terrorism or "War on Terror" News Frame: From the onset, CNN-American Edition's coverage of the foreigners' kidnapping, hostage and beheading incidents in Iraq names the perpetrators as "terrorists." In describing the grisly video of the execution of an American hostage, a CNN journalist explains that "One of five hooded terrorists reads a statement" before executing their victim,9 while al Jazeera's journalists used the less charged, morally "neutral" and descriptive term of "man" when referring to the same individuals. The terrorists are also equated with notions and labels of barbarism and savagery in interchangeably using terms like "barbarians," highlighting the "difference between us and them." The show's guests and officials' statements boost this impression, and Sen. McCain's interjection sums this whole issue on the show: "It's terrible, it's tragic. It also shows the stark difference between America and these barbarians."10 In other stories, very infrequently, if ever, do references to terrorists as "captors" or "insurgents" occur. Unlike al Jazeera's coverage, the names of the terrorist groups rarely seep into or inform the coverage of these kidnappings and gruesome executions. Achieved is a unity of purpose in the universal use of terminology that blends the journalists, the guests, the "experts" and the US officials' references to the perpetrators, the "terrorists," into one overarching news frame and meta-narrative: terror. US officials' comments on CNN, and other press releases, have situated the kidnapping and killing of American hostages in Iraq within the broader context and narrative of America's "War on Terror." For such a purpose, the perpetrators are almost universally described as terrorist groups, part and parcel of international terrorist networks, or more specifically al Qaeda's affiliates. CNN's coverage of these incidents makes prominent these broad terrorist links, culminating in its emphasis that one of the executions was carried out by al Zarqawi, a Jordanian born terrorist.11 CNN's framing of the kidnappings and killing of American hostages in Iraq from the perspective of "the War on Terror" does put aside the debates and slippages enveloping the specific context of the war against Iraq, realities of occupation, and minimize the Iraqi identity of the insurgency.12 In quotes from CIA to a guest who authored Inside al Qaeda, CNN wanted to determine whether the voice on a tape showing the execution of an American is that of al Zarqawi. But the guest brushes off those attempts in his claim "Whether it is Zarqawi's voice or not, what really matters is that the tape says that, the tape refers to Abu Musab al-Zarqawi. And we know that Abu Musab al-Zarqawi is a man who is capable of doing this kind of operation. He's in the same league as that of Khalid Shaikh Mohammed {a terrorist accused of masterminding the 9/11 attacks}. And we know that in the past, the Arab Mujahedeen have conducted this type of beheading."13 The war on terror framing is further achieved by mentioning and linking it to America's most wanted enemy Osama Bin Laden.14 The dominant news frame in al Jazeera's coverage of the issue, the Iraqi resistance and insurgency meta-narrative frame, gained prominence through an extensive illumination of the demands of the kidnappers and perpetrators. In CNN, the initial broadcasts of the videos do some justice to those demands as well. For instance, in the same coverage of the beheading of an American subject concomitant with the Abu Ghraib prison scandal mentioned earlier, CNN host reports that the killers in the video claim they murdered their American hostage "to redeem the dignity of Muslim men and women in Abu Ghraib" and after attempting "to exchange their prisoner for some in Abu Ghraib."15 However, what ultimately gains prominence in CNN is the official response to that "terror" through frequent repetition of press releases and quoting the administration. Overall, it is safe to assume that on CNN American Edition, those demands were less prominent and less frequently mentioned. The frame of terrorism and the "war on terror" grid probably does not tolerate any elements of demands under the official rubric of "no negotiation with the terrorists" (Entman, 2004). In promoting the "war on terror" frame, what got the limelight was the official response to that terrorist act, summed up in a viewer's email: "terror must be stopped."16 A former general, acting as a CNN military expert, was more pugilistic as he opined that the American people want to "take off their gloves" to stop the murderous terrorists, and that the US military should "resume combat."17 These responses merge with both the official and popular responses to the arch terrorist act on American soil in 2001, a subtle transition from a brutal Iraqi insurgency to the "war on terror" frame. Within this meta-narrative frame, there is no justification whatsoever for this terrorist's unwholesome act, and the American government's will stay the course and complete the "mission" and "task" of ridding the world of terrorists.18 DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS To recap, the "Iraqi resistance and insurgency frame" emerges as the prevalent, overarching, main news frame in al Jazeera's coverage of the hostages and/or their subsequent beheading in Iraq. The news frame, I have attempted to argue, is achieved with a naming strategy, abstaining from describing the perpetrators as "terrorists," and instead opting for terms like "armed Iraqis." The news frame also rejects the international terrorism frame through its emphasis on the Iraqi identity of the perpetrators, situating the incidents in the context of US occupation, conflict and resistance. Other frames might co-exist with this main frame, but they never achieve prominence, neither through space allocation or frequency (in the case of the website). The Coalition Provisional Authority in Iraq and other American officials are quoted fairly well, but they never achieve "resonance" (see M. M. Miller & B. P. Reichert, 2001, on frame resonance). The gripping tales of the victims' families are also present as a "human interest frame," which in this instance serves to bolster the overarching and meta-narrative frame of Iraqi resistance and insurgency. The apogee and reach of the meta-narrative frame are achieved by highlighting the perpetrators' demands. Finally, the combined effect of naming and labeling the perpetrators, as "resistance," insurgents and "armed Iraqis" is to "de-terrorize" these "captors," highlight their demands and ground the meta-narrative frame in the Iraqi context. Eventually, the Iraqi resistance meta-narrative frame sweeps aside the potential links to other "terrorist" networks and clearly rejects other counter frames. While framing the kidnapping of American hostages in Iraq as an act of terror, part of the broader "war on terror" frame, remains the single most important and dominant news frame in CNN's coverage, other minor news frames do co-exist albeit with less resonance and stridence. In each incident, counter frames might emerge as the context allows, as in the case of the murder of one US hostage whose family shifted the blame to the US government, creating a check on the official narrative and halting CNN's and probably other mass media outlets' coverage from adopting the "war on terror" frame. Family's outrage at the US government is reported, posing a counter frame, opposing the official framing of the killing of their son in Iraq (CNN AMERICAN MORNING May 14 2004). The "war on terror" frame, according to this analysis provides a linear story, rather than the protracted, potentially unpopular and hazardous, conflict frame of the Iraqi insurgency and resistance to the US occupation. Despite the inherently open-ended drift of the "war on terror" frame, at this particular instance it provides CNN's coverage with closure similar to traditional, regularly adopted news frames. CNN's news framing of the kidnapping and killing of Americans in Iraq as a "war on terror" act simulates a self-sufficient meaningful phrase: A terrorist (Zarqawi) murders Americans and he will be eliminated with swift and ruthless force. The analysis of CNN's and al Jazeera's news coverage of the kidnapping and violent incidents in Iraq in terms of meta-narrative frames has the advantage of organizing seemingly unrelated events in broad, macrocosmic outline. The "meta-narrative frame" definition and approach used here might potentially appear reductive, but it still retains the power of a frame as "definitions of a situation" built through organization, selection, exclusion of information (Goffman, 1974, pp.10-11). What is innovative about this term is the notion and perception that meta-narrative frames have an intrinsic potential to transcend the micro-frames (those of lesser dominance in the news coverage) as well as provide comments on the framing choices and interpretations within the coverage of contentious issues, especially in the realm of international crises and foreign policy news. The analysis of news frames in this paper cannot claim to have exhaustively described and analyzed such broad dimensions. In essence, the paper has been concerned with mere exploration, and intellectual exercising, of this window of opportunity in frame analysis. The meta-narrative frames identified in the coverage of the kidnapping and killing (of foreigners and Americans in particular) carried out in Iraq, either as the "war on terror" meta-frame (CNN's coverage) or as the "Iraqi resistance/insurgency" meta-frame (al Jazeera's coverage), have both defined the "situation" (and probably organized the experiences of viewer-ship about the incidents). Further, meta-narrative frames provide a grounded definition of the situation in narrative terms, naming of the culprits/protagonists/antagonists, insisting on foregrounding their identity (or lack of it), and problematizing the demands/responses enveloping the act(ion). In the case at hand, it is useful to note how related coverage of hostages and kidnappings in the American media has amalgamated these strategies by subsuming all such "evil" in one perpetrator or terrorist, namely Zarqawi (the Jordanian-born terrorist). As an unnamed official source described how opportune is the Zarqawi myth as a foe, "making him out as the linchpin of just about every attack in Iraq�We needed a villain, someone identifiable for the public to latch on to, and we got one" (Washington Post, October 5, 2004). The quote thus highlights the working and establishing of a meta-narrative frame that coincides with the administration's own framing of the kidnappings in Iraq as mere episodes of the broader "war on terrorism." As a meta-narrative frame, the "war on terror" illuminates how powerfully insidiously official frames seep into American media's coverage. The question remains as to both how and why do these meta-narrative frames stop short of dominating or superseding each other (transference) in our closely networked global media? The semblance of an answer lies probably in classical issues of proximity and the local vantage point or angle. Proximity and local vantage potentially challenge the facile transference of frames in global television news as the divergence and clearly oppositional stances of al Jazeera and CNN news frames became more apparent. Conventionally, globalization and monopolization trends suggest that a few and concentrated television news agencies should have the capacity to transmit news frames, more especially through their supply (chain) of international news footage to various news networks and broadcasters (e.g. Chomsky and Herman, 1988; Paterson, 2001). In this case, however, al Jazeera's own news gathering operations, the fact that its journalists were roaming the Iraqi terrain prior to the recent prohibition (enacted by Iraq's provisional government in 2004), the geographic and cultural proximity could all be elements that contributed to the rise of this distinct news frame (meta-frame, actually). Al Jazeera's news frame might as well have constituted a challenge to the meta-frame in CNN's coverage of the kidnapping incidents in Iraq. Such a conclusion reiterates the ascendancy of al Jazeera as a household brand name in the coverage of international events with its own distinct voice largely absent from the coverage of, say, the earlier Gulf War in 1991 (Jasperson and El Kikhia, 2004). Al Jazeera's ascendancy and capacity to come out as an international media player followed its groundbreaking coverage of the war in Afghanistan and its exclusive reach to Taliban and Al Qaeda leaders there. Some studies have hastily ventured to conclude that the international renown, legitimacy and ascendancy could imbue American media's coverage and reportage of events in the Middle East with some semblance of impartiality and balance (e.g. Jasperson & El Kikhia, 2004). In light of the present analysis, succumbing to that streak of optimism could appear rather precipitous and less solid (however desirable it might be). When it comes to issues of national security, American media's first instinct, I might unsurprisingly claim, is to "rally around the flag," a more pronounced effect after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, and support the president/administration frames (e.g. Hetherington and Nelson, 2003). In sum, there is no tangible and moderating impact of al Jazeera's coverage and framing of the kidnapping incidents exerted on CNN's own framing choices. The chasm is probably still there, highlighting both standards of news reporting, context issues and the politico-cultural linkages of journalists in each network.NOTES1. Al Jazeera.net- May 12, 2004; al Jazeera.net on September 20, 20042. The quote was cited in the context of Japan's official response to the Japanese hostages in Iraq. Al Jazeera.net; April 9, 2004, 14:34 GMT.3. The terrorist label might not need any illustration, but one instance could be CNN AMERICAN MORNING, May 14 2004.4. Those claims are repeatedly highlighted in CNN LOU DOBBS TONIGHT, May 13, 2004.5. Al Jazeera.net: August 7, 2004, 1:53 GMT6. Al Jazeera.net July 4, 2004, 6:31 GMT7. Al Jazeera.net: May 12, 2004; April 16, 2004, 6:20 GMT; April 14, 2004, 15:49 GMT8. The hostage was released after the Filipino government began pulling its troops out of Iraq, an outcome highlighted in al Jazeera.net, July 22, 2004, 10:32 GMT9. CNN AMERICAN MORNING, May 12, 2004. Also, in LIVE FROM... May 11, 2004.10. CNN AMERICAN MORNING, May 12, 200411. CNN LOU DOBBS TONIGHT, May 13, 200412. Prior to the coverage of the killing of Mr. Nick Berg, the media's focus was on the scandal of Abu Ghraib, the photos seen by the Congress, and the Democratic Party's criticism of the administration's Iraq policies. CNN LARRY KING LIVE; May 14, 200413. CNN AMERICAN MORNING, May 14, 2004.14. CNN LARRY KING LIVE, May 14, 2004 Friday15. CNN LIVE FROM� May 11, 200416. CNN AMERICAN MORNING, May 12, 200417. CNN AMERICAN MORNING, May 12, 2004.18. President Bush is quoted on CNN Live From�. May 12, 2004.REFERENCESAshley, L. and Olson, B. (1998). Constructing reality: Print media's framing of thewomen's movement, 1966�1986. Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly, 1998Chomsky, N. and Herman, Edward S. (1988). Manufacturing consent: the political economy of the mass media. New York: Pantheon BooksEncyclopedia Britannica Online (2004). Retrieved October 13, 2004, from Encyclopedia Britannica Online.Entman, Robert (1993). Framing: Toward clarification of a fractured paradigm. Journal of Communication, 43(4), 51-58.Entman, Robert (2004). Projections of power: framing news, public opinion, and U.S. foreign policy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.Gamson, W. & Modigliani, A. (1989). Media discourse and public opinion on nuclear power: A constructionist approach, American Journal of Sociology, 95, 1-37.Goffman, Erving (1974). Frame analysis: an essay on the organization of experience. New York: Harper & Row.Hertog, James K and McLeod Douglas M. (2001). A multiperspectival approach toframing analysis: A field guide. In S.D. Reese, et al. (eds.). Framing public life: Perspectives on media and our understanding of the social world (pp.139-161). NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.Hetherington, Marc J. and Nelson. Michael (2003). Anatomy of a Rally Effect: George W. Bush and the War on Terrorism. Political Science and Politics, 36:37-42Jasperson, Amy E. and El Kikhia, Mansour O. (2003). CNN and al Jazeera's mediacoverage of America's war in Afghanistan. In Norris, Kern & Just (eds.), Framing Terrorism: the news media, the government, and the public. New York: Routledge.McCombs M. (1997). Building Consensus: The News Media's Agenda-Setting Roles. Political Communication, 14 (4), 433-443.McCombs, M. & Ghanem, S. I. (2001). The convergence of agenda setting and framing.In S.D. Reese, et al. (eds.). Framing public life: Perspectives on media and our understanding of the social world (pp.67-81).Miller, M. M. & Andsager, J. L. (1997). Media framing of hate speech: From campus to the public sphere. Newspaper Research Journal, 18 (3-4), 2-15.Miller, M. M. & Reichert, B. P. (2001). The spiral of opportunity and frame resonance:Mapping the issue cycle in news and public discourse. In Reese, et al. (eds.). Framing public life: Perspectives on media and our understanding of the social world (pp.107-135).Norris, P., Kern, M. and Just, M. eds. (2003). Framing Terrorism: The news media, the government, and the public. New York: Routledge.Pan, Z. & Kosicki, G. M. (1993). Framing analysis: An approach to news discourse. Political Communication, 10, 55-75.Paterson, Chris A. (2001). The Transference of Frames in Global Television. In Reese,et al. (eds.). Framing public life: Perspectives on media and our understanding of the social world (pp.337-353).Schaefer, Todd M. (2003). Framing the US embassy bombings and September 11 attacksin African and US newspapers. In Norris, P., Kern, M. and Just, M. eds., Framing Terrorism: The news media, the government, and the public (p.p.93-112).Tankard, J., Hendrickson, L., Silberman, J., Bliss, K., & Ghanem, S. (1991). Mediaframes: Approaches to conceptualization and measurement. Paper presented to AEJMC, Boston.Washington Post, October 5, 2004. Electronic retrieval, March 9 2005: http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A8244-2004Oct5.html
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Get a glimpse of the stars that sizzled -- and fizzled -- on the red carpet at th... See Full Gallery
Check out highlights from television's biggest night. See Full Gallery
George Clooney, who won the Bob Hope Humanitarian Award last night, said "it meant a lot" to reunite with former "ER" co-star Julianna Margulies on stage during the 62nd Annual Emmy Awards when the...
Did Alec cut too close to home for Fox?
Talk of dividing the ceremony into two shows – basically one for HBO, one for everybody else – is a sad commentary on the state of TV
HBO continued to dazzle with its star-studded party post-Emmy bash Sunday night.
An exclusive Feast look at how the Patina Catering Group whipped up 3,600 meals in two and a half hours at the Emmys Governors Ball.
The votes have been tallied, and the Emmy Awards averaged 13.5 million viewers.
If you recently noticed a virus on your computer, you may want to 'thank the Academy.'
PopcornBiz rates the Emmy highs (that amazing opening number) and lows (the Twitter tie-in).


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sloppy 1Q. need to pick this **** up
sloppy 1Q. need to pick this **** up
great the defense is going to get ripped a new one this week
10-6 ou
I should really quit betting on the Sooners. If they keep this up, no way they cover. I think i can kiss that $$ goodbye.
Ball State controlling time of possession, 12:29 to 4:53. FG makes it 10-6. Ugly.
Run it down their throats!!!
Don't need injuries the week before Texas!!!
way our rb's are going down we might be starting jimmy stevens at RB against texas
What the hell is all this. Sloppy, injuries. ****.
**** me, we're not gonna have any starters available next week the way this **** is going. ****ing potential nightmare game here in terms of injuries.
rbs are going down sad
Lon Kruger sounds about like Lou holtz if he had a bad case of the cotton mouth
this is bullllll****.
landry just got drilled.
Can someone please elaborate for those of us who don't get the game?
Playaction doesn't work if you don't commit to the running game.
lets go Whaley
tex**** 19 - isu 0
TOUCHDOWN !!!!!!! 25 yard run by Whaley
whaley back in?


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Listing your HIV meds (ARVs) on your PharmaNet profile - informed consent
HIV-positive people will soon be able to have their ARVs (anti-retrovirals, HIV meds) listed on their PharmaNet profile … if that's what they want.
The systems are now being finalized that will enable people wishing to have their ARVs listed on their PharmaNet profile to sign a (somewhat) simple informed consent form and submit it through their pharmacist or physician to the St. Paul's pharmacy dispensary; the listing will then occur.
Those wishing to keep their ARVs off of their PharmaNet profile need do nothing; not listing remains the default position.
The draft of the consent form that will be used is attached below, along with its preceding explanatory note. It's a good idea to familiarize yourself with it as much as possible before you actually sign one.
Since the creation of PharmaNet in 1998, the overwhelming majority of ARV prescriptions have not been listed on PharmaNet. This remarkable exclusion – all meds dispensed in BC are supposed to be on PharmaNet – was effected in recognition of the terrible stigma associated with HIV/AIDS in those days.
The problem was (and remains) that any time you get a prescription filled at any pharmacy in BC, your entire PharmaNet profile is automatically shown to the dispensing pharmacist (and whomever may be working on her or his behalf). It was an open invitation to unwanted and unauthorized disclosure of individuals' HIV-positive status.
Indeed, there have been instances recorded of people having been involuntarily "outed" as HIV-positive in their home communities because of such listings. This is so because only ARVs dispensed through the St. Paul's pharmacy (or, rarely, some other hospital's dispensary) were exempted. ARVs dispensed through regular commercial pharmacies were never exempt.
But, from the beginning, many BCPWA / Positive Living BC members have wanted to see their ARVs listed in their PharmaNet profile. One of PharmaNet's more helpful features is that it automatically flags known problematic interactions between the drugs prescribed for dispensing and other drugs a person is taking. Too, listing on PharmaNet allows one's doctor(s) easily to see a complete listing of all prescriptions one is on.
As soon as the systems required to effect individuals' consent to list their ARVs are in place, notification will appear on this website, and the information will be distributed through numerous other means. At that time, you will be able to sign and submit your informed consent form.
If you have questions about the informed consent document, contact Ross Harvey at Positive Living BC:
- firstname.lastname@example.com
- 604 893 2252
Attachment | Size |
Agreement to Record Antiretroviral Medications on Pharmanet | 80.95 KB |
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Quotes by Roosevelt, Franklin D.
Franklin Delano Roosevelt (January 30, 1882 April 12, 1945), 32nd President of the United States (1933-1945), is best known for his leading the U.S. through the Great Depression via his New Deal, his building a powerful political coalition, the New Deal Coalition, that dominated American politics for decades, and for playing a significant role in a grand coalition that defeated Nazi Germany, Italy and the Empire of Japan in World War II and created the United Nations. Born to wealth and privilege, he overcame a crippling illness to place himself at the head of the forces of reform. Universally called FDR, he was both loved and hated in his day, and now is considered by many to be in the top tier of American presidents..
"I have no expectation of making a hit every time I come to bat."
Roosevelt, Franklin D. on expectation
This quotation can be viewed in the context of a book
"We defend and we build a way of life, not for America alone, but for all mankind."
Roosevelt, Franklin D. on power
This quotation can be viewed in the context of a book
But wait... There are more: 1, 2, 3 next
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Monday, June 13, 2011
My Favorite (and cheapest!) Project
See those handprints? This is what they looked like when I bought them for a buck (for all 3!) at a yard sale:
I thought they looked just the right size for those cute little hands, and they were! Spray paint is MAGIC, people, MAGIC! Not one single frame on this wall was white to begin with. I took some old frames (some from my parents' laundry room, some that were next to nothing at yard sales, some I already had), sprayed them all white, and put my kids' art in them. I thought it would be cute to get some letters from JoAnn's, (they were also super cheap - maybe $2, can't remember the exact amount), and I sprayed them different colors to make it fun, and that sign in the middle there? Well that used to be this...
Yup, an old cabinet door. Painted it white, and used paint markers (LOVE THEM!) to write the quote on it. Now it looks like this...
If that quote doesn't sum up our playroom, I don't know what does!
Oh! Almost forgot about the word "PLAY" that I hung at the bottom of the stairs - didn't take a before picture, but those are just the cardboard-ish letters from JoAnn's - cost 2 or 3 bucks a piece. Sprayed them white also. Now, when you come down the steps, you know you're gonna have some FUN! Isn't that what a playroom is all about?! I just completely love this wall. Other than the chalkboard paint, it probably cost a total of $15, and that's simply because of the letters. Makes my heart smile, it truly does. To see all those masterpieces, and to me, they ARE masterpieces, hanging up there, along with their sweet little handprints...getting all misty-eyed just thinking about it. I know the day will come, when they aren't this little, and this won't be their favorite place to come and play, create, imagine, dream. But for now, it's their haven, and if you ever come over and see the mess, please excuse it, they are a little busy making memories.
8 comments:
- Zein said...
Love your ideas Liz! Keep them coming! Very inspiring and I appreciate the creativeness and low cost! Jen
- June 13, 2011 at 5:14 PM
- Sarah @ Thrifty Decor Chick said...
Love it! Especially the sign from the cabinet and the handprints. Just adorable! :)
- June 13, 2011 at 8:38 PM
- Suzanne said...
I love your wall. we plan on doing something similar in our basement!
- June 14, 2011 at 8:27 AM
- Michael and Staci said...
It's fun after just being at your house and seeing your basement to come home and read exactly how you did it all. YOU ARE AMAZING!!! I really loved the chalk board. I had NO IDEA the memory sign was a cupboard. It is so adorable. Go Liz! :-)
- June 14, 2011 at 9:51 AM
- Liz said...
thank you ALL so much!!!
- June 14, 2011 at 11:02 AM
- Tami Bartemus said...
Love this!!! I might copy!
- June 23, 2011 at 11:31 AM
- DonnaD said...
Love the chalkboard but was wondering if you found it left alot of chalk dust/residue??
- March 10, 2012 at 7:11 PM
- Liz said...
Not too much, but yes, there is a little dust accumulating;) I just heard they sell Chalk Markers now - don't know anything about them, but they sound like they might not make as much mess as regular chalk would?!
- March 11, 2012 at 10:15 AM


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Salsa Studio Mild Edition For Palm 2.6 (Mobile)
Source: Salsa Systems
Salsa Studio Mild ASP edition v2.6 for PALM PQA is the freeware version of the Salsa Studio from Salsa Systems, Inc. Using WYSIWYG palm screens, simply drag-and-drop controls onto the wireless Palm OS screens - everything from buttons to drop-down lists to data entry forms and even graphics. In addition, model a database and use it to build software objects complete with methods and properties simply by dragging and dropping. Then when your Palm application is designed, Salsa Studio Mild edition outputs PQA and Active Server Page SOURCE CODE that implements the client, business logic as well as data access code. Salsa Studio Mild is perfect for real working demos and low-throughput mobile production sites. It's a great way to get started in mobile application development.
Format: | Software | Size: | 17675.00 |
Version: | 2.6 | Date: | Jan 2002 |
Platform: | Mobile | Price: | 0.00 |
Downloads: | 3 |


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Spotlight for Career Services ProfessionalsSpotlight for Recruiting ProfessionalsMay 23, 2012
New college graduates are embracing social media as a job-search tool, according to NACE's 2012 Student Survey. Approximately 41 percent of 2012 college graduates in the market for a job are using social media to help them land one.
Students are most likely to use social media in the job search to network with employers, according to survey results. However, the survey also found that students are nearly as likely to use social media as a means for researching employers—and this use is gaining in popularity.
Nearly one-quarter of 2012 graduates using social media identified it as a research tool, up from 17 percent just a year ago, and up from 15 percent among 2010 graduates. Students are using it to seek out salary and compensation information, job descriptions, and information about the employer's training and development programs.
Social media as a job-search tool has gained traction since NACE began tracking its use in 2008.
In fact, just 7 percent of the Class of 2008 reported interacting with an employer through social media, and more than half said they didn't even notice employer ads on social networking sites. Today, data show this has changed significantly.
The current study also found that responding seniors using social media in their job search are most likely to use Facebook and LinkedIn.
NACE's 2012 Student Survey was conducted mid-January through April 30, 2012. Nearly 48,000 college students nationwide, including 15,715 seniors at the bachelor's degree level, took part in the survey. A report based on results from graduating seniors will be available this summer.
Overall Offer, Acceptance Rates for Class of 2013 Remain Relatively Unchanged
Salary Survey: Top-Paid Liberal Arts Majors for the Class of 2013
Salary Survey: Top-Paying Industries for the Class of 2013
Subscribe to the NACE Journal
Salary Survey: Starting Salaries for New College Graduates
NACE Salary Calculator