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- Clothes & Accessories (2)
- Creative Recycling (3)
- Decorating (1)
- Games & Toys (3)
- Music (2)
- Nature Crafts (2)
- Seasonal (4)
It may sound like rain, but it's actually lentils inside a foil-lined tube. All it takes is recycled materials you have at home.
Join Diego's amazing rescues every day on Nick Jr.
Lightly trace the end of the tube with a pencil onto the green paper. Draw a larger circle around the first one and repeat with another piece of paper. Use scissors to snip notches in the paper circles. These circles will be used to cover the ends of the tube.
Cover one end of the tube by applying glue to the notches of one of the circles, and then close them around the end of the tube, allowing them to overlap. Let dry. Do not cover the other end of tube.
While the glue is drying, kids can lightly squeeze a 9-inch wide and 22-inch-long piece of aluminum foil into a snake shape. Then, fold the snake in half and very, very loosely twist it into a fat rope.
Slip the aluminum foil rope inside the tube. Pour in the 1/4 cup of lentils or popcorn.
Cover the other end of the tube with the other paper circle and let the glue dry.
Cut a piece of green paper that is the same length as the tube and about 6 1/2 inches in width, so when rolled around the tube, it overlaps. Kids can use crayons or markers to create their own Diego designs on the paper before adding it to the tube. Parents can draw the leaves freehand for kids to cut out and glue on, or print Diego's Rain Forest Stickers (on sticker paper) to decorate the tube. Glue the paper around the tube and allow to dry.
To hear the "rain" fall, slowly tip the tube.
Sunny days become just a little bit cooler
Your preschooler will love prowling around the house in toasty Baby Jaguar slippers!
Pulls make it easier for little hands to zip up jackets before zipping out
When the weather outside is frightful, a Diego scarf is delightful!
Now your kids can become official animal rescuers--just like Diego!
Decorate with some egg-cellent Diego decor
Plant the seeds of future growth with this easy Diego craft
The perfect winter craft for little animal rescuers
This clever costume comes to the rescue at any kind of party
Diego's leaving the party---with you!
The potty training reward that really works!
Mark the page with Diego's nifty bookmarks!
Rescue an old T-shirt and recycle it into a comfy Diego pro-green snuggle pillow
Making this July 4th paddle is a breeze!
Add a little adventure to your tree this year with the help of your kids' favorite exploring pair!
Diego says safety first!
Make your own African music with this homemade craft!
Feed the birds--with Diego
Go wild with these decals!
Eight is enough-or even two little hands--to make this friendly undersea creature
Take a trip around Lalaloopsy land, meeting with friends for Crumbs tea party!
Make this simple paper puppet and play fetch with Dora's little puppy!
Make a snugly new friend for your Peter fan
Help Dora and her friends find their way to the party at Benny's barn!
Peter & pals are dashing through the snow-- carrying something sweet, you should know!
Everyone wins when you make your own spinning tops!
Make it family game night & go on a knightly mission to Story Castle!
Light the way to a fun night with some of your kids' favorite Nick Jr. friends
It's a race to the finish! Take the Team on a ride to the top of Shape Mountain
Get kids' engines going with this cool Dump Truck toy made from an egg carton!
Tranform paper into Pufferty-- print our templates to get this train going
Get kids ready to twist and twirl for the most fantastic gymnastic event ever
Spring into action to create a high-flying hanging craft
Make your own Bubble Puppy with these printable templates and some felt!
Build your child's not-so-bad bandit, with our simple cut & fold printables!
Show your kids how to tell time with this paper plate peek-a-boo clock!
Beep, beep! The Umi Team's four-wheeled friend is here and ready for action!
Plan a piratey play date and share the treasure of fun & learning
Geo used his SUPER SHAPES to create this pirate, now UmiFriends can too!
Kids can take a ride with the Unicorn King on a hobbyhorse made out of a sock & broomstick!
Get the party started with this movin' & groovin' game
These easy-to-assemble 3-D paper characters will be ready for action in no time!
Kids can take on Zilch's challenges, collect keys and rescue the King of Numbers!
Transform a recycled tissue roll & cereal box into a cool craft for kids
Gear up for the on-air concert of the year with this oversized craft!
Make waves with your guppy fan by crafting this simple bean bag toss game!
Try out some new dance moves with Dora and her animal friends
Blow kids away with these homemade guppy and little fish-shaped wands
Get kids suited up for their "super shape" adventures


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Black Widow - Scarlett Johansson Premium Format Figure
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Black Widow - Scarlett Johansson
Premium Format Figure
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Product Summary
Sideshow Exclusive
The Sideshow Exclusive version of the Black Widow - Scarlett Johansson Premium Format Figure includes a unique feature available nowhere else: Switch-out right hand with second pistol.
Sideshow Collectibles is proud to introduce our newest Premium Format figure, Black Widow, from the blockbuster film Iron Man 2.
Presented in stunning 1:4 scale, the covert S.H.I.E.L.D. operative has shed her secretarial disguise and is outfitted in a fabric bodysuit. Standing approximately 19 inches tall, she can be displayed with her firearm holstered or drawn. Finished with the unique quality and detail that is the trademark of a handcrafted Sideshow Collectibles product, the Black Widow Premium Format figure makes an exceptional addition to any collection.
Product Specifications
- License:
- Marvel
- Product Type:
- Premium Format Figure
- Product Size:
- 19" H (482.6mm) x 9" W (228.6mm) x 9" D (228.6mm)*
- Product Weight:
- 6.00 lbs (2.72 kg)*
- Box Size:
- 21.00" H (533.4mm) x 11.00" W (279.4mm) x 11.00" L (279.4mm)*
- Est. Shipping Weight:
- 8.00 lbs (3.63 kg)*
- Dimensional Weight (DIM):
- 14 lbs *
- Int'l Dimensional Weight (DIM):
- 17 lbs *
* Product size and weight are approximate values. Est. Ship Weight is an estimated value for U.S. shipping calculated by item, box and shipping materials. US shipping costs may be estimated in DIM weight if oversized warning appears above. click here for additional information. International shipping costs are only based on dimensional weight, click here for more information.
- Trevor Grove (Sculpt)
- Adam Ross (Sculpt)
- Mireya Romo-Bowen (Paint)
- Seth Rinaldi (Design)
- Joe Allard (Design)
- Gidget Earle (Costume Fabrication)
- Tim Hanson (Costume Fabrication)
- The Sideshow Collectibles Design and Development Team
Manufactured by: Sideshow Collectibles
Series content, product specifications, release dates and pricing are subject to change.
Product Backstory
Things aren't going well for billionaire playboy Tony Stark. Facing a new foe, the vengeful and bitter Ivan Vanko, known as Whiplash. Embroiled in a fight against the U.S. Government, he refuses to turn over the Iron Man suit technology for military use. Stark is also battling his own mortality, the arc reactor which previously saved his life is now poisoning him with palladium and his efforts to find a replacement element have proven futile. Believing his own death is imminent he appoints Pepper Potts as the CEO of Stark Industries.Filling Pepper's position as Stark's personal assistant is the beautiful and charming Natalie Rushman. Although Natalie of course, is not what she seems. Natasha Romanoff, one of the world's greatest spies and a master of disguise, is the scarlet-haired S.H.I.E.L.D. operative known as Black Widow and she's in the perfect position to monitor Stark at the behest of Nick Fury.
Product Reviews
Black Widow - Scarlett Johansson
Absolutely beautiful premium format statue. Looks even better in person than the promo pictures listed in the product description. Very tall piece that will never leave my collection. Go ScarJO! I mean Black Widow!
Posted on May 06, 2013 5:38am

subset: commoncrawl


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Computers Air Only Computers Audible Alarm Computers Console Computers Downloadable Dive Log Computers Nitrox Computers Tusa Computers User Replaceable Batteries Computers
Whats in the box:Computer, Pressure Gauge, Console Boot with HP Hose and Owner's Manual
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Big Surprise in the Box
By Mike
from Austin, Texas
About Me Casual/ Recreational
See all my reviews
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Comments about Tusa Element II, 2 Gauge Computer Console, New Design:
I ordered the older model and surprise surprise they sent me the newer model. I couldnt wait to take this out and give it a try however due to a cold front that decided to drop the lake temps by almost 5 degrees I did have to wait. But this too was a good thing cause the extra 2 weeks waiting for the temps to get back up I got to play around with the computer and get familuary with it. The only thing I would like to see for this computer is an online training video.
Comment on this review
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" I have recently become addicted to a website called Stockholms Källan. The site is an amazing treasure trove of historical images of Stockholm. You can search by names or locations to find old photos and documents relating to whatever you're interested in. This image is from a 1960's short film called "Ditt Stockholm" ("Your Stockholm"). It..." READ »
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Free People Lacy Day Tank
Style: 27264605
*Machine Wash Cold
In This Pic:
- Model's Height:
- 5' 9"
- Wearing Size
- Small
- Model's Height:
- 5' 11"
- Wearing Size
- Small
Measurements for Small:
Length: 26 1/2"Bust (all around): 36"
Armhole Drop: 7 1/4"
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+ View all fpme style picsShow us how you wear it! Take a picture and upload it here by clicking the "add" button.
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+Collections are groups of products created by the Free People Community. Click "add to collection" to get one started.


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Shift/Team Leaders
Long John Silver's
1905 W Broadway Street, Council Bluffs, IA
Come join our outstanding Long John Silver's Friendly Service team! We're looking for people who love serving customers, have experience in the restaurant industry and who want to be apart of the largest restaurant company in the world! If you want to build a great career while providing fast, fun and friendly service to our customers, Long John Silver's is the perfect place to learn, grow and succeed! The responsibilities of the Team Leader will include: Interaction with customer…


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Edward Markward
Nazarian Center (NC) 245 (401) 456-9515 email@example.com |
Academic Background
B.M.E., M.M., Drake UniversityD.M.A., University of Michigan
Courses Taught
MUS 163 OrchestraMUS 268 Opera Workshop
MUS 269 Master Class Applied Music
MUS 274 Voice
MUS 308 Fundamentals of Conducting
MUS 374 Voice
MUS 408 Advanced Conducting
MUS 508 Applied Conducting
MUS 563 Orchestra
MUS 568 Opera Workshop
MUS 574 Voice
Equally at home as conductor of orchestral, opera, and choral music, Edward Markward has served as Music Director/Conductor of the Rhode Island Civic Chorale and Orchestra since 1987. He has enjoyed a distinguished and varied career as a conductor and educator since joining the faculty of Rhode Island College in 1973, where he conducts the Symphony Orchestra, teaches conducting and serves as co-director of the Opera Workshop. Guest conducting engagements have included the Vermont Symphony Orchestra, the Philadelphia Oratorio Choir, the Newport Music Festival, the Rhode Island Philharmonic Orchestra, the Brooklyn Heights Symphony Orchestra, Festival Ballet Providence, and the Perrysburg (Ohio) Symphony Orchestra. Markward has served as Music Director for the Bel Canto Opera Company, Music Director/Conductor for Opera Rhode Island, Associate Conductor of the Providence Opera Theater, principal guest conductor for the Brooklyn Heights Symphony, and was founding conductor of the Festival Chamber Orchestra of Rhode Island. Prior to his Rhode Island appointments, he was Music Director/Conductor of the Ann Arbor Cantata Singers and Chamber Orchestra and Musical Director for the Ann Arbor Civic Theater in Michigan.A champion of contemporary music, he has been praised by such composers as Elie Siegmeister, Paul Cooper, Paul Nelson, Richard Cumming and Aleksandra Vrebalov and has received numerous accolades, both from music colleagues and the press. Composer Paul Cooper called him"...a miracle worker;" while Elie Siegmeister stated, "the world should get around to discovering him." According to the Providence Journal-Bulletin, "Edward Markward led a musical performance that possessed subtleties, a fine beat and generous fizz," and "...a reading that provided nuance, steady organization and a remarkable feeling for style." The Providence Journal-Bulletin also described Edward Markward as, "a pillar of the music community." During the past several seasons, he has led performances of Rhode Island premieres of Carl Ruggles's Men and Mountains, Richard Danielpour's Toward a Splendid City, and Leonard Bernstein's Symphony No. 3 ("Kaddish") among others. He has collaborated with such international artists as Maria Spacagna, Dominic Cossa, Enrico di Giuseppi, Gary Glaze and Cynthia Munzer (all of the Metropolitan Opera) as well as Joseph Silverstein, Walter Trampler, Samuel Baron, Michael Boriskin, Arturo Delmoni, Judith Lynn Stillman, Frederick Moyer and Eric Ruske. In February, 1999, Markward served as conductor for the world premiere performances of Richard Cumming's opera The Picnic and in July of that year, made his acclaimed conducting debut at the internationally renowned Newport Music Festival, leading performances of Stravinsky's L'Histoire du Soldat and Wagner's Siegfried Idyll. In September 2004, he led the world premiere performances of John Sumerlin's opera Air. In addition to his duties at Rhode Island College and with the Rhode Island Civic Chorale & Orchestra, Markward also serves as Conductor for Festival Ballet Rhode Island. He made his debut with that company in 2002-2003 conducting performances of Giselle and The Nutcracker, and in October, 2004 led world premiere performances of Aleksandra Vrebalov's The Widow's Broom. In March, 2007, he led the RI Civic Chorale & Orchestra and soloists in the much anticipated world premiere performance of Vrebalov's Stations. Markward is the recipient of numerous awards including the Rhode Island College Alumni Association Outstanding Faculty Award, the Rhode Island Choral Directors Association's first Outstanding Conductor Award, and the Rhode Island Civic Chorale and Orchestra's first President's Award. He is the recipient of the 2006 Martha & Ronald Ballinger Distinguished and Sustained Scholarship and Creativity Award given by the Faculty of Arts and Sciences at Rhode Island College. He has recently had his bio included in the 2008 Who's Who in America. His ensembles at Rhode Island College have appeared by invitation at three MENC conventions, Eastern Regional ACDA convention, World's Fair, Festival International de Musique (Québec, Canada) and toured thirteen states and the District of Columbia. Markward currently is serving as music consultant to Arlene Croce, former dance critic of The New Yorker Magazine, who is writing a biography of George Balanchine, founding choreographer of the New York City Ballet.


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While the European biofuels market faces uncertain prospects, the changing legislative environment surrounding the industry could offer some level of protection against the negative influences of a sickly economy.
This expert piece of LNG Market Analysis highlights how the past year has proved to be a watershed for the traded LNG market as participants responded to the challenge presented by the natural disaster and subsequent nuclear shutdowns affecting the world's largest LNG consumer, Japan.
European refineries are struggling. Their margins are poor and some products that used to yield a profit are now making losses. This paper examines the condition of the European refining sector and analyses some of the problems that have led to its downfall.
© Reed Business Information Limited. All Rights Reserved.


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Go Team Go! Whether you're a Cowboy or a Cub; at War Memorial or Wimbledon, Printed Sports Hand Fans are the perfect way to stay cool and show your team pride at indoor or outdoor sporting events. Lots of copy room for your winning promotion.
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Sports Hand Fans: Kick off your next promotion with custom Football Hand Fans from PrintGlobe. Our selection of Baseball Hand Fans and Sports Hand Fans are ideal for sporting events, little league teams, pep rallies and more.


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Charles "Charlie" Sherwood Nichols, 60, of Rockingham, died Wednesday, Dec. 12, 2012, at his home.
Memorial services will be conducted 4 p.m. Wednesday, Dec. 19, in the chapel of Watson-King Funeral Home in Rockingham, with Rev. Mitchell Roller officiating.
The family will receive friends one hour prior to the service at the funeral home.
He was born April 11, 1952, in Richmond County a son of Robert Lewis Nichols and Lucille Nichols Wicker. Nichols worked as an auto mechanic. He was preceded in death by his father, Robert Lewis Nichols; and three brothers, Kenny Wicker, Mike Wicker, and Bobby Nichols.
In addition to his mother, he is survived by his wife, Janice White Nichols of the home; a son, Charles "Charlie" Edward Nichols of Rockingham; a daughter, Candi Nichols Scott of Rockingham; and two grandchildren.
Online condolences may be made at www.watson-kingfuneralhome.com. Watson-King Funeral Home of Rockingham is serving the family.


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Home / Companies / Industries / Miscellaneous Capital Goods / AFS Inc
Company profiles, executive contacts, industry research, and news for sales, marketing and research professionals.
Brigham Renal Associate, C B Dial Voice & Data, Ecofer 2000 SRL, Expotile Sl, Hemmeters Farm Market, Lackmond Products Inc, Mo.Ni. Express SRL, Saputo Cheese Inc, Tee N Gee Automobile Sales, Vacation Tours Ltd.
Andrew Baldwin, Gary Bornkamp, Ben Dinatale, Mike Gordon, David Hill, David Montgomery, Bernard Rio, Harri Lloyd Roberts, Potjanee Thanavaranit, William Wickes


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School of the Arts and Professions
Ray J. Davis, Ph. D.Dean
Welcome to the website of the School of the Arts and Professions. Our goal is to model best practices of teaching, learning, thinking, student engagement and leadership. New ideas and new energy result in new initiatives in the School of the Arts and Professions. A spirit of accomplishment drives our visionary activities.
The School of the Arts and Professions focuses its efforts and resources on the preparation of students who serve humanity in a personally and professionally ethical manner. Immersion in cultural and educational experiences that promote coherent thinking, reward creative artistic expression, and demand the exercising of sound judgment flows from the extensive theoretical bases and application unique to the academic disciplines represented in the departments.
The School of the Arts and Professions includes five academic departments:
School faculty conduct research and development initiatives with the Maryland Alcohol and Drug Abuse Administration, Maryland Department of Health and Mental Hygiene, Bank of America, Department of Defense, Title III, National Security Agency, the Maryland State Department of Education and other agencies.


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Saturday, November 3, 2012 - 2:30pm to 4:30pm
Event location:
Blue Bell
Join in for International Games Day! An international event at many libraries celebrating games in the library (Learn more here. Stay tuned for more information). Board games from classics like Monopoly to new favorites like Uno will be available to play. We'll also have our library video game system or two available to play! If you like board games, video games, or party games (like charades), join us anytime between 2:30 PM to 4:30 PM to play!
For families (moms, dads, caregivers, and grandparents welcome) with children of all ages. Teens welcome too. ~ Bring or enjoy a snack or two. ~ No registration! Just mark your calendar and stop by!


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One SMALL Step, Hixson, TN Page
Event Details
When | May 5, 2012 Register at 9:00 |
Where | Hixson High School |
Details | Well, it's time for our Second Annual One SMALL Step walk in Hixson, TN! Enjoy a 1 mile walk around the Hixson High School Campus. Participants who ... Get more details |
Host | Dianne Bryden |
Brochure | Download |
Pledge | Pledge Form |
Map | |
Thank you for visiting my personal campaign page! A dear friend's 5-yr old son has Prader-Willi syndrome (PWS) and I am helping to raise money for the Foundation for Prader-Willi Research. All proceeds from the One SMALL Step walks go to fund the Prader-Willi Syndrome Research Plan jointly created by FPWR and PWSAUSA. Learn more about PWS and this event at http://www.fpwr.org/. Please join me and donate now!


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Feminism and Politics source ref: ebook.html |
Social movements raise serious questions outside normal government channels, often concerning subjects that are not being treated as topics of public concern (Costain 1982:19). Such movements may be viewed along a continuum from unconventional, almost spontaneous, sometimes illegal activity to movement groups that seek more conventional political and legal change. Social movement organizations are the acting components of the movement, which may help turn grievances into programs (Lowi 1971). It is the hypothesis of this chapter that while American women's liberation groups have moved closer to an accommodation both to the political system and to the more "reformist" wing of the movement, largely because of an emphasis on coalition politics and pragmatic achievements (goals), no such tendencies are evident in the British movement. Rather, there has been little institutional transformation since the movement's inception in Britain, although constant activity is maintained and proliferation and fragmentation
occur owing to conflicts regarding strategies and ideology (Banks 1981:227).
Feminist theory about the role of women in politics and society may be analyzed in several ways. One is to differentiate between "reformist" and "radical" feminists. Reformist feminists seek equality through freedomthey do not seek to overturn the prevailing system, although they may be in conflict with those elements of it that they see as oppressive and hostile to women's self-determination. Thus, the stated goal of NOW is "to bring women into full participation into the mainstream of American society in a truly equal partnership with men" (Bunch 1981:191; Perrigo 1985:129). In contrast, "radical" feminists perceive society as rooted in inequality, based on patriarchy, or male domination, and often on racism and capitalism as well. In this perspective, the only way to alter women's oppression is to transform the ideology and institutions of existing society (Bunch 1981:190). A somewhat different approach to the disparate views within feminism may be found in the distinction between "radical revolutionary" and "socialist" feminism. Socialist feminists, rooted more firmly within Marxist theory, insist on the primacy of the class struggle and seek to redefine those aspects of Marxism that seem inadequate to alter women's oppression to meet the needs of contemporary feminists. Socialist feminists wish to develop a strategy to jointly attack male domination and capitalism and thus restructure male-female relationships.
A second group, the "radical" (revolutionary) feminists see the source of societal inequality in the institution of male domination, or "patriarchy," usually rooted in biological differences and roles. Both the family and the state are seen to embody systematic male power and
domination. In this view, alliances with men are not possible, since men are always oppressors and society cannot be reformed. Women must form "separatist" groups, shun relations with men, and seek an end to male domination (Randall 1982:5). Revolutionary feminists have forcefully restated many traditional radical feminist positions, especially hostility to men (Spare Rib , May 1979:82). Their major points of attack are marriage, the family, control of reproduction, and violence against women.
Although in both the United States and Britain elements of these different views exist, in the United Kingdom what we have referred to as "reformist" feminism occupies a far more limited role than in the United States. And, although socialist feminism exists in the United States, it has tended to remain outside the mainstream of the feminist movement, given the historic American antipathy to leftist politics. In turn, because British feminism is linked by reasons of history and ideology to the left and socialism, it has tended to develop more theoretical perspectives on the relationship between these two ideological tendencies. As liberal feminists Betty Freidan and Gloria Steinem have tended to dominate aspects of the American feminist movement, so have the socialist feminists Sheila Rowbotham and Juliet Mitchell been major forces within the British movement. However, two significant differences ought to be noted. First, the contributions of the latter two are less related to movement activism than to an interest in theoretical reinterpretation. Second, Rowbotham and Mitchell are not viewed as "spokeswomen" for or by the British movement, which does not recognize movement "stars" in any role at all. Radical feminism, sparked by such writers as Shulamith Firestone and Kate Millett,
had its origins in the United States, although it has now gained considerable support among British women's liberationists.
For some observers, "revolutionary feminism" has eclipsed other significant strands within the British movement. An article in the New Statesman (Heron 1983) deplored the tendency toward "political lesbianism" in the United Kingdom, suggesting that many feminists had entered a social and sexual stage that denigrated engagement with existing structures that could lead to change. The author decried a new prescriptive definition of feminism that limited options and rendered the British movement no longer open to all women who recognized the oppression of women as a social group and sought change. Whether a new and more exclusive era in British feminism has truly dawned is difficult to determine; but such commentary does suggest a vast chasm between socialist and some radical feminists in the United Kingdom.
A final element within feminism is "cultural" feminism. It may be animated by either socialist or radical feminism, but its major concern is less political than it is personal: that is, it seeks to change life-styles and modes of behavior.
It is only a partial exaggeration to suggest that the American civil rights movement played a role in the creation of second-wave American feminism comparable to that of the socialist left in Britain.
The recent history of British and American feminist development reveals disparate organizational tendencies and styles. In the United States the New Left and the
civil rights movement, each stressing different aspects of political equality, gave rise to the younger, or more "radical," branch of the feminist movement. As women activists in these protest movements became aware of their secondary status, based on gender, they began to develop new, female-based groupings. Early on, these groups stressed consciousness-raising as a technique to develop greater self-and group awareness and, like their British counterparts, created localized, participatory projects, including day care, rape crisis centers, shelters for battered women, bookstores, and self-help health clinics. A second group of feminist activists formed around the national and state commissions on the status of women. These commissions created a focus and forum for a different set of women, older and of a more professional and media-oriented bent, to begin to contemplate the need for a feminist pressure group. Their efforts were given additional impetus after the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which (almost by accident and certainly in the absence of any feminist pressure) was passed with the inclusion of Title VII, prohibiting sex discrimination in employment (Freeman 1975). The climate of expectations created by these two governmentally based actions, and the subsequent failure of the agency created by the Civil Rights Act, the EEOC, to enforce Title VII, led to the creation of NOW. Additional groups finally joined the Washington feminist lobby, including the Women's Equity Action League (WEAL), which initially rejected NOW's seemingly "radical" position on abortion rights; the National Women's Political Caucus (NWPC), focusing on recruiting and electing more women to political office and on legislative pressure; numerous groups concerned with single issues (abortion, health, education rights); and litigation groups.
The British suffrage movement early demonstrated tendencies that persist in British feminism today. One was an early link between the Labour Party and constitutional feminists (Evans 1977:126). Another was militancyperhaps related to the example of Irish nationalism, perhaps born of rage and disappointment when apparently close-at-hand victory failed. Antisuffrage leaders and the Liberal Party served to isolate the movement and make it more sectarian and rigid (Evans 1977:19798). However, although suffragists were interested in engaging public power in order to gain the vote, contemporary feminist advocates in Britain are not so sure.
As in the United States, the contemporary British feminist movement received its impetus from radical and New Left politics, especially the CND and anti-Vietnam campaigns (Randall 1982:152; Wilson 1980:184). In addition, working-class women in the 1960s organized as well: at Hull in 1968 for better conditions for their fishermen husbands and at Ford's auto machine works in Dagenham, where the demands for equal pay and equal work resulted in the creation of the short-lived Joint Action Committee for Women's Rights. This early effort at feminist militancy among working-class women seemed promising, but it has not proved as yet to be a significant element in British feminism, although in 198485 a new working-class women's movement, Women Against Pit Closures, emerged during the yearlong strike by the National Union of Miners (NUM) (Wandor 1972:9697; Coote and Campbell 1987:17981).
The revived movement in the United States provided the immediate spark for much women's liberation activity, which early on developed strength among socialist and university women. A London-based women's liberation
workshop coordinated over 70-odd local groups and published a journal, Shrew (Randall 1982:152; Wandor 1972:9697). A national women's liberation movement held its first conference at Oxford in 1970. The demands that emerged from the conference24-hour child care, equal pay and education, free contraception, and abortion on demandreflected a practical orientation, new to some movement activists.
Like the "younger," more radical branch of the American movement, the British movement lacked a coordinating structure other than national, regional, or issue-oriented conferences. The British movement developed numerous factions; one chart listed at least 14 different "tendencies" within the movement (Sebestyen 1979:16). Conflicts within the movementlargely between radical and socialist feministshave since 1978 prevented the holding of a national conference. The conflicts have centered largely on the scrapping of the six demands listed in Chapter 1 in favor of the seventh demand against male violence (Randall 1982:5). Spare Rib , a monthly journalistic publication produced by a feminist collective, and the London-based Women's Research and Resources Center (WRRC) today provide the only comprehensive foci relating to different elements within the movement. (A Women's Place, also in London, is similarly run by a collective of women and operates a bookshop and reference facility, as well as publishing a weekly newsletter.) The once significant Women's Information, Reference and Enquiry Service (WIRES) has been severely circumscribed.
Despite the absence of a focal point, feminist activities in the United Kingdom continue energetically. Spare Rib and other publications advertise a host of feminist activities, and numerous groups are listed under "Women's Liberation" in the London and regional phone
books. However, unlike the mass-membership equal rights focus of the visible American movement, the major locus of activity is the small group, which, eschewing formal rules and leadership, prefers to arrive at decisions by consensus. The movement's character is also defined by the proliferation of small groups, each with a single-issue orientation. Even more "traditional" women's groups, such as Women in the Media and the National Housewives Register (founded in the early 1960s by liberal-minded housewives), operate on the basis of principles of participatory democracy and minimization of hierarchy and rigid structure (Stott 1981). It is possible that British women's experience with bureaucracyin labor and leftist politics and, in the public sphere, in such areas as national healthhas contributed to dislike of centralized, hierarchical power. However, though other British promotional groups began with a similarly diffuse structure, some, including the CPAG, have moved toward traditional interest-group organization. Often allied with feminist groups, the CPAG has developed a staff-dominated structure and a small membership as well, become more interested in fund-raising, and sought to develop a parliamentary lobby. These activities are in marked contrast to the deliberately antihierarchical structure maintained by feminist groups (Seyd 1976).
Feminists have developed legal groups, such as Rights of Women, day nurseries, shelters for battered women, and pro-abortion groups. National coordinating structures have evolved to focus on specific issues such as abortion and domestic violence, but their scope is limited. Women's Aid was established in London in 1972 by Erin Pizzey to counter domestic violence and, somewhat unique in British feminist experience, was able to attract government and charitable funding (Coote and
Campbell 1987:141). Perhaps because it requires fewer resources than child care, domestic violence became a women's issue suitable for limited external support (Lovenduski 1986:79). The Women's Aid movement broke away from its founder on ideological grounds and has proliferatedwith 99 groups and 200 refugees in 1980. Member organizations operate on feminist principles, with an emphasis on autonomy and self-determination for women (ibid., 42). Local women support the National Women's Aid Federation (NWAF) through adherence to its aims and attendance at meetings (interview, NWAF, 1982). Within the national and half-dozen regional offices, jobs rotate every two to three years to provide varied experiences for all and prevent domination by one person. Activists share in all work and there is no status distinction among the new staff members. Fund-raising is virtually nonexistent because of fear of creating strong central power, although resources from the national Department of Health and Social Services (DHSS) help pay staff salaries. While in the mid 1980s the London office of the NWAF was forced to close because of lack of funding, a newly modified collective structure has resumed national leadership in Bristol, England, as of 1988.
The NWAF's past activities helped create legislative reforms that gave increased protection to women against violent mates and imposed obligations on local authorities to rehouse victimized women. The NWAF also campaigned for more serious intervention by local police authorities (Perrigo 1985:135). (Women Against Rape, formed in 1976, has had some comparable success in raising consciousness and was in part responsible for the passage of the Sexual Offenses Act of 1976 making the rape victim's past sexual history irrelevant.)
A second organization that has developed a national structure is the National Abortion Campaign (NAC), launched in the spring of 1975 to defend the 1967 Abortion Act. It has a loosely organized mass base and operates from a socialist feminist perspective and on principles of participatory democracy (Marsh and Chambers 1981:1). The nonhierarchical, decentralized structure linking local groups claims a coalition of 400 organizations, with membership open to all who support its aims (interview, NAC, July 1982). In contrast to the operation of abortion rights groups in the United States, half the groups involved in NAC are trade union-related and receive some funding from the unions. Local groups are completely autonomous, deciding their own policy and method of campaigning. They have no elected officials or delegated structure. National policy is decided at the NAC annual conference and meetings are open to all members. An annual general meeting provides a forum for discussion of issues, although there is no mechanism for the resolution of conflicts on issues such as the role of racism and the broadening of the group's agenda to include types of reproductive freedom other than abortion. (In 1983, an organizational split between those who sought to focus on abortion as a single issue and advocates of broader reproductive rights divided NAC.) A national office provides backup resources and coordinates; a steering committee handles daily work. The staff is limited in policy-making authority, leaving most decision-making to annual and regional meetings. Volunteers are heavily relied on, particularly in the absence of funds to pay workers.
The contrast with most American pro-abortion groups is marked: U.S. organizations, such as the National Abortion Rights Action League (NARAL) and Planned Parenthood,
tend to be professionalized, hierarchical in structure, and reliant onalthough not necessarily directly responsible toa dues-paying, mass-membership constituency. Such groups may fit the model of reliance on a "conscience constituency" in which contributors supply movement resources without direct material benefit. Effective policy-making is in the hands of the full-time staff, as in the "funded social movement organizations" described by McCarthy and Zald (1977). Abortion rights groups lobby extensively to prevent progressive weakening of abortion legislation and, in marked contrast to the British experience, where courts have virtually no role in this policy area, have been active in litigating to preserve and strengthen abortion rights. NAC's strategy is largely extraparliamentary, emphasizing proselytizing through demonstrations and picketing (Marsh and Chambers 1981:48), influencing Parliament by showing M.P.'s that grass-roots support for abortion rights exists.
In the United Kingdom, even groups with a national focus are ambivalent about campaigning (lobbying) and the legislative process, although in fact the NWAF and NAC have intervened effectively in the political system. In 1975, NAC mobilized 20,000 supporters to defeat James White's antiabortion bill. It has collaborated with other sections of the pro-abortion lobby, including the Abortion Law Reform Association (ALRA), and with Labour Party women. NAC supporters have been active in unions and have gained support from the Trades Union Congress (TUC) for their efforts (Perrigo 1985:134). In July 1981, they held their first meeting with representatives from the trade union movement and Labour Party constituency parties in an effort to gain commitments for positive legislation on abortion. (After this
meeting, a first attempt to enact legislation making abortion facilities mandatory under the NHS was introduced, and although it failed, it gained some media attention, perhaps setting the stage for further efforts [Spare Rib , Sept. 1981:106].) Because NAC's members are socialist feminists (drawn from the International Marxist Group), they have close ties to the Labour Party and trade union movement, particularly the National Union of Public Employees (NUPE) and the National and Local Government Officers' Association (NALGO) (Lovenduski 1986:80). The potential of this alliance was evident in 1979 when a mass demonstration (some 100,000 people showed up), with major participation by the TUC, helped stop the Corrie bill, which threatened to reduce access to legal abortions. This was the largest union demonstration ever held in Britain for a noneconomic issue, and it demonstrated the mobilization potential inherent in the feminist movement. However, at the NAC National Congress in September 1983, a split developed over the organization's need to cover other areas of women's reproductive rights, including contraception and sterilization. A new group, the Women's Reproductive Rights Group, was formed as a result of this disagreement, further contributing to the proliferation of women's liberation groups (Perrigo 1985:134).
A second effort related to women's liberation, though not strictly part of it, has been the mobilization of Greenham Common women in protest against a cruise missile installation in Britain. Organized around feminist principles, and exclusively populated by women (and children), it has numbered some 30,000 women in rotating order. Utilizing principles of nonviolence, even when arrested and subject to police harassment and eviction attempts, these women have helped mobilize national
consciousness about peace issues based on feminist ideology.
Other feminist groups, such as Rights of Women (ROW), exist in the field of law and have been active for the past decade. Their goal has been to provide legal advice to the women's movement, formulate legal policy, and campaign on issues of concern to women. They have produced informational material, discussion documents, parliamentary briefings, and responses to government publications in areas such as violence against women, rights of lesbians, and family law. Nonetheless, the movement lacks a professional campaigning body of women lawyers, partly owing to funding problems (Williscroft 1985:100). Another promotional group, the NCCL, has had a women's officer active since 1975 and has played an important role in movement politics.
A movement comparable to the liberal feminist structure in the United States (to be described in the next section) does not really exist in the United Kingdom. Nonetheless, while never dominant in the British feminist movement (and likely never to be), there are groups that seek to play a centrist, coordinating role. Among these are the Fawcett Society (with roots in the suffrage movement) and Women in the Media. The Fawcett Society remains a small group of only about 375 members, its efforts to develop a membership base in northeast England having failed. Women in the Media, organized in 1970, has engaged in active campaigning for equal pay and for legislation against sex discrimination. Other groups that do not identify with women's liberation. but do support many feminist demands and efforts to achieve them, are current manifestations of more traditional women's activities. Among them are the WI, with a membership base of 400,000; the TG, with 217,000;
the British Federation of University Women, with 14,000; and the NCW, with 5,000 (Stott 1980). While these groups often support women's rights, by and large they eschew relationships with socialist and radical feminists.
Several new developments in Britain represent steps toward coalition building among different ideological groups in the women's community. In London in November 1980, a Women's Action Day involved some 67 organizations from a variety of women's perspectives and sought to discuss and develop common policies. A "women's agenda" was issued, dealing with issues of equal opportunity in law, education, work, politics, finances, the family, health, and the media. Groups represented included unions, NAC and ROW, traditional women's groups such as the NCW, and elements of the Liberal and Labour parties. With a grant from the EOC, the Women's Action Group (WAG) created a Lobby Pack with questions to be put to candidates for by-elections and parliamentary election (Pamela Robinson, Women in the Media, interview, Aug. 1982). Aided by funds from the Greater London Council (GLC), a number of feminist groups purchased a new building to share cooperatively in London. The EOC and NCCL have also provided opportunities for discussion of specific feminist issues through conferences and forums and helped link trade unionists with other feminist activities. The GLC Women's Committee and other local women's committees (to be discussed presently) have also sought to end centrifugal politics by involving a variety of women's groups as policy participants and recipients. In 1986 a campaign to defend children's benefits against restrictive cuts by the Thatcher government engendered a national effort. Included within the alliance, consisting of
over 60 organizations, were the National Federation of Women's Institutes, Women's Aid Federation, Fawcett Society, and Mother's Union. The future significance of such cooperative efforts remains unclear.
A fairly new political advocacy groupthe 300 Grouphas sought to increase the number of women in the House of Commons (as of 1986 6 percent were women, up significantly from the previous election). Like its American counterpart, the NWPC, it aims to recruit and train women candidates for political office. It has sought to build a dues-paying base, in 1982 having a membership of 3,000 and dues of £12 annually (interview, Abdela, July 1982). Now under new leadership, the 300 Group has a central staff and offices, indicating its ability to endure and grow even though it continues to encounter hostility from traditional party groups that resent external intrusion and from feminists who dislike its relatively centralized entrepreneurial style. Nonetheless, it has trained well over 1,500 women and helped them gain an interest and confidence in politics.
The focus of most British feminist groups, however, is interaction emphasizing value and life-style changes. Consciousness-raising is an important element (though perhaps to a lesser degree than in the United States), and values such as self-confidence, skill attainment, and self-esteem are promoted (Randall 1982:164). The democratic character of the movement provides flexibility and permits accommodation of all types of grass-roots activity, incorporating diverse elements. As Mansbridge (1980:27889) has pointed out, small size allows intense interaction, and continued face-to-face contact may prevent elitism. Yet, the group process, rather than attainment of group ends, may develop as a major focus (Freeman 1975:10346). Conformity to the group may
be encouraged. The absence of recordkeeping and repetition of old issues may retard group development (Adlam 1980:94). An ahistorical perspective may cause repetition of past mistakes. Decision-making may be slowed and the real administrative and political skills of some may be underutilized or ignored (Mansbridge 1980:247). Individuals may become preoccupied with their own liberation and fail to seek more universal women's goals. And local, single-issue-oriented activity may reduce possibilities for national impact and comprehensive, as opposed to ad hoc, solutions to problems.
This analysis is consistent with Freeman's (1975:145) critique of movement structurelessness in the United States, in which she argues that the movement provided no coordinated or structured means of fitting local activity into other, existing projects. As she suggests, the consequence is that new groups form and dissolve at an accelerating rate, creating a great deal of consciousness and very little concerted action, failing to consolidate old gains while moving into new areas.
Finally, unaccountability to a constituency may create irresponsibility and unrealistic expectations. Inability to agree on goals and pool resources weakens opportunities for creation of alliances (Bouchier 1984:123). If, as suggested here, the women's movement in Britain is a "deliberately dispersed collection of groups, campaigns and political tendencies with no single ideology," the absence of coalitional structures prevents organization around multiple issues in a continuing fashion (ibid., 12829, 21823). The politics of personal experience, inward-looking and seeking redemptive life-styles, has often eclipsed the overtly "political." Women's liberation politics is fragmented, centered on single issues, and without networks in which different views
may find expression and audience. The British emphasis on personal politics has often, though not always, resulted in reluctance to engage in the politics of the state (Barrett 1980:228, 245). Although feminist politics may serve as a model for other leftist groups in its emphasis on autonomy, flexibility, and democracy, the lack of a coordinating mechanism and national political presence presents a continuing challenge (Rowbotham 1979:90).
The structure of grass-roots, radical feminism in the United States is similar to that in Britain. However, even within this wing of feminist politics, recent developments have suggested somewhat different tendencies. For example, in shelters for battered women and in rape crisis centers, which emphasize the feminist ideology discussed earlier, professionals have often combined with feminist influences to provide services, negotiate with bureaucracies, write funding proposals, and develop more enduring organizational structures (Schechter 1982:3839). While conflicts over the importance of service, self-determination, and politics continue to exist, there can be little doubt that such elements as networking, lobbying, and emphasis on legal changes are more evident in the American movement. Activists have mobilized around state legislation and legal changeand have often been less reluctant to engage with political and bureaucratic forces and to seek legitimacy than is true for their British counterparts. Structures have been modified as specialization has created more hierarchical organizations, including staffs and boards (ibid., 9495). Schechter concludes that the need for government support has forced activists to modify practices and informal procedures. In some instances, "modified
collectives" have sought a compromise between external imperatives and feminist principles (ibid., 100). From local coalitions, statewide and then federal efforts have been generated. There has been willingness to engage political authorities at all levels in order to gain resources and reform legal procedures.
Coalitions reflect a variety of influencesincluding traditional groups (like the YWCA), professional and service providers, radical feminists, and equal rights feminists from groups such as NOWand emphasize the sharing of resources, access, and skills (ibid., 113, 148). To aid battered women, a National Coalition against Domestic Violence (NCADV) was created, which lobbied for passage of a Domestic Violence Act, built a large network of contacts, sought to build a dues-paying membership base, and wrote proposals to raise money from the federal government and private foundations. The coalition continues to monitor relevant public policy, disseminate information to state and local groups, and seek to retain a nonhierarchical, multiracial approach (interview, Mary Morrison, NCADV, October 1982).
In contrast to the British experience, change-oriented feminists have often been able to rely on government "insiders" to put forward issues and build government support for movement concerns (Schechter 1982). Hence, leadership and structure, engagement with political forces at all levels, and the need for coalition have been treated differently in the United States than in the United Kingdom. But, as an instance of congruence, women's liberation groups in both countries have tended to focus on single issues and do not necessarily coalesce with other movement activists in multiple-issue alignments. However, while in the United States a grass-roots
women's movement still exists, it is less visible than formerly and has to a greater degree joined forces with the more "middle-class" reformist sector of the original movement.
In the United States, then, though a grass-roots movement continues to exist, having successfully helped shape a new policy agenda based on the alternative services it created at the state and local levels, the character of the movement has changed considerably. In addition to the pull toward coalitions and political engagement we have described, to some degree overlapping memberships and joint activities have altered this segment of the movement's role. These linkages have been strengthened by campaigns to save abortion rights and pass the ERA, which have tended to unite feminists of all ideologies.
In addition, NOW, although founded as a feminist pressure group from the top down, has sought to move further in the direction of feminist principles than might earlier have been expected. First, it has sought (though not always successfully) to break down traditional organizational roles, combining staff and elected positions and thus creating a more participatory structural setting. Second, it has moved to adopt more controversial issue orientations, in addition to its continued interest in equal rights. The organization first endorsed abortion on demand, at that time (1970) and still a controversial political and moral issue. It also acknowledged, in an even more controversial act, that sexual self-determinationlesbianismwas a legitimate part of the women's movement. It has continued to examine alternative life-styles and support alternate forms of sexuality, even as it ages in political terms, indicating that it has hardly become more conservative with time. Finally, galvanized
by growing evidence of the costs and consequences of the "feminization of poverty," NOW has joined with other feminist groups (who have come together in such events as the 1977 conference in Houston for the International Women's Year) and has moved to a more radical view of ways to eradicate poverty, although it clearly remains within the American (slightly left-of-center) tradition. And as the major feminist mass-membership group, NOW, though not always successful, has sometimes been able to act as an umbrella group for different interests within the feminist movement (Randall 1982:235). As the most prominent feminist organization, NOW has to some degree eclipsed the more radical elements of the movement, because, given the American political system, its actions are more visible while its demands are viewed as both newsworthy and mildly radical. Though in many ways a traditional interest group, involved in electoral politics and campaign endorsements (to be described shortly), litigation, and lobbying, NOW's major significance for the movement continues to lie in its ability to focus public attention on key movement demands. It is able to do this through demonstrations, access to the media, and other social movement techniques.
But NOW does not operate alone in the political arena. Because the structure of American feminism has become specialized along issue and functional lines, groups such as NARAL in the area of abortion, WEAL on economic reform, and other organizations play a major role as well. In the area of domestic violence, the NCADV has become a leading voice. It may be argued that through the process, noted earlier, of coalition building and group mergers the movement has lost its radical edge and become limited by a turn toward more conventional
politics. But the "legitimization" of American feminism as an interest group of political significanceat the same time as the movement has deepened its commitment to key feminist issuessuggests that considerable progress has been made from a feminist perspective.
The movement was strengthened by the creation of two types of women's groups: single-issue and multi-issue, or umbrella, groups. Single-issue groups dealing with abortion or domestic violence concentrate their resources and energy on one topic, keeping the issue before the public (Kolker 1983:212). Multi-issue organizations may have a broader range of contacts, a larger support base, and the ability to create coalitions.
NOW and other feminist-oriented groups gained additional membership and support from contributors, especially during 198082, in response to conservative threats symbolized by the Reagan election of 1980 and the defeat of the ERA in 1982. Membership in NOW increased to 250,000 in 1983 but had decreased to 156,000 by 1986 (Bomafede 1986:2178). During this period, in addition to strengthening relations with the more radical sector of the feminist movement, NOW built stronger links to traditional women's groups, including the League of Women Voters, American Association of University Women, General Federation of Women's Clubs, and National Federation of Business and Professional Women. Although some of these older, established women's groups had early on shared resources and opportunities for access with their feminist sisters, as the movement moved into its second decade, they too became constituents of feminist-sponsored, issue-based coalitions on key economic and other issues.
Finally, congressional and administrative staff members, primarily women, have played a key role in advancing
women's issues. They help build support for feminist-sponsored policy, alert lobbyists about proposed, potentially negative changes, and provide the type of information only "insiders" can have (Kolker 1983:216).
While both in the United States and Britain a variety of theoretical and practical approaches to feminism constitute movement politics, in America the pressure to build coalitions and seek reform through more or less traditional interest-group politics has been notable. As we have suggested, networking across ideological lines is still rare in the United Kingdom, although it is a concept gaining support from many feminist activists. Traditional women's groups do have a mass constituency base in the United Kingdom (at least in comparison with other groups), but they are usually reluctant to join forces with those perceived, with reinforcement by media coverage, as being lesbian and antimale. The close relationship that has developedin terms of resource sharing, political access, and even consensus on goalsbetween the so-called traditional women's groups and their reformist and radical feminist allies in the United States has no analogue in the political culture of Britain. The failure to seek advancement of women in existing political structures and the emphasis on sectarian politics have denied British feminists the mainstream voice their American sisters have been able to articulate (Weir and Wilson 1984; Coote and Campbell 1987:255). At the same time, the British movement has continued to be distinguished by its diversity and its capacity to celebrate difference and spontaneity.


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Keith Strange | The News
Equipment is on display at the Skull Camp Volunteer Fire Department Saturday during an open house for its 35th anniversary. Hundreds of members of the community turned out to celebrate the department.
Officers with the Skull Camp Volunteer Fire Department chat away prior to serving a barbecue lunch to hundreds of community members Saturday as the department held an open house honoring its 35th anniversary of service.


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What makes the trauma program at St. Louis Children's Hospital unique? Diana Kraus, RN, is the manager of the ACS verified, Level-One Pediatric Trauma Center.
Level One Trauma Center at St. Louis Children's Hospital
Monday, June 25, 2012
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Hey guys;
I'm posting this real quick tutorial for KingDucky, but I figured some of the newbies and maybe some of you who don't already know... just how to apply an anamorphic crop to your footage. There are a few ways to do this, I will show you three ways. One will involve Adobe Premiere Pro (I happened upon this by accident), and the other two will involve Sony Vegas Pro 10 (you can do it in most versions as far as I'm aware).
First off, start a project and fiddle with the settings as you see fit for your project. Most common is 1920x1080 24p, but I tend to use 1920x1080 25p for my work.
Go to your Title menu, Create a New Title and select "From a Template". A little box will appear. Find the drop down titled "Mattes" and select "Matte letterbox". When you first drop this in, it will most definitely need tweaking.
As you can see from my example, it's cutting off heads. This is fine, we're going to click one of the black "bars" (use the mouse pointer button), and click the BOTTOM line around the bar and drag it up to shorten the height of the bar. Do this only if you believe your crop is too much, or you want something smaller than the rough 2:35 aspect that it is. If you're happy with the amount you have, close the title box off and drag your new title from the project window onto your timeline ON VIDEO TWO or higher, depending on the amount of video tracks your footage is using. Once that is done, drag the corner of the new title track to the end of the timeline so it covers your footage (see below).
From the example above, you can see there is most likely too much of the top half of the frame being cut off. This is fine, because we will reframe the footage.
Select your video (one at a time if you have more videos in your timeline) and click the effects controls window. Click the "Motion" twirl-down and find the "position" settings. You should see the word "position" with a keyframe button and some numbers next to it. Take note of those numbers, we're gonna use that to reframe. You will want to ignore the first set (in my example below, those are "940"). Select the numbers next to it, hold and drag with your mouse until you are happy with the frame. Don't drag too far though, you only have limited room to move
And above is my crop. As you can probably tell, the crop is a little much for the footage... but you get the idea. This can be changed by editing the title track you dropped in earlier.
Sony Vegas methods will be posted next.


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According to Sheriff Clark Millsap, deputies responded to the resort at 2:40 a.m. to reports that a female clerk had been shot. Deputies discovered that the male who shot her fled into nearby woods and refused to come out. Deputies were assisted by Georgia State Patrol and a GSP helicopter to attempt to locate the shooter. The male has been found killed by an apparent self inflicted gunshot. The female victim was pronounced dead at an area hospital.
No names are being released at this time. No other suspects are at large and the incident is considered to be family violence related.


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We spent our first two nights here in Cape Town. We were able to check in early after being in transit for 28 hours, which was great. The room had a sea view and was quite spacious. The beds were not too hard, and the linen was very soft. The open bathroom was not to our taste, and feel it... More
- Also Known As:
- New Kings Hotel Cape Town, South Africa
- Official Description (provided by the hotel):
- The New Kings Hotel is centrally located in cosmopolitan Sea Point with panoramic views of Lions Head and the Atlantic Ocean.Situated within walking distance of the Sea Point Promenade and close to the world renowned V&A Waterfront, Camps Bay and Clifton beaches famous for their Blue Flag status.The New Kings Hotel is a chic boutique property, offering 42 designer rooms and a well appointed restaurant, cocktail bar terrace with sea views and attention to detail to meet all the international travelers' requirements.In the Piazza da Luz below enjoy the vibrant lifestyle of the Cape with various eateries, food stores, beauty, health, hairdresser, clothing, art, business services and a wellness spa. ... more less
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Wallabies 26 Springboks 19
8 Sep 2012
GARETH DUNCAN brought you live commentary from the Rugby Championship Test in Perth.
80 mins: The Wallabies hold on to possession. And as the hooter sounds, Cooper sits in the pocket and boots the ball into touch. THE WALLABIES WIN 26-19!
79 mins: After a couple of phases, Goosen loses the ball in contact. Wallabies defence stands strong at the death. That's that.
78 mins: Boks have a lineout in the Aussie 22m area. Last chance to avoid defeat.
76 mins: Sprinboks run some good ball carries, but eventually lose the ball forward in contact. Wallabies escape. South Africa should've gone for the points, with minutes still on the clock.
75 mins: With fullback Pat Lambie and flyhalf Johan Goosen pulled off the bench, the Boks are finding momentum on attack. They are awarded a penalty in a kickable area, but turn it down to search for the try. Brave decision.
72 mins: WALLABIES TRY! Australia find space down Mvovo's wing, and tighthead prop Ben Alexander rushes towards the tryline and dives over. Barnes converts the difficult kick. That could be the match-winning points. WALLABIES LEAD 26-19!
68 mins: SPRINGBOK PENALTY! From the resulting touch finder, the Wallabies concede another penalty during a rolling maul. Morne Steyn steps up and slots the three-pointer. SCORES ARE LEVEL AT 19-19!
65 mins: MONUMENTAL TURNOVER! Wallabies were building great attacking momentum in the Boks' half, but No 8 Duane Vermeulen puts in a hard tackle and steals the pill. Wins the penalty for holding on.
61 mins: WALLABIES PENALTY! Springboks are guilty of a breakdown transgression in front of the posts, and Barnes boots Australia back into the lead. WALLABIES LEAD 19-16!
60 mins: From the resulting kick-off, Mvovo makes another mistake. The ball crosses the chalk off his boot as he fails to catch it, and the Wallabies are awarded a 5m scrum as Morne Steyn is forced to dot it down.
59 mins: SPRINGBOK PENALTY! Great long-range effort from Frans Steyn! Completes his second penalty. SCORES ARE LEVEL AT 16-16!
58 mins: WASTED OPPORTUNITY! The Springboks win a turnover in a promising position, and Pienaar finds replacement wing Lwazi Mvovo in space. But the flyer doesn't straighten the line, and takes up space. His offload to captain Jean de Villiers sees the outside centre forced into touch.
56 mins: WALLABIES TRY! Instant impact from reserve No 8 Scott Higginbotham. Minutes after running on to the park, he finds a gap in the Springbok guard to power over for the hosts' first try. Barnes adds the extras. WALLABIES LEAD 16-13!
53 mins: Springboks concede their second scrum penalty, again on their own feed. Wallabies kick play into the visitors' territory.
49 mins: Springboks are awarded a penalty from the resulting kick-off. However, Morne Steyn fails to find the target.
47 mins: WALLBIES PENALTY! Australia run 12 phases into the Boks' red zone. They struggle to edge nearer to the try-line and are relieved when scrumhalf Ruan Pienaar is penalised for offside. Barnes finds some rewards as he splits the posts. SPRINGBOKS LEAD 13-9!
44 mins: Beast is back on. Boks are back to 15 players.
43 mins: Morne Steyn tries his second drop goal attempt, but again, it fades wide. Not a bad option as it gives time for Beast to get back on to the field.
41 mins: Barnes gets the game going again, kicks deep to Morne Steyn. The Springbok flyhalf finds good distance in his clearance.
39 mins: Despite being a man down, the Boks have the upper hand. Good kicks and chips into the Aussie 22m area creating some problems.
35 mins: Barnes puts the Boks under pressure with a charge down. Good cover work from Kirchner, but the hosts still win possession. Boks let off the hook as Australia spill the pill. And at the scrum, the Wallabies concede a penalty.
33 mins: BIG BLOW FOR BOKS! Mtawarira blocks fullback Kurtley Beale as the Wallabies fullback gives a hoof ahead. And referee Nigel Owens pulls out the yellow. Poor play from the prop.
28 mins: WALLABIES PENALTY! The Springboks concede a penalty at the scrum, on their own feed. Big boost for the Wallabies front row. Barnes kicks his second penalty to cut the deficit to seven points. SPRINGBOKS LEAD 13-6!
26 mins: SPRINGBOK PENALTY! Frans Steyn kicks his first long-range penalty. Vital to get his first one over, after missing two at Newlands. Great start for the Springboks. SPRINGBOKS LEAD 13-3!
24 mins: Some off-the-ball stuff between the two teams as the Wallabies concede a penalty, which is in inside centre Frans Steyn's range. Locks Sharpe and Eben Etzebeth have a bust up, and the young second-rower nearly lands a head-butt on the veteran. It goes unpunished.
22 mins: Wallabies trying to match the Springboks' tactical kicking game, but are being dominated in this facet of play.
21 mins: SPRINGBOK TRY! After persistent pressure, the Boks finally cross the chalk. After messing up three other opportunities, Habana snipes the fringes low and quick, and crosses to score the first try of the game. Morne Steyn adds the extras. SPRINGBOKS LEAD 10-3!
20 mins: Great chase by Kirchner and he wins possession in the Wallabies' red zone. The Boks make good metres and are edging closer to the chalk.
17 mins: WALLABIES PENALTY! First points for the hosts as Barnes slots the easy kick. SCORES ARE LEVEL AT 3-3!
16 mins: Loosehead prop Beast Matwarira is pinned for not rolling away in a kickable area. Wallabies should open their score tally via inside centre Berrick Barnes.
15 mins: STRONG COUNTER RUCK! The Wallabies show they have the grunt up front, forcing a penalty with a powerful counter drive. The Springbok pack needs to step up.
13 mins: The early momentum is with the Wallabies. Australia run 10 phases into Springbok territory, but a poor decision to kick into space sees wing Francois Hougaard call for a mark. He clears the ball and relieves pressure.
8 mins: Springbok wing Bryan Habana gives fullback Zane Kirchner a poor pass after chasing Wallabies flyhalf Quade Cooper's chip through into the South African red zone. Kirchner does well to clear play under pressure. The Wallabies take a quick throw, creating a promising attacking opportunity, but the hosts spill the ball moments later.
4 mins: SPRINGBOK PENALTY! Yes, Morne can. It wasn't an easy kick, but the Bok No 10 enjoys a clean strike to hit the target. Impressive penalty shot. SPRINGBOKS LEAD 3-0!
3 mins: The Wallabies concede a penalty moments later, after being pinned for holding on at a breakdown in a kickable area. Can Morne Steyn kick the Boks into the lead?
2 mins: The Boks get an early attacking position, and Morne Steyn shifts into the pocket for a shot at goal. However, his drop goal attempt goes wide.
KICK-OFF: Springbok flyhalf Morne Steyn starts the game with a high kick-off, and it's taken cleanly by Wallabies Nathan Sharpe.
Wallabies – 15 Kurtley Beale, 14 Dominic Shipperley, 13 Adam Ashley-Cooper, 12 Berrick Barnes, 11 Digby Ioane, 10 Quade Cooper, 9 Will Genia (c), 8 Radike Samo, 7 Michael Hooper, 6 Dave Dennis, 5 Nathan Sharpe, 4 Sitaleki Timani, 3 Ben Alexander, 2 Tatafu Polota-Nau, 1 Benn Robinson
Subs: 16 Saia Faingaa, 17 James Slipper, 18 Scott Higginbotham, 19 Liam Gill, 20 Nick Phipps, 21 Mike Harris
Springboks – 15 Zane Kirchner, 14 Bryan Habana, 13 Jean de Villiers (c), 12 Frans Steyn, 11 Francois Hougaard, 10 Morné Steyn, 9 Ruan Pienaar, 8 Duane Vermeulen, 7 Willem Alberts, 6 Marcell Coetzee, 5 Juandre Kruger, 4 Eben Etzebeth, 3 Jannie du Plessis, 2 Adriaan Strauss, 1 Beast Mtawarira.
Subs: 16 Tiaan Liebenberg, 17 Pat Cilliers, 18 Flip van der Merwe, 19 Francois Louw, 20 Johan Goosen, 21 Pat Lambie, 22 Lwazi Mvovo.
838 Comments
Pages: « 1 … 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 [17] Show All
8 Sep 2012, 16:44 pm@TASSIES-793:
Tassies, what do you think the solution should be.Get rid of HM and replace him with Mallet then all our problems will be solved. Based on the post above the players and management cannot express themselves because they have a "dom astrant" coach in HM.
They have another thing coming if Mallet is at the helm.
8 Sep 2012, 16:44 pm@i_love_u_bakkiesbotha-800: And 2 draws. For me that is 50% win ratio, isn't it?
8 Sep 2012, 16:46 pm@NZINCHINA-773:
its a win/loss ratio you dimwits.
draws do not get factored in but if you really wanted we could, that would only push it up.so now then, what is meyer's loss ratio 'out of 6′… my point exactly…
8 Sep 2012, 16:48 pm@mpundulu-798:
I know that.But how long are we going to turn a blind eye to daylight robbery.
8 Sep 2012, 16:49 pm@i_love_u_bakkiesbotha-803: 3 wins from 6 games is 50% win ratio, doos.
8 Sep 2012, 16:50 pmoh Bakkies take some time out mate this isnt doing you any good
8 Sep 2012, 16:54 pmLets clarify this for all…….. Played 6 (100%) won 3(50%) Lost 1 (16.7%) Draws 2 (33.3%). But in rugby terms he has a win loss ratio of 3 -1 which will give him a 75% record…………………………………………………
8 Sep 2012, 16:57 pmfark me he's a brilliant coach then
8 Sep 2012, 16:57 pm"Insanity is trying the same thing repeatedly, each time expecting a different outcome"
Albert Einstein -
8 Sep 2012, 16:58 pmArme ou Springbokke. Wat a groot, nare "mislukking" is hulle nou nie?
Op een of ander tyd in die jaar 2009 was hulle mos nommer een, maar nou het hulle "stelselmatig agteruitgegaan" en staan reeds op nommer drie en dit lyk of hulle nog verder daal.
Sal hulle nie laaste in hierdie eerste Rugby Kampionskap eindig nie?'God bless HM'
8 Sep 2012, 17:00 pm@phil72-807: win-loss rato – yes, however 75% look misleading when we all know oke have won just half of his Tests.
8 Sep 2012, 17:01 pm@Nils-805:
whats his loss ratio, doos ? -
8 Sep 2012, 17:02 pmi have betting things to do
the bulls are playing
later chops
8 Sep 2012, 17:02 pmMeyers aim should be to draw next weekend his won/loss will be in the 90′s.
8 Sep 2012, 17:03 pmBoks need to appoint a new coach, end this lack of progress early otherwise it's going to stretch into years. Maybe Heyneke will resign, he can't do what he wants to with this team.
8 Sep 2012, 17:03 pmno you don't
8 Sep 2012, 17:04 pm@phil72-807:
these two idiot dooses have other ideasfark, can dumb and dumber get any more precious
8 Sep 2012, 17:04 pm75% se gat!
8 Sep 2012, 17:04 pmnow say: ' i am a doos and made a mistake'….
8 Sep 2012, 17:06 pmok Meyer is a brilliant coach
8 Sep 2012, 17:08 pmBut what about this? Australia have won their last five matches against South Africa and have won seven of the last eight matches against the Springboks. So is it all HM's fault?
8 Sep 2012, 17:08 pm@Transformation-818:
dont be and idiot, transie -
8 Sep 2012, 17:09 pmok
bulls time
8 Sep 2012, 17:10 pmDo you really need to remind everyone.
8 Sep 2012, 17:14 pmfokkoff
dom doos
jy't jouself maar stupid laat lyk ne
mr 50%
8 Sep 2012, 17:30 pmonly 2 positional changes in this game and Meyer would have won this, or better yet maybe 3 or 4
Hougaard at 9 and Goosen at 10 and Boks would have won this game
Of course another hooker, tight head and No. 5 lock and No.6 and full back would make a huge difference too, but carrying all that unwanted dross only Hougaard in for Pienaar and Goosen in for Steyn and Lambie on for Kirchner would have ENSURED that Boks won this game.
Heyneke Meyer got absolutely zero idea and its seriously starting to show … Bad!!
8 Sep 2012, 17:42 pmLambie / W. Le Roux / A. Coetsee
Habana / JPP / JdV
JdJ / Serfontein
F.Steyn / JdJ
Mvovo / A. Coetsee / Habana
Goosen / W. Le Roux
Hougaard / Pretorius / Van Zyl
M.Coetsee / D. Vermeulen
Alberts / Elstadt
Brussow / Louw / D. Fourie
Etsebeth / Kruger
Elstadt / Alberts
Cilliers / Oosthuizen / Nel
D. Fourie / Liebenberg
Steenkamp / Beast / Greyling -
8 Sep 2012, 18:15 pm@i_love_u_bakkiesbotha-812: who cares, soon it will reach 50%.
8 Sep 2012, 18:39 pm@Nils-828:
yes, it probably will…. but then it will steadly get better and better
and then you wont be so funny mr funny guye tu doos
8 Sep 2012, 18:44 pmEhe WTF happened – I was sipping tea ? Did we win?
8 Sep 2012, 18:47 pmJa Bokke bok bok – een duisend punte?
Wattehel – 30 mins blown hard tgen blown off – they fkn ****.
8 Sep 2012, 19:06 pm@Horsepower Jones-809:
The original by Einstein was: "It is insane to repeat the same experiment time and again and to expect a different result"
It was said while at Kaiser Wilhelm Institute in Berlin circa 1900.
Emphasis' on 'experiment' and 'result'
HM does not experiment 'cause he seemed too clueless and stubborn to 'experiment', he is simply in a state of panic
HM was Nick Mallett's forwards coach, he knew then well enough that possession is at premium, that neither Henry Honibal nor Joost were allowed to kick away, and there is no reason for M Styen to do so now.
Simple -
8 Sep 2012, 19:11 pmFk Einstein and fk meyer – get someone else in NOW
8 Sep 2012, 19:37 pm@i_love_u_bakkiesbotha-829: Why should I be funny at any time?
Look, I do believe Boks will get better – not sure they will be worldbeaters with Heineken "How many Bulls caps do you have" Mayer in charge. No, frankly, I do not believe that at all.
Still Boks should be in the world top 10 even with hyppo in charge.
8 Sep 2012, 19:50 pmNils mate with all respect stfu gdam kiwi pidgeon
8 Sep 2012, 20:52 pm@cab-835: Cab with all respect to you – **** you, too.
9 Sep 2012, 13:22 pm@fritz1, are you for real? Two changes would suddenly have SA scrumming better? Stop gwanty10 type turboweverse against the Oz scrum wtf – and JS wasn't even there – who are you going to blame now? Being able to win all their lineouts suddenly? Able to suddenly defend in an organised way, support the man with the ball and protect the ball at the rucks?
I'll grant you I nearly turned off when that silly Pienaar does these **** wafting actions behind his back that telegraph to the Ozzies that players are going to leave the maul so they simply shove SA off the ball; penalty, win lineout, another penalty – 3 points. I would have subbed Pienaar right then (he, he). Unless of course that is how Heineken coached him, which is very likely considering the coach and his *** istants are Blou Bulle boneheads.
I'm not surprised by the result. The Boks have looked disorganised for a national team from the start. Look at the S15, two SA teams (excluding the Bulls) basically rip apart all the Oz teams then our national squad loses in a hopeless manner. Something rotten in the state of Denmark.
Heineken wanted Matfield and du Preez because these guys hardly needed coaching. Now that he has to coach new players at the highest level his lack of ability is being exposed. Let's see if he can adapt and learn.
9 Sep 2012, 20:17 pm@cab-833: Australia have won their last five matches against South Africa and have won seven of the last eight matches against the Springboks, so who do you suggest?
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Re: Stumped
I really like the idea! I just think the text will be too small and unreadable if it prints.
This is incredible. I'd definitely buy one.
Re: Nerd Fight v2.0
For all the people that dislike the white... heres cream. I will delete the one with the fewest votes tonight. Click here for a nice large image to ogle at
Re: Locked and Loaded
Both of you guys are fantastic artists in your own rite. Together you are awesome! Wish I could vote 1000 times for this one!
tjost wrote:... Also the whole floating in air and having what looks like blood dripping down kinda sealed it for me. ...
How do you know it's not oil? We just have two separate views, and I will just leave it at that. It's normal of us humans. We are both right and both wrong
chumpmagic wrote:For all the people that dislike the white... heres cream. I will delete the one with the fewest votes tonight. Click here for a nice large image to ogle at
I must say when comparing the two side by side, I do like the cream better.
Re: robobats
More like rockin' cats.
Our Mighty Feast Gobbles! this is amazing. seriously, this one needs to win
Very well done. I was kinda hoping someone would go outside the box (no pun intended) and do a design that didn't include an actual robot. This is my 2nd favorite of the derby, which says a lot since theres so many good designs this time.
I love this!!! It makes me so happy that one of the geeks is a girl. I'll take it one white or cream, thank-you-very-much!
Aww super cute jas. Love the whistling music notes haha. Ughhh now I'm gonna have the snow white song stuck in my head now -__-
Re: Bluejay Ascending
Hello all This weeks Woot is cool good luck to all, it feels good to be back in the swing of things. I want to thank everyone for their support to this relatively newbie in my return to Woot now lets get designing. {{volmod edit: no advertising in comments. Ads for your derby designs or outside design sites belong in your signature and NOT in your comments. To edit your signature, please click on "my account," found under your username at the top of the shirt.woot page. Thank you.}}
Re: ROBOT TALES
Thanks everybody that commented and voted so far. This was a tough one to crank out before noon today. I hope you all enjoy it.
This is amazing, but I see it doing better somewhere like DBH.
Re: Pop Machine
Certainly popping out the designs this week. Nice.
Re: They Never Sleep
Closeup coming soon.
Re: Boom Boom Bot
Re: slave to technology
Thank you sir may I have another [account so I can vote twice]? :D
Re: Off The Clock
So if he's off the clock... ..is he unwound? ..winding down?! harharharhar.
I just emailed this to all my coworkers as an explanation for why I suddenly burst into a fit of giggles. cute stuff.
Re: Building some robot love.
Those springs will come in handy!
Re: Lazer Tagged
You said we were playing laser "tag"...you didn't say it was with REAL lasers! Damn! Yet another shirt ruined! lol GMV!
Re: Get Servoed
Holy halftones, Batman! Awesome! I seem to remember you letting people watch you work live once upon a time, online. I'd like to do that again. Mhm.
Re: Midnight Mischief
Edit.. Had a boo boo.. resubbing
tjost wrote:I like it but while the buildings and citizens are all clearly toys those flames look awfully real and that card board robot suit looks really flameable O_O
Yeah. I find myself concerned more for the kid's safety instead of the animals =(
Re: Steamhands
Lookit these schmancy gold bots! Really nice job, guys. +1
Totally prefer this one, even though I have no aversion to white shirts whatsoever. I'm even wearing one right now! Would it be counterproductive if I voted for both? Probably.
Re: Beep Bop Boop Meow (version 2)
Version 2 of my Ninja Kitty Robot. Now with less weapons and bloodshed.
I agree that this one is great in concept, but I think it'll fail the incidental text rule. The question mark complicates things, too... =(
Re: Electric Dragon
That looks awesome, sir =)
Thanks tjost and bella =) Means a lot coming from you two!
This came out nice. I was a little concerned since the image you showed us in the prethread was more like a digital painting than a print-ready design. However, this still works well. Good job!
astyrfan wrote:So if he's off the clock... ..is he unwound? ..winding down?! harharharhar.
Heh. I was actually going to name this "Going Fission'" and considered making him nuke-powered. Thanks for your support renegadetim, be10der2me and midgerock!
This is very charming. And I love the yellow color choice.
Re: Nerd Fight
Is the guy nerd wearing mittens? o.O
Nice work Team Roc/k! This really came together nicely!
I like that B-Boy Bot a lot. However, what truly amazing me here is the background. The aerosol paint has such wonderful movement. Too stunning.
Re: buy an airy pie
There are 10 kinds of people in the world... love it!
Re: Don't Fly Away My Angel
Here's a full detail size... I like how this one came out
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