text:
We Cannot Not Know History
Journal of Architectural Education
November 1994
The author analyzes the extreme right-wing political philosophy developed and promoted by Philip Johnson between 1932 and 1940 and compares it to the Nietzschean architectural politics he has promoted in the postwar period. Johnson's intellectual legacy, in particular the architectural theory of Peter Eisenman, is discussed in terms of the aestheticization of politics and history. This analysis proceeds in light of German philosopher Peter Sloterdijk's conception of post-1945 'survival' through cynical reason in which one knows that what one is doing is wrong, but one does it anyway to survive and get ahead. In opposition to Eisenman and Johnson's cynical reason, the author proposes a return to what Sloterdijk describes as kynicism, the disclosure of the falseness of the cynic and the false structure of cynical society.
Whatever we may think of Philip Johnson's qualifications as a designer or of the individuals and movements that he has promoted over the years, there can be no question that he has played a key role in shaping twentieth century architectural discourse. Johnson has been an architectural trendsetter, promoting the International Style, Mies van der Rohe, classicism and historical eclecticism, postmodernism, deconstructivism, and now a kind of Scharounian neoexpressionism. That his own design skills might be weak and that he sometimes took ideas from others and presented them as his own does not change the impact he has had on the discourse.1
But if we are to try and evaluate Johnson and his intellectual legacy today, we have to take into account the information presented by Franz Schulze in his new biography Philip Johnson: Life and Work. Between 1932 and 1940, Johnson was an antisemite, fascist sympathizer, and active propagandist for the Nazi government. The discipline of architecture has been largely silent on the issue of Johnson's right-wing past even though Johnson's political activities have long been the subject of gossip and plenty of material existed prior to the publication of the Schulze book. Johnson wrote extensively for right-wing organizations during the 1930s and his activities were covered in contemporary publications as well as in more recent histories of prewar movements in the extreme-Right. But in stark contrast to the over 300 articles published on literary critic Paul de Man's writing for Le Soir during the Nazi occupation of Belgium and a similarly copious amount of discourse on philosopher Martin Heidegger's public endorsement of the Nazi program, Johnson's past has received scant attention in the architectural media. Even Elaine S. Hochman avoided mentioning Johnson's express commitment to fascist ideology in her book Architects of Fortune: Mies van der Rohe and the Third Reich, an attempt to document Johnson's friend Mies's collaboration with the Nazi government. Until Schulze's book came out, to my knowledge only two articles by members of the discipline examined Johnson's political past: architect Michael Sorkin's "Where was Philip?" and architectural historian Geoffrey Blodgett's "Philip Johnson's Great Depression." But both articles were published outside of the architectural media, in Spy magazine and Timeline, the newsletter of the Ohio Historical Society, respectively. They were never taken up in the public discourse of architecture in spite of the fact that either article provided enough information that anyone with interlibrary loan access could retrieve at least some of Johnson's more disturbing writings. Sorkin concluded his article with bitter questions pointing to the discipline's silence about Johnson: "And what about some sort of apology? Some version of the [Kurt] Waldheim grovel? There never has been one from Johnson ""? not publicly, at any rate. However, apology or no, he has been forgiven." In spite of one of Johnson's most memorable quotes, "We cannot not know history," both Johnson and the discipline didn't really want to know their own history.
Instead of simply judging Johnson for his past misdeeds in order to reach a convenient historical closure, in this essay I examine Johnson's philosophy by comparing Johnson's political texts in the period between 1932 and 1940 with the philosophy of architecture that he promoted after the war. The result will lay a groundwork for an analysis of Johnson's intellectual legacy and should help point to the larger issue of both architecture and this country's avoidance of acknowledging complicity in and repression of the Holocaust.
Johnson shows evidence of having been interested in right-wing politics by 1932, the same year as his MOMA exhibit on the "International Style." During one of his visits to Germany to scout out modern art and architecture, Johnson attended a Hitler rally in Potsdam where, he told Schulze, he was enthralled. After his return to the United States, Johnson and Alan Blackburn, a friend from Harvard and MOMA, began to take an interest in the political philosophy of Lawrence Dennis.
An active figure in the extreme Right, Dennis predicted that capitalism in the United States was doomed and that only the coming of fascism could save it from Communism. To help would-be American fascists, Dennis provided a theoretical framework which he believed the successful movement would follow. Fascist revolt, he explained, would come not from the masses but from "the menaced and injured members of the élite who have a will to power and a will, through the capture and use of power, to change conditions they find intolerable." Dennis argued that because all societies were ultimately run by élites, fascism had the virtue of not being hypocritical, as it "frankly acknowledges, or rather boasts, that its élite rule." And if the economy performed better and the masses were happier under fascism than they could be under communism or liberal capitalism, Dennis concluded, then indeed it was the right choice for America.
Dennis's message appealed to Johnson and Blackburn. In December 1934, prominent accounts in the New York Times and New York Herald Tribune reported that they had formed their own "Nationalist party," or "Gray shirts" and, after trying to recruit members and holding a few meetings, quit their jobs with the intention of leaving for Louisiana to offer their services to Senator Huey Long, the Kingfish. Their decision must have pleased Dennis, who had written that Long was "the nearest approach to a national fascist leader. … It takes a man like Long to lead the masses. … Long's smarter than Hitler but he needs a good brain trust." The two told reporters that they hoped that in Louisiana they could "develop [themselves] by doing the sort of things that everybody in New York would like to do but never has time for. We may learn to shoot, fly airplanes, and take contemplative walks in the woods." A reporter for the Herald Tribune noted that Johnson's office at the Museum of Modern Art was filled with catalogs of firearms. Blackburn was in favor of large pistols whereas Johnson favored the submachine gun.
Suspicious of the two Harvard graduates, Long sent them away to Johnson's Ohio home turf to organize for a possible 1936 run at the presidency. With Long's 1935 assassination however, their plans were scuttled and they joined up with Father Charles E. Coughlin, a political figure with tremendous grass-roots support based on his weekly radio programs. With his popular support, the powerful political organization of his National Union for Social Justice, his weekly newspaper Social Justice, and a natural gift for oratory, Coughlin was the other possible candidate for an American fascist leader in Dennis's eyes. Within three years Coughlin would be notorious as a prominent Nazi sympathizer and one of the leaders of antisemitism in the United States.
Johnson and Blackburn supported Coughlin in a variety of ways. They endorsed Union party presidential candidate William Lemke, contributing $5,000 to his campaign, and Johnson ran for the Ohio state legislature as a Democrat only to withdraw his candidacy in mid-campaign. They supervised the printing of Social Justice, and, in what was probably their biggest coup, they organized a rally in Chicago at which eighty thousand spectators paid fifty cents each to hear Coughlin and Lemke. In one of his first architectural works, Johnson designed a podium for Coughlin that was modeled after the podium he had seen Hitler use at Potsdam.
In 1938, after Blackburn left politics to get married, Johnson returned to New York and began spending more time with Lawrence Dennis. With Dennis's help, Johnson was invited by the German government to attend a Somerkurs f?ɬºr A?ɬºslander in Berlin, an introduction to Nazi politics for foreigners, and to see Hitler speak at the Nazi rally at Nuremberg marking five years in power. This rally was the greatest and last of the Nuremberg rallies. The next year the country would be at war.
At about this time, according to Schulze's interviews with Johnson, he had become friends with Viola Bodenschatz, an American journalist married to Major General Karl Bodenschatz, Hermann G?ɬ?ring's top aide. Johnson continued to try to make his message public: in a letter to her dated 23 April 1939, he wrote that he had planned to buy the American Mercury, a popular conservative magazine to which Dennis frequently contributed, but "The Jews bought the magazine and are ruining it, naturally."
His interest in controlling a periodical thwarted, Johnson began setting his thoughts on paper, contributing to three right-wing publications: the Examiner, a publication dedicated to understanding the good points in fascism put out by critic Geoffrey Stone, a close friend of Wyndham Lewis; Social Justice, which by 1938 had become notorious for its antisemitic, pro-Nazi slant, most notably for reprinting a speech by Goebbels essentially unchanged under Coughlin's name, as well as for publishing the Protocols of the Elders of Zion, and defending the Nazis after Kristallnacht; and Today's Challenge, a journal distributed by the American Fellowship Forum, an organization with close ties to Lawrence Dennis, funded by the German government and dedicated to disseminating pro-German propaganda to more upper-class types who might not read Social Justice.
Johnson's first political text was not his own, but rather a translation. Sometime during 1938, Johnson, under the guidance of Dennis, translated Werner Sombart's essay Weltanschauung, Science and Economy. According to Schulze, Johnson happened upon the essay in a Festschrift for Hjalmar Schacht, German economist and then Hitler's Minister of Economics and, having sought Sombart out, got permission to translate the essay into English. First printed in the Examiner, the essay was published in book form along with an introduction by Johnson by the Veritas press, a publishing house funded by the German government through the German Library of Information for propaganda purposes. Sombart was an influential German sociologist in the early part of the century who began to veer to the Right when he theorized an antisemitic critique of capitalism via racial archetypes, and supported the Nazi party in the 1930s. While Weltanschauung, Science and Economy is not a particularly important text in Sombart's oeuvre and does not address the question of race, translating it gave Johnson, Dennis, and the German government a chance to bring Sombart's ideas to the American public.
In the text Sombart explained that while the Nazis had a strong will, they lacked "a thorough philosophic training and education," leading them to spend their time "aimlessly running about." In other words, Nazi theory was not up to its practice. A reasonable conclusion from this would be that a theory like Dennis's could give a solid grounding to the American fascist movement to help it avoid the difficulties encountered by the German version. Sombart's book would thus have formed a complement to Dennis's writings, a call for an American theory of fascism.
Johnson, however, had political theories of his own. He laid out his position on race in an article for the Examiner (later reprinted in Today's Challenge) titled "A Dying People?" He opened the article by warning that Americans were failing to reproduce in sufficient quantities, predicting deserted ghost towns and a massive population decline. Midway through the article, however, Johnson displaced population decrease in absolute terms with a decrease in the population of the white race, writing: "This decline in fertility, so far as scientists have been able to discover, is unique in the history of the white race." The decline Johnson was predicting would be only among whites, the non-whites apparently not worthy of consideration as part of the population.
"In short," Johnson wrote, "the United States of America is committing race suicide." Only by thinking in the broader terms of the greater good of the race could whites save it:
…by their lack of will to live and grow, [Americans] themselves accelerate the already rapid decline in births. I have heard many educated men talk in this way: 'Well if we are not the fittest to survive, nature will wipe us out. The Japanese may be more fit to survive. Remember Darwin.'
But this appeal to Darwin is merely a cloak for weakness. For surely the will to live is a factor in determining what is 'fittest.' If we will to live and grow, we shall be fitter than the Japanese. If we sit back and look at the situation purely 'objectively,' the Japanese are very likely, with their strong will to live, to become fitter to survive than we.
The course of nature is not pre-destined. Human will is a part of the biological process. Our will, for example, interferes, constantly in the world of the lower animals. When English sparrows threaten to drive out our songbirds, we shoot the sparrows, rather than letting nature and Darwin take their course. Thus the songbirds, thanks to our will, become the 'fittest' and survive.
Johnson's argument was indebted to the eugenic discourse that was popular in the early part of the century but by the late 1930s had been left behind by scientific eugenicists, retained only by the extreme Right, most notably the Nazis. Like Johnson, the earlier eugenicists were alarmed by indications that Nordic or Anglo-Saxon Americans had a lower birth rate than immigrants from other countries. As Johnson would do later, the eugenicists predicted that "race suicide," and "national deterioration" would be the consequence of these trends. Only eugenic measures against the immigrants and increased fertility for the established could fend off the destruction of the race. Johnson's reference to the Japanese also recalls eugenicist fears of "the yellow peril" threatening the West with its increased fertility.
In a book review of Mein Kampf for the Examiner, Johnson went into greater detail on his ideas on race, locating a healthy and positive attitude in Hitler's racism:
At the basis of the Hitlerian mystique is the notion of 'race'. The exclusiveness implicit in this notion has repelled anti-Liberal thinkers outside of Germany, who have joined forces with Liberals in condemning it as unhistorical and unscientific. If, however, we overlook the terminology that Hitler inherits from Gobineau and Houston Stewart Chamberlain ""? and that has become so repugnant to Americans because it has been made to appear primarily anti-Semitic ""? we shall find a different picture than we have been led to expect by reading excerpts from the more lurid German 'anthropologists'. Reduced to plain terms, Hitler's 'racism' is a perfectly simple though far-reaching idea. It is the myth of 'we, the best', which we find, more or less fully developed, in all vigorous cultures. Thus Plato constructing the ideal State in his Republic assumed that it would be Greek: apparently even in the realm of Ideas nationality occurs, and one's own takes precedence over all others.
Johnson's position on race was carried over in his role as European correspondent for Social Justice and Today's Challenge. In his writings, Johnson consistently promoted an antisemitic, pro-German political stance that went far beyond what Paul de Man wrote in his articles for Le Soir. Over and over Johnson explicitly attacked the Jews, depicting them as malicious invaders, comparing them to an plague, and finally lying about their condition in 1939 Germany and Poland. In an article for Today's Challenge, Johnson wrote expressed his opinion on the Jewish refugees in Paris during the summer of 1939
Another serious split in French opinion is that caused by the Jewish question, a problem much aggravated just at present by the multitude of émigrés in Paris. Even I, as a stranger in the city, could not help noticing how much German was being spoken, especially in the better restaurants. Such an influx naturally makes the French wonder, not only about these incoming Jews, but also about their co-religionists who live and work here and call themselves French. The facts that Blum and the men around him are Jews, that there are two Jews in the present cabinet, Messrs. Zay and Mandel and that the Jewish bankers Mannheimer, de Rothschild and Lazard Freres are known to stand behind the present government all complicate the situation.
The position taken by the Daladier government on this question is an interesting commentary on its policies in general. There are two decree laws which concern the press, one against publishing propaganda paid for by a foreign government. Under these laws, the patriotic weeklies Le Defi and La France Enchainee were just recently suppressed, presumably for getting money from Hitler; but L'Humanité, which no one doubts gives out Russian propaganda, paid for by Russia, has been left alone. What is freedom of the press and for whom is it done, the French ask.
It is hard to imagine the author of this piece, the review of Mein Kampf, and "A Dying People?" supporting the admission of Jewish refugees from Nazi Germany and Eastern Europe into the Unite States.
Johnson wrote a similar piece, "Aliens Reduce France to an 'English Colony'," published in Social Justice on July 24. In this article he explained that while the American papers were trying to make the French seem, as he put it, "unified and courageously prepared for the worst," in reality "Lack of leadership and direction in the State has let the one group get control who always gain power in a nation's time of weakness: the Jews." Again Johnson insinuated that the Jews were doing better under the new government, writing that while Catholics were still "not allowed the right of assembly or instruction" and instead "It would seem that only Jews have freedom in the Third Republic. Small wonder one hears so many reports of growing antisemitism among the common people of France." To emphasize, he quoted "a patriotic French woman, a well-known writer and journalist, whose name I must withhold for obvious reasons":
'My heart aches for the future of my country. When I see my beloved city of Paris overrun with German, Czech and Hungarian Jews, I say to myself are these the "Frenchmen" who with their "French" cousins are to rule France? And am I not even to be allowed to raise my voice against it?
…'With our internal affairs in the hands of the Jewish bankers, our foreign affairs in the hands of Great Britain, and our country rent by dissension, what is to be the end for France? Who will save her?'
Johnson toured Poland with Viola Bodenschatz a month before the outbreak of the war and reported back on what he saw in an article for Social Justice. Again Johnson singled out the Jews in classically antisemitic terms, this time comparing them with a disease upon the European race:
When I first drove into Poland, the countryside was a shock to me. Like most Americans who learned their geography since the World War, I was brought up to think of Poland as a country which looked much like the other countries of Europe. … Once on the Polish side [of the Polish-German border], I thought I must be in the region of some awful plague. The fields were nothing but stone, there were no trees, mere paths instead of roads. In the towns there were no shops, no automobiles, no pavements and again no trees. There were not even any Poles to be seen in the streets, only Jews!
In an interview with Schulze, Johnson described part of this journey in language that underscores how little his opinions have changed over the years. Having gotten lost in the narrow streets of the town of Mak?ɬ?w, Johnson found his car surrounded by Jews:
At first, I didn't seem to know who they were except that they looked so disconcerting, so totally foreign. They were a different breed of humanity, flitting about like locusts. Soon enough I realized they were Jews, with their long black coats, everyone in black, and their yarmulkes. Something about them … desperate, as if they were pleading about something … maybe because we wee Americans, with our American license plates. You know how in your dreams your world sometimes drops from under you? I felt out of my depth.
While he had disparaged Poland and its large Jewish population, Johnson painted Germany in a starkly better light. Johnson compared Hitler to Lenin: both had provided their people with a positive revolutionary ideal for which they were prepared to sacrifice their lives. The preconditions of revolution, "starvation, oppression, suffering" were "very far from being sufficient to cause a revolt." Those opposed to Hitler constituted a diverse group ""? from "lawyers who miss the good old days when lawyers were looked up to and paid well" to "artists who resent the official disapproval of their art" ""? incapable of uniting on a common front. It wasn't really so bad, Johnson explained:
none of those opposed to Hitler that I know would prefer the liberalism of the Weimar Republic to National Socialism as a system of government. … They do not like Hitler, but they feel that if Hitler were not Hitler but some imaginary person that would be nice in their own particular way, then National Socialism or rather national socialism, would be a good idea. Such thoughts are not the stuff of revolutions.
One is left wondering what happened to the Jews in Johnson's Germany. Had the plague been eliminated in Germany? Johnson couldn't have been ignorant of the vicious campaign against the Jews, either in his first-hand experience or from the accounts printed in the American press, especially after Kristallnacht. Schulze relates a chilling incident told to him by Johnson about his firsthand experience with the antisemitic violence of the Nazis. Passing through Brno, Johnson called upon Otto Eisler, an architect who had participated in the International Style exhibit and was a Jew and homosexual. Johnson told Schulze that Eisler "could only keep his head up at a distorted, painful angle. 'Obviously you don't know,' he said, 'but I've been in the hands of the Gestapo, and they let me out just the other day. I don't know how long I can talk to you.'" Johnson was shaken by the incident and wrote J. J. P. Oud to ask him to help. Oud could not do anything and Johnson quickly put the incident behind him.
At the invitation of the German Propaganda Ministry, Johnson accompanied the German army into Poland to see the invasion first-hand. In his Berlin Diary, journalist William Shirer recounted his encounter with Johnson:
Dr. Boehmer, press chief of the Propaganda Ministry in charge of this trip, insisted that I share a double room in the hotel with Philip Johnson, an American fascist who says he represents Father Coughlin's Social Justice. None of us can stand the fellow and suspect he is spying on us for the Nazis. For the last hour in our room here he has been posing as an anti-Nazi and trying to pump me for my attitude, I have given him no more than a few bored grunts.
While in his contemporary writings Johnson was eager to repeat quotations from individuals like the French woman, he would not repeat Eisler's statement. Instead, Johnson acted as a mouthpiece for Nazi propaganda. Returning to New York, Johnson recounted what he had seen of the war in Poland. In another article for Social Justice he wrote: "You have been led to believe that the Germans have devastated Poland. 90 per cent false. I saw Warsaw burn. Modlin, Miava, and the hamlet of Nowograd I saw in ruins. But 99 per cent the towns I visited since the war are not only intact but full of Polish peasants and Jewish shopkeepers."
Johnson also gave at least three speeches on what he said he saw during the war. Historian Geoffrey Blodgett recounts that in mid-October Johnson told the New London Rotary Club that journalists were distorting the war. The New London Record reported "He found, especially in Poland, business as usual, the citizens contented and more or less satisfied with the change of government, and the Jew but very little molested." Johnson followed this with a second lecture on December 13, 1939 in Philadelphia on "Facts and Fiction in the Present War" about which as yet little is known.
On January 26, 1940, Johnson gave a speech at a Springfield, Massachusetts Turn Verien (Germanic gymnastics hall) for the American Fellowship Forum. According to a Springfield Evening Union account, his theme was a warning that on account of British interests, the United States was ready to go to war with Germany. Calling himself a foreign correspondent, Johnson explained that the American newspapers were deceiving the public about the European war. Of the New York Times, he declared that it had only British correspondents in Europe, who would send back only articles favoring their country's positions. Johnson went on to cite a picture that appeared in the Springfield Evening Union the previous month depicting victims of the war and said that it was taken in Brooklyn. Johnson continued to cite instances of purported anti-German propaganda in the American papers, according to the account "The newspapers lied about the war in Poland, he [Johnson] said, averring that the countryside was not made destitute as reported. He said only one town actually was destroyed and the half of another. The first town had been used as a fort, he said."
But Johnson knew what was going on. Schulze cites a letter sent by Johnson to Viola Bodenschatz after he had visited post-invasion Poland and had driven through the same town he described in the Social Justice article as being full of Jews:
I was lucky enough to get to be [invited by the German government to be] a correspondent so that I could go to the front when I wanted to and so it was that I came again to the country that we had motored through, the towns north of Warsaw. Do you remember Markow [sic }? I went through that same square where we got gas and it was unrecognizable. The German green uniforms made the place look gay and happy. There were not many Jews to be seen. We saw Warsaw burn and Modlin being bombed. It was a stirring spectacle.
Johnson's letter is in conflict with his public lectures on the topic. It would appear that Johnson knowingly erased the fate of the Jews for what can only have been propaganda purposes. The no-doubt-violent purge of the Jews from the village was doubled in this erasure of memory that Johnson produced in his speeches and writings.
Johnson's antisemitism and dishonesty about the plight of the Jews fit in with the publications he wrote for. Coughlin's Social Justice played a key role in spreading antisemitism in the prewar United States. Indeed, during the period of Nazi rule, it was very difficult for European Jews to immigrate to this country because of the Roosevelt administration's fear of offending established Americans. Hitler himself used the American position to justify his antisemitic policies, asking if the United States refused the Jews, why should Germany accept them? That Coughlin, Social Justice, and Johnson had a role in spreading this antisemitic attitude, gives them a very real role in the history of the Holocaust.
By 1940 pressure on Johnson to end his political activities was mounting. According to Schulze, that May the FBI began to assemble its dossier against him and by June internal documents in the Office of Naval Intelligence marked him as suspected of being a spy. That fall the American Fellowship Forum would undergo Congressional scrutiny by the House Special Committee to Investigate Un-American Activities. Roosevelt himself, in his fireside chat of May 26 pointed to a danger within: "The Trojan Horse. The Fifth Column that betrays a nation unprepared for treachery." With the Wehrmacht rolling through the Low Countries and Roosevelt asking congress to nearly double the military budget in preparation for possible war, being an activist for subversive groups under government suspicion must have begun to seem like a bad idea to Johnson. He was also beginning to get bad press: the September issue of Harper's described his activities as one of "The American Fascists."
Abandoning his political career, Johnson returned to Harvard that fall to study architecture as a graduate student and to begin re-fashioning his public persona. His efforts were successful: after graduation and a short stint in the army as a latrine orderly in Fort Belvoir, Virginia, Johnson would get back his earlier position in MOMA's architecture department with little difficulty and soon after became a practicing architect.
The first major landmark in Johnson's refashioning of his public persona was his Glass House in New Canaan, Connecticut, which established him as an architect to watch and, as a site of numerous high society parties, became a symbol of his role as power broker. In his 1950 photo-essay in Architectural Review, Johnson presented a series of historical justifications for its design in a series of images with extensive captioning texts. The first ten images of the essay were of what Johnson cited as its precedents for the Glass House, the captions indicating that his interest in precedent was limited to drawing together formal moments from history. By reducing history to a slide-show of formal events, Johnson's photo essay repressed its materiality.
After the historical images, Johnson shifted to images of the Glass House itself with captions explaining its different elements. Under a picture of the house illuminated at night, Johnson wrote:
The cylinder, made of the same brick as the platform from which it springs, forming the main motif of the house was not derived from Mies, but rather from a burned-out wooden village I saw once where nothing was left but the foundations and chimneys of brick. Over the chimney I slipped a steel cage with a glass skin. The chimney forms the anchor.
Certainly most readers would not have known about Johnson's visit to post-invasion Poland or his reasons for doing so. Why then did Johnson make the connection with the war? In his 1979 introduction to Philip Johnson. Writings, Peter Eisenman elaborated on Johnson's interpretation:
the Glass House is Johnson's own monument to the horrors of war. It is at once a ruin and also an ideal model of a more perfect society; it is the nothingness of glass and the wholeness of abstract form. How potent this image will remain long after all of us have gone, as a fitting requiem for both a man's life and his career as an architect! I know of no other architect's house that answers so many questions, has such a symbiotic relationship with personal atonement and rebirth as an individual.
Like Johnson, Eisenman did not explain Johnson's role in the war. Without an explanation of the conditions Johnson saw the chimney under and his subsequent erasure of the violence against the Jews and the Poles, it becomes not a confession but a cynical inside joke.
More recently Johnson has said that the chimney is symbolic of nothing more than a hearth. Of the image of the burned-out village, he stated,
Yes, I regret having said that. Because the burned-out village was in the Second World War, and I was on the wrong side. So we don't talk about that anymore. My enemies do, of course. That's a part of my life that I'd rather forget.
But it was a horrifying sight. And yet, it's so symbolic, that you've got the hearth, the one thing that was left. And it was so beautiful. That's a horrible thing to say, but ruins are beautiful. You can't help it. Fascination with ruins, it's endless.
This passage reinforces a reading of Johnson's original text that suggests Johnson had the capacity to appropriate any image, no matter what its context, for purely formal purposes. Johnson is not making any statement about the horrors of war, but rather he is making a statement about the architect's eye. Faced with the terrible sight of the burned-out wooden village, Johnson does not care what happened to the people who lived there: all he cares about is the form he sees, just as earlier he had been impressed by the sight of the cheery German uniforms and the disappearance of the Jews.
It is this kind of formalist appropriation of historical materiality that Johnson promoted when he stated in a 1959 lecture that "We cannot not know history." Johnson didn't want real historical investigation, any digging that might uncover the shaky foundations on which the Glass House is built. Rather, as he explained in the same lecture, "I try to pick up what I like throughout history." "We cannot not know history," in this case does not refer to his own historical culpability, but rather to point to an aestheticization of history.
Beginning in the early 1970s, Johnson's past was brought up occasionally in the architectural press, albeit almost exclusively in interviews with him, where Johnson would have a chance to deflect the issue. For the most part, Johnson's interviewers were reluctant to investigate or grapple with the material in a significant way. Two interviews, however, stand out for the relative probity of the interviewers.
The first mention of Johnson's past in the architectural media was in an article by Charles Jencks that contained within it an interview with Johnson. Jencks confronted Johnson with the passage from Shirer's Berlin Diaries. Johnson retorted: "Shirer's a very irresponsible journalist…very third rate writer…" But Johnson had to agree with the account, excepting any possibility that he was a spy: "Yes it was that night in Danzig that Shirer writes about. But uh…I really, I'd suppose that anyone who wasn't actively crusading was suspicious and I probably did lean over backwards…no I was wrong…I hoped something good would come out of it. No this was before concentration camps were started of course. But still no excuse. Speer has it right, I know, but of course I weren't no spy."
But while he alluded to Speer's acceptance of full responsibility for Nazi war crimes, Johnson himself neither accepted full responsibility nor detailed his own actions. Instead, he changed the topic to what he thought of Speer:
Oh, reading Speer is one of the really exciting things. Have you read the architectural section? Oh, but read the architectural part. Because Speer was an extremely sensitive man and really a businessman architect ""? he'd be good in America, a really great skyscraper architect, an organizer. But with this mad architect ""? uh ""? Hitler, who didn't have any intention to run the country at all ""? during the war. Spent the time designing ""? and made the drawings himself sometimes. Oh, you must take a glance at the book.
Jencks responded:
What the … HITLER! An architect? Mad architect? Somehow it made a lot of fortuitous sense as if Johnson had suddenly illuminated a whole area of the architect's dreams, the secret desires and warped fantasies which usually cannot stand the light of day and remain hidden ""? even to the architect himself. But Hitler! A Thousand Year Reich…
Yet just as Jencks picked up on a brilliant moment of insight into both the identity of the contemporary architect and on Johnson as archetypal contemporary architect, he dropped it, ending his interpretation of Johnson's statement by stating that "At best ""? in his self-mocking comments or his Sheldon Museum ""? he attains a level of candid introspection and exaggeration usually reserved as moments of truth for the court jester." Johnson had become the bad boy of architecture again, his past indiscretions just part of his candid persona.
In another interview with Johnson by John W. Cook and Heinrich Klotz's for their book Conversations with Architects, Johnson himself turned the interview toward Hitler:
Hitler …was, unfortunately, an extremely bad architect. The only thing I really regret about dictatorships isn't the dictatorship, because I recognize that in Julius's time and in Justinian's time and Caesar's time they had to have dictators. I mean I'm not interested in politics at all. I don't see any sense to it. About Hitler ""? if he'd only been a good architect!…if you go to Rome today, you'll find that the Terza Roma was much better than what's been done in the Republic, in the same area, since the war. So let's not be so fancy pants about who runs the country. Let's talk about whether it's good or not.
In other words for Johnson the ethics of patronage is irrelevant, only the quality of the design left behind: "whether it's good or not." In a subsequent exchange, Johnson explained that he also loved Stalin as he thought the dictator might build something. "Hitler," he continued, "was a terrible disappointment, putting aside the social problem…"
Johnson calls for a collapse of history: we are to put aside the "social problem" of the Third Reich. But this is consistent with the rest of the interview in which Johnson took pains to dismiss the myth that Mies's flight from Germany might be motivated by distaste for Hitler's politics. In its stead he created a new myth of Mies who fled Germany because he couldn't get any commissions under the Nazi regime. Mies, it turned out, was just like Johnson, a true architect, apolitical or more properly committed to an aesthetic ideology of the importance of architecture over all else. Johnson explained that his own goal as an architect was not to inspire or improve people but rather to entertain them. He gave as an example a "maffioso numbers man," who could be given a proper environment: "He'll go on killing his people, but I hope to amuse him in between."
Remarkably, in the Foreword to the Cook and Klotz book, architectural historian Vincent Scully could only remark "In the interview with Philip Johnson, I find Cook and Klotz unnecessarily tedious ""? with their bits about travertine and Hitler and all. But everybody baits Johnson, and he asks for it and usually comes dancing through it with a fine, brittle, Balanchine-like rigor ""? as he does here."
In recent years, Johnson has maintained a public ambivalence on the issue. For example, in an article in the May 1993 issue of Vanity Fair Johnson stated that "I have no excuse [for] such utter, unbelievable stupidity. … I don't know how you expiate guilt," when asked if he would have built for Hitler in 1936, he replied "Who's to say? That would have tempted anyone." He says that the he went to Germany "to see what a country at war was really like," as well as because he "had always been interested in the German language," and "brought up with the prejudices of my class and background and all that. I was fascinated with power." But Johnson doesn't mention his antisemitic writings, his subsequent erasure of history, or examine the repercussions of his actions.
Further, when told that the Schulze biography might attract a lot of attention, Johnson flipply replied "Well, sex and Nazism can do that," referring to the book's discussions of his homosexuality as well as his Nazi past. Johnson would appear to believe that one is just as "bad" as the other, equating the homosexual population condemned by the Nazis with the action of its condemnation and conversely domesticating Nazism as something that "bad boys" do.
Johnson makes no apologetic gesture toward his past behavior unless he is confronted by direct questioning, nothing even as paltry as an open letter accounting for and regretting his past actions and condemning the motives that led him to them. Although Johnson admits to his past activities when pressed, he generally only acknowledges what is offered, which until the Schulze book came out was mainly the period he tried to get close to Huey Long. Yet Huey Long is rather safe: the Kingfish, as far as he is remembered, is a part of Americana. Johnson is more reluctant to talk about his activities in Nazi Germany, his activities for a Nazi-funded propaganda movement expressly aimed to convince the American people that Germany wasn't the enemy. Johnson seems to be upset that the whole matter was ever mentioned and still appears to hope that it will all be forgotten so that we can get down to the business of appreciating him for his role as architect and patron.
At the same time, Johnson continues to promote the same philosophical motives that led him into what Schulze calls "the inglorious detour." In a recent interview, Johnson detailed the continuity between his politics and architecture:
I learned the German language, when I was young, because I was interested in reading Nietzsche. And I still read Nietzsche, in German, because it's much better. He's a poet and a thinker. That's why I was initially attracted to Hitler, who totally misunderstood Nietzsche, really. But there was enough similarity between them so I got very excited about it. That was long before the problems for the Jews came up. It all ended in the frightful war, so of course, it was wrong. …
Art, of course ""? Nietzsche said it ""? is the most important thing in the world. Art is with us in order that we not perish from the truth ""? if you understand truth as he did. Nietzsche felt that art is more important than philosophy. The hierarchy of important things in the world starts with art, not with looking for truth, or science, or anything. Well that naturally appeals to artists. And of course, the 'will to power' sounds like a horrible term, but that's what will to power means. Will to power means, 'How can I do the best art in the world?' Nietzsche's image got all warped because of Hitler. And of course, Nietzsche came long before him and wouldn't have approved of him at all.
But Johnson's reading of Nietzsche isn't radically different from the Nazi goal of the aestheticization of the world. As far back as his 1954 lecture, "The Seven Crutches of Modern Architecture," Johnson quoted Nietzsche's views on architecture: "In architectural works, man's pride, man's triumph over gravitation, man's will to power assume visible form. Architecture is a veritable oratory of power made by form." For Johnson, the architect stands as a Nietzschean figure, wielding architecture as the unmediated will-to-power against the masses.
Johnson's disciple Peter Eisenman has also repeatedly cited Nietzsche as his muse. In a recent debate with Leon Krier, an architect who has on occasion attempted to resurrect the architecture of Albert Speer on the grounds that it is ideologically neutral, Eisenman explained just what it means to be an architect in Nietzschean terms:
…Nietzsche's Thus Spoke Zarathustra … is a book that both Leon and I understand very well and it probably brings us very close together. I believe that it was on page 61, (although I'm not certain as I didn't bring the book with me. I don't like reading from prepared script because I respond to the presentness of this situation) but it was something about the creator. What Nietzsche says is that the creator is a lonely person and must always stand apart from and perhaps against the mass, and will always be in a sense outside and alien to the existing order. In that sense, I guess that I agree with Leon that the creator must have a degree of certainty to do that. I think that Nietzsche then asks the question, how does one have the right to be a creator? In other words, how does one have the right to stand outside? What is that right that allows one to arrogate to one's self that possibility?
My answer to that question is that people who are not creators don't think about that right. They remain within the mass always. I don't think we are talking today about those individuals, architects sometimes, poets, physicists, whoever has had that need to stand outside and therefore the right to stand apart. To be those wanderers who always understand what presentness is because the need to creation is always involved in presentness. Great architecture, I would argue, has never been liked by the masses. The great monuments always have been, in their time, not necessarily liked or understood. We do not know, when we build today, whether we have either caught the spirit of our time because it's an elusive thing; nor whether we catch the presentness or whether we are building, as Leon said, in the spirit of all time. I think it's the willingness of the creator to take that risk; the risk of being alone and of attempting to define that elusive condition. That is what makes an architecture of presentness.
Eisenman and Johnson's drive to identify the architect with Nietzsche's overman underscores the pervasiveness of Nietzscheanism in our culture, especially in art, architecture, and the historiography of those fields. In terms of the latter, a fundamental Nietzschean historical impulse underlies Heinrich W?ɬ?lfflin's basic project for art history ""? the same basic project which still motivates so much of art and architecture history today ""? to mark out the "monuments" from the insignificant. This demand of aesthetic over all else harkens back to a crucial moment where Nietzsche, in his Birth of Tragedy declared:
…we may assume that we are merely images and artistic projections or the true author, and that we have our highest dignity in our significance as works of art ""? for it is only as an aesthetic phenomenon that existence and the world are eternally justified …
Here lies the greatest problem with architectural Nietzschianism: the idea that life is only justifiable as an aesthetic phenomena, and thus overmen must make life a total work of art, excluding the aesthetically unpleasant Other. Is it ethically tenable to support a vision of a Nietzschean architect after the Holocaust? Can one go about creating an aestheticized space after the attempt to create an aestheticized space that was Nazi Germany?
Architecture must work through this question, which delegitimates it, but how? Elsewhere, Eisenman has written that after 1945, there is no "Truth" left, and architecture itself loses any possibility of meaning:
With the scientifically orchestrated horror of Hiroshima and the consciousness of the human brutality of the Holocaust it became impossible for man to sustain a relationship with any of the dominant cosmologies of his past; he could no longer derive his identity from a belief in a heroic purpose and future. Survival became his only 'heroic' possibility. The technocratic model, which was really just a disguise for the anthropocentric one, brought down the entire cosmological matrix. For the first time in history, man was faced with no way of assuaging his unmediated confrontation with an existential anxiety.
What does it mean to 'survive' after 1945? For Eisenman it means to live with a perpetual anxiety. But does this anxiety arise because we know that the same ideology responsible for these horrors is sold to us every day and that while we reproduce it wittingly or unwittingly we must do our best to try and fight it? Or does the anxiety arise because we are still fundamentally conducting business as usual and we must go on since that is how one gets ahead? Johnson, after all, is one of the great survivors.
Schulze cites an incident which problematizes Eisenman's 'survival.' During the late 1970s and early 1980s Eisenman made it known that he was working on a biography of Johnson, with the latter's cooperation, to be published after his death. According to Johnson's former partner John Burgee the biography was aborted after Eisenman told him, "I'm going to get him. I've got the goods on him. I've got photographs of him riding in a Nazi car. Lovers in Cambridge during school. I'm going to pull him down for good this time." Burgee explains that he related the incident to Johnson and while Johnson initially reveled in the idea of being depicted as a colorful character, Burgee finally convinced him that Eisenman wanted to bring him down. Johnson had his lawyer draw up a contract and paid him ten thousand dollars to abandon the project. While Eisenman's equation of Johnson's closetedness as a homosexual and his repressed fascist past is disturbing, if Eisenman was bought out by Johnson he becomes Johnson's accomplice.
In fairness to Eisenman, he has denied that this event ever took place. But whether or not this event ever took place is largely irrelevant. Eisenman and the larger historical-critical community in architecture were bought off. Even now that the Schulze book is out, the public secret is at work again. Notoriously pro-Johnson New York Times architecture critic Paul Goldberger's review of Franz Schulze's book barely mentioned Johnson's fascist past, devoting only two sentences to the topic. Johnson's friend Brendan Gill, in his New Yorker review assessed Johnson's life and concluded "Against high odds and at whatever cost in private anguish, he has wrested a good time from the world ""? no mean prize." Johnson, for Gill, is a true survivor and Schulze's biography is a narrative of the triumphant wresting of a grand eccentric life against formidable odds. But if Johnson's political activities and his philosophy of architecture were motivated by the same drive to aesthetic purity and the will to power over all else, shouldn't we begin to ask if his architectural legacy is still all fun and games?
Schulze's revelations seem to have changed little. Johnson's legacy is still venerated world-wide. Since this spring, an image of the architect has smirked down on pedestrians at Berlin's former Checkpoint Charlie to announce the construction of a mixed-use residential and office building designed by and named after him. Apparently even at a site of such historical rupture, cynical amnesia and the deification of the celebrity win out.
But perhaps in Johnson's smirk we can find the key to Johnson's philosophy. Johnson's smirk is a manifestation of what Peter Sloterdijk, in his Critique of Cynical Reason, has identified as the dominant mood in contemporary culture: cynical reason. "Discontent in our culture," Sloterdijk explains, "appears today as universal, diffuse cynicism." Johnson's trademark cynicism is not simply a personality trait but rather an allegiance to a world-view with a theoretical expression linked to his and Eisenman's Nietzscheanism. While Nietzsche's exposure of a will-to-power behind every will-to-know is a defining moment in western thought, Sloterdijk points out that Nietzsche accompanied it with a new way of acting: of thinking first and foremost about oneself and using whatever means necessary to survive and if possible, advance. "Nietzsche's cynicism (cynicismus)," Sloterdijk writes, "offers a modified approach to 'saying the truth': It is one of strategy and tactics, suspicion and disinhibition, pragmatics and instrumentalism ""? all this in the hands of a political ego that thinks first and foremost about itself, an ego that is inwardly adroit and outwardly armored." With Nietzsche's explanation that "knowledge is power" in our hands, we can go either way. Today's cynic ""? like Eisenman and Johnson ""? knows that the age of naiveté is over, but is able to keep working. The modern cynic understands what false consciousness is, Sloterdijk explains, but uses that knowledge to pull a fast one. Acting fundamentally in their own self-interest, cynics, as Sloterdijk puts it, "see to it that they are not taken for suckers." The traditional critique of ideology is helpless in the face of cynicism, serving only to bolster the case of the cynic by pointing out the weak points in the cynical fa?ɬßade.
What to do then? How do we operate after the knowledge about Johnson and the knowledge that the foundations of architecture are unsafe? If we choose to do nothing and not face cynicism, then we are nothing more than cynics ourselves. By excusing Johnson and Eisenman's role in the cynical mentality or by saying that they just part of architecture and we can't do anything about it, we do nothing more than legitimate cynicism. But how to proceed if ideology critique only strengthens the cynic?
Just as someone finally has to say that the Emperor was not wearing any clothes, the non-cynic discloses the public secret. Cynicism, Sloterdijk points out, is a corruption of Classical kynicism. The ancient kynic recognized and exposed the impossibility of Truth instead of using it for material gain, as the later cynic would. As opposed to ideology critique, which tries to expose delusions, the kynic exposes that the cynic is not deluded, but rather knows precisely what he or she is doing, 'surviving' at others' expense.
The continuing diagnosis of the cynical mentality is an essential project in formulating a kynical strategy of resistance. The notion of the death of the author was a useful fiction for the 1960s, but today we can no longer abandon such a clear-cut division between text and biography and between theoretical structure and disciplinary power structure. In a kynical analysis of architecture as discipline, we must ask how the cynical mentality operates and how its power structures are formed. Cynicism is a way of stepping away from reality of deferring its consideration for another time. But this deferment cannot be endless. By exposing the operations of the cynic, we learn more about the fictional nature of our discipline and, based on this knowledge we can make our choices. While our choices are still within ideology, we will find that some choices are better than others: not every choice has to be cynical.
I wish to thank Jennifer L. Bell, Denise Bratton, David H. Bennett, Sander Gilman, Diane Ghirardo, Mark Jarzombek, Geoffrey Waite, and Val K. Warke for their contributions to this article in its various forms. I am also very grateful to William Morgan for the use of his photograph of Checkpoint Charlie, 1995.
Selected Bibliography
Blodgett, Geoffrey. "Philip Johnson's Great Depression." Timeline June/July 1987, 2-17.
Dennis, Lawrence. The Coming American Fascism. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1936.
Johnson, Philip. "Aliens Reduce France to an 'English Colony'." Social Justice, July 24, 1939, 4.
Johnson, Philip. "Are We a Dying People?" Today's Challenge June-July 1939, 28-37.
Johnson, Philip. "A Dying People?" The Examiner, Summer 1938, vol 1, no 3, 305-20.
Johnson, Philip. "Inside War-Time Germany." Today's Challenge November-December 1939, 17-25.
Johnson, Philip. "London and Paris: Midsummer 1939." Today's Challenge August-September 1939, 19-26.
Johnson, Philip. "Mein Kampf and the Businessman." The Examiner, Summer 1939, vol 2 no 3, 291-96.
Johnson, Philip. "Poland's Choice Between War and Bolshevism Is a 'Deal' With Germany." Social Justice September 11, 1939, 4.
Johnson, Philip. "This 'Sitdown' War. Heavy Engagements of the Fortnight Have Been on Economic and Moral Front." Social Justice, November 6 1939, 9.
Johnson, Philip. "War and the Press." Social Justice November 6 1939, 12.
Schulze, Franz. Philip Johnson: Life and Work. New York: Albert A. Knopf, 1994.
Sloterdijk, Peter. Critique of Cynical Reason. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1987.
Sorkin, Michael. "Where was Philip?" originally published Spy, October 1988, reprinted in Exquisite Corpse: Writing on Buildings. New York: Verso, 1991, 307-311.
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Also Eden News-Simon joins New Progressive project
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Topic: Also Eden News-Simon joins New Progressive project
Posted: February 28 2009 at 10:05
We have some very exciting news from the Also Eden camp. We are very proud to report that our guitarist Simon Rogers is the latest musician to join Francis Dunnerys remarkable New Progressives project. Other guests announced to date include John Wetton, John Mitchell of It Bites and Steve Rothery of Marillion.
Francis comments: "I've known Simon for two or three years now and he's a great player. Simon is the guy who amongst other things knows every single tuning and every single song from the Genesis back catalogue so I always love to sit down with him and sing a few tunes. It amazes me that he knows so much stuff with so much intricate detail and we are going to need some of that on the New Progressives project".
We are, of course, immensely proud of the lad!
We also have an exciting sequence of live dates in support of our second album Its Kind of You to Ask released towards the end of 2008, which has been exceptionally well received across the globe:
8th April Islington Academy as guests of the amazing Gazpacho
Several more gigs and Festival appearances are in the pipeline, so watch this space for further updates including impending news of our new drummer!
Best wishes
Huw, Ian, Simon and Steve.
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subset: commoncrawl


text:
If I could speak enough Japanese to live comfortably, then yes, otherwise I would rather just visit.
The only reason I would live there is because there would be a vending machine around every corner.
I will look for you, I will find you, and I will raid your fridge.
of course! japan is way better than a shitty country i'm living now
No because lots of complications can arise from moving to another country that doesn't speak your primary language fluently.
I hate Crunchyroll.
Japan doesn't have an open immigration policy so being there for longer than three months without a job and cheap living quarters (which are both extremely difficult to attain) would be just a very expensive vacation. BUT!!!! if I could just buy a plane ticket, find a cheap apartment and job quick enough (like here in the U.S. sans the job ) I would move in a heart beat to Osaka for THE FOOD. Dear universe, the food.
When I'm Nigel, Baby ;) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=g0IhvoC6-m8
I would go mainly cuz I would wanna see what school is like there and also to try out kendo like actual kendo not the crappy stuff in America oh also for the themed restaurants oh I also forgot that I would be able to actually buy the songs I want from animes and support the anime rather than just downloading it for free cuz u know I wanna help
no, they censor pr0n
Axelo wrote:
I would like to live there since i never been there before, therefore it would be a fresh adventure. Also Japan brought me anime which at the time i didn't know it was called that, but if it wasn't for Japan i doubt i would of enjoyed television after getting back from the park everyday.
Bad news. They don't want you there unless you are a tourist.
I rather stay in America because it is not near evil empire China.
From history I can infer that evil empire China probably has a grudge against Japan. Had something to do with Japan turning Chinese women into concubines, etc.
So I wouldn't want to be anywhere near Japan when China decides to stretch its muscle for kicks.
And from what I hear, the two nations as of now are bickering over the sovereignty of islands.
I would love to live in Japan since I have always loved Japanese culture even way before I ever found anime. Ever since I was little the country just fascinated me for some reason. That being said, however, there are too many things preventing it from being possible. I would first need to learn the language since I would never go to another country without at least basic knowledge of their language and also I have free medicine here and I am not sure how available the medicine would be to me anywhere else. Because of how expensive the medicine is I am even afraid of leaving my current state for fear of having difficulties obtaining it.
I would never move to a country that bans guns and hasn't owned up to its crimes.
Google Bataan Death March, Nanking, Manchukuo, Korea under Japanese rule, and comfort women and you'll know what I mean. Germany's at least admitted to its crimes.
I lived there for 2 years when I was a teenager... I want to move back some day, it feels more like home to me then where I live now.
Only DEATH can cure STUPIDITY!!
If I were born there, I'd be happy there. I couldn't move to Japan now, my life is here. I'm fine here in America.
I'd love to try and live there after getting a better grasp of the language. I'm fascinated by the culture (the cray-cray anime stuff and the traditional Japanese life), and think it would be a wicked awesome change.
As far as the other why's, if I'm going to feel out of place...I might as well feel out of place while being near the hobbies I love as opposed to being stuck in southern US with angry rednecks
Japan isnt like what you see in anime, kids...
I believe there's a God above, I'm just the God of everything else!
Never give up! Never surrender!


text:
On Tue, 23 Mar 2010, Andres Valloud wrote:
> As soon as you get a JIT VM, you will be surprised at how expensive
> primitives that require calling a C function can be. You might be better off
> without the primitive and with a more streamlined hashed collection instead.
> Also, the presence of the primitive will allow little to no flexibility...
We don't have a JIT and who knows if and when we will have one. Until then
the following runtime rule applies most of the time:
primitives < code mostly bytecodes < code with sends.
And note that here I was talking abot #pointsTo: which when sent to an
array tells if and object is in the array using ==. LargeIdentitySet uses
this primitive to tell if the object is in the "list" of objects which
have the same identity hash.
> On 3/23/10 16:47 , Levente Uzonyi wrote:
>> On Wed, 24 Mar 2010, Bert Freudenberg wrote:
>>> On 23.03.2010, at 23:57, Levente Uzonyi wrote:
>>>> On Tue, 23 Mar 2010, Bert Freudenberg wrote:
>>>>> On 23.03.2010, at 16:01, Lukas Renggli wrote:
>>>>>>>> Just an idea: we could get rid of compact classes, which would give
>>>>>>>> us
>>>>>>>> additional 6 bits (5 bits from the compact class index plus 1 bit
>>>>>>>> from the
>>>>>>>> header type because there would only be 2 header types left). This
>>>>>>>> would
>>>>>>>> increase the identity hash values from 4096 to 262144. In a
>>>>>>>> PharoCore1.0
>>>>>>>> image there are 148589 instances of compact classes, hence this would
>>>>>>>> cost
>>>>>>>> 580k. Or, we could just add an additional word and use the spare bits
>>>>>>>> from
>>>>>>>> the old identity hash for other stuff, e.g., immutability ;)
>>>>>>> I like the first idea, we could even have the 17 continuous bits for
>>>>>>> identity hash the 1 separate bit for immutability.
>>>>>> Yes please, I love it :-)
>>>>>> Lukas
>>>>> Well, someone should code it up, and then lets's see macro benchmarks :)
>>>> That's a great idea, but I'm sure it'll take a while until that happens.
>>>> Fortunately identityhash related benchmarks can be done without changing
>>>> the vm. I rewrote a bit the benchmark from Chris, created three classes
>>>> which have 17, 18 and 30 bits for #scaledIdentityHash. Ran the benchmark
>>>> with these three classes + Object, collected the data and created some
>>>> diagrams. I'm sure most people don't care about the code/data[1], so here
>>>> are the diagrams:
>>>> http://leves.web.elte.hu/identityHashBits/identityHashBits.png
>>>> http://leves.web.elte.hu/identityHashBits/identityHashBits2.png
>>>> http://leves.web.elte.hu/identityHashBits/identityHashBits3.png
>>>> The first one contains the four graphs. It clearly shows that 12 bits
>>>> (Object) are insufficient for #identityHash. Even 5 more bits gives 8-9x
>>>> speedup and a dramatic change in behavior.
>>>> The second is the same as the first, but it shows only the 17, 18 and 30
>>>> bits case. Note that the primes (hashtable sizes) are now optimized for
>>>> 12 bits. If they are optimized for 17/18 bits then the results can be
>>>> better for larger set sizes (130+/260+) where they show worse behavior
>>>> compared to the 18/30 bits case.
>>>> The third graph shows how an optimized data structure (LargeIdentitySet)
>>>> compares to the 17, 18 and 30 bits case using only 12 bits.
>>>> [1] All the code/data that were used to generate these graphs can be
>>>> found here http://leves.web.elte.hu/identityHashBits
>>>> Levente
>>>> P.S. I also created a 12 bit version of the 17-18-30 bit classes and
>>>> found that it's 1.2-2.0x slower than Object, so the values after the vm
>>>> changes are expected to be even better than what these graphs show.
>>> So this seems to indicate your specialized data structure beats all VM
>>> hash bits extension?
>> For IdentitySet - probably yes, up to a few million elements, but
>> I expect the difference to be smaller with the vm support and optimal
>> table sizes. (note that a "normal" image contains less than 500000
>> objects).
>> For IdentityDictionary - probably not, because we don't have a fast
>> primitive that can be used for the lookups.
>> Levente
>>> Also, we don't know yet how getting rid of compact classes would affect
>>> performance.
>>> - Bert -
>> .


text:
IT Is Roaming Free, But Should It Be?
The nice thing about running the tech side of a business is that you can be held accountable for its safety and security. Better yet, you can pick out the products your employees will use, and you'll be able to play a crucial role in the development and ultimate success of your company. And those who don't understand the immense value and power you possess in making the company successful should. However, a recently announced survey from Lieberman Software, a company that delivers privileged identity management and security services to the enterprise, explains that the power IT has might not be as great as it seems. In fact, when left unfettered, the IT side can potentially have a bit too much access to the things that might matter most to the business side. And to simply allow that, Lieberman Software says, might not be for the best. Here CIO Insight takes a look at the impact IT's power is having on the business world, and find out once and for all if it's good - or bad - for your company.


text:
Sri Lanka Cricket is pleased to inform the Public and the Media, that Chaturanga Kumara has been awarded a cricket scholarship to represent South gate Cricket Club, in England as their overseas amateur player in the Middlesex League for the upcoming 2011 season.
Sri Lanka Cricket extends its gratitude to Asitha Jayaweera Chairman SLC U.K Committee for successfully Coordinating this facility to Chaturanga under SLC's development initiatives to facilitate School boy Cricketers to play in the English minor league.
Chaturanga Scored 1007 runs and captured 75 wickets for his Alma Mater St Josephs College Colombo in 2009/2010 season, and was adjudicated as the School Boy Cricketer of the Year in the Bata/Times awards in the same year.
Chaturanga also represented the Sri Lanka under 19s team when England toured Sri Lanka in January 2011.


text:
BLUFFTON, Ohio – Defiance used a 32-yard field goal with two seconds left in regulation to match Bluffton at 17-17 and capped a 17-0 spurt by striking for a touchdown in the first overtime session for a 24-17 lead, before ultimately suffering a 27-24 loss in the second overtime period.
Turnovers were the story in the 88th all-time meeting between DC and the Beavers on the gridiron, as the teams combined for 10 giveaways on the afternoon. Defiance coughed it up six times, losing three fumbles and hurling a trio of interceptions.
The first miscue of the afternoon came on the third play from scrimmage for Defiance, as a fumble was recovered by Bluffton on the DC 26-yard marker. The home squad capitalized with a 40-yard field goal and a 3-0 lead just over two minutes into the contest.
The Purple and Gold answered with an extended drive on the next touch, marching 80 yards on 14 plays and taking a 7-3 lead on a six-yard touchdown reception from Garrett Teague to Brian Mircovich.
The Defiance lead would hold until the final moments of the opening half, as an errant DC pass was intercepted by Bluffton and returned seven yards to the Yellow Jacket 48-yard line. Bluffton cashed in the free chance on its next play, striking for a 48-yard touchdown through the air to take a 10-7 lead into the break.
Two more turnovers to start the third would put Defiance in a deeper hole, as Bluffton turned away the Jackets by intercepting a pass in the end zone on DC's first possession to keep a 10-7 lead. A fumbled punt return on Defiance's next chance then handed the ball to the Beavers on DC's 16-yard marker, where BU reached the end zone on the next play for a 17-7 cushion.
A trio of turnovers in four snaps opened the fourth quarter, as an interception from Matt Forry and a fumble recovery from Leroy Cheatham sandwiched a Defiance fumble. The Bluffton fumble was forced by D.J. Brigham on a sack and returned 50 yards for a touchdown by Cheatham to narrow the gap to 17-14 with 13:48 showing on the clock.
The Jackets would get one final shot when they took over on downs on their own 29-yard line with 1:11 left to play. Consecutive completions from Teague to Jon Carrabino and Andre Doran moved the ball to the DC 42, before Mircovich hauled in a 43-yard reception on the Bluffton 15-yard marker.
Defiance would miss on a final shot into the end zone, before turning to Spencer Saunders with six seconds left in the game. Saunders split the uprights from 32 yards out with two ticks left on the clock to draw the Jackets even at 17-17 and force DC's first overtime contest since opening the 2010 campaign with a double overtime loss at Muskingum.
The two sides traded touchdowns in the first overtime, with Defiance striking first on a 14-yard touchdown catch by Carrabino and Bluffton answering four plays later to force a second overtime.
Defiance then held the Beavers to a field goal to set the stage for a chance to win with a touchdown on its possession. DC opened the drive with a five-yard rush, before losing a pair on second down. Facing a third and seven, the Jackets were bitten by a turnover one final time, as Bluffton intercepted the final pass of the afternoon on the two-yard line to hold off DC in the 27-24 contest.
Matt Forry led the Defiance defense in the losing effort, posting a career-high 13 tackles, 1.5 hits for lost yardage, one forced fumble and one interception. Andrew Leverenz capped his spectacular season with nine stops to go with two sacks and three hits for lost yardage.
Forry ended his season and career with a team-leading 65 tackles on the year, while Leverenz finished with a team-leading 21 tackles for lost yardage and 10.5 sacks.
On the offensive side of the ball, Mircovich and Carrabino each caught one touchdown pass, with Mircovich hauling in six passes for 81 yards and Carrabino catching five balls for 76 yards.
Defiance ends the year with a 2-8 overall clip and a 2-6 mark in the Heartland Collegiate Athletic Conference. The game capped the careers of DC's 14 seniors.


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March 20, 2009
HANOVER, Ind. - The Bluffton University baseball team rode a six-run fourth inning to a 7-4 victory over host Hanover College in the Heartland Conference opener for both teams on Friday, March 20, 2009. The Beavers improved to 6-7 on the year while Hanover fell to 6-10-1 overall and 0-1 in the HCAC.
After being set down in order each of the first three innings, Bluffton reponded to Hanover's two-run third with six runs on eight hits in the top of the fourth. Mike Ramthun (Springfield/Southeastern) and Corey Conn (London) opened the frame with a pair of singles. Following a fielder's choice with Cody McPherson (Northwood/Millbury Lake) at the plate, Stephen Torres (Lima/Juan Diego) singled home Conn. With the Beavers down by one, freshman Tyler Stephenson (Springfield/Northeastern) delivered the big shot, a three-run homer to right field for a 4-2 lead.
Curtis Schroeder (Shelby) continued the hit parade with a double to left field and he came around to score on Nick Broyles' (Toledo/Whitmer) base hit to right. Broyles moved up 90 feet on a Hanover error and he crossed the plate when freshman Greg Bergstedt (Napoleon/Patrick Henry) singled to left field, making it 6-2 in favor of the visitors.
A Kyle Trainer (Mechanicsburg) RBI single to center in the sixth plated Nick Broyles who stole second and moved to third on a passed ball following his fielder's choice.
The Panthers trimmed the deficit to three runs, 7-4, with a pair of ninth-inning scores, but Tyler Stephenson nailed down the Bluffton victory by inducing a Hanover flyout to end the game.
Cody McPherson improved to 2-0 on the season with seven superb innings on the mound. He held Hanover to two runs on just four hits with three strikeouts. Stephenson, who worked to the final batter in the ninth, went 2-of-4 at the dish with a three-run dinger in the fourth. Ramthun, Conn and Schroeder all added two hits each in the win. Nick Broyles scored two runs for the Beavers.
Bluffton will play two more games at Hanover on Saturday, March 21. The first contest is slated to start at 12 p.m.


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Protocols for Managing Lumbar Disc Injuries
By Todd Turnbull, DC, CCSP
What are your procedures for managing disc-injured patients? Since a lumbar disc injury is one of the most common causes of lower back pain, having a set of protocols to follow will help you be more efficient. Areas for protocol development include evaluation, manipulation and therapeutic recommendations.
A disc herniation may occur suddenly in an event such as a fall or an accident. Often, a twisting or torsional movement is involved. Disc problems may also occur gradually with repetitive straining of the lumbar spine.1 With disc protrusion, the annulus fibrosus is intact, while a herniation allows the nucleus pulposus to extrude outside the fibers. Herniations tend to be more challenging to correct and may require surgery to remove the extruded material.
The psoas muscles attach directly to the anterior portion of the lumbar discs and vertebrae. Contraction of the psoas muscle pulls the lumbar vertebrae anterior. When the muscles are hypertonic, they create excess tension on the discs and generate compressive forces in the lumbar spine. Reducing psoas hypertonicity can provide great relief for those suffering low back pain and allow the disc bulging to return to normal alignment.
Diagnostic options when faced with possible lumbar disc involvement include imaging studies and physical examination. MRI is the standard test for picturing disc distortion. Physical exam procedures can incorporate posture and gait analysis, range of motion, the straight leg raise, lumbar compression and manual muscle testing.
Patients with lumbar disc injuries are usually easy to identify; they present with antalgic posture. When they rise from a seated position, they are guarded and unable to achieve a fully erect posture without pain. Range-of-motion testing will reveal an increase in pain and/or difficulty when the patient attempts lumbar extension or lateral flexion.
Having disc-injured patients lie supine and attempt to perform the straight leg raise will reveal difficulty or inability to elevate the involved side leg off the table. They will also have difficulty contracting the hip flexors on the involved side while lying supine.
Manual muscle testing of the psoas muscles will show weakness. The psoas muscles may test weak bilaterally, but will be worse on the involved side.
To reduce a hypertonic, weak psoas muscle requires extension and internal rotation of the thigh simultaneously. With the patient lying supine, induce hip extension by bringing the lower leg off the side of the table and rest it on top of your knee. Next, reach the superior hand under the thigh and contact the lesser trochanter. Place the other hand on the opposite side of the thigh and create internal rotation of the thigh with both hands while maintaining hip extension.
Hold this grip and perform several gentle nudges further into the restricted motion to release psoas tension. Immediately retest the psoas to monitor patient progress. Muscle power output of the psoas will increase when the hypertonicity is reduced. Patient mobility should increase and pain should decrease immediately. (Video footage of this maneuver is available on YouTube.2) Note that other hypertonic hip flexor muscles may continue to restrict motion and prevent patient progression.
Research suggests traction in the form of inversion therapy can provide amazing relief to disc-injured patients. In a study conducted by Dr. J. Sheffield, 175 patients who were unable to work due to back pain were treated. After eight inversion treatments, 155 patients were able to return to their jobs full time. The study concluded that the main basis for improvement was the stretching of paraspinal vertebral muscles and ligaments, and possibly the widening of intravertebral discs.3
The constant compression of the lumbar discs from gravity is reversed during inversion therapy. During disc decompression from inversion therapy, patients are encouraged to perform gentle rotation, lateral flexion and flexion / extension movements.
Therapeutic stretching is another recommended modality used to continue the healing process at home. The lunge stretch is utilized for repeated release of hip flexor tension. It is best performed with the uninvolved leg in front with the knee bent. Keep the heel down and the knee straight for the back leg. Sink into the stance and begin to bend the torso backward. As the psoas muscle begins to stretch, encourage small side-to-side movements with the pelvis to detangle muscle fiber adhesions.
The psoas muscle is the only muscle to attach directly to the lumbar discs and should be evaluated for strength and mobility on every disc patient. Correcting the psoas can provide total pain relief, restore postural alignment and eliminate disc bulging. Retest motion and power output frequently during treatment sessions to confirm patient response. Response to treatment should be immediate and observable by both doctor and patient.
Patients suffering from disc injury have guarded muscle memory patterns that need to be updated. Using the psoas correction technique above with traction therapy and lunge stretches retrains the memory patterns, allowing muscle fibers to return to a normal slide-and-glide state. Healthy muscles are strong, flexible and pain-free!
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ORLANDO - The Columbus Crew resumed preseason play on Saturday afternoon, as the Black & Gold defeated Trillium Cup rival Toronto FC 1-0 to open the 2013 Disney Pro Soccer Classic at the ESPN Wide World of Sports. The victory gives Robert Warzycha's men a 3-1-0 record against MLS opposition during the 2013 preseason.
Warzycha's side was bolstered by several new additions on Saturday, as three fresh signings made their debuts for the club. Newly acquired Brazilian centerback Gláuber made his presence felt immediately, as he connected with a Federico Higuaín corner kick in the 30th minute to score the game's only goal. Gláuber's header hit the upper right corner of Stefan Frei's goal, leaving the Toronto FC netminder unable to stop the attempt.
"I was happy to score the goal, but what's important is that it helped the team win," said Gláuber following the match. "I'm really happy, it was a great [debut] with my new club and we are working hard together."
Also making their first appearances in Black & Gold were former Chicago forward Dominic Oduro, along with the club's most recent signing, Argentine midfielder Matías Sánchez. Both men impressed the technical staff, with Oduro patrolling the right flank and Sanchez partnering with Agustín Viana in central midfield.
"It was a good performance by the entire team and the new guys especially," said Crew boss Robert Warzycha. "I think we found out today that Gláuber and Sanchez are very good players, and overall we're happy with today's performance."
Saturday's match marked the third and fourth consecutive preseason starts, respectively, for fellow newcomers Viana and Tyson Wahl. Rookie striker Ryan Finley got the nod up front, with the remainder of Warzycha's first team composed of returning Crew players from 2012, bolstered by Designated Player Federico Higuaín, captain Chad Marshall and veterans Andy Gruenebaum, Josh Williams and Ben Speas.
Homegrown goalkeeper Matt Lampson replaced Gruenebaum at halftime, with Danny O'Rourke relieving Gláuber. Viana slid back into the left side of defense with that change, as O'Rourke took over defensive midfield duties. Tyson Wahl partnered Marshall in central defense until Warzycha instituted wholesales changes with 25 minutes to play (see lineup below).
The Crew continues play in the 2013 Disney Pro Soccer Classic on Wednesday, February 13 against the Philadelphia Union (1:00 p.m. ET). The match will be streamed live via MLSsoccer.com and TheCrew.com/Preseason.
CLB - Gláuber (Higuaín) 30'
CLB - Viana (Caution) 20'
CLB - Wahl (Caution) 23'
CLB - Finley (Caution) 45'
CREW: Andy Gruenebaum (Matt Lampson, 46); Josh Williams (Drew Beckie*, 65), Chad Marshall (Kevan George, 65), Gláuber (Danny O'Rourke, 46), Tyson Wahl (Chad Barson, 65); Dominic Oduro (Ethan Finlay, 65), Agustín Viana (Eric Gehrig, 65), Matías Sánchez (Tony Tchani, 58), Ben Speas (Justin Meram, 65); Federico Higuaín (Konrad Warzycha**, 65), Ryan Finley (Aaron Schoenfeld, 65)
TORONTO FC: Stefan Frei (Joe Bendik, 45); Richard Eckersley (Matt Stinson, 70), Gale Agbossoumonde (Doneil Henry, 70), Darren O'Dea (Daniel Fabrizi^, 70), Ashtone Morgan (Derrick Bassi^, 71); Reggie Lambe (Asthon Bennett*, 64), Jonathan Osorio^(Julio Cesar, 46; Terry Dunfield, 71), Jeremy Hall (Torsten Frings, 64), Emery Welshman (Nicolas Cabrera**, 46); Luis Silva (Kyle Bekker, 64), Justin Braun (Taylor Morgan*, 64)
*Unsigned draft pick **Trialist ^Academy player


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Emissions Regulations
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Learn about your national, regional, state, and local retrofit programs and regulations.
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Diesel Engine Evolution
John Deere diesel engines feed on innovation. From the first to the Final Tier 4 engines, we've adopted new technologies that satisfy emissions regulations without sacrificing performance.


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"I recommend Dambar on travel agencies and anyone who wants to thoughtful and a good time in Nepal. Trekking in the Himalayas has prepared for…View more
Our trekking was 14 days from Kathmandu to Kathmandu. The trekking was Annapurna Sanctuary up to nearly 4200m.Damber provide our guide He was excellent and…View more
Well, what can I say, but d.a.m.b.a.r? Great guide as well as a good friend you can trust at Boundless Adventure Company. It started of…View more
It is an adventure, fun filled trek through the around Annapurna region, with many jokes being told and beautiful mountain views. Our story begins on…View more
When we left Japan, we did not think we are going to the trekking in Nepal. However, when we arrive in Nepal, our contact person…View more
It was 14 days Annapurna trekking. On our trek you an enlightened us with your experience and healthy out look to your beautiful country and…View more
1) What a trek in Manaslu It was a second time of my Himalayan trip in Nepal. Last time I did Annapurna and this time,…View more
I was fortunate to have Dambar act as guide for my wife and myself for our tour of Nepal. My son, who had used Dambar's…View more
We were used Dambar's services as a guide on three occasions over the last 12 years to the Annapurna and Everest regions and most recently…View more
"I travelled to Nepal in October 2010 and my friend and I hired Dambar to provide a guide and porter for us on the Everest…View more
We came to know Dambar through a friend of ours who used him as a guide on a hike in the Annapurna Circuit about five…View more
"Dambar is an excellent tour / trekking operator with broad knowledge of Nepal. He is very reliable, you may trust him for nepal tours and…View more
Youko and Kentaro Sawa.We had great trekking with (Dambar) Boundless adventure (p) Ltd before we saw you ,we were very nervous about spending 14 days…View more


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|Version 6 (modified by 12 years ago) (diff),
ExternalCore type
ExternalCore data type is used by GHC to communicate code represented in the Core data type with the outside world. It comes with an external syntax, a parser, a pretty printer, and code to convert between Core and External Core. Unfortunately, External Core has not been widely used, and the code has bit-rotted. The recent changes in Core to use System FC have exacerbated the problem. This page documents the process of getting External Core and Core back in sync.
Relevant files
The main source files related to External Core:
- compiler/coreSyn/ExternalCore.lhs: The definition of the External Core data type.
- compiler/coreSyn/MkExternalCore.lhs: Some code to convert Core to External Core.
- compiler/coreSyn/PprExternalCore.lhs: Some code to pretty-print External Core.
- compiler/parser/LexCore.hs: The lexer for External Core.
- compiler/parser/ParserCore.y: The parser for External Core.
- compiler/parser/ParserCoreUtils.hs: Some additional utility functions used by
- utils/ext-core/: Old code intended as an executable specification of External Core.
Other files that contain some reference to External Core or are otherwise relevant:
- compiler/coreSyn/PprCore.lhs: Some code to pretty-print the Core data type.
- compiler/hsSyn/HsSyn.lhs: Top-level syntax tree representations for various things GHC can read, including External Core.
- compiler/main/DriverPhases.hs: Includes code to decide how to parse things based on file extension.
- compiler/main/HscMain.lhs: The main compiler pipeline.
- http://research.microsoft.com/~simonpj/papers/ext-f: Description of the System FC language which GHC now uses internally.
- docs/ext-core/: The current documentation for External Core, which should eventually become a chapter in the GHC User's Guide.
- http://www.haskell.org/ghc/docs/latest/html/users_guide/ext-core.html: What the User's Guide currently has to say about External Core.
Design decisions
- Probably want to represent all data types as GADTs, even if they can be represented in Haskell 98 form, so that we only have one representation.
- TODO more!
- Define an external text representation for External Core (which will probably be simply a minor modification of the old format)
- Update the External Core data type to be compatible with the current Core data type. (mostly done)
- Update
PprExternalCore.lhsto print stuff that
ParserCorecan understand. (mostly done)
- Update
MkExternalCore.lhsto support both the current Core and the new External Core. (mostly done)
- Update
ParserCore.y, and
ParserCoreUtils.hsto support the new data type and external syntax.
- Convert the current External Core documentation (in LaTeX) into a chapter (in XML) in the User's Guide.
Naming issues
Since External Core was introduced, the
IfaceSyn data type has changed. Originally (including in 6.6), it represented external name references using
IfaceExtName. Now (in Darcs HEAD), it uses
Name instead. This change leaves the External Core parser with the responsibility of generating a
Unique for each name it encounters.
Miscellaneous notes
- The LaTeX documentation describes PrimOps in some detail. This information is now in the library documentation, so it is probably not needed in the External Core chapter.


text:
Global Coffee Machine Market Report 2017-2025 has been prepared based on an in-depth market analysis with inputs from industry experts. The report covers the market landscape and its growth prospects over the coming years.
The report also includes a discussion of the key vendors operating in this market.
Report at www.reportsweb.com/inquiry&RW00011235777/sample
The report firstly introduced the Coffee Machine basics: definitions, classifications, applications and market overview, product specifications, manufacturing processes, cost structures, raw materials and so on.
Then it analyzed the world's main region market conditions, including the product price, profit, capacity, production, supply, demand and market growth rate and forecast. In the end, the report introduced new project SWOT analysis, investment feasibility analysis, and investment return analysis.
Global Coffee Machine Market competition by top manufacturers with production, price, revenue (value) and market share for each manufacturers.
Global Coffee Machine Market Top Players
- Panasonic Corporation
2. Melitta Bentz GmbH & Co. KG
3. Braun GmbH
4. Oster
5. AB Electrolux
6. Morphy Richards
7. Robert Bosch GmbH
8. De'Longhi Appliances S.r.l.
9. illycaffè S.p.A.
10. GROUPE SEB (Krups)
Report at www.reportsweb.com/inquiry&RW00011235777/buying
Objectives of Coffee Machine Market Report
- To provide overview of the global Coffee Machine market
- To analyze and forecast the global Coffee Machine market on the basis of components, application, size and technology
- To provide market size and forecast till 2025 for overall Coffee Machine market with respect to five major regions, namely; North America, Europe, Asia Pacific (APAC), Middle East and Africa (MEA), and South America (SAM), which are later sub-segmented across respective major countries
- To evaluate market dynamics effecting the market during the forecast period i.e., drivers, restraints, opportunities, and future trend
- To provide exhaustive PEST analysis for all five regions
- To profiles key Coffee Machine players influencing the market along with their SWOT analysis and market strategies
Key Insight of Coffee Machine Market
- Historical and Future Market
- Supply and Demand
- Price and Cost
- Drivers and Challenges
- Key Vendors
- Market Strategies
- Industry Value Chain
- Regions
Complete Report is Available at www.reportsweb.com/coffee-machine-market
News From
Category: Market Research Publishers and RetailersCompany about: ReportsWeb is a one-stop shop for market research reports and solutions to various companies across the globe. We help our clients in their decision support system by helping them choose most relevant and cost-effective research papers and solutions from various publishers. The market research industry has changed in last decade. As the corporate focus has shifted to niche markets and emerging countries, some publishers have stepped in to fulfill these information needs. We have experienced and ...


text:
An Australian Boom Town Feels Chill of Commodity Price Decline
After Decade of Soaring Prices, a Queensland, Australia, Mining Town Is Hurting
MORANBAH, Queensland—Two years ago, real-estate agent Bella Exposito said she was selling as many as 25 houses a day as soaring coal prices lured workers and investors to this flyspeck Outback town.
As of May this year, she has sold three.
A cream-and-brown weatherboard house near her office rented for nearly US$7,000 a month when the region's...


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JPMorgan and Wells Fargo both reported an increase in their mortgage lending businesses this week as consumers take advantage of low interest rates to refinance.
As the big banks do more mortgage business, some of the smaller banks may have a hard time keeping up.
Valley National CEO Gerald Lipkin predicts that the number of banks will drop sharply in the U.S. over time.
"One of the goals of the government is to regulate not the 7, 000 banks that exist today but to bring that number down to below 1, 000, " he said.
The low interest rate environment and increased regulatory costs are also making it more difficult for the smaller and community banks to compete with the larger financial institutions like Wells Fargo and JPMorgan . (Read More: JPMorgan Profit, Revenue Beat Wall Street Estimates .)
Valley National has seen its regulatory expenses rise $40 to $50 million from a decade ago.
Low interest rates are also putting pressure on bank profits. Banks' net interest margins – the difference between what a bank charges clients and what it pays depositors – are coming down. While all banks are feeling the pinch, community banks in particular are getting squeezed, Lipkin said.
"It's very difficult to make money in this environment on a net interest margin basis, " the executive said.
Wells Fargo CFO Timothy Sloan told CNBC that the country's fourth-largest bank is confident it can grow profits in a low interest rate environment as fee income makes up 50 percent of its earnings.
"The important thing to think about with Wells Fargo is we have a diversified set of businesses, " CFO, "We feel very confident about our ability to grow earnings in this low interest rate environment." (Read More: Wells Fargo Shares Drop as Revenue Comes in Light .)
While small banks may not have Wells Fargo's diversity, they still need to be agile.
"We have to recognize the pressures that are being placed on us by our net interest margin and accordingly we have started to increase our fee income business, which in our case is our residential mortgage business, particularly refinance activity, " Lipkin said.
The Valley National CEO said that it processes nearly 1, 500 mortgages a month compared with 100 a couple of years ago.
Other small banks are also seeing assets being sucked out of their investment portfolios as the refinance boom continues. Banks that held mortgage-backed securities are seeing these prepay and those funds are being re-lent by larger banks, Lipkin said.
With smaller banks under pressure, Guggenheim Securities' Marty Mosby told CNBC investors should "look for those banks that have capital that can use that capital to expand their franchises."
Some deals are already happening. In August, Buffalo-based M&T agreed to buy New Jersey bank Hudson City Bancorp for $3.7 billion.


text: BLAST ( Basic Local Alignment Search tool) takes the query ( either protein or DNA) sequence and try to match the small pathces ( lets say it breaks your sequence in to small pieces of 6 letters and then try to match them in a the database index file) . Once BLAST algo. finds any small match it tries to extend your query sequence for further match in the database. If it finds more then it makes a score and represent that score. If it doesnt then it represents low score and based on low scores we do not consider lower score hits. Thus, in my opinion it does many claculations and finally show the scores. ( P-value) Interestingly , BLAST is considered a local alignment search tool because it tries to match bits of your query sequence and then extends for more matches. in contrast there is another algorithm called FASTA ( Fast alignment search tool ) this is a global ( means it takes big chunks of sequences and then tries to thread them over database). So Bill Pearson (creator) made a PVM version of FASTA and his students at virginia are using it on a beowulf cluster. ( You can access that at ftp://ftp.virginia.edu/pub/fasta/) In my case my database would be ~80 GB. ( i hope to use this much data over NFS) I am planning to introduce this algorithm in every node and then using MPICH I would like to ask my node to access the whole database using NFS. I am new to this area, but I wonder the ideas I am having are practical or not. We will start configuring our cluster some time in May. cheers suraj. --- Robert Depenbrock <robert at bay13.de> wrote: > Greg Lindahl wrote: > > > > Hi Greg, > > > On Fri, Apr 12, 2002 at 11:15:52AM -0600, Craig > Tierney wrote: > > > > > Is the BLAST code something that spends lots > > > of time trying doing lots of little > calculations, > > > or doing one big calculation? How important is > > > the speed of access to the database? What is > > > the memory footprint of the code when it runs > > > on the DS20E? > > > > It depends. > > > > What BLAST does is compare a set of sequences > against a big database of > > sequences. The databases come in small, medium, > and large (bigger than > > 2 GByte) sizes; the sequences can either be a > single sequence (imagine > > a researcher looking up a single protein using a > web interface) or a > > large set of them. If it's a large set, the > problem is embarrassingly > > parallel. > > > > The BLAST implementation used by most people isn't > parallel. It can be > > fairly easily parallelized to divide the big > database up into pieces. > > > > People build fairly different clusters to run > BLAST depending on their > > details. The guys at Celera Geonmics didn't want > to use a parallel > > version, and their database is bigger than 2 > GBytes, so they bought > > Alphas. Most people have small enough databases to > fit into 2 GBytes, > > but search against 1 sequence at a time, so they > can't afford to read > > the entire database over NFS every time, and keep > it on a local disk. > > Do you have some sample proteins and databases ? > > I would like to test some machines i have availble > to mess around a > little bit. > (HP PA-Risc Series, SUN Sparc Fire, Itanium, Power > PC). > > I would like to build a little benchmark around > these datasets. > > regards > Robert Depenbrock > > -- > nic-hdl RD-RIPE > http://www.bay13.de/ > e-mail: robert at bay13.de > Fingerprint: 1CEF 67DC 52D7 252A 3BCD 9BC4 2C0E > AC87 6830 F5DD > _______________________________________________ > Beowulf mailing list, Beowulf at beowulf.org > To change your subscription (digest mode or > unsubscribe) visit http://www.beowulf.org/mailman/listinfo/beowulf ===== PIL/BMB/SDU/DK __________________________________________________ Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax http://taxes.yahoo.com/ _______________________________________________ Beowulf mailing list, Beowulf at beowulf.org To change your subscription (digest mode or unsubscribe) visit http://www.beowulf.org/mailman/listinfo/beowulf