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1904 S.W. 31st Ave.
Hallandale, FL 33009
Phone: 800 432-2855
Fax: 954 963-2033
Tropical Roofing Products is a national manufacturer of roofing materials that are used in the repair, maintenance, and restoration of roofing systems.
The best part of "About Us" is that it's really all "About You." That's right, we're obsessively focused on our customers. We know that if we take care of you, we'll also take care of ourselves. That's why Tropical Roofing Products are available at the nation's leading wholesale roofing and building materials distributors. But we'll get to that. Here's the short story:
Tropical Roofing Products was launched as a family business in 1952. With a dream and ambition, father and son, and a handful of dedicated employees opened an asphalt manufacturing plant in Hallandale Beach, Florida. For more than 60 years now, Tropical Roofing Products has manufactured all of its many professional-grade roof cements, primers, adhesives and coatings exclusively in the USA. Not only in Florida, but also in our facilities in Texas and California serving our truly national customer base, and saving them both time and money.
Tropical is still a family business. But, of course, the family has grown to over 50 professionals, with diverse expertise in the fields of chemistry, engineering, manufacturing, materials management, research and development, sales, marketing, finance, logistics, and more. Good thing we love working together!
We test all of our products in our own laboratory and in the field before putting the trusted Tropical Brand name on them so that you can have total confidence in their performance.
There's more About Us in the "History and Accreditations" page. But enough about us for now! We're really all...
You're a Professional Roofing Contractor, Builder, Building or Property Owner/Manager, Architect, Consultant or Specifier. You're an expert at your profession, and recognize quality, consistency, and a great level of service. You value partnerships with suppliers, and expect far more than a product transaction. You require a dedicated team focused on your satisfaction. You appreciate solutions, not excuses. You need a reliable partner who is an expert in roofing materials and systems. You want a manufacturer that prides itself with its culture of continuous improvement, and its focus on total quality management practices. You need the highest quality service through a true partner that engages with its customers before, during, and after with the application of the roofing materials.
And you want to partner with a company that will continue to innovate, and be a leader in the roofing industry far into the future.
In other words, you want to GO TROPICAL.


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Connect Workday to your favorite reporting tools without moving data.Learn More →
Replicate Trello Data for Use in Salesforce Connect
Replicate Trello data to a PostgreSQL database on Heroku and connect it to Salesforce using Salesforce Connect.
CData Sync is a stand-alone application that provides solutions for a variety of replication scenarios, such as replicating sandbox and production instances into your database. By replicating Trello data to a PostgreSQL database in Heroku, you gain access to Trello external objects (using Salesforce Connect) alongside standard Salesforce objects.
For this replication example, you need the following:
- CData Sync (trial or licensed), along with a license (full or trial) for Trello replication.
- A Heroku app with the Heroku Postgress and Heroku Connect add-ons provisioned.
- A Salesforce account.
Configure the Replication Destination
Using CData Sync, you can easily replicate Trello data to a PostgreSQL database on Heroku. For this article, you need an existing PostgreSQL database on Heroku. To add your PostgreSQL database as a replication destination, navigate to the Connections tab.
- Click Add Connection.
- Select PostgreSQL as the destination and enter the necessary connection properties.
To connect to PostgreSQL, set the Host, Port (the default port is 5432) and Database connection properties, then set the user and password you wish to use to authenticate to the server. If the Database property is not specified, the data provider connects to the user's default database.
- Click Test Connection to ensure the connection is configured properly.
- Click Save Changes.
Configure the Trello Connection
You can configure a connection to Trello from the Connections tab. To add a connection your Trello data, navigate to the Connections tab.
- Click Add Connection.
- Select a source (Trello).
- Configure the connection properties.
Trello uses token-based authentication to grant third-party applications access to their API. When a user has granted an application access to their data, the application is given a token that can be used to make requests to Trello's API.
Trello's API can be accessed in 2 different ways. The first is using Trello's own Authorization Route, and the second is using OAuth1.0.
- Authorization Route: At the moment of registration, Trello assigns an API key and Token to the account. See the Help documentation for information on how to connect via the Authorization route.
- OAuth Route: Similar to using Authorization, OAuth creates an Application Id and Secret when you create your account. See the Help documentation for information on how to to connect.
- Click Connect to ensure that the connection is configured properly.
- Click Save Changes.
Configure Queries for Each Trello Instance
CData Sync enables you to control replication with a point-and-click interface. To configure a replication, navigate to the Jobs tab and click Add Job. Select the Source and Destination for your replication.
Replicate Entire Tables
To replicate an entire table, click Add Tables in the Tables section, choose the table(s) you wish to replicate, and click Add Selected Tables.
Customize Your Replication
You can use the Transform feature to customize your replication, whether you want to only replicate specific fields, compute new fields based on existing fields, and/or filter the results based on specific conditions:
- Add or remove fields using the check boxes
- Add computed fields to the bottom of the column listing
- Add filters using the Filter section
As you make changes using the interface, the SQL query used for the replication changes, going from something simple, like this:
REPLICATE [Boards]
to something customized and more complex, like this:
REPLICATE [Boards] SELECT [BoardId], [Name] FROM [Boards] WHERE [Name] = Public Board
Schedule Your Replication
In the Schedule section, you can schedule a job to run automatically, configuring the job to run after specified intervals, ranging from once every 10 minutes to once every month.
Once you configure the replication job, click Save Changes. You can configure any number of jobs to replicate Trello data for use as external objects in Salesforce.
Connect to Your Replicated Trello Data as an External Data Source
Once your Trello data is replicated to the PostgreSQL database on Heroku, configure the OData interface for Heroku and connect to the database as an external data source via Salesforce Connect.
Configure the OData Service for Heroku
The first part of connecting to Trello data replicated to a PostgreSQL database on Heroku is configuring the Heroku External Objects for the database.
- In your Heroku dashboard, click the Heroku Connect Add-On.
- Select External Objects. (If this is the first time using Heroku External Object, you will be prompted to create the OData service's login credentials)
- View the OData service URL and credentials (noting the URL and credentials to be used later from Salesforce Connect).
- In Data Sources, select which replicated tables to share.
Refer to the Heroku documentation for more detailed instructions.
Configure an External Data Source in Salesforce
After the OData service for Heroku is configured, we can connect to the replicated Trello data as an external data source from Salesforce Connect.
- In Salesforce, click Setup
- In the Administration section, click Data -> External Data Sources
- Set the data source parameter properties:
- External Data Source: the name you wish to display in the Salesforce user interface
- Name: a unique identifier for the API
- Type: Salesforce Connect: OData 4.0
- URL: Enter the OData endpoint from Heroku Connect (above)
- Format: JSON
- Set Authentication:
- Identity Type: Named Principal
- Authentication Protocol: Password Authentication
- Username: the Heroku Connect username
- Password: the Heroku Connect password
- Click Save.
Synchronize Trello Objects
After you have created the external data source in Salesforce, follow the steps below to create Trello external objects that reflect any changes in the data source. You will synchronize the definitions for the Trello external objects with the definitions for Trello tables.
- Click the link for the external data source you created.
- Click Validate and Sync.
- Select the Trello tables you want to work with as external objects and click Sync.
Access Trello Data as Salesforce Objects
At this point, you will be able to connect to and work with your replicated Trello entities as external objects just as you would with standard Salesforce objects, whether you are simply viewing the data or building related lists of external Trello data alongside standard Salesforce objects.
Download a 30-day free trial of CData Sync and replicate your Trello data for use with Salesforce Connect today!

subset: commoncrawl


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Marathon Bombing Victims Set Up Charities To 'Pay It Forward'Resume
In the days after the Boston Marathon bombings, the One Fund charity set up for victims and their families collected more than $20 million, eventually distributing almost four times that amount.
Now those victims, including some who received more than $1 million, have formed their own charities to benefit others.
Brittany Loring, whose Brittany Fund for Trauma and Recovery was set up in late 2013, said the organization came out of her initial reluctance to accept money raised on her behalf.
"I felt very uncomfortable receiving money," she recalled, remembering the first check she received while still in the hospital. "All of the sudden I'm in the hospital and receiving money, and I felt very uncomfortable about it."
Eventually, her father explained that she needed the money.
"He was like, 'You know, this is something you need right now. I know it feels uncomfortable, but we can plan to pay it forward.' "
That conversation sparked the creation of the Brittany Fund. Established in the months just after the bombings, it raises money for people who've been injured through acts of terrorism, natural disasters or car accidents.
"I mean, what can you do when someone gives you money? You can't really give them anything in return that's enough of a thank you," she said.
Others affected by the bombing share that sentiment. Liz Norden is the mother of two men who lost legs in the blasts.
She now runs the foundation A Leg Forever, which helps amputees afford prosthetics.
She said she thought of it after seeing the price tag for one of her son's prosthetic legs.
"His leg was $140,000, and he's above the knee, and they all range. And you need different legs," she explained, "a running leg, a golf leg, a swimming leg."
Along similar lines is the Heather Abbott Foundation -- founded by Heather Abbott. It focuses on customized prosthetics for special activities, even prosthetics that look like real legs.
Abbott cites a statistic from the American Amputee Coalition that there are 500 new amputees in the U.S. every day. For most of those people, there is no One Fund waiting to provide a check that can pay for medical bills, a prosthetic and other life adjustments that come from a major injury.
"I had a girl call me, a 17-year-old girl from North Carolina. She had seen my high heel, high-definition leg on CNN," Abbott recalled. "She wanted to know where I got it, and how much it was. She said she had been an amputee for a few years, and she really wanted to wear a leg like that to her prom."
But the leg, Abbott said, had been donated to her for free. They normally cost about $70,000.
"She said 'Well, I guess I can ask my parents whether I can get that or go to college.' "
The Abbott Foundation is just getting off the ground and is due to hold a launch fundraiser the day before the 2015 Boston Marathon.
But all of these organizations have challenges. They're relatively young, and donations have generally reflected that.
But there's also the difficulty of finding people who qualify. There's no Yellow Pages of people who've had amputations or suffered a crippling injury.
Those running the funds and foundations are encouraging anyone who might need help, or know someone in need to contact them so they can, in their own words, pass along some of the kindness they've received.
This segment aired on April 13, 2015.


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Josh Duhamel Keeps Axl Close After Solo NYC Trip
Josh Duhamel was photographed taking his son Axl outside their house to have a quick chat with a friend in Brentwood, CA on Thursday (June 12).
The You're Not You actor was dressed in a white t-shirt and green cargo pants while walking shoeless to the car. He smiled at the photographers and showed off Axl while speaking to his friend.
Duhamel and his wife Fergie left their 10-month-old in Los Angeles while they headed to New York City to attend Tuesday's amfAR Inspiration Gala at the Plaza Hotel.
"He's not with us tonight," the new dad who hosted the event told reporters.
The couple helped raise more than $1.2 million for AIDS research.
Image Credit: Fame/Flynet


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- 11 October 2010
- 8 min read
Medacs tell us about the world of nursing jobs and recruitmentSubscribe To Advice
Some of the Medacs Healthcare team give us 5 mins of their time. They tell us that nurses work really hard, with them, to help find their next job. Oh, and they offer some CV writing tips for nurses.
A few warm-up questions to kick us off – what attracted you to healthcare recruitment (if anything!)? Plus, why do you like nursing recruitment, and what is your biggest recruitment-nightmare memory?
The variation and ability to help people find their dream job. Just that little moment when you have the success of placing someone in a new nursing or healthcare job - it's a great feeling.
The biggest nightmare - out in India when one of the bombings happened in Mumbai. It was the night before we were due to travel and interview 30 people. Everyone had to be contacted, extra nights in the Delhi hotel needed to be held, business rooms organised and flights re routed - all in 12 hours.
All the candidates except one were interviewed somewhere though!
Search Jobs
1000s of jobs for Nurses & Care Professionals. No.1 for UK nursing, care & healthcare jobs.Search Jobs
Wow! I know consultants are expected to think on their feet, but that's pretty extreme. OK, moving on - Medacs provide temp and perm nursing jobs. Is one easier to work on than the other? Can you briefly explain the different challenges each presents?
Temporary nursing recruitment - the biggest problem I would say that we face is compliance, this can take some time to complete. We need to rely on the candidate to supply all documentation and to accurately complete CRB checks.
Candidates cannot start work until this has all been completed and checked. Sometimes the information is difficult to obtain especially if all reference checks, security checks and occupational health has previously been done overseas.
With regards to Permanent nurse job candidates, generally I would say that candidates can be tougher to contact as they tend to work during office hours so it can be tricky to contact them when it comes to gaining information, finding out their availability when setting up interviews or feeding back to them after they have attended interviews.
Unless already answered, would you say nurse temps is a little more stressful due to the urgency of the needs?
Both temp and perm can be equally stressful! Whilst temp nursing vacancies and requirements can come through thick and fast due to the urgency of their needs, on the perm side it can be tough convincing candidates to consider specific nursing jobs.
In an industry that is continuously growing, a number of agencies are out there these days calling the same candidates that we are about the same roles that we are recruiting for, or are passing candidates across to our clients without their consent.
What Do You Think?
Ask questions, comment and like this article below! Share your thoughts, add your opinion in the comments below.Comment
That's not great. But good that you don't do that of course. So, Medacs Healthcare has a lot of specialist nurse and critical care jobs. We hear that Theatre Nurse jobs, and ODP vacancies especially are some of the toughest to fill. Would you agree?
Yes - there is a true global shortage of theatre nurses for jobs. An increase in surgical intervention for patients, new procedures, an aim to lower bed occupancy rates, opening of ISTC's are just a few of the reasons for an increase in surgery leading to the shortage and need for skills in theatres.
From your own personal experience, which other job roles in nursing, if any, are suffering from an acute skills shortage? Do you feel anything can or should be done?
As above, theatres, critical care and neonates are some of the current key shortages in nursing recruitment terms.
There are some inherent reasons as above, as well as the overall increase in population and the number of fit people of the baby boomer generation who are able to survive surgery when previously they would not have been considered.
Medical technology now allows safe procedures to be carried out when previously people would not have been able to survive.
There is a concurrent lowering of spend on post graduate training places for specialist nurse courses leading to a shortage of skilled personnel.
Become A Community Contributor
Share your story to help and inspire others. Write or create a video about your job or your opinions!Contribute
Focusing on the candidate who wants to apply to a nurse job.... CVs – what would be your top tips for someone about to write their nursing CV?
Be sure your CV is clear and concise, with your academic and employment history. Break down your employment in date order (most recent nursing job first), by hospital, job title and full duties and responsibilities.
Interviews – are there any typical skills, attributes or traits you look for in a phone or face-to-face interview?
Able to describe situations well
Needs more detail than face-to-face interviewing
Need to be in a quiet location
Face to face:
Well presented
Positive body language - confident
Since Medacs have offices and jobs based down-under.... Do you have any tips for nurses considering moving from the UK to Australia or New Zealand? What things should they consider or prepare for before taking the plunge with a nursing job in Australia or New Zealand?
Have they considered the little things?
Do they have pets who need to be sorted out?
How will they maintain contact with their family?
Have they researched the area they are going to work?
Are they able to be open about location initially?
(The more open they are to jobs and locations, the more opportunities will be available.)
Have they put aside a nest egg? (There are always hidden costs with relocating - its always a good idea to have a bit put by - even if it's on a spare credit card and may never be used.)
Recruiters spend their days dealing with people. So you must see all aspects of how people operate. Are you always surprised by human nature? We'd love to hear the good and the bad... (no names!)
Absolutely surprised! We see how many people are keen to please and for many the hard work and commitment that they will put in to preparing for interviews and the way that they perform in interviews.
We often have candidates writing to us commending us for the support that they been given in their search for employment.
On the other hand some candidates have the tendency to ignore consultants and like to keep us guessing despite applying for our jobs!
They may no longer be interested in the roles that we may put them forward for so can at times cancel interviews at short notice or not inform us that they will not be attending, keeping the client waiting which can be very embarrassing!
They may also agree to more than one agency putting them forward for a job so when it comes to gaining feedback you can sometimes find clients unsure as to which agency they should work with.
One of us here at Nurses.co.uk has had a go at recruiting. He says of it: "A nightmare. I just simply never understood it when an applicant wouldn't return my calls or emails – after they'd applied to a job!" Is this an experience particular to him...?
Oh no - however, the people who let you down are few and far between - many more are eager and will really work hard and prepare for interviews etc. It's sometimes a case of ensuring you ask the right questions about their commitment.
There are always people who are 'window shopping' and you need to try and sift them out if possible at an early stage. At the end of the day - people are people good and bad!
Finally, what challenges and opportunities will be presented to all of us in nursing recruitment in the coming years?
This is difficult. There are lots of fairly political answers to this: of course the worldwide shortages together with how Nursing is perceived as a career in western countries and the global movement of Nurses across all regions.
I think the market will continue to fluctuate, but people will always want to move on to pastures new - we just need to be ready to find them their dream next job.
Many thanks to Sue and Alex at Medacs for their time.


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Tell us about something you would attempt if you were guaranteed not to fail (and tell us why you haven't tried it yet).
I would write a book. In fact I'm on it. I have a good story to tell. But currently I have not the time needed to do a serious work, so I'm little by little doing research and compiling data. I'm waiting for a better time.


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Along with a new transport minister, the Queensland Government have just re-announced the Springfield Rail Project, which will now cost $475m and will be built by TrackStar Alliance. This $171m less than originally planned, so where will this money go (obviously not on Ellen Grove)? It is claimed that the rail line will open "2 years ahead of schedule in 2013", except the government have forgotten that the project was delayed a few years ago, as it was originally due in 2011. The 9.5km dual track rail line will have two stations, Springfield and Springfield Lakes. Disappointingly Ellen Grove station, near Forest Lake will be missing, although plans will be made for it to be built at a later date. Whilst this station has a smaller catchment area than the other stations, surely it would be cheaper and easier to build the station at the lines inception? Why are all Queensland rail projects half-baked, or in this case 2/3 baked?
In interesting paragraph in the media statement mentions that 2,500 cars could be taken off the Centenary Highway, but only 300 car parking spaces will be built - 100 at Springfield, and 200 at Springfield Lakes. So is the Queensland Government expecting the other 2,200 passengers to access these stations by modes other than car? Unless the station is accessed by segregated cycle ways, walkways, and feeder buses with good coverage meeting every train, the number of car parking spaces seems to be somewhat minimal. What would the Simpsons think about it?
Brisbane's best public transport blog, with views and opinions on Brisbane's "third world class" public transport system.
Monday, February 21, 2011
Springfield - now 2/3 baked!
1 comment:
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MD-Staff Features
Automated Credentialing and Verification along with Robust Reporting, it is no wonder why hospitals are switching to MD-Staff!
Additional Features
MD-Staff's robust workflow module consists of configurable alarms and actions. Alarms can be configured to notify providers, supervisors, and/or yourself. Workflow actions allow MD-Staff to automatically adjust a status, archive a record, or even create a new record, based on configurable criteria.
Pronto is MD-Staff's online questionnaire service. From within MD-Staff you can create custom questionnaires and send them to peer references. These questionnaires are completed online by the peer reference from a phone, tablet, or computer. Once completed, the results are automatically saved into the verification log.
Document Merging
MD-Staff is tailored to seamlessly interface with Microsoft Word to create, edit, and merge custom letters and reports. The most common types of documents that undergo merging include primary source verification letters, response to query letters, and reappointment applications.
MD-Staff is especially well suited for large organizations because of its innovative and flexible method for handling multiple facilities or entities. Facilities and entities can be grouped into several markets.
MD-Staff's CME module is used to collect and report providers' continuing medical education credits. MD-Staff's Committee module enables users to track committee membership for providers and non-medical staff members, as well as offers a variety of built-in reports and functions.
Meeting Attendance
MD-Staff's Meeting module provides a simple yet detailed approach for recording provider attendance to committee, department, division or general staff meetings. In addition each module gives the user access to their own array of built in reporting options.


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As I often do on a Sunday afternoon, Ive just found myself improvising at the piano. This particular occasion is an exciting one for me, not so much because its one of my best ever attempts (tho I reckon its quite pleasant), but because this is the first time Ive made use of my little home recording set up to record my meanderings.
So, Id love to share it with you – please let me know what you think and if you like it, do keep in touch because theres many more to come!
and do please share it around: Improvisation 1


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With Hyderabad's Gandhi Hospital allegedly reeling under drinking water shortage, people here are finding it difficult to quench their thirst.
Patients and their attendants are complaining about the difficulties they are facing.
Gabbar Singh, a visitor whose mother is admitted to the hospital, told ANI, "There is water shortage here at Gandhi Hospital. I came here yesterday and from last evening we did not get water in this hospital."
Another visitor, Ganesh, said the same about the water crisis being faced in the hospital.
He said, "There is no proper water connection inside the Gandhi Hospital. We have to stay thirsty all the day. We would have to walk for a long distance to get water. Sometimes even the patients do not get water in their wards."
Officials, however, have passed the buck and blamed the large number of hospital visitors for the same.
Dr Sravan Kumar, Superintendent of Gandhi Hospital, told ANI, "Approximately 15,000 patients come here in a day. How will there be any water shortage when we are providing all the facilities? There might be little trouble during the summer season as there are 10 family members coming with a single patient."
He added, "Outsiders visit the hospital and utilise the cold water facilities meant for the patients despite asking them not to. We have even requested the patients not to get so many attendants which give rise to such problems."


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You may remember our original Best of the Bunch series, which aimed to find the best Eurovision entry from each nation from the years 2006 to 2015. From that series, we created the 'Ultimate Eurovision' which featured the winners of each of the poll, which you can read here. Over the past year, we aimed…Read More
Ultimate Eurovision 2.0 – Part 4!
By: eurovisionunion
Best of the Bunch, Features, Ultimate Eurovision2016, 2017, 2018, Amir, Austria, Barei, Best of the Bunch, Cyprus, Dance Alone, Eleni Foureira, Eurovision, Features, France, Fuego, Greta Salome, Hear them calling, iceland, Jai Cherche, Jana Burčeska, Melovin, Montenegro, Nathan Trent, North Macedonia, Running On Air, Say Yay!, Slavko, Space, Spain, ukraine, Ultimate Eurovision, Under the LadderLeave a Comment on Ultimate Eurovision 2.0 – Part 4!


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Moore v. Corizon Medical Services et al (INMATE 1)
Filing 36
ORDER directing as follows: (1) plaintiff's 26 Objection is overruled; (2) the 18 REPORT AND RECOMMENDATION of the Magistrate Judge is adopted; (3) plaintiff's 3 MOTION for Preliminary Injunction is denied; (4) this case is referred back to the US Magistrate Judge for further proceedings. Signed by Honorable Judge Myron H. Thompson on 11/5/14. (Attachments: # 1 civil appeals checklist). (djy, )
Disclaimer: Justia Dockets & Filings provides public litigation records from the federal appellate and district courts. These filings and docket sheets should not be considered findings of fact or liability, nor do they necessarily reflect the view of Justia.


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rolling up the pavements…
…and pulling down the shutters till 2012
Okay, that's enough for this year. It's been full, varied and interesting, which is all one can ask of any bunch of days. (That's in a personal and musical sense, btw. On a wider political and economic scale, it's been fucking terrifying.)
Currently trying things out with other musicians and finishing off album #2 – more news on that next year. Also, my 2008 EP Episodes is due for re-release early 2012: further details in January. All I'll say now is that it's loaded with bonus material and will have proper digital distro this time.
It's interesting putting out music mainly via internet – there's now no such thing as a hidden track, for instance: not really. (One of the tracks on the original Episodes CD was hidden – it ain't anymore.) Even if they don't spill every last bean, most sites actually say in the download spec, "this album/ep, whatever, comes with a hidden track". Don't get me wrong – on paper, in theory, as a medium it's great. But… Call me old-fashioned, but it's not very interesting, is it? For either party in the transaction. Spoon-feeding, I mean, in general as well as that specific grouse.
Perhaps things'll cycle back to to crediting people with a bit of taste and acuity; doubt it though. On the other hand, the 360-degree, access-all-areas thing we're locked into now – potential exposure equals potential listeners, so it's all good – hmm? Never mind that it's vapid and boring. (Well… it's not like someone's holding a gun to my head and forcing me to do any of this). There's got to be a better way – it's just that no-one's found it yet.
Merry X-mush, mush. A Happy New Yr to you and yrs.
December 17, 2011 | Categories: Music, Thoughtz | Tags: album, alternative musician, Bandcamp, burning conviction!, Christmas message, digital distribution, DIY art (art povera), downloads, EP, Episodes, free, internet, LP, music versus crapitude, Queen's Speech, re-issue, Xmas | Comments Off on rolling up the pavements…


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Certified Hedge Fund Professional Level 2 – Marketing & Sales
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Vintage Swarovski Rose Montees, Hyacinth, Silver Plated, in sizes 10ss, 12ss, rosemontee
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Vintage Swarovski Rose Montees (Flatbacks style #2000 in Settings with Prongs and Criss-Cross Holes on the bottom for sewing or beading)
Hyacinth rhinestones / Silver Plated Settings
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William Henry Harrison and the Whig party came to power in 1841 without a program. The men who had driven Martin Van Buren from office in 1840 were in as much doubt what to do for the country as the Jackson men had been in 1829. Clay had said during the campaign that he might restore the United States Bank, and he had said he might not do so; the Eastern Whigs had declared for a higher tariff in 1842, when the compromise of 1833 would expire, while the Southern Whigs had denied that such a move would be made; the Western men who had deserted Van Buren for a log-cabin leader demanded now as ever internal improvements, though their Southern allies bitterly opposed all such propositions.
With counsels so divided Harrison turned readily to Henry Clay, who shaped the inaugural and filled the Cabinet with his political friends. Congress was called in extra session for the last of May, 1841, when an improvised plan of action would be offered and perhaps enacted into law. The main items were to be a new National Bank, a higher tariff, and the distribution among the States of the proceeds of the public land sales. This would enable States to construct their own public improvements and at the same time avoid a rupture between Southern and Western Whigs. Thus the chief items of the old Clay and Adams "American System" was to be reënacted by a Congress whose majority was none too large and more than heterogeneous in character.
But before the national legislature met, the President had died and John Tyler had become the head of the Administration. Virginia politics were at that time and long after dominated by a state banking system, and both Virginia and the lower South opposed all forms of tariff protection. The new President had been nominated by the Whigs in spite of his political views, and only in the hope that he might carry his State, in which they had been disappointed. Clay thought, however, that he could control the Administration, and undertook with the assistance of the Cabinet to bring all into a harmonious support of his "system." The law creating the Independent Treasury, for which Jackson and Van Buren had labored industriously for six years before its final passage, was promptly repealed. In place of the Independent Treasury there was to be a National Bank, but the President was reported to be hostile to such a bank unless it should be located in the District of Columbia, and the consent of the States should be made necessary before branches could be established anywhere. Aware of Tyler's scruples on this and other measures, Clay marshaled his followers in both houses, held his friends in the Cabinet in his firm grasp, and was reported to have declared: "Tyler dares not resist me; I will drive him before me." Tyler was not the man to be driven, and meanwhile Calhoun, Benton, and their friends were rallying around him in the hope of breaking down once again the program of Clay.
A bank law was passed. On the 16th of August it was vetoed, and there ensued another party break very much like that which Calhoun led in 1831. Many Southern Whigs supported the President; Eastern Whigs burned Tyler in effigy as "the traitor." A second bank bill was passed only to meet another veto; and the Clay scheme for the distribution of the proceeds of the land sales, on which he had set his heart, was so mutilated by amendments that it could not serve the purpose of its friends. Anger and denunciation were the order of the day in Washington. Clay called a conference of the members of Tyler's Cabinet early in September, and advised all to resign at once in order to isolate their chief. The advice was followed by all save Webster, who retained his post and otherwise refused to accept the dictation of the Kentucky leader. Calhoun, Henry A. Wise, William C. Rives, and other leaders of Congress applauded the President and Webster. Congress adjourned on September 13 in the worst possible humor. Excitement now ran high throughout the country. Whig meetings were held everywhere, some to denounce, some to defend the Virginian President. The congressional elections came on and the voters divided sharply. But the Democrats won, which meant that the next Congress would be deadlocked--the Senate Whig, and the House Democratic. Under these circumstances Tyler gathered about him a Cabinet to his own liking and planned a forward step in the national policy. At the regular session of Congress a protective tariff law which restored many of the high duties of 1832 was enacted. Tyler gave his assent, perhaps in the hope of holding his New England friends like Webster. In view of the fact that the next Congress would be at least half anti-tariff, this move on the part of the Whigs was resented in the South, where leaders like Robert Barnwell Rhett still spoke openly of secession in case the old protectionist policy should be resumed.
The lines were being drawn for the next presidential race. Clay came back to Congress in December, 1841, deeply resentful toward the President and displeased at Webster. Having carried through Congress the tariff bill already mentioned, he rose on March 31 to offer "the last motion I shall ever make in this body," and to read his farewell address after the manner of his great antagonist Jackson, who had sent to Congress a similar message on his retirement in March, 1837. It was an affecting scene as the able and dramatic orator prayed "the most precious blessings upon the Senate," even upon Calhoun, who at the close extended his hand for the first time in several years. "Sober old Senators as well as ladies in the galleries shed tears at the scene"; yet it was known that Clay would seek the Presidency two years later. Calhoun, likewise, retired "forever" from the august legislative assembly, twelve months later, the better to lay his plans for the Democratic nomination in 1844. Though the South was not ready to unite in support of its greatest statesman, its leaders were ready to adopt his views and carry out his policy. The South, with its cotton, tobacco, and sugar plantations yielding their increasing annual returns, was preparing for another effort at getting control of the National Government. And changes of sentiment as well as economic development favored her in the struggle.
In Virginia the reforms of 1829 had been inadequate. The slavery problem was still a burning question, and the Nat Turner insurrection of 1831, in which a few slaves rose against their masters and killed many men, women, and children, forced a reconsideration. Again the difficult problem was declared insoluble. Thomas R. Dew, a professor of political science in William and Mary College, gave the deciding counsel in elaborate testimony before a committee of the legislature, which was enlarged and published in book form in May, 1832. He contended that slavery was a positive good; that negroes could not live in the South except in a state of bondage; and that for the State of Virginia, at least, it was a most profitable institution. The time had passed, he contended, for men to believe or teach the fallacies of the Declaration of Independence. Society, certainly Southern society, was taking on a stratified form in which all men had their definite places; and the North, too, was fast drifting in the same direction, because of the influence of their growing industries, in which it was essential that some should be masters of great plants and direct the labor of thousands of people. Few books ever influenced Southern life so much as did this little word of clear reasoning and convincing statistics.
A year later Calhoun was offering the same arguments in the United States Senate; South Carolina had already come in a practical way to the same conclusion. North Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana accepted the teaching that slavery was a beneficent social arrangement. In Kentucky and Tennessee, where James G. Birney and John Rankin had long worked for gradual emancipation, sentiment rapidly crystallized about the same dogma. Southern anti-slavery leaders emigrated to Ohio during the next few years, "leaving Ephraim joined to his idols"; and Southern men in Congress now replied with increasing earnestness to the petitions which came from Northern abolitionists. In 1837 it was decided not to receive such petitions, and John Quincy Adams was given his great theme for agitation; the United States mails were also closed to abolitionist literature intended for Southern distribution. The representatives of the great region which stretched from Baltimore to New Orleans and extended from the coast to the mountains, united almost to a man in defense of "the institutions of the South," and he who offered argument or example to the contrary was then unwelcome and later compelled to hold his tongue or emigrate.
Calhoun now became the undisputed leader of the plantation interests of the South, and few men were better fitted for the great commission. A keen and able debater and an enthusiastic Southerner, a combination in himself of the up-country ideals and the low-country purposes, he had become the idol of South Carolina. Conciliatory in manner and pure in all his public and private life, he won the respect and friendship of the best men in the North, like the Lowells and Winthrops of Massachusetts, and of Senators Allen, Hannegan, Breese, and the Dodges of the Northwest. Devoted to the ideal of a great American Union which he had made strong at the close of the second war with England, he was willing always to yield something to the West if only his "one institution" be left alone. Badly treated by Jackson and Van Buren, he had yet forgiven and joined hands with them both in 1840, in the hope that the power of Clay and his Eastern allies might be broken. In Congress and out he was the leader of the South as that section began to gird her loins for the fight over tariff, slavery, and expansion in 1840-44.
While the South was coming to one opinion on the great question of slavery, the West had been reviving her old ambitions and claims for more lands. So long as there was plenty of free lands and wide wildernesses, the Westerner felt that the American Republic was a free country; but when these began to fail he imagined himself hemmed in and stifled. In 1812 he had demanded Canada and Florida. He secured only the latter in 1819, and that after giving up Texas. The ink was hardly dry on the parchment of the treaty of that year before leading Westerners began their campaign for the "reannexation" of Texas. Stephen Austin, who settled in Texas, and Sam Houston, who deserted his wife for a home on the distant Southwestern frontier, kept the question alive. Thousands of Southerners and Westerners poured into the new cotton region between 1828 and 1836, and in the latter year they fought with the Mexicans the battle of San Jacinto, which gave Texas her freedom. A new American Republic with a pro-slavery constitution was speedily organized. Though Van Buren evaded the issue, Calhoun and the South urged immediate annexation.
There was thus a Southern call to the isolated President in 1842 to take up the Texas problem. Moreover, Virginia under the apportionment of 1841 lost five Representatives in the National House; South Carolina's number fell from nine to seven. North Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky, and Georgia barely held their own. The older South was distinctly losing in the national race, despite the three-fifths rule on slavery. The Southwest gained some members, but the Northwest was growing faster. It was time for the South to act if she was to maintain her position in the country. In making up his Cabinet in the autumn of 1841, and again in filling the vacancies that occurred from time to time, the President selected men who favored expansion in the Southwest. The leaders of the Administration in the House of Representatives were ex-Governor Gilmer and Henry A. Wise, of Virginia, and the spokesmen of the South generally joined these in demanding the immediate annexation of Texas as a Southern measure. Calhoun, though not speaking so often, was the real leader of this cause in the Senate, and he constantly urged upon his friends the necessity of this acquisition as a distinct aid to his section.
Nearly all the West favored this Southern proposition; but an equally important matter to them was the occupation of Oregon. In Ohio, Michigan, and northern Illinois there was some indifference as to Texas, but none on the subject of Oregon. The vast region stretching from the forty-second parallel of north latitude to Alaska, and embracing an empire in itself, was held jointly with England, whose fur traders had actually occupied the country on the northern side of the Columbia River. England desired to hold the promising region. Under the agreement of 1818, renewed in 1828, either country was to give one year's notice of a purpose to abandon joint control, and, should the relation with England be dissolved, the stronger party would doubtless obtain the better part of the territory. The people of the Northwest under radical leadership soon learned to demand all Oregon; English fur interests understood the situation well, and they pressed their Government to seize all the territory along the Pacific to the Bay of California. And English relations with Mexico were such that Lower California was apt to be added to Oregon in case of a break with the United States.
In the East there had been reason for increasing irritation between the two Governments. British public opinion had been distinctly unfriendly since the Canadian insurrection of 1837-38, when so many Americans gave assistance to the insurgents. And this unfriendliness was fed by the ill-concealed desire of the people of the West for the annexation of Canada to the United States. When the American ship Caroline, which had been assisting the Canadian insurrectionists, was seized and destroyed by the English on Lake Erie, an American citizen was killed. This was amicably arranged; but in 1840 a certain Alexander McLeod, then in New York, avowed that he had killed the American and was promptly seized by the state authorities and put on trial for his life. McLeod now claimed that he had done the deed in obedience to orders, and the British Minister came to his assistance. Officers of the American State Department took the same view, but they were helpless, and for a time it seemed that one of the States would put to death as a murderer a man whom both England and the United States recognized to be innocent. War seemed imminent, but as so often happens in Anglo-Saxon procedure, a way out of the legal _impasse_ was found in a fictitious _alibi_, and McLeod was acquitted.
When Sir Robert Peel became the head of the English Government in 1841 he sent, as Minister to Washington, Lord Ashburton, one of the Baring Brothers who had had such large business relations with many of the States and with the old National Bank. Ashburton and Webster were personal friends, and they were likely to find a solution to other important and pressing problems engaging the attention of both countries. One of these disputes had to do with the suppression of the nefarious African slave trade, which still flourished in spite of the most stringent of laws, national and international. The difficulty lay in the enforcement of law. The South did not regard slavery as an unmixed evil, and hence Southern Presidents had not been overzealous of invoking the severe law against the slave trade. England stood ready to enforce her laws, but then the traders would raise the American flag. This necessitated the exercise of the obsolete right of search of suspected vessels, if anything was to be done. But the people of the United States resented the exercise of the right, and Northern statesmen were also loath to allow this. To obviate all difficulty the two Governments agreed in 1842 to maintain a joint naval patrol of the African coast. The South was not quite pleased, and a great many people of the West were displeased that Webster had yielded the right of search in disguise, as it was thought.
At the same time a matter of larger importance to the North, the settlement of the long-disputed boundary between Maine and Nova Scotia, was pending. Since 1838 there had been quarrels and actual encounters along the northeastern boundary, which had won the name of "the Aroostook War." Both Maine and the National Congress had appropriated money to maintain American rights on the border, and here again there was reason to fear war. Webster and Ashburton took up the problem and by mutual concessions came to a fair but very unpopular agreement. They also settled outstanding disputes concerning the long boundary between the Great Lakes and the Rocky Mountains.
But the question of dividing Oregon was left untouched even by these friendly diplomats. Nor could they do more than discuss the critical Creole trouble, which just now came to complicate the relations of both peoples, evidently desirous of avoiding war. The Creole was a vessel engaged in the domestic slave trade. In 1841 this ship, bound for New Orleans, was seized by the slaves on board, who killed its crew and carried it into the port of Nassau. The local courts punished some of the negroes as murderers and set the others free. Speaking for the American Government, Webster demanded of England an apology and compensation for the slaves. Ashburton defended his country stoutly and refused satisfaction. Again public opinion, at least Southern opinion, was greatly excited, but nothing was done about the Creole case until 1853, when it was submitted to arbitration, and compensation was allowed the owners of the slaves.
Thus the Webster-Ashburton Treaty of 1842 was a settlement of some threatening difficulties and a tacit compromise or ignoring of others. It served the useful purpose of keeping the peace between kindred peoples. The Oregon and Texas questions were left open, and these were assuming more dangerous forms with the passage of time.
This served to direct attention to the Pacific Coast and even the Far East, where New England merchants and shipowners had long driven a profitable trade. President Tyler sent Commodore Jones to the Pacific to protect American interests; he proposed to send a commissioner to China in the hope of aiding American commerce there, and he began to consult members of Congress about the possibility of obtaining Texas, California, and Oregon all in treaties with Mexico and England. He offered to send Webster to London to conduct the negotiations, and at his instance John Quincy Adams wrote Edward Everett, the American Minister to England, that he might resign and go to China to do pioneer work for New England interests. The Webster-Ashburton Treaty was to be followed by a greater one, securing to the United States the coveted expansion southwest, west, and northwest. Thus Calhoun and his extreme Southerners, Benton and his ardent imperialist followers, and the radical Northwest were all to be satisfied at a single stroke of state, and Webster, the New Englander, was to be the happy instrument and perhaps become President in consequence.
Everett refused to resign, and Webster had promised his Whig friends to leave the State Department. Tyler did not despair; when the great New Englander retired in 1842, like Clay, to private life, he invited Hugh S. Legaré, of Charleston, to the vacant place. A year later Abel P. Upshur succeeded to the office. All the while the President was seeking to guide the Administration into other channels than the old ones of tariff, bank, and internal improvements.
The Texan envoys to Washington repeatedly urged unofficially the annexation of their country, which had fallen into a state of semi-bankruptcy, and whose governor, Sam Houston, was making overtures for English protection as an alternative to failure to get a favorable hearing in Washington. Southern States petitioned for annexation, while Middle Westerners met in a convention at Cincinnati in August, 1843, and demanded the immediate seizure of Texas and prompt occupation of Oregon. Thousands of emigrants left Missouri during the summer of 1843 for the Columbia Valley, under the encouragement of Senator Benton and for the purpose of holding the country against English fur traders or more permanent settlers. Under all this pressure the Administration let it be known in Congress that at least Texas would be annexed. Upshur reopened negotiations with the Texan envoy in Washington. Immediately John Quincy Adams protested, declaring the "Confederacy" to be dissolved in case Tyler's "nefarious" scheme should be consummated; but the President continued to press the Texan negotiations.
When the treaty with the new republic was about concluded, Upshur was accidentally killed by the explosion of a gun on the ship Princeton. Calhoun, whose ardent candidacy for the Democratic nomination had failed, was called to the State Department to take up the unfinished work. Meanwhile the campaigns of the two great parties were already far advanced. Clay was the acknowledged candidate of the Whigs, and Van Buren had obtained the pledged support of two thirds of the delegations to the next Democratic Convention, which was to meet in Baltimore in May, 1844. Instinctively dreading new issues, Van Buren arranged a visit to Jackson in the early spring, and on his return he called on Clay at Lexington, Kentucky, where it seems to have been agreed that the two candidates should eventually eliminate the Texas proposition from the platforms of the two great parties. On April 20, when Clay was in Raleigh, North Carolina, and Van Buren was at his home at Lindenwald, New York, public letters were given out by both leaders. Both advised against discussing the one thing everybody was discussing. The simultaneous appearance of these formal statements, each advising the same thing, caused a national sensation. Men thought that the two candidates had agreed beforehand what the people should not do. In Virginia, South Carolina, and Mississippi, where Texas feeling ran high, Democratic opinion could not be restrained, and meetings were called to reconsider the instructions of their delegations to the Baltimore Convention; nor were the Southern Whigs less anxious about the outcome, though the party as a whole acquiesced in Clay's wish that Texas should be eliminated from their forthcoming platform.
At this point Robert J. Walker, Senator from Mississippi, a shrewd little man who had gone to the Southwest eighteen years before to make his fortune, assumed the management of the Democratic party. A bold land speculator and an able lawyer, connected with the powerful Dallas and Bache families in Pennsylvania, he quickly rose to a commanding position in his State and was sent to the United States Senate, where he soon made himself felt as the most radical representative of Southern and Western interests, urging the rapid removal of the Indians beyond the western frontiers, free homesteads for all who would go West, and the immediate annexation of Texas. An intimate friend of Van Buren, a persistent opponent of Calhoun, and a rival of Benton for national honors, Walker published on Jackson Day, January 8, 1844, a letter to the public which was immediately reprinted in the newspapers of the South and West, and which in pamphlet form had a very wide circulation. In this letter he came out boldly for the "reannexation of Texas and the reoccupation of Oregon,"--all Oregon. His rhetorical language and his defiance of England gained the public ear on both Texas and Oregon, while his shrewd suggestions of commercial expansion in the Pacific won powerful support in New York and Boston. But the greatest stroke of this publication was the apparent Southern demand for all Oregon, and before the Van Buren-Clay "self-denying ordinances" appeared, Walker was forging the union of South and West on the proposition, reannexation of Texas and reoccupation of Oregon, and maneuvering in Washington for what was later called the "bargain of the Baltimore Convention." Walker's relations with the Pennsylvania leaders gave him a strong position in that great Democratic community, and he soon secured the support of Thomas Ritchie, the master politician in Virginia. When the Democrats met, late in May, the "little Senator" was in perfect control. He renewed and vitalized the rule of the Democratic party whereby the candidate must secure two thirds of all votes cast in order to receive the nomination. He procured the passage of this resolution by a mere majority vote, and thus Van Buren, who had a majority of the delegates instructed to vote for him, was deprived of the leadership of the party. The Walker slogan, "All of Texas, all of Oregon," was adopted by the convention, and James K. Polk, formerly Speaker of the House of Representatives, was nominated for the Presidency. Walker's brother-in-law, George M. Dallas, a Pennsylvania protectionist, was nominated for the Vice-Presidency. It was but a few days before the Northwestern men indicated the trend of events by giving every assurance of their support and adding to the campaign cry of Walker the "fifty-four-forty-or-fight" slogan which was heard on every stump from June till November.
Van Buren was humiliated and eliminated from the counsels of the party; Clay laughed at his "dark-horse" competitor, of whom he affected never to have heard; Calhoun, the legitimate beneficiary of the Texas propaganda, joined Walker with heart and soul and aided greatly in the management of the campaign. A new Democratic régime--the South and West coöperating--had been founded. This second coalition aimed at Clay and the East resembled very strikingly that of 1828. And new issues had been injected into the national discussion. A rapid extension of the national domain to the Rio Grande, to the Pacific, and to 54° 40' of north latitude in the Far Northwest was opposed to Clay's well-worn program of a protective tariff, national bank, and internal improvements.
Meanwhile Calhoun and Tyler completed their treaty with Texas and submitted it to the Senate, where it was held in suspense until after the meeting of the conventions. Tyler, after some hesitation, gave his support to Polk and Dallas. Calhoun suppressed uprisings against the new leadership in South Carolina, where strong doubt prevailed as to the purposes of Walker and Dallas with reference to the tariff. The old statesman, isolated though he was, thought that if the South and West could be held together the future would be secure. He took pleasure in the belief that "this is the end of Clay," who had so long troubled the national waters, while the politicians of the new coalition assured him that he would succeed Polk in 1848. Webster said little during the campaign; New England was divided by the promises of a great commercial expansion and the annexation of Oregon. The election of Polk and Dallas justified the bold moves of the Baltimore Convention. The scheme of Tyler, looking to the annexation of Texas, California, and Oregon, was now to be put into effect, even at the risk of war with England, whence serious warnings had been coming since the new national purpose became clear.
After years of uncertainty and deadlock, the country was now prepared for a forward movement, and though Polk was not her ideal statesman, the people rallied with fair unanimity to his standard. The new Administration would represent the new Democratic party--a resolute South and an ardent West. And the President-elect, simple and direct in all his ways, was determined to carry out the purposes of his supporters, namely, set the country upon a career of expansion hitherto unparalleled in its history.
In Illinois, Missouri, and throughout the South the demand was well-nigh unanimous that the disputed region along the Rio Grande should be held as against Mexico, and that California and Oregon should be seized and colonized. Cass, the older, and Douglas, the younger leader of the Northwest, were agreed in these extreme demands; even Benton, the disappointed friend of Van Buren, found compensation in the proposed Pacific frontier, while a powerful group of Southerners led by Governor Gilmer, of Virginia, Robert Barnwell Rhett, of South Carolina, William L. Yancey, of Alabama, and Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, took up the program of Calhoun and pressed it almost daily upon Congress and the country. The South was about to resume control of the national fortunes.
In that region, where cotton was king, and tobacco, sugar, and rice were powerful allies, a unique civilization had grown up. The plantation was the model, and the patriarchal master of slaves the ideal character which the ambitious poor imitated everywhere. The elegant life of the colonial plantation houses, which adorned the banks of the winding rivers of the old South in the days of the Revolution, had gradually moved westward and southwestward until the larger tobacco area of the Piedmont region extended from Petersburg, Virginia, to Greensboro, North Carolina, and from the falls of the rivers to the slopes of the Blue Ridge. Instead of running away from their slaves, as John Randolph had feared Southern gentlemen would be compelled to do, the tobacco planters found their business increasingly prosperous as the great cotton area south of them opened larger markets for their crops and higher prices for their surplus negroes. Even the wheat-growers of Virginia and Maryland became again prosperous when the great canals and the improved turnpikes reached the valley of Virginia and opened still wider areas of rich lands to the Richmond and Baltimore markets. The plantation form of life penetrated the high lands of Virginia almost to the Tennessee border, and slavery was fastening its hold upon the up-country people who had formerly been hostile.
[Illustration: Tobacco Areas in 1840]
[Illustration: Cotton Areas in 1840]
But the vast cotton region, embracing the better part of middle and eastern North Carolina and the accessible lands of the lower South to Eastern Texas, and extending over most of the Mississippi Valley to St. Louis, was the heart of the South, which supported the Polk Administration and waged the war upon Mexico soon to begin. In this fine country, men of ability made fortunes in a few years and learned to imitate the life of the old southern manor houses. Forests were cleared away in winter by the sturdy hands of slaves, and new fields were opened to cotton culture each spring to supply the places of those that had been rapidly worn down by unscientific methods of agriculture. The cabins which made the homes of well-to-do men in the Jeffersonian epoch gave way to substantial frame houses with massive columns and wide verandas, with great hallways and broad banquet-rooms, which so much delighted the heart of the planter of Calhoun's day. In a warm climate like that of the cotton region the object of the builder was always to attain cool recesses and retired gardens, where the social life of the time displayed itself.
The houses were built on hilltops covered with primeval oaks, which cast a dense shade over all. Sometimes stone or brick walls protected the premises against the outer world, and wide entrances, guarded on either side by sculptured lions or tigers, gave a dignity and a splendor which reminded one of the estates of English noblemen. In the rear of these pretentious and sometimes beautiful houses were the rows of negro cabins, with their little gardens for the raising of vegetables and the ranges for chickens, as dear to the palates of negro slaves as to those of visiting clergymen. The barns and carriage houses completed the outfit. Where hundreds of bales of cotton and thousands of barrels of corn were grown annually, there would be driving or saddle horses for the master's family and many Kentucky mules for the work of the fields; and a plantation took on the appearance of a busy colony in a new country. Sixty to a hundred negroes were regarded as the best labor unit for profitable agriculture. Of these there would be a few house servants trained in all the intricacies of patriarchal hospitality and courtesy. The carriage driver and keeper of the stables, sometimes clad in the extra dignity of a special livery and a tall silk hat, a tyrant to all the little negroes, but an obsequious flatterer to those who were welcome at the master's house, was perhaps the most envied man of the estate. To see this matchless son of Africa mounted on the high seat of an old-fashioned English carriage, as he drove his prancing horses to the front door of the "great house" and asked if all were ready for church, was to get a glimpse of the old South itself. The boasted freedom of "poor white trash" or of "impudent free issue negroes" had no attractions to him who enjoyed these high prerogatives.
The master who was responsible for the multitudinous life of the plantation, arbiter of the fortunes, sometimes, of a thousand men, was usually conscious of his power and, when "times were good," kind to his dependents. He liked to see his negroes fat and happy, for a "likely slave" was as good as money in the bank. Accustomed to the exercise of authority, he was apt to be a member of the county court, the actual governing agency of the old South, and as such he was always "squire." From the county court he went to the state legislature, where he and his fellow planters made the laws of these sovereign States of the old régime. From local magistrate to chief executive the Southern community was governed by the owners of slaves, and the great men whom they chose to speak for the South in Congress or to advise the President and his Cabinet or to sit upon the benches of the federal courts were invariably masters of plantations, trained from early youth to the exercise of authority and accustomed to receive the homage of their neighbors. It was a mighty social and economic organization which had grown up in and spread over the richer lands of South and West, as far as the borders of Mexico and the valleys of the Ohio and Missouri. The wheat and tobacco growers, the rice and sugar planters were allied to the more powerful cotton lords, and, though there were party differences, all spoke the same voice in the national life. Of the five or six millions of southern white people in 1845 only seven or eight thousand were great plantation masters, though some three hundred thousand were either owners of slaves or members of the privileged families--a larger proportion than usual for a favored class, but still a small number when compared to the total population of the country which was, from 1845 to 1860, controlled by them.
As was natural, the professional classes of the South, the lawyers, clergymen, physicians, and teachers, were in close alliance with the planters, their callings and their incomes being directly dependent on them. A successful professional man soon became a master and usually retired to a country seat. If a poor but capable young man gave promise of power and leadership he was soon accepted by his dominant neighbors and became a son-in-law of a privileged family; if a preacher rose to fame doubting or even condemning the institutions of the South, he was apt to find a way to change his views and to become a part of the system before he reached his mature years. The articulate South was, therefore, in economic and social life a unit in 1845, and this unit was the strongest group in the country as a whole. Its demand for expansion towards the southwest was based upon the common desire, the common law of growth, and this growth was the only means of winning new votes in Congress and in the electoral college. It was the same motive which actuated the farmers of the Northwest and the commercial leaders of New England when they demanded of the Federal Government the seizure of Oregon or the protection of ships upon the ocean.
[Illustration: Wheat Areas in 1840]
If the planter and dominant element of the South urged Polk and Walker onward in their course and gave power to Calhoun, the greater masses of non-slaveholding Southerners were hardly less enthusiastic. The earlier jealousy and fear of the planters had everywhere weakened as the new lands of the South and West gave opportunity to the more ambitious to rise in the social and economic scale. The sons of small farmers and landless men in the old South had built the cotton kingdom of the lower South, and were now drawing aristocratic Virginia and the Carolinas into a close union with the new region. The widening of the area of slavery was equivalent to the opening of a social safety valve to the older and stratifying life of the South. Young men who had been hostile to slavery at home became friendly allies in a new environment. Thus the small farmers became enthusiastic supporters of the great machine of which slavery was the base.
Not only so, the growers of corn and wheat in the remote hills and mountains of the South, the men who distilled their grain into strong drink, those who raised pigs or cotton a hundred or two hundred miles west of the tobacco and cotton belts, could always find a market in the plantation towns where calicos, "store-clothes," and trinkets could be had for themselves and families. The long trains of quaint, covered tobacco wagons which wound their way over rough roads from the mountains to the black belt carried whiskey or other up-country products to the plantations; the droves of mules, cattle, or hogs which poured into the Carolinas and the Gulf region from East Tennessee and Kentucky were bonds of attraction between the planters and the non-slaveholding elements too powerful to be ignored. And as time passed the legislatures under planter control built better highways and projected railways into the richer sections of the interior, which invariably made allies of these new economic communities, and gradually slavery followed in the wake of the new channels of communication.
The most helpless of the Southern groups were the poorer farmers, who lived on the semi-sterile lands which the planters refused to occupy or in the pine barrens of the eastern Carolinas, and the landless class which hung on to the skirts of slavery. Unambitious, ignorant, and improvident, frequently the "ne'er-do-wells" of the old families, ignored by the wealthy and spurned by the slaves, who gave them the name of "poor white trash," their lot was hard, indeed. They earned a few dollars a year at odd jobs, raised a few hogs or at most a bale or two of cotton, and lived in cabins little better than those occupied by the negroes. Their children were numerous, without educational advantages, and accustomed to the poor and meager cultural life of an outcast class. Their outlook was no better than that of their parents. Barefoot, half-clad, yet alert and agile, hating negroes and fearing the masters, these "Anglo-Saxons" offered the problem of the South. Unaccustomed to independent voting, they did not endanger the existing order, and even when they were aroused to a sense of their position, their ignorance and dependence and prejudices prevented them from organizing in self-defense. They usually followed their economic superiors, and learned to denounce the tariff, internal improvements, and "scheming Yankees" as roundly as did their wealthy neighbors.
Still, life in the South was in the open; the joys and the sports of the people were those of healthy rural communities. The well-to-do and even the poorer classes lived on horseback, bet on the races, and participated in the rough-and-tumble games of the court days. The wealthy did not refuse all relations with "the people" on such occasions. The planter knew and called familiarly by name every man in his part of the county, and the magistrates who made up the courts of the people exercised a kindly patriarchal authority over their "inferiors," the dependent whites. There were few occupants of jails or penitentiaries; poorhouses were often tenantless, and asylums for the insane were not numerous or crowded. Beggars and tramps were unknown. Judged by the facts of life the system of slavery and large proprietors was not so bad as it appeared; and as the South came into full self-consciousness, say with the inauguration of Polk and Dallas, the problems of adjustment of the different economic groups, of providing better educational facilities for the poorer classes, and of meeting certain religious and social requirements of the slaves themselves, were fully recognized by the masters, and beginnings of improvement in all these matters were already making.
In nothing was this more evident than in Southern religious life. The South which followed Jefferson was largely indifferent to religious dogmas of all kinds. Most of the greater leaders had been deists rather than Christians; nor had they suffered for these opinions at the hands of the people. Calhoun's Unitarianism had in no way retarded his political career. But before 1830 a change was taking place. The stout Presbyterianism of the up-country forced the retirement of one of the professors of the University of Virginia, in its earlier years, and it compelled the resignation of President Cooper of the University of South Carolina, in 1836, because of his denial of the inspiration of the Pentateuch. The Presbyterians had grown powerful and wealthy; they asserted their influence in Virginia and South Carolina, and they were already recognized as leaders in North Carolina, Tennessee, and Kentucky. What this denomination did was applauded by the more numerous Baptists and Methodists, whose membership was as yet too poor to command the influence of their rivals.
Before 1844, however, these great religious organizations in the South, with a combined membership of nearly a million, received full recognition. With a small-farmer and landless membership they had opposed slavery and the whole aristocratic system before 1820, but as the years passed, tobacco and cotton culture made many of them wealthy and opened the way to all who were ambitious to rise. At once the official attitude began to change. The preachers ceased first to denounce "the institution," and finally without offense became slave-owners themselves. The clergy's stern rebukes of fashion, of dancing, and of "the wearing of fine raiment" ceased or lost its effect. Presbyterians had long believed in an educated ministry, and when they forced their influence into political life, they were already friendly to the dominant ideas of the South. Now the Baptists and Methodists built colleges for the training of young ministers, and preaching in their simple churches was made to conform to the canons of good taste. Throughout the South the churches became the allies of the existing economic and social order, and they presented a solid front to those who proposed to discipline men for holding other men in bondage. Their clergy formulated a strong Biblical and patriarchal defense of the South. Slavery, from being an institution to be lamented as an evil, became a blessing sustained by the Holy Scriptures, according to the ablest ministers of God.
When the Northern branches of these churches found how completely their Southern brethren had yielded to the powerful social pressure of their local life, a vigorous attempt was made to correct the tendency. It failed, and in 1844-45 the Baptists of the East and those of the upper Northwest refused to coöperate with Southern churches which insisted on the right to send out missionaries who owned slaves. A Southern Baptist Church was the immediate result. In the same year, 1844, the Methodists of the East and upper West refused to recognize the ministrations of a bishop who owned slaves, and a break-up of the church followed. The Methodist Episcopal Church, South, was organized at Louisville the following year. The Presbyterians and Episcopalians had become so completely reconciled to the aristocratic life which slavery connoted that they sustained no serious breach in their ranks. In the North as well as in the South they accepted slavery. A notable result of these breaks in the Baptist and Methodist churches was the rapid increase of membership of both in the South. Within a period of ten years the Southern Baptists were as powerful as the American Baptists had been in 1844. The same is true of the Methodists, and what happened in the South was paralleled in the North. Pro-slavery churches in the South and anti-slavery churches in the North seemed to be required by the people. Revivals, educational improvements, and missionary zeal were the fruits of the "reformation." Politicians like Calhoun, who watched and counseled these peaceful schisms, urged that the Union must in due time likewise break into pieces; but the great economic forces of the country were as yet too strong; common markets, interlocking transportation systems, and the extraordinary prosperity which followed the Polk régime defeated the wishes of those who thought that two confederations within the area of the United States would be better than one.
Thus, when Polk took up the forward program which had been outlined at Baltimore, and which was to antiquate the "American System" over which Clay and Jackson and their respective groups had fought so bitterly since 1824, the South was rapidly crystallizing into a solid section with definite ideas and purposes. The plantation owners were in full command; the older and small-farmer element was falling into line behind their pro-slavery leaders; the social and religious life had become orthodox and stratified; and the clergy, who now preached acceptably to great masses of people, were, like those of New England, in full sympathy with the dominant economic interests of their time. The immediate future of the South was fairly certain, and Southern leaders assumed a militant tone indicative of the wishes of their people.
Bibliographical Note
Justin H. Smith's _Annexation of Texas_ (1911) and G. P. Garrison's _Westward Extension_ (1906), in _American Nation_ series, give full and trustworthy accounts of the Texas movement; while Lyon G. Tyler's _Times of the Tylers_ (1884); C. H. Ambler's _Life of Thomas Ritchie_ (1913); J. W. DuBose's _Life of William L. Yancey_ (1892); and J. F. H. Claiborne's _Life and Correspondence of John A. Quitman_ (1860), supply abundant material showing the temper and purposes of the different parts of the South in 1840. U. B. Phillips's _The Plantation and Frontier_ (1909) is an excellent source-book for the period, and the Adams _Memoir_, Clay _Correspondence_ (Colton), Calhoun _Correspondence_ (Jameson), and Mrs. A. M. Coleman's _The Life of John J. Crittenden_ (1871) are most useful for these years. The debates of Congress for the period of 1833 to 1873 are found in the _Congressional Globe_ and _Appendices_. For the philosophy of slavery and the Southern social system of which slavery was the basis read _The Pro-Slavery Argument_ (1852), containing Thomas R. Dew's and James H. Hammond's writings on the subject.


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ReMix Media ConsoleM111-019-533
**This product is currently in-stock and ready for delivery. Delivery times may vary depending on stocking warehouse.**
Dimensions In Inches: 76W x 17D x 25.5H
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Throughout my career as a sports writer, one thing that has always amazed me is how players spend so much time atop the world—then vanish. Oh, certain types always remain in our thoughts. Superstars, obviously. Those who die young. Those who make it big in another field. Murderers. Drug addicts.
Generally, however, it's a quick and undistinguished permanent farewell. Where the hell is Jeffrey Hammonds? Is Mo Lewis? Is Chris Morris? Is John Vander Wal? They come, they impress, they disappear into society, only to reappear for the occasional Rotary luncheon or so-and-so reunion.
Such is certainly the case with Steve Trachsel.
Back when I was covering the Majors for Sports Illustrated, Trachsel was a journeyman mainstay, always guaranteed a job, generally a lock for 30-plus starts and 170-plus innings. Over the course of his six-team, 16-year career, the righty went 143-159 with a 4.39 ERA. Once, he was an All-Star. Once, he led the league with 18 losses. Such was the nature of a steady performer who was always gracious with the media and liked in the clubhouse. Then, after 2008, he was gone.
Here, Steve talks about surrendering Mark McGwire's nonsense 62nd home run; about why he took so long to throw a baseball and how he likes cold ziti more than Joe Biden. One can visit Steve's Baseball Reference page here.
Steve Trachsel, pride of Long Beach State, bring the heat. You're facing the Quaz …
JEFF PEARLMAN: OK, Steve, I'm gonna start with this: I probably covered, oh, 20 of your starts over the years, and almost all of them took f-o-r-e-v-e-r. Hell, over 16 seasons this became your calling card—if Steve Trachel was starting, you were looking at, minimum, a three-hour game. Steve, being 100 percent serious: Why did it take you so long to throw a pitch, then another pitch? Was it strategy? Habit? Recovery? I've always wanted to ask.
STEVE TRACHSEL: It's amazing how this is always the first question I get asked, even before McGwire. I wasn't always a slow worker—it kind of evolved during the last years in Chicago and came to a head in New York. It wasn't something I was ever conscious of during the game until I got to New York and started watching tapes with our pitching coach, Charlie Hough. I guess some of it was strategy that became a habit that took years to correct. I noticed that it only happened with runners on base as well. From the wind-up the game moved as it should. The correction came when I actually asked Charlie to time me in the dugout and let me know the results in between innings. That's when the game times started to drop, but by then I'd been slow for so long that it was gonna stick no matter what. Newsday's Marty Noble actually did a check on it one year and he showed that Kevin Appier and Al Leiter had longer game times than me. That made for a lot of long games that year, I guess
J.P.: In the lord's year of 1998, you surrendered Mark McGwire's 62nd home run, to break Roger Maris' record. You've since stated that you knew he was using; that it was beyond obvious. So I'd like to ask you this: A. Did that make giving up the homer worse—knowing the man was cheating? And can you, having played nearly two decades in the Majors, understand why one would cheat and willingly break the rules to accomplish things?
S.T.: I never have said that I knew Mark was cheating. It was just that I had suspicions like everybody else. I've never had any proof that anyone used steroids. At the time of the homer the Cubs were in a tight race for the Wildcard so my focus was entirely on winning that game and getting us to the postseason.
As far as why guys did it—lots of factors apply. Money has got to be the biggest reason, followed by statistics that get you more money. The recovery factor also plays a big factor from what I understand. I understand it from those standpoints but I don't accept them because it created an uneven playing field for those who chose not to do it.
J.P.: Here's what I know—you're from Fullerton, California, you graduated from Troy High School, you led Long Beach State into the 1991 College World Series. But Steve, where did you love for baseball come from? When did you first realize you were special at the game? Was there a moment? A time? And when did you first know you'd be more than merely a good local player?
S.T.: My love of the game definitely came from my father. He was always involved since Little League and I remember pitching to him in the backyard after the Saturday Game of the Week. We spent lots of time at batting cages and we went to many Dodger and Angel games.
It was a long time before I realized I was special at the game. I was never the best player on any team I ever was a part of. I only played varsity baseball my senior year and went to Fullerton Junior College before Long Bea ch State. I knew I would get a chance at being drafted during my sophomore year but wasn't until after my junior year. I remember being in Double A and Paul Wagner from the Pirates was called to the Big Leagues and won his first start. We had similar stuff and I knew then that I would get a shot—if I stayed healthy—to pitch in the Majors.
J.P.: This is sort of out of order, but it's a question I've long wanted to ask a Major Leaguer. When we, the media, would enter the clubhouse after a game, we'd ask about the "mood of the team" or "what are you guys thinking?" Steve, is this nonsense? What I mean is, how in the world would you know what, say, Rey Ordonez is thinking at any given time? And with 24 different men, doesn't the mood vary from guy to guy?
S.T.: This one is kind of nonsense. I always felt that if your team is winning the mood was always gonna be good. Now I can see that during the playoffs the mood could get tight because of pressure, but that's when you needed to have players who could lighten the mood in a clubhouse. Maybe that speaks more to team chemistry and having everybody on the same page and not mood so much.
J.P.: I recently had a chat with a former Major Leaguer, and he said to me, in a moment of blunt honesty, that, in the big leagues, team success is generally the third priority, after solidifying the best contract and compiling personal statistics. Steve, is there truth to this? Is winning not as important as fans would like it to be?
S.T.: I hope to God that this guy was never a teammate of mine. That's amazingly selfish. Winning was why I was there. You spend your entire life trying to get to the Majors and you're just satisfied with numbers and money? That sucks. If you win and are on a winning team those things naturally come with it. I know as a fan of other sports I watch only to see my team win.
J.P.: In 1996, you made the All-Star game as a Chicago Cub. Three seasons later, you lost 18 games and had a 5.56 ERA. I've never fully grasped the dramatic fluctuations players can have from one season to another to another. How do you explain it? I mean, you were still—chronologically—in your prime. Why does this sort of thing happen?
S.T.: The simplest reason is that this game is tough. Other than that many things happen throughout a season or from year to year. Player turnover is a big part. Health is another. That year I pitched poorly and maybe tried to do more than I was capable of doing. I think when a player is struggling it's better to go back to the basics instead of trying harder to make the adjustments necessary to find the consistency that made you successful in the first place.
J.P.: I'm gonna ask you an awkward question, and hope enough time has elapsed for you to answer it. I covered the Mets a ton when I was at SI, and I ALWAYS presumed Mike Piazza was a PED guy. All the signs were there—his back WAS coated with acne; he WAS a late-round nobody who grew enormously; his growth coincided with stints in Latin America; etc … etc. Steve, I'm not asking you whether Mike used. What I'm asking is this: Since the Players Association fought and fought and fought against proper testing, is it wrong for me (and others) to take guesses and stabs and rely on circumstantial material? I mean, if the testing wasn't there, what are we supposed to do?
S.T.: I think during that time that was all you could do. We can debate all day about what the union did or didn't do about testing. I think the owners share equally in not wanting testing. Many players got caught up in the circumstantial elements with inflated numbers and the way they looked. That being said, we will never know for sure on most of them.
J.P.: The Baltimore Orioles released you on June 13, 2008 and—like most ballplayers—you sorta vanished into midair. Steve, what have you done since retirement? Do you miss the game? Do you still watch?
S.T.: I tried out for the Padres in 2009. They had no veteran presence on their pitching staff and were in need of starting pitchers. I felt like I threw really well for them and three weeks later, when they finally made a decision to not sign me or even look at me further, and knowing that they were probably on the bottom end of teams in the Major Leagues, I figured if I couldn't even pitch for them then I guess it was time to be done.
I miss certain parts of the game. The guys, mostly. I don't miss the travel and being away from my family at all. I watch a little bit of it on TV and I take my son to Petco for games but I don't follow it real closely.
J.P.: A couple of weeks ago Jason Collins became the first openly gay active player in an American team sport. Do you think an openly gay ballplayer would have trouble in the Majors? How would you have handled it back when you were playing? I'm not asking for names, but did you know of any gay teammates?
S.T.: I definitely didn't know of any but the statistics say that there had to be some. I would like to think that I would have handled it very maturely. It's hard to say how it would go in a baseball clubhouse. There are multiple nationalities to deal with, all with varying views on homosexuality, but it would probably be more acceptable now than 20 years ago because I think people are just more accepting.
J.P.: You were a relatively high draft pick (eighth round) who shot up the system quite quickly. You had a fantastic five-team, 143-win career. Just great stuff worthy of tons of pride. I'm wondering, though, does there come a point when one must accept what he is and isn't? What I mean is—you were a good, solid Major League starter who ate up a lot of innings. Did there come a point when you realized, "I'm not going to the Hall of Fame; I'm not Bob Gibson. I'm just … good."?
S.T.: I don't think I ever saw myself as a Hall of Fame-type pitcher. I didn't throw hard and strike lots of guys out. I felt that every time I took the mound my team had a chance to win that day and that was my goal. I could see that some guys were better than me, but that didn't change what I felt I had to do to be successful. Sixteen years was more than I ever thought I would play when I was in college and I'm proud of all the good things I accomplished in my career.
• In 2000 you were a member of the Tampa Bay Devil Rays. How would you describe life in the Tropicana Dome?: Really quiet and disappointing.
• Climate change—hoax or real? And how worried are you?: Most likely a hoax. I'll be long gone by the time I would need to worry.
• Rank in order (favorite to least): Stratego, Will Smith, Edgardo Alfonzo, Snicker's, Wrigley Field, the USFL, Joe Biden, cold ziti, Terms of Endearment, toe fungus: Edgardo Alfonzo, Wrigley Field, Snickers, Will Smith, cold ziti, Stratego, USFL, Terms of Endearment, toe fungus, Joe Biden.
• The world needs to know—what was it like playing with Kevin Orie?: Too short … good player who got hurt too early.
• Ever thought you were about to die in a plane crash? If so, details?: Never have. Hope I never do.
• Five nicest guys you ever played with?: Rod Beck, Joe McEwing, Brian McRae, Robin Ventura, Aaron Heilman
• Five reasons one should make Poway, California his/her next vacation destination?: Close to the beach, close to mountains, close to downtown San Diego, Stone Brewery, perfect weather.
• If we give you 20 Division I college starts right now, what's your pitching line?: 14-6, 3.40 ERA
• On a scale of 1 to 10 (10 being most convinced), how convinced are you there's life after death?: 3 1/2
• Biggest myth about life in the Major Leagues?: Groupies.


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Baja Mexico fly fishing update and report for May 12th 2010.
Written by
Jeff deBrown
Water temp. 75 – 77
Air temp. 67 – 90
Hi folks,
The weather has warmed up and it seems as if it changed over night. We were having to put on a light jacket early in the morning just a few days ago but now we have temperatures in the mid 70's as we get on the boat. Our afternoon highs are in the low 90's already.
On the fishing front we are continuing to see improvement. Inshore fly fishing for big Rooster fish and Jacks are keeping all the fly fishing anglers busy. We've had more rods on the beach in the past month than I have ever seen. Where did all the people come from? This past week if you could find a place to fish on the beach without encroaching on someone else you'd have a good chance at some action. Finding that spot was very tough with all the traffic!! We had people everywhere. They were camping, driving rigs up and down the beach as well as riding ATV's. It was crazy. One day, I counted 31 fly fishing anglers along the beaches here. I have never seen that many in an entire season it seems. We are not seeing as many fish in groups of schools but more individual fish this past week. These fish have been quite tough to catch. On some days they are very active, chasing the bait and feeding heavily and on other days they will be sluggish and just push the bait around as to say I could get you if I really wanted to. If you kept at it you were provided with some good opportunities.
Offshore, we have a few Tuna in the area. They are a long run of between 30 and 40 miles. Most of them have been on the smaller side between 5 and 10 pounds but if you hit the right school, the fish have been between 35 and 40 pounds. We are seeing a fair number of Marlin in the area as well. Most of them have not wanted the offerings by the boats but a few have taken the bait. The fishing for Dorado is getting better each day. They are not here in full force but the numbers of fish are getting better each day.
I will be on the water the entire week. I will be sure to keep you all informed.
Until next time….keep fishing.


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Custom 3pc-Yellow to Green Glass
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