text:
Ceramics, Foodways, and Consumption: Methods
Summary and Keywords
Analysis of ceramics in archaeological contexts has provided a range of information regarding African history. Archaeologists have approached ceramics as a craft as well as an indicator of identity and status. The Africanist focus on the technological development of ceramic manufacture and production has taken several forms. The most notable are (1) the origins of ceramic production, (2) the spread and independent invention of this technology and regional styles through typological analysis, and (3) technological change related to the identity of the producers and consumers including changing dietary practices over time. The various arguments put forth for the first production and use of ceramics in different regions of the continent are connected to the exploitation of available resources such as fish as well as the rise of agricultural production. Following the appearance and technical history of ceramics in various regions of the continent, a focus on foodways and regional cuisine has placed ceramics at the forefront of interpretation.
Keywords: ceramics, typology, ethnoarchaeology, chaîne opératoire, crafting, cuisine
Approaches to Ceramics and African Archaeology
Ceramics are among the most ubiquitous artifact types recovered from archaeological sites throughout the African continent. As an artifact class, they provide a wealth of information about African communities ranging from adaptation to the natural environment to social divisions and gender norms. Archaeologists have focused on the origins and development of ceramic technology tied to various subsistence strategies and have used these as a "type find" to denote culture contact and the rise of complexity. More recently, ceramics have been approached as one facet of foodways, being viewed as an integral part of cuisine and indicator of social organization.
Ceramic Origins
To understand the relationship between food and ceramics, the origins of ceramic production1 in Africa must be considered. For the most part, the origins of pottery throughout the world has primarily been linked to sedentism, though it is recognized that it varied across time and space.2 Archaeological evidence suggests that ceramic production first emerged on the continent between the end of the 10th and beginning of the 9th millennium bce according C14 (radiocarbon dating).3 The earliest ceramics have been identified in the Nile Valley and parts of the central and eastern regions of the Sahara with an expansion into areas of modern Sudan.4
Because of the unique environmental zones that constitute the African continent, including many marginal ones, the history of food domestication and the associated material culture do not follow a single pattern. There, unlike in much of the world, the earliest food producers were pastoralists not agriculturalists.5 Additionally, communities relied more on foraging for longer periods of time. These varied subsistence strategies necessarily influenced the trajectory of ceramic production and use. As such, ceramic production is not necessarily a natural next step for sedentary communities, but in some instances preceded them. Each of these initial zones of production led to distinct traditions in style and technical choice that persist today between ceramics from the northern Sahel-Sudanic and southern savanna-forest regions of Africa based on the aesthetic nature of the sherds recovered.6 For example, by the 3rd millennium ce, we find distinct ceramic traditions that have been identified by archaeologists in Mali as being discernable from neighboring areas in both aesthetic and technical style.7 The Phase I ceramics identified at Djenné-djeno are semi-refined grog (i.e., crushed ceramic) tempered wares in the form of open and closed hollow vessels with a high prevalence of twine impressions.8
Those from the southern savanna and forest zones are also characterized by a course grog-tempered paste, but everted rims are more common and are combined with relief or grooved decorative motifs.9 The question here is why these differences exist and if any are related to the foods consumed, or more specifically the mode of subsistence practiced.
The appearance of ceramics in the archaeological record is seen as an indicator of food production by some, while others question why ceramics indicate this rather than more intensive exploitation of resources. Ceramic use and manufacture are seen among nearly all subsistence groups, though agriculturalists with higher degrees of social stratification and larger populations do tend toward both greater ceramic use and variation in wares. These also tend to be the communities with designated potters and other craftpersons. Conversely, research among archaeologists and anthropologists in Africa has revealed that many small-scale groups that engage in some degree of nomadism in general tend to not be pottery producers.10 As can be expected, notable exceptions can be found. For example, in the Sahelian region, the origin of ceramics has been tied to the exploitation of aquatic resources during the Holocene.11 Sadr and Sampson have made a convincing argument for the independent invention of thin-bodied ceramics in southern Africa among hunter-gathers prior to the Early Iron Age (EIA) migration of agriculturalists.12 They posit that these wares, which are stylistically (thinner and unburnished) and technologically different from the EIA wares, may be imitating ostrich eggshell containers used by hunter-gatherers prior to the adoption of pottery. This interpretation is in line with the earlier hypothesis put forth by Childe that the first ceramics were imitations of more "natural" vessels derived from gourds, bladders, skins, and skulls.
Pastoralist communities' use and at times manufacture of ceramics is significant considering the nomadic and semi-nomadic lifestyle associated with keeping cattle in different regions of Africa. The rise of pastoralism as a niche subsistence activity varies and has been associated with climatic changes throughout Africa. It is argued that in Saharan Africa during the early Holocene, sedentary potting communities of hunter-gatherers and fishers became nomadic cattle herders.13 Thus, as subsistence strategies changed, crafting remained and likely was altered in subtle ways to accommodate new practices.
Despite these findings, there is a general consensus against pottery manufacture being the norm within highly mobile groups. This is based on the sedentary time required to produce pots, and the effort/energy needed to carry these wares as determined from ethnographic research. It is assumed that there is little reward for production among low-population groups as any economic benefit will not outweigh the investment in time and labor. However, this argument assumes isolation among these groups. Rather, it is likely that those communities engaged in ceramic production were part of regional distribution networks that likely traded with communities practicing different forms of subsistence. By engaging in economies of scale, potters are able to reduce the cost of production by serving their neighbors in that they produce more pots, not fewer, making the time and resources dedicated to the craft worth more in economic terms. This practice also allows for a small number of specialists to emerge, creating a regional style with regard to form and aesthetic.
Approaches to the Material Culture of Foodways
The term "foodways" has been applied by archaeologists as an all-encompassing word that implies an understanding of the relationship between food and the material culture used to transform it into a meal. The term also refers to the social meaning that food carries.14 This, as well as the concept of cuisine as it has been applied to African contexts, often does not include the process of creating the raw materials (e.g., grain, meat, vegetables), and storing them prior to food preparation.15 Nor is the production of ceramics and other implements used during each stage of preparation and consumption seen as part of foodways. When these are considered, however, the intricate relationship between ceramic production and use as part of the entire chain of food consumption is better understood. In particular, a recent shift by some archaeologists from economic to social questions surrounding foodways has ushered in a new focus on the connections between crafting the implements associated with food and culinary practice.16 This includes how the structure of a meal can affect technical choice in ceramic construction.
The most notable studies of ceramics and foodways examine ceramics in conjunction with faunal and botanical remains, including chemical analysis when possible, to discern not only the overall composition of meals, but the relationships between the food consumed and material culture used to prepare and serve it. Viewing ceramic data within the context of available food resources and styles of cookery allows archaeologists to move beyond functional analysis of ceramics.17 In order to place ceramics within the proper context, it is important to draw on all available data sources. An example of this is the work of Gijanto and Walshaw, who interpret shifts in ceramic manufacture using faunal and botanical remains as well as available documentary and oral-history sources for 17th- to 19th-century Juffure, The Gambia.18 They conclude that changes in ceramic paste recipes, specifically the shift from sand to oyster-shell temper during the height of the Atlantic trade in the 18th century, was a byproduct of feasting events that included large quantities of oysters. To get to this interpretation, typological and attribute analysis of ceramics was done in conjunction with an examination of the chaîne opératoire , and recognition of technical choice by the potter that diverged from accepted practice.
These methodologies in addition to ethnoarchaeology form the primary toolkit for archaeologists seeking a more holistic study of ceramics and foodways in Africa.
Typology and the "Big Sequence"
Africanist archaeologists tend toward regional studies involving large-area surveys that generate high quantities of ceramic sherds. Regional surveys are undertaken because of the generally untapped nature of much of the continent in terms of archaeological investigation. This often necessitates the development of a new ceramic typology for a region that has yet to receive intensive archaeological study. As a form of classification, ceramics that undergo typological analysis are sorted into mutually exclusive categories based on a number of technical and aesthetic primary and secondary attributes designated by the researcher (or researchers).19 For Africa, the attributes that tend to dominate typologies are aesthetic in nature such as decorative motifs and surface treatments. Other primary attributes that are considered include paste recipes (temper types and ratios to clay), color, and firing practices. Secondary attributes usually include vessel shape or form as different types or styles will be used to create a pot with the same utilitarian function. Ceramic sherds are grouped as "like kinds" that contain all or a majority of the same attributes. The types are then subject to spatial analysis and placed within chronological models. The goal is to determine when and where the different ceramic traditions were made and used creating a long-term narrative of a region.
A major critique of traditional typological analysis is that there is an overemphasis on style as a direct representation of people or culture. As such, technical choice and the actual use or intended purpose of the ceramics are not considered. Typologies that claim a culture (i.e., these pots equal these people) have proven problematic throughout Africa. While necessary, ceramic studies that focus on typology have been criticized for being limited and unable to fully define culture and all its aspects (i.e., subsistence, settlement, economy, and a host of other large-scale characteristics), leading some to argue that an "archaeological culture" defined by ceramics is meaningless.20 Simple typologies that focus on stylistic change over time do not account for all aspects of the ceramics that are connected to societal structure including individual and collective identities.21 This is seen in most classification systems that highlight decorative motifs and to a lesser extent those that address technological choices.22 Even with these limitations, the simple descriptive nature of typologies does allow for cross-assemblage comparison at a basic level. The goal, then, becomes moving beyond this to consider the complex relationship among ceramics, food, and society.
Alternative classification systems to a strict typological approach include S. McIntosh's23 classification system highlighting attributes over types developed at Djenné-djeno, Mali, and later applied or adapted to locales throughout the Senegambia.24 This system does not designate types, though some variants do overlay these by recording all the same attributes highlighted by S. McIntosh as meaningful.25 The focus of McIntosh's approach is on a number of attributes related to the physical appearance of the ceramic (i.e., thickness and decoration), technical aspects (i.e., paste composition), and form. Those who utilize this system are able to draw some basic conclusions regarding the relationship among food processing, consumption, storage, and potting.
The relationship between ceramics and food beyond utilitarian needs is generally overlooked in typological analysis. The presentation of ceramic or other material classes tends toward seriation of stylistic change marking shifts in local production, contact, or other "events" that denote the transition from one age to another along a sequence of time. What is missed in such "first phase" analysis projects are the relationships between ceramics and other materials that provide insight into foodways.
While a typology focuses on grouping ceramics with shared characteristics, seriation analysis places these within a linear framework to identify change over time. Many classification schemes for African ceramics tend to combine typology and seriation in the final reporting of an assemblage. Big sequence, or age, systems place material culture within a chain of measured time—largely lithic materials and ceramics in African contexts—into a series of periods, or cultures occurring in relatively neat succession in relatively bounded geographical areas as designated by the researcher. Periodization in African contexts primarily includes the Stone and Iron Ages with further divisions within each depending on the region. While it is fair to argue that typological projects are necessary in areas where little to no archaeological investigation has occurred, these typologies should be used as the starting not the end point of archaeological inquiry.
Chaîne opératoire and Life-Cycle Analysis
At times paired with typological analysis,26 the application of a life cycle or an object biography approach that highlights the connections among the point of manufacture, use, and discarding of objects has proven useful.27 This, and the chaîne opératoire proposed by Lemonnier after the work of Leroi-Gourhan as applied to ceramic assemblages, examines the life cycle of the ceramic with an emphasis on the choices made throughout the production process.28 This includes how these choices are linked to the broader socioeconomic context in which production occurs.29 Similar to the pitfalls of typological analysis, "identifying technological behavior is of course not an end in itself; it needs to be interpreted and situated within a cultural framework."30 In this instance, we must evaluate the technical choices made by potters as well as the finished ceramic vessel within the context of subsistence practices and cooking. Until recently, applications of this concept to ceramics in Africa have focused on the link between technical choice and style.31
In an attempt to move beyond these limitations of typological studies, a team of international researchers began the "Ceramic and Society Project" based at the University of Belgium under the supervision of Peter de Maret. Fieldwork in Africa directed by Olivier Gosselain and Alexandre Smith focused on two objectives: (1) to discern the meaning of style throughout the production process and acts of consumption and (2) to develop new analytical techniques for archaeologists focused on reconstructing past ceramic manufacturing techniques.32 The researchers combined ethnographic data with material analysis of archaeological finds to determine which choices made throughout the chaîne opératoire were the most heavily guided by cultural factors. The result of their investigation has led them to caution archaeologists not to make too direct a connection between technical choice and environmental adaptations. Rather, their work with living potters supported the conclusions of Sackett that technical choice is more often than not something that has been enculturated, as a tradition passed down from teacher to pupil.33 However, the project's focus on the technological process did not address the influence of diet and cooking practices.
The chaîne opératoire approach to ceramic analysis has the potential to provide insights into the connections between technical choice and meals. If, as Gosselain and his colleagues assert, production is most heavily impacted by cultural tradition and potters in Africa are predominantly women, a logical next step to pursue is to determine how they create their pots for cooking and whether the kinds of foods they cook are considered during the production phase. One point in the chain where we do see the connection between food and technical choice is temper selection. For example, many potters will use chaff from recently harvested crops as a tempering agent. Thus, a byproduct of food production is incorporated into pots. Similar arguments have been made for other refuse from meals including shells.34 The examination of ceramics must be paired with findings from faunal and botanical analysis including evidence of cooking practices (i.e., alteration to the bone from heat, boiling, and butchery practices).
Many archaeologists working in Africa utilize ethnographic data to interpret the archaeological material they have collected.35 Others use ethnographic methods as their primary form of investigation under the guise of ethnoarchaeology.36 Ethnoarchaeological study was a key part of the "Ceramics in Society" project discussed above, and has been utilized by archaeologists in Africa to investigate both ceramics and diet since the mid-20th century. As traditionally practiced, its purpose is "to aid in the interpretation of archaeological remains: to start from archaeological data and to determine as much as possible about associated behavior."37 The main theorists and practitioners of this subdiscipline developed their methods in order to produce analogies to interpret the distant past. Many sought to understand hominin behavior by observing societies they felt were still living in a way that resembled our ancestors and some of the earliest humans.38 Because of this, as well as the narrow focus of many research questions, and the general lack of training archaeologists receive in ethnographic methodology, one of the most recognized practitioners of ceramic ethnoarchaeology in Africa, Gosselain, has rejected the subdiscipline.
Studies either characterized as ethnoarchaeological or employing some ethnographic inquiry focused on ceramics have sought to understand the links between a given potter's identity and style using ethnographic interviews and observations to uncover the intent behind different decorative motifs.39 These archaeologists use field methods traditionally employed by cultural anthropologists such as living and working within a community or communities for a year or more. A significant portion of this time is spent conducting participant observation. For those studying production, this entails watching the entire process and noting how different ceramics are made. This is often paired with a series of interviews designed specifically for the potters, cooks, and others using ceramic vessels to get at their intent and understanding of the vessels' use and meaning. The information gathered during this process is then used to interpret archaeological findings. Many, but not all, of the archaeologists engaged in these projects also carry out archaeological excavations from which they develop their ethnoarchaeological research agendas. A major critique of this form of research is that it is narrow in its scope, and often the theory guiding the methods (middle range theory) presupposes the outcome. One way many archaeologists have tried to move beyond these shortcomings is to draw on multiple datasets situating ethnographic observations within long-term studies.
While most ethnoarchaeological studies focus on one aspect of material life and are criticized for removing their observations from the broader cultural contexts, a few studies have sought to combine observations made regarding food production and cooking with those related to ceramics to answer this critique. For example, archaeologists have largely concentrated their inquiries into the relationship between pottery and food on agrarian communities in Eastern and Western Africa. Interviews and observations in one or multiple villages that are related to the same ethnic or tribal group, usually with direct relationships between them whether they are social, economic, or political, are the norm. One such study examines the historical spread of bread produced from different grains and the associated baking technology used. The researchers focused on ceramic griddles as part of larger clay ovens to bake bread from grains not containing gluten.40 Between 1996 and 1999, data on ovens and griddles was collected from fifty-five households in the village of Adi Ainawalid in highland Ethiopia. This included documenting the structure, size, and use of these objects to bake various kinds of bread through observation, interviews, and direct measurements of the objects.41 In addition to this, they conducted fourteen heating experiments to determine the temperatures needed to bake each bread observing the fuel used. However, though they seek to understand changes in griddles from archaeological to modern examples, their focus is on griddle use is not complemented by a study of griddle manufacture.
Other studies have expanded the scope of inquiry from just food or just ceramic production by highlighting the relationship between the two utilizing the chaîne opératoire approach as well as a focus on technical choice. For example, Arthur conducted an ethnoarchaeological study among the Gamo of Ethiopia in order to understand the innovations observed in groundstone and pottery technology during the Neolithic associated with processing grains. The individuals who produce these items are part of designated castes.42 The tools these lower castes produce are used to make luxury foods, the consumption of which is restricted to higher-status castes. Arthur examines the production of these objects among one caste and use within another by looking at the life cycle, or chaîne opératoire, of the pottery and groundstones. By combining this approach with ethnoarchaeological fieldwork, he is able to "reconstruct the entire sequence of an artifact from procurement to discard."43 In a similar vein, Arthur also conducted ethnographic observations of use-alteration on ceramics by recording degradation of the objects. This study included a life-cycle analysis of pottery "to explore how pots move though different social and economic contexts from the time they are produced to their eventual discard."44 His focus was on alterations to the surface of vessels related to fermentation of grains for beer.
The examples presented thus far all address ceramics and agrarian societies. Grillo provides an alternative study by examining pottery used by the pastoral Samburu of Kenya.45 She found that the Samburu view crafting as the occupation of poor people, and therefore do not make pots, but rely on their neighbors, the Dorobo hunter-gatherers, to acquire them. The Samburu used just two pot forms—one for cooking and one for storing meat. The Dorobo had two additional forms—one for ritual honey-beer and one for water. She concluded through ethnographic research that Samburu use of pottery was tied to seasonal fluctuations including a heavier reliance on pots during periods of drought to store meat rather than milk and ghee. She suggests that when examining pastoralists in the archaeological record, it is important to consider the local ecology including patterns of drought and scarcity when interpreting the use of pots by such groups in the past.
In addition to the above studies focused on the production of a single food type, more recent work has tried to understand the relationship between ceramics and overall diet pairing archaeological and ethnographic data to present a long-term analysis of food security. These researchers seek to understand both change and continuity over time. Logan and Cruz conducted fieldwork in Banda, Ghana, employing the concept of taskscapes to the relationship among crafting, farming, and food preparation from the 18th to 21st century.46 Cruz focused her ethnographic work on pottery-producing and -consuming villages, while Logan's work addressed food and food-production practices. Their combined ethnographic work on farming, food preparation, and potting revealed that "patterning in both temporalities and techniques was related to the gendered nature of the tasks."47 This information was paired with that from the archaeological record from household contexts. Botanical and ceramic remains in conjunction with fauna and cooking areas when encountered were analyzed in light of findings from ethnographic inquiries to reveal that shifts in ceramic size and morphology over time coincided with changes in food sources. Thus, rather than using ethnographic data to simply elucidate archaeological findings, they present a long-term study of change treating each dataset equally.
The examples discussed above demonstrate the range of inquiry that practitioners of ethnoarchaeology on ceramics and African foodways have engaged in. Africanist have lauded these projects as a means consider the different social relationships that influence production that are not obvious in the archaeological record.48 A challenge in this arena is the relatively rapid shift from exclusive use of ceramics, to the replacement of many of these vessels with imported metalwares throughout the continent.49 This makes ethnographic observation impossible in many parts of the continent, rendering archaeologists reliant on oral testimony and written accounts of travelers, missionaries, colonial officials, and others.
The Use of Historical Sources
Depending on the region and time period, archaeologists will have a wide range of sources available to them including written and oral-historical sources. Many studies based in Western and Southern Africa dating to the era of the Atlantic trade (c. mid-15th to mid-19th century) utilize historical documents and oral histories when available. Malan demonstrates the wealth of information about households, including meals that can be gathered from probate inventories.50 While her focus was not on foodways, information regarding household gardens, ceramics, and other items related to meals were noted from free black households in the 18th-century Cape.51 While Malan's study demonstrates the range of information that can be gleaned from historical documents, other researchers have combined these with archaeological data to present a more holistic narrative of this period. As previously mentioned, the study completed by Gijanto and Walshaw utilized British Trading Company logbooks and travel accounts describing local meals and exchange of foodstuffs to interpret faunal, botanical, and ceramic data from Juffure, The Gambia.52 Company logs listed the purchase of grains and livestock from local villages on the Gambia River. The relative absence of many of these from the archaeological record except in contexts analogous to feasting suggests that daily meals were impacted by British demand for certain foodstuffs.53
Researchers working on different time periods in East Africa have also utilized written sources. Pope, beginning with Haaland and Edwards' work on the "porridge and pot" tradition of Sub-Saharan Africa, examines the culinary crossroad that existed in the Middle Nile between this tradition and the "bread-and-oven" cuisine of the Near East.54 Using epigraphic evidence from Nubia, he expands previous interpretations of archaeological data related to Sahelian cuisine. His translations revealed a variety of foodstuffs given as offerings including pots filled with a range of foodstuffs including "soaked bread" and other dishes that were part of the "porridge-and-pot" cuisine. The epitaphs provide insight to how Nubians and Egyptians viewed each other's culinary traditions.55
Residue Analysis
Residue analysis takes many forms, but collectively has been undertaken to determine the types of foods consumed as well as the origins of specific types of production associated with different subsistence practices. This analysis is highly specialized and conducted in partnership with chemists or by archaeologists with significant training in chemistry. This analysis is also costly. But, certain narrow questions like "were individuals processing meat or milk in these pots" can be effectively answered. For example, archaeologists focused on the origins and spread of pastoralism have utilized stable-carbon-isotope analysis and gas-chromatography to analyze animal-fat residues found on ceramics. One such study led by Dunne identified a range of lipid biomarkers and alkanoic acids that represent "unequivocal evidence for extensive processing of dairy products in pottery vessels in the Libyan Sahara" around 5200–3800 bce.56 These findings confirm the importance of milk in pastoral communities of the region and the need for ceramics to process it. Other studies like that headed by Patrick have identified fat residue on pottery used by hunter-gathers in the Cape, South Africa.57 Most studies similar to these focus on the food eaten and the vessels used to process them but rarely incorporate these data into broader studies of foodways.
Ceramics and Foodways
The social power of food has been described by anthropologists and archaeologists within numerous contexts including public displays such as feasts.58 It has been asserted that "economic exchange creates value" and that "value is embodied in commodities that are exchanged."59 Food is thus seen as the ultimate form of "embodied material culture" because it is literally made to become a part of people through bodily consumption; access to this, and the identity of the producer as well as the consumer, determine the symbolic nature of the meal.60 The meal is not just the food served and consumed, but also the material culture it is presented and prepared in. Used in these contexts, ceramics take on a role beyond the utilitarian. Within the broader scope of foodways, all the potential situations where food and ceramics are present must be scrutinized to understand the relationship between the two within African communities. For example, Haaland links the rise of complexity to material culture related to food and drink:
One would therefore expect that food and drink with the activities and objects involved in their preparation and consumption communicate different symbolic meanings and have different politico-economic consequences in contexts of social equality versus contexts of social hierarchy.61
The situations in which foods is served—as a meal or otherwise—are predicated by the social norms of the society in which the foods are produced. This includes who is able to participate in the tasks that culminate in food consumption. Examining ceramics in isolation ignores the influence of various spheres of interaction. By analyzing these objects as part of foodways, changes such as those in form or technical make-up are better understood when sources like botanical and faunal remains are interpreted in tandem with ceramics.
One way in which power, social status, and other forms of identity are expressed through cuisine is feasting. With elaborate, often large-scale, meals, the presentation as well as consumption of particular foods is heavily laden with meaning.62 Feasting in African contexts has been identified across time and space.63 Researchers have noted its use as a means to extend or establish power and assert social standing.64 Not only the food consumed (both the type and how it is prepared), but also the potential connections among ceramic design, form, and decoration, are considered meaningful.65 Thus, in feasting contexts, the literal consumption of the food as well as the experience of the feast created through material culture are important.
A meal involves the types of food selected for consumption, how it is prepared, and how it is served. Much of the production related to ceramics and cooking is highly gendered in Africa. It largely falls within the domain of women and the domestic sphere, though the scale of production and for whom the pots are being produced varies regionally.66 The role of women is important in this case because it is they who also control the meals. Women and young girls are largely responsible for going to market, maintaining gardens, and cooking two to three daily meals. Men's involvement is restricted to crop production, though much of this is often sold or traded away from the compound.67
One example of the decisions made by women as both potters and cooks is seen in the ceramic assemblages from various clove plantations in Zanzibar. Croucher surveyed two areas on the island of Pemba and two on the larger island of Ungula identifying sixty-four sites associated with former clove plantations.68 As is the case with much of African archaeology, the most abundant find was ceramics. Analysis revealed that potters associated with these plantations produced a single dominant pot style that was used for both cooking and serving meals. Furthermore, this pot was found in multiple contexts associated with the enslaved, free laborers, and property owners. This suggests that all residents of the plantations were taking part in comparable foodways. The Zanzibar ceramics highlight a shared sense of daily meals, whereas in many contexts with rigid social stratification we find food, and the vessels associated with it, used to mark distinction. On a broader scale, the "porridge-and-pot" tradition of the Sahel defined by Haaland also demonstrates the influence that the form of cooking has on ceramic design.69
"Luxury" Contexts
Meals are just one way in which food is consumed. When describing the relationship between food and culture, Mary Douglas noted that in order to truly understand it, researchers had to "rectify [their] thinking about food . . . to recognize how food enters the moral and social intentions of individuals."70 A focus on luxury or exotic foods highlights the social nature of food in all its forms.71 However, "luxury" is hard to identify in the archaeological record. Rather, what we do find are the exotic or imported foodstuffs that are assumed to be highly valuable because of the difficulty in acquiring them.72 Other forms of luxury are local foodstuffs with restricted access that require specialized tools in order to be prepared and served.73
Discussion of the Literature
Methodological approaches to ceramics and foodways in Africa combine those developed for archaeology like typological classification with those of ethnographers (participant observation and interviews), historians (documentary analysis and oral history interviews), and even chemists. Many of these, including the excavation or collection of archaeological materials, require specialized training. This is also true of laboratory analysis where archaeologists will specialize in a particular material type—fauna, botanicals, and even ceramics. As such, a historian cannot easily gather primary data outside his or her specialty. However, because a holistic study of ceramics and foodways requires multiple datasets acquired through a range of disciplines, it is possible for practitioners of each to engage in the literature in order to situate it within their own field.
Typological and attribute analysis remain at the forefront of ceramic studies in Africa. In portions of the continent that have received little archaeological attention, this is a necessary step in describing material culture and will be paired with seriation studies. However, it is imperative that archaeologists resist the urge to state that the ceramic types identified correspond to bounded ethnic groups as was the practice in the past74 and a primary reason why many like S. McIntosh have shifted their analysis to focus on attributes alone. Another recent change in typological analysis is the greater emphasis placed on technological rather than simply aesthetic characteristics of the ceramics.
Once collections have been categorized, the theoretical lens applied to these now includes approaches that take into consideration the social aspects of production (i.e., the chaîne opératoire and life-cycle analysis). This includes placing production and use of ceramics within studies of foodways in an effort to understand how diet influences this process. Some of the most vocal proponents of this approach utilize a range of methods and sources including ethnography and historiography.75 Moving beyond the limitations of traditional ethnoarchaeology, archaeologists focused on foodways with an emphasis on ceramics combine data from ethnographic inquiry, archaeological excavations and collection, and use of written and oral histories to present a more holistic view of the past.76
Primary Sources
Unlike other areas of archaeology, few primary sources regarding collections and methodology are available to Africanists. Rather, the onus is on the researcher and student to directly contact researchers and national museums to gain access to collections. Many ceramic collections are held by universities in the United States and Europe where the excavating archaeologist has an affiliation. If permits are not given to transport these collections, they will be housed at African institutions such as the IFAN in Senegal. This is the same for faunal and botanical collections. Larger institutions like the Smithsonian, Field Museum in Chicago, British Museum in London, and the Musée de l'Homme in Paris have comparative and field collections collected during the 19th and 20th centuries that may prove useful but often lack provenience. A final hindrance is the researchers must overcome is that the scholarship coming out of Africa by African scholars including field reports rarely makes it into academic literature, nor is it easy to acquire without direct contact with agencies, universities, and researchers.
Secondary sources such as archives and ethnographic literature for the continent are easier to come by, as many are housed in archives of former colonial powers and Western universities.
Further Reading
Arthur, John W. "Culinary Crafts and Foods in Southwestern Ethiopia: An Ethnoarchaeological Study of Gamo Groundstones and Pottery." African Archaeological Review 31 (2014): 131–168.Find this resource:
Ashley, Ceri Z. "Towards a Socialised Archaeology of Ceramics in Great Lakes Africa." African Archaeological Review 27 (2010): 135–163.Find this resource:
Cruz, M. Dores. "'Pots Are Pots, Not People': Material Culture and Ethnic Identity in the Banda Area (Ghana), Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries." Azania 46.3 (2011): 336–357.Find this resource:
Gijanto, Liza. "Socio-economic Interaction and Ceramic Aesthetic: Understanding West African Ceramic Production and Use in Context." Azania 46.3 (2011): 250–268.Find this resource:
Gokee, Cameron D., and Amanda Logan. "Comparing Craft and Culinary Practice in Africa: Themes and Perspectives." African Archaeological Review 31 (2014): 87–104.Find this resource:
Gosselain, Oliver P. "Ceramics in Africa." In Encyclopedia of the History of Science, Technology, and Medicine in Non-Western Cultures, 464–476. New York: Springer, 2008.Find this resource:
Haaland, Randi. "Porridge and Pot, Bead and Oven: Foodways and Symbolism In Africa and the Near East from the Neolithic to the Present." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 17.2 (2007): 165–182.Find this resource:
Haaland, Randi. "Changing Food Ways as Indicators of Emerging Complexity in Sudanese Nubia: From Neolithic Agropastoralists to the Meroitic Civilisation." Azania 47.3 (2012): 327–342.Find this resource:
Hassan, Fekri A., ed. Droughts, Food and Culture: Ecological Change and Food Security in Africa's Later Prehistory. London: University College London, 2002.Find this resource:
Lyons, Diane. "Integrating African Cuisines: Rural Cuisine and Identity in Tigrey, Highland Ethiopia." Journal of Social Archaeology 7.3 (2007): 346–371.Find this resource:
MacLean, Rachel, and Timothy Insoll. "The Social Context of Food Technology in Iron Age Gao, Mali." World Archaeology 31.1 (1999): 78–92.Find this resource:
Sadr, Karim, and Garth Sampson. "Through Thick and Thin: Early Pottery in Southern Africa." Journal of African Archaeology 4.2 (2006): 235–252.Find this resource:
(1.) Ceramic manufacture refers to the actual process of making a ceramic object, whereas production includes the social, political, and other contexts in which manufacture occurs. Phillip J. Arnold, "Working without a Net: Recent Trends in Ceramic Ethnoarchaeology," Journal of Archaeological Research 8.2 (2000): 106–107.
(2.) John W. Hoopes and William K. Barnett, "The Shape of Early Pottery Studies," in The Emergence of Pottery: Technology and Innovation in Ancient Societies, eds. William K. Barnett and John W. Hoopes (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1995), 2.
(3.) Eric Huysecom, Eric, M. Rasse, L. Lespez, K. Neumann, A. Fahmy, A. Ballouche, S. Ozainne, et al., "The Emergence of Pottery in Africa During the Tenth Millennium Cal BC: New Evidence from Ounjougou (Mali)," Antiquity 83.322 (2009): 906.
(4.) F. Jesse "Early Ceramics in the Sahara and the Nile Valley," in Cultural Markers in the Later Prehistory of Northeastern Africa and Recent Research, eds. L. Krzyzaniak, K. Kroeper, and M. Kobusiewicz, Studies in African Archaeology (Poznan: Poznan Archaeological Museum, 2003), 40–42; David W. Phillipson, African Archaeology, 3d ed. (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 159.
(5.) Fiona Marshall and Elisabeth Hildebrand, "Cattle before Crops: The Beginnings of Food Production in Africa," Journal of World Prehistory 16.2 (2002): 99–143.
(6.) Barbara Frank, Mande Potters and Leatherworkers: Art and Heritage in West Africa (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1998), 20.
(7.) Technical style as defined by archaeologists involves all of the decisions made by the potter including clay and temper selection, the method used to construct the pot, how the pot is fired, and the decoration applied.
(8.) Susan Keech McIntosh, Excavations at Jenne-Jeno, Hambarketolo, and Kaniana (Inland Niger Delta, Mali), the 1981 Season (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), 212.
(9.) Frank, Mande Potters and Leatherworkers, 20.
(10.) Dean E. Arnold, Ceramic Theory and Cultural Process (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1985).
(11.) J.E. Sutton, "The Aquatic Civilization of Middle Africa," Journal of African History 15 (1974): 527–546.
(12.) Karim Sadr and Garth Sampson, "Through Thick and Thin: Early Pottery in Southern Africa," Journal of African Archaeology 4.2 (2006): 235–252.
(13.) S. di Lernia, "Dry Climatic Events and Cultural Trajectories: Adjusting Middle Holocene Pastoral Economy of the Libyan Sahara," in Droughts, Food and Culture: Ecological Change and Food Security in Africa's Later Prehistory, ed. Fekri A. Hassan (London: University College London, 2002), 225–250.
(14.) For a detailed summary see Katheryn Twiss, "The Archaeology of Food and Social Diversity," Journal of Archaeological Research 20 (2012): 357–395.
(15.) See Diane Lyons, "Integrating African Cuisines: Rural Cuisine and Identity in Tigrey, Highland Ethiopia," Journal of Social Archaeology 7.3 (2007): 346–371.
(16.) See Cameron D. Gokee and Amanda Logan, "Comparing Craft and Culinary Practice in Africa: Themes and Perspectives," African Archaeological Review 31 (2014): 88.
(17.) Ceri Z. Ashley, "Towards a Socialised Archaeology of Ceramics in Great Lakes Africa," African Archaeological Review 27 (2010): 139–142.
(18.) Liza Gijanto and Sarah Walshaw, "Ceramic Production and Dietary Changes at Juffure, Gambia," African Archaeological Review 31.2 (2014): 265–297.
(19.) W. Adams, "Archaeological Classification: Theory versus Practice," Antiquity 40 (1988): 44.
(20.) For example, Innocent Pikirayi, "Taking Southern African Ceramic Studies into the Twenty-first Century: A Zimbabwean Perspective," African Archaeological Review 16.3 (1999): 188.
(21.) Sarah Croucher and Stephanie Wynne-Jones, "People, Not Pots: Locally Produced Ceramics and Identity on the Nineteenth-Century East African Coast," International Journal f African Historical Studies 39.1 (2006): 114–115.
(22.) See Garth Sampson, Tim J. G. Hart, Deborah L. Wallsmith, and Jimmy D. Blagg, "The Ceramic Sequence in the Upper Seacow Valley: Problems and Implications," The South African Archaeological Bulletin 44.149 (1989): 3–16.
(23.) Susan Keech McIntosh, "Pottery," in Excavations at Jenne-Jeno, Hambarketolo, and Kaniana (Inland Niger Delta, Mali), the 1981 Season, ed. Susan Keech McIntosh (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), 114–145.
(24.) Hamady Bocoum and Susan Keech McIntosh, Excavations at Sincu Bara, Middle Senegal Valley (Senegal) (Dakar: IFAN/Cheik Anta Diop, 2002), 65–94; Gijanto, Liza. "Change and the Era of the Atlantic Trade: Commerce and Interaction in the Niumi Commercial Center (the Gambia)" (PhD diss., Syracuse University, 2010), 552–561; Gokee, Cameron D., "Daily Life in the Land of Bambuk: An Archaeological Study of Political Economy at Diouboye, Senegal" (PhD diss., University of Michigan, 2012), 127–144; Amy Lawson, "Megaliths and Mande States: Sociopolitical Change in the Gambia Valley over the Past Two Millennia" (PhD diss., University of Michigan, 2003); Francois Richard, "From Cosaan to Colony: Exploring Archaeological Landscape Formations and Socio-political Complexity in the Siin (Senegal), AD 500–1900" (PhD diss., Syracuse University, 2007), 583–590; Ibrahima Thiaw, "Archaeological Investigation of Long-Term Culture Change in the Lower Falemme (Upper Senegal Region) A.D. 500–1900" (PhD diss., Rice University, 1999), 168–206.
(25.) See Liza Gijanto, "Socio-economic Interaction and Ceramic Aesthetic: Understanding West African Ceramic Production and Use in Context," Azania 46.3 (2011): 250–268.
(26.) Gijanto, "Socio-economic Interaction and Ceramic Aesthetic."
(27.) Chris Gosden and Fiona Marshall, "The Cultural Biography of Objects," World Archaeology 31.2 (1999): 169–178.
(28.) Pierre Lemonnier, "The Study of Material Culture Today: Toward and Anthropology of Technical Systems," Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 5 (1986): 147–186; Andre Leroi-Gourhan, Gesture and Speech, trans. Anna Bostock Berger (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1993).
(29.) Marcia-Anne Dobres and John Robb, eds. Agency in Archaeology (London: Routledge, 2000).
(30.) Oliver P. Gosselain, "Technology and Style: Potters and Pottery among Bafia of Cameroon," Man 27.3 (1992): 559.
(31.) Gosselain, "Technology and Style."
(32.) Oliver P. Gosselain, Alexandre Livingstone Smith, Helene Wallaert, Guy Williams Ewe, and Marc Vander Linden, "Preliminary Results of Fieldwork Done by the 'Ceramic and Society Project' in Cameroon, December 1995–March 1996," Nyame Akuma 46 (1995): 11.
(33.) Oliver P. Gosselain, and Alexandre Livingstone Smith, "The Ceramics and Society Project: An Ethnographic and Experimental Approach to Technical Choice," KVHAA Knferenser 34 (1995): 158.
(34.) Gijanto and Walshaw. "Ceramic Production and Dietary Changes," 274–276; O. Linares de Sapir, "Diola Pottery of the Fogny and the Kasa," Expedition 11.3 (1969): 9.
(35.) For example Rachel MacLean and Timothy Insoll, "The Social Context of Food Technology in Iron Age Gao, Mali," World Archaeology 31.1 (1999): 78–92; McIntosh, Excavations at Jenne-Jeno.
(36.) Phillip J. Arnold, "Working without a Net: Recent Trends in Ceramic Ethnoarchaeology," Journal of Archaeological Research 8.2 (2000): 105–133.
(37.) John H. Atherton, "Ethnoarchaeology in Africa," The African Archaeological Review 1 (1983): 76.
(38.) Oliver P. Gosselain, "To Hell with Ethnoarchaeology!" Archaeological Dialogues 23.2 (2016): 217–218.
(39.) For example Michael Dietler, and Ingrid Herbich, "Ceramics and Ethnic Identity: Ethnoarchaeological Observations on the Distribution of Pottery Styles and the Relationship between the Social Contexts of Production and Consumption," in Erre Cuite Et Société: La Céramique, Document Technique, Économique, Culturel. Xive Rencontre Internationale D'archéologie Et D'histoire D'antibes, eds. Didier Binder and Francoise Audouze (Juan-les-Pins: Éditions APDCA., 1994), 459–472.
(40.) Diane Lyons and A. Catherine D' Andrea, "Griddles, Ovens, and Agricultural Origins: An Ethnoarchaeological Study of Bread Baking in Highland Ethiopia," American Anthropologist 105.3 (2003): 515–530.
(41.) Lyons and D'Andrea, "Griddles, Ovens, and Agricultural Origins," 517–518.
(42.) John W. Arthur, "Culinary Crafts and Foods in Southwestern Ethiopia: An Ethnoarchaeological Study of Gamo Groundstones and Pottery," African Archaeological Review 31 (2014): 131–168.
(43.) Arthur, "Culinary Crafts and Foods," 134.
(44.) John W. Arthur, "Pottery Use-Alteration as an Indicator of Socioeconomic Status: An Ethnoarchaeological Study of the Gamo of Ethiopia," Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 9.4 (2002): 333.
(45.) Katherine M. Grillo, "Pastoralism and Pottery Use: An Ethnoarchaeological Study in Samburu, Kenya," African Archaeological Review 31 (2014): 105–130.
(46.) Amanda Logan and M. Dores Cruz, "Gendered Taskscapes: Food, Farming, and Craft Production in Banda, Ghana in the Eighteenth to Twenty-First Centuries," African Archaeological Review 31 (2014): 203–231.
(47.) Logan and Cruz, "Gendered Taskscapes," 206.
(48.) Innocent Pikirayi and Anders Lindahl, "Ceramics, Ethnohistory, and Ethnography: Locating Meaning in Southern African Iron Age Ceramic Assemblages," African Archaeological Review 30.4 (2013): 455–473.
(49.) Carolyn F. Sargent and David A. Friedel, "From Clay to Metal: Cultural Change and Container Usage among the Bariba of Northern Benin, West Africa," The African Archaeological Review 4 (1986): 177–195.
(50.) Antonia Malan, "Chattels or Colonists? 'Freeblack' Women and Their Households," Kronos 25.1998/1999 (1998): 50–71.
(51.) Malan, "Chattels or Colonists?," 66.
(52.) Gijanto and Walshaw, "Ceramic Production and Dietary Changes."
(53.) Gijanto and Walshaw, "Ceramic Production and Dietary Changes," 292.
(54.) Jeremy W. Pope, "Epigraphic Evidence for a 'Porridge-and-Pot' Tradition on the Ancient Middle Nile," Azania 48.4 (2013): 473–497.
(55.) Pope, "Epigraphic Evidence," 484–485.
(56.) Julie Dunne, Richard P. Evershed, Melanie Salque, Lucy Champ, Silvia Bruni, Kathleen Ryan, and Stefano Biagetti, "First Dairying in Green Saharan Africa in the Fifth Millennium BC," Nature 486 (2012): 390–394.
(57.) M. Patrick, A. J. de Koning, and A. B. Smith, "Gas Liquid Chromatographic Analysis of Fatty Acids in Food Residues from Ceramics Found in the Southwestern Cape, South Africa," Archaeometry 27.2 (1985): 231–236.
(58.) See Michael Dietler and Brian Hayden, eds., Feasts: Archaeological and Ethnographic Perspectives on Food, Politics, and Power (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 2001).
(59.) Arjun Appadurai, "Introduction: Commodities and the Politics of Value," in The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective, ed. Arjun Appadurai (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 3–63, 3.
(60.) Arjun Appadurai, "The Past as a Scarce Resource," Man 16.2 (1981): 494; Michael Dietler, "Theorizing the Feast: Rituals of Consumption, Commensal Politics, and Power in African Contexts," in Feasts: Archaeological and Ethnographic Perspectives on Food, Politics, and Power, eds. Michael Dietler and Brian Hayden, 65–114 (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 2001), 70.
(61.) Randi Haaland, "Changing Food Ways as Indicators of Emerging Complexity in Sudanese Nubia: From Neolithic Agropastoralists to the Meroitic Civilisation," Azania 47.3 (2012): 328.
(62.) Michael Dietler and Brian Hayden, "Digesting the Feast: Good to Eat, Good to Drink, Good to Think," in Feasts: Archaeological and Ethnographic Perspectives on Food, Politics, and Power, eds. Michael Dietler and Brian Hayden (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 2001), 1–20.
(63.) For example, Gijanto and Walshaw, "Ceramic Production and Dietary Changes"; Karim Sadr, "Feasting on Kasteelberg? Early Herders on the West Coast of South Africa," Before Farming 2004.3 (2004): 1–17.
(64.) Michael Dietler, "Theorizing the Feast"; Jeffrey Fleisher, "Rituals of Consumption and the Politics of Feasting on the Eastern African Coast, AD 700–1500," Journal of World Prehistory 23 (2010): 195–217.
(65.) Ashley, "Towards a Socialised Archaeology."
(66.) Oliver P. Gosselain, "Ceramics in Africa," in Encyclopedia of the History of Science, Technology, and Medicine in Non-Western Cultures (New York: Springer, 2008), 464–476.
(67.) While men tend to grow cash crops throughout Africa, women are responsible of household crops such as rice in regions such as the Senegambia. Judith Carney and Michael Watts, "Disciplining Women? Rice, Mechanization, and the Evolution of Mandinka Gender Relations in Senegambia," Signs 16.4 (1991).
(68.) Sarah Croucher, "Clove Plantations on Nineteenth-Century Zanzibar: Possibilities," Journal of Social Archaeology 7.3 (2007): 302–324.
(69.) Randi Haaland, "Porridge and Pot, Bead and Oven: Foodways and Symbolism Is Africa and the Near East from the Neolithic to the Present," Cambridge Archaeological Journal 17.2 (2007): 165–182.
(70.) Mary Douglas, "Standard Social Uses of Food: Introduction." In Food in the Social Order: Studies in Food and Festivities in Three American Communities, ed. Mary Douglas (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1984), 1–39, 11.
(71.) Diane Kirkby and Tanja Luckins, eds., Dining on Turtles: Food Feasts and Drinking in History (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2007).
(72.) Rachel MacLean and Timothy Insoll, "Archaeology, Luxury and the Exotic: The Examples of Islamic Gao (Mali) and Bahrain." World Archaeology, 34.3 (2003): 558–570.
(73.) John W. Arthur, "Culinary Crafts and Foods in Southwestern Ethiopia: An Ethnoarchaeological Study of Gamo Groundstones and Pottery," African Archaeological Review 31 (2014): 131–168.
(74.) Thomas Huffman, "Ceramics, Classification, and Iron Age Entities," African Studies Review 39.2 (1980): 123–174.
(75.) Gokee and Logan, "Comparing Craft and Culinary Practice in Africa."
(76.) Arthur, "Culinary Crafts and Foods in Southwestern Ethiopia"; Gijanto and Walshaw, "Ceramic Production and Dietary Changes"; Logan and Cruz, "Gendered Taskscapes."


text:
Friday's Serious L: Girl Catches A Beating & Brings Out The Whole Community With Sisters, Mothers & Little Kids To Watch! "Lucky Im Old. Or I'd F*ck You Up"
They even brought out the kids out to see that.
Please click the "Report" button below if the video on this page is not working properly.
Comments will only be displayed by verified emails. No Spamming or Racism.

subset: commoncrawl


text:
|This website uses cookies. By continuing to browse the site you are agreeing to our use of cookies. For more info about please see the Conditions.
109,90 €
54,95 €
New product
The men?s shirt model Leonardo of the 7camicie collection is the classic garment par excellence. With its traditional and revolutionary design, the shirt presents exceptional geometrical combinations of collar, breast pocket and buttoning, a guarantee of maximum sobriety and refinement. Manufactured with pure cotton fabrics for the maximum breathability, with slim fitting and two pleats, the model can be worn inside or outside trousers, thanks to its length carefully studied. The modern button down collar with one button, one fold and a wide edge collar is an original touch for a garment of a thousand facets. The rounded cuffs have single buttonhole and double button, for a sporty and refined style. The high quality of fabrics, combined with the extreme attention to the details in the seven points of stitching per centimeter, are a guarantee of unparalleled durability of the garment.
Modern button down collar and button with a button and exceptional geometrical combinations for a traditional design, that is revolutionary at the same time. The rounded cuffs masterfully combined with a single buttonhole and double button provide an original touch for a garment with thousand of aspects
Smooth buttoning without any wrinkle characterized by a very linear front part: the guarantee of a style that is always accurate. With slim fit and cut with two wrinkles, the model offers the possibility to be worn internally or externally to the trousers, thanks to its length thoughtfully studied.
Long and wide collar leaf and tall stand collar: an original touch for a garment with thousands of facets. High quality of the tissues and maximum attention to the details in the seams with seven stitching per centimetre, guarantee unparalleled durability of the garment.
The oxford fabric takes its name from the homonymous English city where it was designed and manufactured for the first time. Rigorously in pure cotton, the Oxford is among the best textiles for shirt production in the world, a must-have for 7camicie men?s shirts.
The weave, realized by interlacing fine coloured yarns and thicker white yarns, makes the fabric recognizable at first glance, offering the distinctive ?dots? appearance.
The different thickness of the intertwined materials enhances its characteristics of resistance and durability, the ideal choice for the man who wants a soft fabric shirt and a comfortable fitting, perfect for the leisure time and for the work at office.
For its extreme versatility and multiple combinations of colours, the oxford fabric is commonly used for casual and informal shirts, with button-down collar and breast pocket, perfect to wear during mid-seasons and winter periods, to never go unnoticed.
Shirt Donatello stretch poplin...
Shirt Leonardo Poplin WhiteLight...
Shirt Leonardo Cotton BlueWhite
Shirt Leonardo Cotton WhiteBlue
Shirt Leonardo Oxford Melange...
Shirt Leonardo Super oxford...
Shirt Leonardo Cotton Polyester Red
Shirt Roma stretch poplin Medium...
Shirt Roma stretch poplin Dark Blue
Shirt Roma stretch poplin Yellow
Shirt Vesuvio Poplin YellowWhite
Shirt Caravaggio Oxford Light Blue
Shirt Caravaggio Oxford Sky and...
Shirt Caravaggio Super oxford...
Shirt Marco Polo Oxford Melange...
Send your questions and comments through 7camicie chat, our operators will reply you in the shortest time possible.


text:
Revision History: Home
This is revision 351 of the page Home, as it appeared on Wed, 30 Oct 2013 19:04:18 -0700.
My name's Jevon Wright and I'm the creator of CryptFolio, the Journals, the Lyrics Wiki and many other things. This is my home page!
I'm passionate about software engineering, open source, gender studies, cryptocurrencies, computer gaming and music. Recently completed my PhD in Computer Science, and am now the lead developer of the One Health in Epidemiology project (based off Alfresco). Drummer for Break Like Waves and living in Wellington. Contact me at email@example.com and use my Public Key.
My Activity
Categories: Protected
view page source - what links to here? - page history - top


text:
We always advise anyone wanting to keep bees to start with some reading first.
You will not keep bees for long without some knowledge of the honeybee life cycle and biology, disease recognition and pest management, swarm control and queen bee rearing.
For a beginners first beekeeping book we always recommend Guide to Bees & Honey by Ted Hooper.


text:
Hamilton Township Police Looking For Missing Mother and Son
The Hamilton Township Police Department is asking for your help in locating a missing woman and her infant son.
Shakira Lovelace is believed to have taken her 2 month old infant son, Emmanuel Lovelace, during an unsupervised child visit. After the visit, Shakira never returned Emmanuel to his custodial guardian (father). Shakira is currently prescribed medication for undisclosed psychological issues.
Shakira Lovelace is a 5'11", 37 year old black female, weighing 220 pounds. She was last seen yesterday, August 17th, at the Cologne Garden Apartments in Mays Landing.
If you have information that can assist in helping safely locate Shakira and Emmanuel Lovelace please call 911 or contact the Hamilton Police Department at 609-625-2700.


text:
Cold Spring Canyon Bridge
Environmental Impact Report/Environmental Assessment
View the Final Supplemental Environmental Impact Report here (PDF):
Volume 1 Final Supplemental Environmental Impact Report
View the Draft Supplemental Environmental Impact Report here (PDF).
View the 2009 Final Environmental Impact Report here (PDF).
The California Department of Transportation (Caltrans) has completed the Final Supplemental Environmental Impact Report for the Cold Spring Canyon Suicide Barrier Project in Santa Barbara County. After circulation of the Draft Supplemental Environmental Impact Report, Caltrans selected the Grid/Mesh Alternative as the preferred alternative based on environmental analysis and community input. The Grid/Mesh Alternative would have less of an impact on visual/aesthetic and cultural resources and would also meet the project's stated Purpose and Need. Comments on the document and the Department's responses to those comments have been incorporated into the final environmental document.
The Final Supplemental Environmental Impact Report can be downloaded and viewed from the link above.
Hard copies of the environmental document are available for public viewing at the:
Caltrans District Office
50 Higuera Street
San Luis Obispo, CA 93401
Santa Barbara Central Library
40 East Anapamu Street
Santa Barbara, CA 93101
Solvang Branch Library
1745 Mission Drive
Solvang, CA 93463
Goleta Branch Library
500 North Fairview Avenue
Goleta, CA 93117
Montecito Branch Library
1469 East Valley Road
Montecito, CA 93108
If you have any questions, or would prefer a CD of the entire document or a hard copy of Volume 1 with a CD of the entire document, please contact Matt Fowler, Senior Environmental Planner, at (805) 542-4603/ firstname.lastname@example.com.
February 2008 - The purpose of Caltrans' safety improvement program is to reduce the number and severity of accidents on the State's highway system by implementing safety improvements to existing roadways. The program includes projects at spot locations where accident history indicates a pattern susceptible to correction by a safety improvement, and system-wide improvement involving highway elements associated with accident frequency or severity. The Cold Spring Canyon Bridge, a state owned structure, has the highest concentration of fatalities in the District. A multidisciplinary task force consisting of CHP, Santa Barbara County Sheriff, emergency services, Santa Barbara County Association of Governments, Caltrans, and experts in the field of suicidology was formed to investigate what can be done to prevent future suicides at this location. The task force, recommended that installing a physical barrier would be an effective safety improvement on this state highway.
We also need to consider the associated costs and risks involved when responding to a suicide incident at the bridge. There is the cost of dispatching emergency personnel to the incident and the risks involved to those personnel in trying to prevent a suicide. Vehicles have been left in the travel lanes of the bridge. There are the costs and risks involved for the Sheriff's Search and Rescue recovery teams that must traverse difficult terrain to recover remains. There are the costs and risks involved of deploying our own maintenance and traffic management personnel who will provide traffic control for the incidents. Lastly, there is the potential delay and detours required for motorists using Route 154 and the costs associated with those delays and detours when traversing the highway during an incident.
A public meeting was held in July 2007 to inform the public about this project to install a Safety Barrier along the Cold Spring Bridge.
The Caltrans Structural Design team is continuing to work on design alternatives for the bridge within design constraints. Work is also progressing on the environmental document which is expected to be available for public review this year.
This project has the support of:
- The Glendon Association
- The Santa Barbara County Sheriff's Department
- The Santa Barbara Council of Governments
- The California Highway Patrol
- Santa Barbara County Supervisor Brooks Firestone
- Assemblymember Pedro Nava
- Family Service Agency
BackgroundPreventing suicides on Highway 154 at Cold Spring Canyon Bridge was the main objective of a multi-agency committee.
"This community cares and wants to make it safer for everyone—and help is available," said Dr. Lisa Firestone, The Glendon Association director of Research and Education, and suicidology specialist.
Since the bridge was built in 1964, 54 people have committed suicide at that location with 38 deaths occurring in the last 25 years, according to the county Sheriff Coroner's Department. It's not known how many people have been saved.
Local law enforcement officers recently rescued a person from committing suicide at the bridge. However, these incidents carry great risks for the deputies and officers involved in life or death rescue and recovery operations, according to Commander Dominic Palera of the county Sheriff's Department.
In November 2005, the Cold Spring Canyon Arch Bridge Suicide Prevention Committee formed to help identify suicide prevention strategies at the bridge.
"This is a diverse community group," said Nevin Sams, Caltrans District Traffic Safety engineer. "We're working together to develop interim and permanent solutions."
The committee's membership includes Caltrans; The Glendon Association; county Sheriff's Department; California Highway Patrol; Santa Barbara County Association of Governments (SBCAG); Santa Barbara County; Family Service Agency 2-1-1 Helpline; ACCESS Team; and the county Department of Alcohol, Drug and Mental Health Services. Representatives from the offices of Third District Supervisor Brooks Firestone and Assemblymember Pedro Nava, D-Santa Barbara, have assisted the committee.
So far, the committee has identified the following suicide prevention strategies, and related findings, for the Cold Spring Bridge:
- Signage – Currently, a No Loitering sign is posted at the bridge. Other suggestions for signage include We Care About You or Distress Center — We Listen 24 Hours a Day. Both signs would include two suicide hotline numbers for assistance.
- Call boxes – Ideally, telephones would be located on both sides of the bridge and offer a direct 1-800 suicide hotline number as well as roadside assistance. Currently, the direct hotline service is not available in call boxes in California. However, there is no pedestrian sidewalk on the bridge.
- Video cameras – Local law enforcement agencies do not have the resources to continually patrol the rural area or visually monitor the cameras. Either way, cameras do not prevent suicide, and may even serve as an attraction for it.
- Lighting – It's not certain whether installing lights would help reduce suicides.
- Safety Barrier/Fence - Partial barriers can actually increase suicide incidents. An effective barrier would be continuous and at least six-feet high. Various designs/material are available. Effectiveness, bridge strength, aesthetics, historic eligibility, cost and constructablility would be factors in choosing a type/style of barrier.
- Safety net – A safety net installed on the bridge is an effective barrier for helping to reduce suicides. However, there are maintenance and safety issues and it could become an attractive nuisance.
- Pedestrian/bicyclist access – Restricting pedestrians and bicyclists from the bridge area would, most likely, impact local triathlon and hiking events.
- Public parking/pull out areas – It's not certain whether restricting parking or closing off pull out areas would reduce suicides. The roadside locations are necessary for disabled vehicles, commuters, keeping the traffic moving and maintenance staff's parking.
- Surveillance – Heightening surveillance efforts might be an effective suicide deterrent, but may require more law enforcement staffing and resources than is currently available.
- Public education – Educate the public on suicide prevention through the local media and community meetings and events. In addition, provide public awareness that dialing 9-1-1 is best for notifying law enforcement in emergencies.
For more information on suicide prevention, please call the 24-hour Suicide Prevention hotline at 2-1-1, or 1-800-400-1572, or visit the American Association of Suicidology web page at www.suicidology.org.
Para información en Español, favor de llamar al (805) 549-3138
Last updated: April 25, 2011


text:
Asset Building Toward Inclusive Policy
Michael Sherraden, Lissa Johnson, Margaret M. Clancy, Sondra G. Beverly, Margaret Sherrard Sherraden, Mark Schreiner, William Elliot III, Trina R. Williams Shanks, Deborah Adams, Jami Curley, Jin Huang, Michal Grinstein-Weiss, Yunju Nam, Min Zhan, and Chang-Keun Han
Since 1991, a new policy discussion has arisen in the United States and other countries, focusing on building assets as a complement to traditional social policy based on income. In fact, asset-based policy already existed (and still exists) in the United States, with large public subsidies. But the policy is regressive, benefiting the rich far more than the poor. The goal should be a universal, progressive, and lifelong asset-based policy. One promising pathway may be Child Development Accounts beginning at birth, with greater public deposits for the poorest children. If every child had an account, then eventually this could grow into a universal public policy across the life course.
Community Planning
Elisheva Sadan
This entry discusses community planning in the context of community social work. Distinctions are made between community planning as a rational comprehensive process of the planning discipline, and the process of community planning in community social work. Community planning is defined as a process of participatory and inclusive organized social change, directed toward community empowerment, building community, and developing members' capacities to take part in democratic decision making. A three-dimensional model of empowering community planning is presented and discussed. The model focuses on the tasks of community social work in the planning process, and the empowering outcomes they can enable.
Gunnar Almgren and Ji Young Kang
This entry provides a brief overview of the field of social demography, the components of population change, projections for future population growth, and recent transformations in population composition pertaining to age, race, and ethnicity. Trends that shape family household structure (for example, marriage, divorce, cohabitation, and nonmarital child bearing) are also considered, as are trends pertaining to the distribution of income, wealth, and poverty. Population trends given particular attention include the growth of class-based disparities in marriage and nonmarital child bearing, the contributions of immigration to population growth and diversity, and a disturbing increase over recent decades in the prevalence of poverty among children of immigrants.
International Child Development Accounts
Michael Sherraden, Li-Chen Cheng, Fred M. Ssewamala, Youngmi Kim, Vernon Loke, Li Zou, Gina Chowa, David Ansong, Lissa Johnson, YungSoo Lee, Michal Grinstein-Weiss, Margaret M. Clancy, Jin Huang, Sondra G. Beverly, Yunju Nam, and Chang-Keun Han
Child Development Accounts (CDAs) are subsidized savings or investment accounts to help people accumulate assets for developmental purposes and life course needs. They are envisioned as universal (everyone participates), progressive (greater subsidies for the poor), and potentially lifelong national policy. These features distinguish CDAs from most existing asset-building policies and programs around the world, which are typically regressive, giving greater benefits to the well-off. With policy innovation in recent years, several countries now have national CDA policies, and four states in the United States have statewide programs. Some of these are designed to be universal and progressive. Evidence indicates that true universality can be achieved, but only with automatic account opening and automatic deposits. In the absence of automatic features, advantaged families participate and benefit more. Today, momentum for universal and automatic features is gradually gaining traction and accelerating. At this stage in the emergence of inclusive asset-based policy, this is the most important development.
Outcome Measures in Human Services
Jennifer L. Magnabosco
Throughout history, measuring outcomes has been a goal and priority in the human services. This entry chronicles the history of outcomes measurement in the human services in the United States and discusses present-day outcome measurement activities as well as trends and some of the key areas for outcomes measurement in several human service domains.
Social Work Education and Regulation in Australia
Karen Healy
This article provides an overview and analysis of social work education and professional standards in Australia. The professional education and practice standards are set and monitored by a single, professional body, the Australian Association of Social Workers (AASW). In Australia, there is no legislation protecting the title of social worker, and there is limited government involvement in regulating educational standards and professional practice. In this article, I outline the characteristics of the educational and professional standards for social workers set by the AASW. I will explain the Australian regulatory environment for health and human service professions and discuss how this contributes to conditions in which the AASW plays a central role in the regulation of social work education and practice standards in Australia. I will outline the opportunities and challenges posed by the highly deregulated environment and the consequent central role of the AASW in standard setting and monitoring. The article concludes with a discussion of the strategies currently being pursued via the AASW to achieve government authorized regulation of social workers.


text:
Items where Author / Artist / Editor is "Monk, David"
|See full list of headings
Monk, David and Arnaud, Philippe and Frost, Jennifer and Hills, Frank and Stanier, Philip and Feil, Robert and Moore, Gudrun E. (2009) Reciprocal imprinting of human GRB10 in placental trophoblast and brain: evolutionary conservation of reversed allelic expression. Human molecular genetics, 18 (16). pp. 3066-3074. ISSN 0964-6906
Hills, Frank and Iglesias-Platas, I. and Jebbink, J. and Monk, David (2007) STOX1 is not imprinted and is not likely to be involved in preeclampsia. Nature Genetics, 39 (3). pp. 279-280. ISSN 10614036
Monk, David and Sanches, R. and Arnaud, Philippe and Apostolidou, S. and Hills, Frank and Abu-Amero, S. and Murrell, A. and Friess, H. and Reik, W. and Stanier, Philip (2006) Imprinting of IGF2 P0 transcript and novel alternatively spliced INS-IGF2 isoforms show differences between mouse and human. Human Molecular Genetics, 15 (8). pp. 1259-1269. ISSN 0964-6906
Hills, Frank and Apostolidou, S. and Arnaud, Philippe and Monk, David (2006) Limited evolutionary conservation of imprinting in the human placenta. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 103 (17). pp. 6623-6628. ISSN 1091-6490


text:
Corporate America's Cash Hoard Continues Growing
Even as corporate America remains concerned about the economy, some interesting trends are emerging from the annual reports companies are filing with the SEC.
The one that's likely to get the most attention is the corporate cash hoard, which seems set to post another record high, according to Howard Silverblatt, the senior index analyst at S&P Dow Jones Indices.
Cash on the books could set another high, Silverblatt said. It's running 3.2% ahead of the third-quarter, and 4.1% ahead of last year's fourth-quarter. And that doesn't even include the vast bulk of Apple's highly contentious cash hoard, most of which is classified as long-term marketable securities.


text:
About This Theater
This Theater Offers
Reserved Seating
This theater offers reserved seating so moviegoers can pick the seats they want ahead of time.
Accepts Promo Codes
This theater accepts MovieTickets.com promotional codes.
IMAX® screens are much larger than the average movie theater screen--large enough to fill a moviegoers' field of vision.
Digital Sound
Digital sound formats included on film are compressed without loss of quality from the original.
Wheelchair Seating
This theater is ADA compliant and provides accessible seating for patrons in wheelchairs.
Ticket Redemption Options
Mobile Barcode
A barcode will be delivered to your phone and scanned at the theater before showtime.
Print at Home
Print your tickets at home from a personal printer.
Retrieve at Theater
Pick up your tickets at the theater box office before show time. Check your confirmation email for details.
Theater Age Policy
Child Tickets: 2-12 years old.
Senior Tickets: 60 years and older.
Any guest under 17 requires an accompanying parent or adult guardian (age 21 or older). Guests who appear 25 years and under may be asked to show ID for R-rated movies.In an effort to provide the most enjoyable experience for adults attending R-rated features in the evenings, no children younger than 6 will be admitted to R-rated features after 6 pm.


text:
PRAVACHOL FOR SALE, It was this time last year when Western Illinois men's basketball coach Jim Molinari was putting together his first recruiting class. Online buy PRAVACHOL without a prescription, That class was just a matter of survival, since Molinari had to scramble to find players after being hired in mid-April, where can i buy cheapest PRAVACHOL online. PRAVACHOL schedule, Having a year to recruit his second class, Molinari has put together a strong Class of 2009, PRAVACHOL images. Order PRAVACHOL from United States pharmacy, Molinari found someone for every position, a blend of youth and experience, taking PRAVACHOL. PRAVACHOL australia, uk, us, usa, A look at the five signees:
Matt Lander (PG, 6-4, PRAVACHOL dosage, Buy PRAVACHOL without prescription, Jr.) — Molinari needed an experienced point guard, and he found one in Lander, fast shipping PRAVACHOL, Buy generic PRAVACHOL, a junior-college transfer.
Lander, who played at John A, PRAVACHOL FOR SALE. Logan Community College in Illinois, PRAVACHOL mg, PRAVACHOL treatment, averaged 13.1 points, 3.5 assists and four rebounds per game, get PRAVACHOL. PRAVACHOL use, Lander can play the '1' and '2' spots, but most of his playing time will be at point guard, PRAVACHOL pictures. Effects of PRAVACHOL, He's an experienced ballhandler, something the Leathernecks need next season, is PRAVACHOL addictive. Herbal PRAVACHOL, Jelani Johnson (SG/SF, 6-4, low dose PRAVACHOL, Where can i order PRAVACHOL without prescription, Fr.) — The first player to sign in the class, Johnson is a lanky player who will provide a spark at both ends of the floor, PRAVACHOL price. PRAVACHOL FOR SALE, Johnson, who played at Waubonsie Valley High School in Aurora, Ill., averaged 17 points and 6.1 rebounds. PRAVACHOL description, He also averaged 2.3 steals. He was a unanimous All-Upstate Eight selection last season, online buying PRAVACHOL. PRAVACHOL blogs, Billy Molinari (SG, 6-2, generic PRAVACHOL, PRAVACHOL from mexico, Fr.) — He's the coach's son, but he's still a solid recruit no matter the last name, cheap PRAVACHOL. PRAVACHOL wiki, Molinari was a part of 83 victories at the varsity level. As a senior, he helped lead Peoria Christian High School to 26 wins, a No, PRAVACHOL FOR SALE. 1 ranking, buying PRAVACHOL online over the counter, a conference championship and a title in the State Farm Holiday Classic.
Molinari was the all-time leading scorer in school history with 1,601 points, and averaged 19.6 points and 3.8 rebounds last season. He had a 53.8 shooting percent from the field and 85.4 percent at the free throw line.
Jeremy Felton (PF, 6-7, Jr.) — Molinari was looking for a power player to replace David DuBois, and he might have found one in Felton.
Felton, who played at Mineral Area Community College, averaged 9.5 points, 5.8 rebounds and 1.8 blocks per game last season, recording a career-best 17 points on three separate occasions. PRAVACHOL FOR SALE, He had a triple-double in Mineral Area's 83-72 win over John A. Logan last November — 10 points, 10 rebounds and 10 blocks.
David Gebru (C, 6-10, Fr.) — Gebru is an athletic center with experience.
Gebru played one season of prep school basketball at Maine Central Institute. At Maine Central, Gebru showed a strong inside-outside game.
The Leathernecks didn't have the biggest recruiting class. That honor belonged to Southern Utah, which signed seven players, including four foreign players. ... Kirk Korver, a 6-8 forward from Pella, signed with UMKC. Korver was considered a possible walk-on candidate at Iowa, PRAVACHOL FOR SALE. Korver was one of five players to sign with the Kangaroos. ... Oral Roberts signed a pair of players, F/C Damien Bell-Holter and G Hunter McClintock, who were two-star recruits according to Rivals.com. ... Oakland recruit Drew Valentine was a two-star recruit according to Rivals.com. .
Similar posts: BUY METHYLPHENOBARBITAL OVER THE COUNTER. CARDURA FOR SALE. ALBENZA FOR SALE. BUY CIALIS SOFT PILLS NO PRESCRIPTION. EPIVIR maximum dosage. Buy VALTREX no prescription. Where can i buy cheapest ALPRAZOLAM online. Online IMURAN without a prescription.
Trackbacks from: PRAVACHOL FOR SALE. PRAVACHOL FOR SALE. PRAVACHOL FOR SALE. PRAVACHOL FOR SALE. Purchase PRAVACHOL online. PRAVACHOL wiki. PRAVACHOL maximum dosage. PRAVACHOL use.


text:
Message Board
Wilson Rawls Message Board
Talk about the novels, new and used books that Rawls has written!
Author Rawls's Book Reviews
Summer of the Monkeys
Jay Berry tries to catch wily runaway monkeys, desperately wanting the reward money. 14-year-old Jay Berry lives a happy life in the Cherokee state of Oklahoma.� His family is poor, and cannot even afford to have his crippled sister's leg fixed, but they work hard and hope for the best.� Needless to say, it is out of the question for Jay to buy the pony and gun he has always wanted. One day Jay and his dog see a monkey in the woods.� Jay is confused u...
Where The Red Fern Grows
Billy lives with his three sisters and his parents. One day when he was fishing in the river, he went over to an empty campground and found an ad for hunting dogs, which were twenty- five dollars each. Billy got to work raising money to buy the dogs. Billy does various odd jobs, including picking and selling berries, crawfish and other foods. He puts all of the money he earns in a K.C. Baking Powder can. Eventually he has enough money and as...


text:
TIME, DATE, AND PLACE: 7:30 p.m., Wednesday, Feb. 27, in the Hawkins-Carlson Room of Rush Rhees Library on the University of Rochester River Campus.
WHAT: Kristel Thornell, an Australian-born author currently based in Rochester, presents the Neilly Lecture, "Emerging," a talk about the process of becoming a writer. Named one of the Best Young Australian Novelists by The Sydney Morning Herald in 2011, Thornell is the author of Night Street (Allen & Unwin, 2010), a novel which has garnered numerous awards, including the Barbara Ramsden Award, the Dobbie Literary Award, and the Vogel Literary Award. She also is the winner of the 2011 Andrew Eiseman Writer's Award.
Thornell holds a bachelor's degree from the University of Sydney, a master's in English from the University of New Brunswick, and a doctorate from the Writing and Society Research Group at the University of Western Sydney. She is currently working on a novel set in Northern England in the 1920s.
Thornell's talk is part of the yearlong Neilly Series, which is supported by the Andrew H. Neilly and Janet Dayton Neilly Endowment, and the River Campus Libraries.
The talk will also be available through livestreaming at http://www.rochester.edu/news/live.
ADMISSION: Free and open to the public. Free parking is available in Library Lot.
FOR MORE INFORMATION: Call 585.275.4461.


text:
Michael Gordon's book, Design Your Life, Change the World: Your Path as a Social Entrepreneur [A GUIDE for CHANGEMAKERS] is for changemakers - the people and organizations that want to make a difference in the world.
The book tries to answer two questions, says Professor Gordon:
1) How can organizations best address important societal problems such as poverty, inadequate health care, sub-par education, and an unhealthy planet?
2) What's the best advice for students who want to address these issues and still live lives of relative comfort?
The reason I'm helping the professor is because now, more than ever, we need the brightest students to tackle the world's biggest problems. And the oil-coal-nuclear lobby isn't making things any easier...
Are you a changemaker? Go find out >>
P.S. - you can download the PDF version here >>


text:
Find the Jaguar that's perfect for you with our latest offers. Discover more below and contact us today for full details.
Latest Jaguar Offers
Jaguar Personal Contract Purchase (PCP)
Slide into the driver's seat, start the engine and enjoy the pleasure of outstanding performance. Jaguar Personal Contract Purchase is a Personal Contract Purchase (PCP) agreement with fixed monthly repayments and a choice of options at the end of the agreement.Explore PCP Offers
Jaguar Personal Contract Hire (PCH)
Enjoy the thrill of driving a Jaguar, hassle free. Personal Contract Hire gives you an initial rental in advance of 1-12 months (subject to underwriting), regular rental fees and no worries about disposing of your car at the end of the contract. You can also choose the reassurance of various optional service, maintenance and repair packages.Explore PCH Offers
Business Contract Hire (BCH)
Business customers can drive away the perfect Jaguar with an initial rental in advance of 1-12 months (subject to underwriting), regular monthly rental fees and no worries about what to do with it at the end of the contract**. An optional maintenance, routine service and repair package, could make things even simpler.Explore BCH Offers


text:
News >> Browse Articles >> Law Enforcement News
Obama: Keep US Agents Disarmed in Mexico
President Barack Obama and Attorney General Eric Holder
Talking Points Memo via YellowBrix
March 04, 2011
WASHINGTON, DC – There appears to be some light between President Obama's position on arming Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents while in Mexico and that of Attorney General Eric Holder, the nation's top law enforcement official, just three weeks after ICE agent Jaime Zapata was shot to death in northern Mexico with a gun smuggled in from the U.S.
After a White House meeting between Obama and Mexican President Felipe Calderon, Obama seemed to convey a reluctance to arm ICE agents while they are traveling in Mexico.
"Our job is to help with information, equipment, to help with coordination," Obama told reporters Thursday. "We do not carry out law enforcement activities in Mexico. What we can do is make sure that our cooperation is strengthened and deepened over time and we're constantly refining how we do that in a way that is respectful of Mexico."
"I assure you that we will be examining all our options and protocols …," he continued.
The killing of Zapata emboldened U.S. critics of Mexico's drug policy and earlier this week seemed to have Obama administration officials considering arming U.S. agents working across the border to ensure their safety.
"We have to make sure that those kinds of incidents are not repeated and to the extent that that involves the potential arming of them, that's something I think we have to consider," Holder told a congressional panel this week.
Yet, by Thursday both Obama and Department of Homeland Security Secretary Janet Napolitano appeared to play down the prospect of arming ICE agents while traveling in Mexico.
"The issue of agents and arming is something that should be discussed in a more classified setting than a public hearing," Napolitano said in response to a question from Rep. Mike McCaul (R-TX). "It's an issue that involves not just Mexico but other countries as well."


text:
The Serum That Will Make Your Skin Glow Like No Other
You may wonder how publications find the experts that help inform their stories. Of course, there are many different ways, but in the case of Renee Rouleau—the aesthetician that's taught us how to prevent a breakout, how to get rid of blackheads at home, and so much more—it was thanks to my genuine love of her skincare products. I can go on and on about the ones I swear by, but none more than her Bio Radiance Night Serum ($48).
This seemingly ordinary, lightweight serum soaks into skin immediately, leaving no greasy residue or sticky feeling, but the magic happens overnight. Thanks to a blend of potent ingredients—marine extract, aloe leaf juice, sodium hyaluronate, red rice extract—the formula, somehow, makes my skin insanely radiant in the morning. When I say radiant I mean it glows to the point I don't want to put makeup on. Plus, it leaves skin incredibly soft and hydrated. I just ran out of my third bottle and I may or may not be in a slight panic, which, I've found, is the only downside of the serum.


text:
2007 is the Year of Vonnegut. Throughout the year the Indianapolis-Marion County Public Library and the Indianapolis Cultural Development Commission are collaborating with community partners on a statewide celebration to honor one Indiana's own, author Kurt Vonnegut.
Wabash College junior Aaron Spolarich contributes to The Year of Vonnegut with his research project "Vonnegut: A Hoosier Legacy." Spolarich completed this project through the Present Indiana research program in which he participated last summer. The Present Indiana program is funded through a grant from the Lilly Endowment. The program provides students with a stipend to conduct summer research on a culturally significant aspect of Indiana. Spolarich's research focused on the legacy of the Vonnegut family within Indiana. His project culminated in a DVD presentation which he has been exhibiting at venues across the state.
Spolarich will share his presentation with the Crawfordsville community on Monday, April 2 at 7:00 p.m. in the Lower Level classroom of the Crawfordsville Public Library. Plan to attend and learn about the interesting family background of Kurt Vonnegut, one of Indiana's most famous authors.
Vonnegut is known for his use of biting satire and black humor. This distinctive style is showcased in his nationally acclaimed books Slaughterhouse-Five, Cat's Cradle, and Breakfast of Champions. The Year of Vonnegut was created as a celebration of the accomplishments of this native son, and will be a combination of lectures by the author, exhibitions of his work, and films about his life which will occur in Indianapolis and throughout the state.


text:
Well, it looks like something has happened in Canton. Here's how I remember it from my last visit (which was admittedly several years ago):
Look at the three jerseys in the middle: from left, there's Don Hutson's #14, Sid Luckman's #42, and Bob Waterfield's #7.
But that was then, this is now. The photo below was taken just over a month ago, on December 8, 2008, by Flickr user KaylynStar:
(click to super-enlarge)
The Hutson jersey is gone, with Waterfield's LA Rams jersey moved over to take its place and a Mel Hein Giants jersey now on the right. Waterfield's still has the Packers posters surrounding and overlapping it, making for a slightly incongruous display.
So what happened to take Hutson's jersey off display? Any other Canton visitors able to tell me when it was removed?
UPDATE 02/08/09: I called the Hall of Fame, and they informed me that the Hutson jersey is still in the Hall, just in a new exhibit. It was moved last May to the new "Moments, Memories & Mementos Gallery".
The Moments, Memories & Mementos Gallery climaxes with a dramatic bench scene featuring nine iconic members of the Pro Football Hall of Fame. The stories of Johnny Unitas, Don Hutson, Sammy Baugh, Reggie White, Walter Payton, Joe Greene, Jim Brown, Anthony Muñoz and George Halas are displayed through life-sized figures clad with authentic mementos from the Hall's collection. The careers of these Hall of Famers are summarized through touch-screen video presentations.The jersey's partially obscured by the sideline cape, but there it is:
And here's a reverse of the bench (although you can't see the jersey):
There's a (very tiny) picture of the complete bench display on the HoF's site. You can just make out the jersey, second from left.
Mystery solved.


text:
News spiking
From Conservapedia
(Redirected from Spiking)
To spike a news story is to "kill" it by choosing not to run it. The metaphor refers to placing pieces of paper on a spike. In particular, spiking is often used to describe news stories that are suppressed for political or deceitful motives, biasing the news by reporting only what supports a particular agenda. As an example, Newsweek editors chose to bury the story of the scandalous affair between Bill Clinton and Monica Lewinsky that they had uncovered. The story was later made public by the Drudge Report.
Arnaud de Borchgrave, former chief editor of The Washington Times, wrote a novel called The Spike in which spiking figures heavily.


text: Catalog Auction info Estate of Restorable, Collectable & Rare Cars(#92358) 09/15/2017 10:00 AM CDT CLOSED! Lot 24 of 92: 1963 Chevrolet Corvair Monza Click image to enlarge PreviousNext Lot closed - Winning bid:$300 (6 bids) Estate of Restorable, Collectable & Rare Cars(#92358) 09/15/2017 10:00 AM CDT CLOSED! Description 1963 Chevrolet Corvair, Monza, 2 door, manual Terms and conditions All sales are final. The entire purchase price is due before the buyer(s) leave the sale site and no purchase shall be removed until the full payment is made. Buyer are purchasing 'as is' with no warranties expressed nor implied. Ownership will be conveyed via title or bill of sale. Payment may be made by cash, check, or major credit card with a 3% convenience fee added to purchase price. All online auctions will have a 5% fee added to the purchase price. Any announcements made on the day of the sale supersede any previously given information. Buyers have 15 designated days to remove items from the sale site. Those dates will be announced the day of the sale.