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African art, the visual arts of native Africa, particularly sub-Saharan Africa, including such media as sculpture, painting, pottery, rock art, textiles, masks, personal decoration, and jewelry.
For more general explorations of media, see individual media articles (e.g., painting, sculpture, pottery, and textile). For a discussion of the characteristics, functions, and forms of masks, see mask. The architecture of Africa is treated in a separate article; see African architecture.
General characteristics
It is difficult to give a useful summary of the main characteristics of the art of sub-Saharan Africa. The variety of forms and practices is so great that the attempt to do so results in a series of statements that turn out to be just as true of, for example, Western art. Thus, some African art has value as entertainment; some has political or ideological significance; some is instrumental in a ritual context; and some has aesthetic value in itself. More often than not, a work of African art combines several or all of these elements. Similarly, there are full-time and part-time artists; there are artists who figure in the political establishment and those who are ostracized and despised; and some art forms can be made by anyone, while others demand the devotion of an expert. Claims of an underlying pan-African aesthetic must be viewed as highly contentious.
Some further general points can be made, however, in regard to the status of precolonial sub-Saharan art. First, in any African language, a concept of art as meaning something other than skill would be the exception rather than the rule. This is not because of any inherent limitation of African culture but because of the historical conditions under which European cultures arrived at their concept of art. The Western separation of fine art from the lowlier craft (i.e., useful skill) came out of a sequence of social, economic, and intellectual changes in Europe that did not occur in Africa before the colonial period at the very earliest. This separation, therefore, cannot be applied without qualification to African traditions of precolonial origin. Philosophers of art in the West might agree that works of art are simply artifacts made with the intention of possessing aesthetic value, and in that sense art, which would include craftwork as well as works of fine art, would indeed be found in all parts of Africa (as indeed it is throughout human culture). But even in this case, African art must be understood through the investigation and understanding of local aesthetic values rather than through the imposition of categories of external origin. It may be a field of well-hoed yam heaps (as, for example, among the Tiv people of Nigeria) or a display ox castrated in order to enhance its visual effect (as among the Nuer and Dinka pastoralists of South Sudan) that constitutes the significant work of art in a given area of Africa.
The popular notion of art in the West, however, is very different, for it is thought to comprise masks and very little else—except, perhaps, "local colour." This misconception has been enhanced by the aforementioned European concept of fine art, but it may have originated in a dependence, during the first period of Western interest in African art, upon collectible artifacts—some of which (pieces of sculpture, for instance) fitted neatly into the category of fine art, while others (such as textiles and pottery) were dismissed as craftwork. Painting in Africa was long presumed not to exist to any significant extent, largely because it was to be found on the skins of human bodies, on the walls of houses, and on rock faces—none of which were collectible. Clearly, the aesthetic field in Africa is not so limited.
Another misapprehension is that in the West art is created for art's sake, while in precolonial Africa art was solely functional. The motive for the creation of any work of art is inevitably complex, in Africa as elsewhere, and the fact that most of the sculpted artifacts known from Africa were made with some practical use in mind (whether for ritual or other purposes) does not mean that they could not simultaneously be valued as sources of aesthetic pleasure.
It is also often assumed that the African artist is constrained by tradition in a way contrasting with the freedom given to the Western artist. But, although there are traditions of art in which the expectations of patrons demand repetition of a set form in African art, there are also traditions of precolonial origin that demand a high level of inventive originality—for example, Asante silk weaving and Kuba raffia embroidery. There are other traditions in which a standard form can be embellished as elaborately as the artist or patron wishes. The important point is that particular traditions encourage creativity.
That being said, some general characteristics of African art may be identified. Among these are innovation of form—i.e., the concern on the part of the African artist with innovation and creativity; visual abstraction and conventionalization; a visual combination of balanced composition and asymmetry; the primacy of sculpture; the transformation and adornment of the human body; and a general multiplicity of meaning. It should also be noted that a primary component of traditional African art is performance and assemblage. The combination of music, dance, dress, and bodily ornamentation—as well as sculpture and masks—is frequently what imparts both significance and dynamism to individual art objects.
Style, tribe, and ethnic identity
A commonplace of African art criticism has been to identify particular styles according to supposedly tribal names—for example, Asante, Kuba, or Nuba. The concept of tribe is problematic, however, and has generally been discarded. "Tribal" names, in fact, sometimes refer to the language spoken, sometimes to political entities, and sometimes to other kinds of groupings, yet the boundaries between peoples speaking different languages or acknowledging different chiefs do not necessarily coincide with their respective tribal boundaries. Moreover, the very idea of tribe is an attempt to impose identity from the outside. That this happened is understandable, given the demands of colonial administration, but this historical contingency cannot help in understanding the dynamic of stylistic variation in Africa. The sense of identity that individuals and groups undoubtedly have with others, which was misunderstood as "tribe" but which is better referred to as "ethnic identity," is something that derives from the relationship built up through many different networks: whom one can marry, one's language and religious affiliations, the chief whose authority one acknowledges, who one's ancestors are, the kind of work one does, and so forth. Sometimes African art plays a part in this, as when a religious cult or a chief or a guild employs distinctive artifacts as a mark of uniqueness. Sometimes boundaries are based on linguistic differences, but this may be coincidental.
As to differences of style, regularities of form and tradition do occur such that it is possible to attribute particular African art objects to particular places, regions, or periods. Four distinct variables make this kind of stylistic identification possible. The first is geography, in that, all other things being equal, people in different places tend to make or do things in different ways. The second is technology, in that in some areas differences of style depend on the material employed. The third is individuality, in that an expert can identify the works of individual artists; inability to do so usually derives from a lack of familiarity. The fourth is institution, in that the creation of works of art takes place under the influence of the social and cultural institutions characteristic of any given location. But artifacts can be traded and then copied; artists themselves can travel; institutions, complete with associated artifacts, can move or spread from one area to another, sometimes because they are copied by a neighbouring people, sometimes because they are purchased, and sometimes as a result of conquest. The end result is a stylistic complexity in African art that defies easy classification. The names previously understood as referring to tribes can continue to be used, however, as convenient shorthand as long as it is realized that they do not all represent equivalent categories. One tribal name may refer to a group numbering no more than a few thousand; another may refer to the language spoken in a given area; yet another may describe an empire comprising peoples of distinct historical identities.John Picton Janet B. Hess
Sculpture and associated arts
Although wood is the best-known medium of African sculpture, many others are employed: copper alloys, iron, ivory, pottery, unfired clay, and, infrequently, stone. Unfired clay is—and probably always was—the most widely used medium in the whole continent, but, partly because it is so fragile and therefore difficult to collect, it has been largely ignored in the literature. Small figurines of fired clay were excavated in a mound at Daima near Lake Chad in levels dating from the 5th century bce or earlier, while others were found in Zimbabwe in deposits of the later part of the 1st millennium ce. Both of these discoveries imply an even earlier stage of unfired clay modeling. About the time of these lower levels at Daima (which represent a Neolithic, or New Stone Age, pastoral economy), there was flourishing farther to the west the fully Iron Age Nok culture, producing large, hollow sculptures in well-fired pottery, some of the stylistic features of which imply yet earlier prototypes in wood.
Copper-alloy castings using the cire-perdue ("lost-wax") technique afford evidence of great sculptural achievements from as early as the 9th century ce, when the smiths of Igbo Ukwu (in what is now Nigeria) were casting leaded bronze, which is highly ductile, and smithing copper, which is not. Some three or four centuries later, the smiths of Ife, seemingly unaware that unalloyed copper was not suitable for casting (or perhaps wishing to demonstrate their virtuosity), used it to produce masterpieces such as the seated figure in a shrine at Tada and the so-called Obalufon mask in the Ife Museum. In fact, zinc brasses were used more than unalloyed copper. The largest corpus of this work is from Benin, where zinc brasses were used almost exclusively. These copper-alloy castings, together with pottery sculptures (the traceable history of which goes back even farther), are the main evidence for the early history of sculpture in sub-Saharan Africa.
Wrought-iron sculptures are found in a number of traditions, mostly in West Africa, including the Dogon, Bambara, Fon, and Yoruba peoples.
Stone sculpture occurs in several separate centres, employing both hard and soft rock, but there is usually not much evidence of a development through time in a single place. Ivory is a highly prized medium in many parts of Africa. Its fine texture makes it suitable for delicate sculpture, while its rarity leads to its employment in many societies for items of great prestige.
African wood sculptures are carved with similar tools throughout the continent. An ax may be used to fell the tree, but an adz, with its cutting edge at right angles to the shaft, is used for the substantive work of carving. The skill achieved with this tool is astonishing to the Western observer. Thin shavings can be removed with speed and accuracy, creating a surface (especially when the form is convex) that shows slight facets that catch the light and add to the visual interest. More-intricate work is done with knives. A pointed iron rod heated in the fire may be employed to bore holes in a mask for attachment to the costume and to permit the wearer to see. The surface of the sculpture is sometimes polished with the side of a knife or sanded down with rough leaves. Details are commonly picked out by a method involving charring with a red-hot knife (as among the Ibibio of Nigeria), or the carving is immersed in mud to darken its surface before oiling (as among the Dan people of Côte d'Ivoire).
West Africa
This analysis divides the visual arts of West Africa into three broad areas: the western Sudan, the Guinea Coast, and Nigeria. This is done partly to enable the reader to comprehend the diversity of styles and traditions within the region, while recognizing that there are themes common to all of the areas.
Western Sudan
This is the name conventionally given to the savanna region of West Africa. It is an area dominated by Islamic states, situated at the southern ends of the trans-Saharan trade routes. The sculpture here is characterized by schematic styles of representation. Some commentators have interpreted these styles as an accommodation to the Islamic domination of the area, but this is probably not an adequate explanation, since Islam in West Africa has either merely tolerated or actually destroyed such traditions while exerting other influences.
Among the better-known sculptural traditions of the western Sudan are those of the following peoples.
Dogon and Tellem
The Dogon inhabit the Bandiagara escarpment in Mali. Dogon sculpture is intimately linked with spiritual beliefs related to ancestors, both real ancestors and mythic Nommo spirits (primordial ancestors created by the central god, Amma). Figures are made to house the spirits of deceased family members and are placed in family shrines, and masks are used to drive away the spirits of the deceased at the end of the mourning period. About 80 mask types have been developed, and the masks are worn by young adult members of Awa, the men's masking association. One type of mask, called sirige, has a tall, flat projection above the face (a feature found also in the masks of the neighbouring Mossi and Bobo), which is said to represent a multistory house. The Great Mask, which is never worn and is made anew every 60 years, represents the primordial ancestor who met death while he was in the form of a serpent. Other important masks used in public ceremonies to ensure the passage of the deceased into the realm of the ancestors include the kanaga mask, whose architectonic form represents an array of concepts, animals, and the authority of God; and the satimbe mask, a rectangular face surmounted by the figure of a mythical and powerful woman. The structure of the satimbe mask—its projecting and receding forms—recalls the facades of the mosques of ancient Mali. The Dogon are known for their architecture, including the rounded, organic form of sanctuaries, lineage leaders' houses adorned with grid patterns symbolizing civilization and order, and men's meetinghouses (togu na, or "House of Words").
Also found in Dogon territory are what may be the oldest textile fragments in West Africa (dated to the 11th century), establishing a baseline date for the existence of the narrow-band loom in the region, and the oldest wood sculptures in existence (three have been traced by carbon-14 dating to the 15th–17th century ce). They were found in caves in the Bandiagara escarpment. The Dogon attribute them to an earlier population, the Tellem. These figures, usually of simplified and elongated form, often with hands raised, seem to be the prototype of the ancestor figures that the Dogon carve on the doors and locks of their houses and granaries; investigations have confirmed that the Tellem were ethnically a different people from the Dogon, though the art style appears to have been handed on from one people to the other.
Bambara (Bamana)
The Bambara live in the region around Bamako, the capital of Mali. Their traditions include six male societies, each with its own type of mask. The society known as Ntomo is for young boys before circumcision. The masks associated with Ntomo have a line of vertical projections above the face, signifying beliefs related to human creations. The Tyiwara, an age grade that prepares young men to be husbands and fathers, focuses on agriculture. Its mask uses a headdress representing, in the form of an antelope, the mythical being who taught men how to farm. The Komo is the custodian of tradition and is concerned with all aspects of community life—agriculture, judicial processes, and passage rites. Its masks, which are considered to be enormously powerful, are shaped in an elongated animal form decorated with actual horns of antelope, quills of porcupine, bird skulls, and other objects. Masks of the Kono, which enforces civic morality, are also elongated and encrusted with sacrificial material. The Kore, which challenges immoral authority and hypocritical morality through sexually explicit gestures and buffoonery, once employed masks representing the hyena, lion, monkey, antelope, and horse but now is represented primarily through puppet performances. Ancestor figures of the Bambara clearly derive from the same artistic tradition as do many of those of the Dogon; so also do their sculptures in wrought iron. Such figures are made by blacksmiths, who—because of their skill in transforming material from the earth—are believed to control great amounts of power (nyama).
Another art form significant to the Bambara is a textile known as bokolanfini. This cloth, embellished with designs painted in earth, absorbs the nyama released during girls' initiation excision and is also worn for marriage and burial. Traditionally, bokolanfini patterns served as cues to broader reflections on life; contemporary textiles are created in Bamako and elsewhere solely with fashion in mind.
Djenné and Mopti are two towns situated on the inland delta of the Niger River in Mali. They are notable as centres of the cloth trade and for their architecture (see African architecture). Moreover, in their immediate vicinity many sculptures in pottery of uncertain age have been found. They may have some association with the empires of Ghana and Mali (7th–13th and 13th–16th century, respectively). For all their extensive trade contacts across the Sahara, these medieval empires did not significantly change the basic structure of society in the western Sudan.
The Senufo of northern Côte d'Ivoire produce a rich variety of sculptures, mainly associated with Poro, a society guided by a female ancestral spirit known as "the Ancient Mother." All adult Senufo men belong to Poro, and the society maintains the continuity of religious and historical traditions. During initiation, young men are instructed through the use of sculptural figures. Some with massive bases are carried in procession by initiates, who swing them from side to side and strike the earth to call ancestral spirits to join the rites. Statues of the Ancient Mother, the spiritual mother of the initiates and the community, are kept in a sacred grove. Several types of mask are used in conjunction with Poro. Kponyugu masks exhibit many variations in name, style, animal references, and symbolism. Their iconography—a composite of a wide range of animals—refers to the origin of the world, to important legends, and to the roles of certain animals in carrying out obligations to ancestors and nature spirits. The kpelie masks, small human faces with delicate features, represent female spirits and encode aspects of Poro knowledge. Both types of masks are involved with initiation and also perform at funerals, where they help encourage the soul of the deceased to move on to the ancestral realm.
Women have a parallel initiation society known as Sandogo. The divination shrines of Sandogo contain small sculptures, images of the messenger python (fo), and assorted divination materials. The spirits may order clients to commission and wear brass amulets and jewelry to communicate with spirits and reiterate basic values. Some Sandogo shrines have elaborately carved doors. Senufo artists, particularly in the city of Karhogo, also produce sculptures, brass figures, and textiles for a large tourist market.
Bwa and Mossi
The Bwa inhabit northwestern Burkina Faso. Its villages are composed mainly of farmers, smiths, and musicians who also produce textiles and work leather. A religious organization called Do is a major force in Bwa life; Do is incarnated in the leaf mask, in which the masker is entirely covered with vines, grasses, and leaves. Wooden masks embody bush spirits, invoked to benefit humankind and the natural forces on which life depends. Abstract plank masks painted in black, white, and red with high-contrast geometric designs represent cultural order. Some tension exists between Do leaf masks and Bwa wooden masks, as the leaf mask is a more ancient and indigenous mask form.
The more numerous Mossi people of Burkina Faso were organized by equestrian invaders in the 15th and 16th centuries. Mossi arts reflect the duality of the original inhabitants and rulers: figural sculptures are owned and used ritually by rulers in political contexts, while masks are owned by farmers and invoke the power of ancestors.
Guinea Coast
The Guinea Coast is the forested region of West Africa, where Islam was not a dominant influence until recent years. Political organizations in the past tended to be small in scale, with government sometimes in the hands of chiefs, sometimes by assemblies of men, and sometimes by secret associations manifesting their attributes in masquerade ceremonies. State systems developed toward the eastern end of the region, particularly in areas inhabited by the Asante (in present-day Ghana; see Asante empire) and Fon (Benin) and in the Yoruba Oyo empire and the Edo kingdom of Benin (Nigeria). These states capitalized on trade both with peoples of the savanna and, from the late 15th century onward, with Europeans.
Guinea Coast sculpture displays a greater tendency to naturalistic styles of representation. Some of the best-known traditions of the area are the following.
Bidyogo (Bidjogo)
The Bidyogo people of the Bijagós Islands of Guinea-Bissau are known for their striking costumes and masquerades. Large, heavy headdresses portray bulls, swordfish, sharks, hippopotamuses, and crocodiles. The Bidyogo also carve hollow cylinders covered with red cloth to house guardian spirits; the sacred object and spirit are known as iran. Many of these cylinders are surmounted with human and animal forms. Carnival in Bissau, the capital of Guinea-Bissau, is linked to celebrations in the Cape Verde islands and Brazil and is marked by the appearance of papier-mâché costumes representing modern objects and ideas.
Like the neighbouring Bidyogo, the Baga, who are descendents of 15th- or 16th-century migrants from the Sudan now occupying the coastal region of Guinea, carve sacred objects. These objects are called tshol. They have cylindrical bases with a birdlike beak. One type of tshol, the a-tshol, refers to wealth, elegance, and leadership and is the supreme authority within the clan. The Baga have a rich tradition of masquerades: the a-muntshol-nga-tsho, a serpentlike being identified with water, fertility, and wealth; the kumbaduba, a heavy wooden mask combining features of various animals and known for its spectacular dance movements; and the contemporary al-B'rak (Buraq), an adaptation of the woman-headed mare believed to have carried the Prophet Muhammad on a mystical flight. The presence of Muslim missionaries led to the suppression of masks like the massive nimba, with its great cantilevered head. The nimba's head is supported on the upper part of a female torso, carved so as to rest on the shoulders of the wearer, who sees out through a hole between the breasts, his body hidden in raffia fibre. This mask appeared at harvest festivals and other celebrations.
The Mende of Sierra Leone are best known for smooth black helmet-shaped masks representing the Sande society, which is responsible for educating girls and initiating them into womanhood. This is one of the few women's societies on the continent known to use masks. The blackened wooden mask, which represents a water spirit, also signifies the transformation of young girls into beautiful and powerful women. Members of the corresponding male society, Poro, also wear masks, although they are of differing form. Some Poro masks are constructed of leather, fabric, and white raffia; other objects, including wooden tablets inscribed with Qurʾānic verses, may be attached to the headdress. Other masks employ a heavy wooden headdress with a beaked nose, open jaws with jagged teeth, and a crown of feathers. In preparing their rice farms, the Mende often uncovered figures carved in soapstone and known as nomoli, which they set up in shelters to protect the crop. The figures are similar in style and are thought to be similar in date to ivory spoons, boxes, hunting horns, and salt cellars commissioned in the 16th century by Portuguese traders in the adjacent Sherbro area.
The Dan-We complex of styles is named after two extremes of stylistic variation: the smooth, restrained style of the Dan, the De, and the Diomande and the grotesque style of the We (the Guere, the Wobe, and the Kran), a less-extreme form of which is found among the Kru and the Grebo, who inhabit adjacent regions of Liberia, Guinea, and Côte d'Ivoire. A single carver will produce masks in both of the extreme modes of the range of style. Miniature, easily portable masks, representing and sharing in the power of the larger masks, protect the owner when he is away from home. The carvers also produce the large anthropomorphic rice ladles used to designate the most hospitable woman of a lineage during the harvest feast; chiefs' staffs; and female figures that seem to be prestige items, as are small figures cast in brass among the Dan and the Kpelle. We women also may perform as masqueraders with bold facial decoration and full raffia costumes, as well as headdresses of shells and fur.
Asante, Fante, and Baule
The Asante region of southern Ghana is a remnant of the Asante empire, which was founded in the early 17th century when, according to legend, a Golden Stool descended from heaven into the lap of the first Asantehene (king), Osei Tutu. The stool is believed to house the spirit of the Asante people in the same way that an individual's stool houses his spirit after death.
The most visible component of Asante art is royal regalia. The success of the Asante empire depended on the trade in gold not only with Europeans at the coast but also with the Muslim north. Gold therefore signified the basis of Asante authority; it covered the handles of state swords, diplomats' staffs, containers for precious items, and jewelry, as well as the Golden Stool itself. Gold dust also served as Asante currency, and small cast-brass weights—at first geometric and later representational in style, and frequently signifying well-known proverbs—were used to measure it.
Asante weavers developed a style of great technical mastery, which incorporated imported cloth unraveled and rewoven into designs of enormous complexity; a dominant colour in these textiles, known today as kente cloth, is gold. Other arts well known among the Asante include a distinctive royal architecture, with facades deriving from the patterns of Islamic calligraphy; sculptures representing the Queen Mother; funerary vessels and terra-cotta "portrait" heads; and akuaba, wooden figures commissioned and cared for by women who desire a successful pregnancy.
The coastal Fante are well known for their distinctive flags, inspired by the flags of colonizers, and for their concrete monuments, both associated with military companies.
Baule gold weights are similar to those of the Asante, but the Baule also have types of sculpture that none of the other Akan peoples possess: masks (which, like their low-relief doors, seem to indicate Senufo influence) and standing human figures, apparently sometimes used as ancestor figures. Goli, the most popular Baule masquerade, is danced at funerals as a form of social commentary and as a representation of social hierarchies and oppositions. The goli gbin, for example, a composite of bush cow, antelope, and crocodile, is frightening and aggressive but is also associated with life and continuity. The most-feared masks are the bonu amwin, bush-cow/antelope masks of Mande origin.
The Fon kingdom of Dahomey, with its capital at Abomey (now in Benin), was also founded in the early 17th century. Artists in Abomey were organized into guilds, like the artists of the Asante in Kumasi, and produced pavilions, canopies, umbrellas, and banners embellished with appliqué, as well as images of deities or symbols of state in iron and brass, and empowered sculptural objects known as bo (plural bocio). The exterior walls of the palace were ornamented with painted clay reliefs that celebrated the achievements of the king; royal bocio in the palace were sculptures combining animal and human characteristics that protected against harm and reinforced the king's power. A significant example is the sculpture of Gu, the god of iron and war, made from sheets of metal. The thrones of Fon kings are similar in form to Asante stools but are much taller and are preserved as the focus of reverence for ancestral kings. Small figures cast in brass, often in groups, are prestige items employed also to decorate royal tombs. Brightly coloured appliqué cloth is used on state umbrellas and chiefs' caps, as well as banners for the tourist market.
The northern and southern parts of Nigeria can be considered part of the western Sudan and Guinea Coast, respectively; but, because of the wealth of evidence for an artistic tradition of some 2,000 years, it is convenient to consider Nigeria separately.
The earliest-known sculpture of large size in the Sudan is the ceramic art of the Nok culture, which flourished extensively in northern Nigeria from the 5th century bce into the early centuries ce. These people were the first known manufacturers of iron in western Africa, furnaces at Taruga having been dated between the 5th and early 3rd century bce; they continued, however, to use stone tools. Their sculptures, of well-fired clay, represent animals naturalistically; human figures, however, are depicted with heads that are cylindrical, spherical, or conical. The subtractive technique used to create these objects suggests the presence of a significant woodcarving tradition. The art of Nok indicates the antiquity of many basic canons of West African sculpture, but the precise relationship between ancient and modern forms is obscure.
Daima and Sao
Not far from the Nok area but very different in style, at Daima near Lake Chad, small, simple clay animal figures were by the 6th century bce being made by a population of Neolithic herdsmen. A little later they began making animals with more extended legs, and sometime after 1000 ce they started to make animals covered with little spikes. The last are similar to examples found on sites of the Sao culture in the Chari valley, Cameroon, where more elaborate human figure sculptures, thought to represent ancestors and probably spirits, have been found. Carbon-14 dates for these sites range from the 5th century bce to the 18th century ce.
Ife and Yoruba
The Yoruba peoples inhabit a large part of southwestern Nigeria. Their art traditions are of considerable antiquity. Excavations at Ife, in central Yorubaland (the site of the creation of the world in some Yoruba myths), have shown that naturalistic sculpture in brass and pottery was being produced sometime between 1100 and 1450 ce. The sculptures may represent royal figures and their attendants, and life-size portrait heads in brass were perhaps used as part of funerary effigies. During this time, Ife appears to have had widespread importance, and the naturalism of its art seems to have influenced the basic development of Yoruba sculptural style. Throughout Yorubaland, human figures are represented in a fundamentally naturalistic way, except for bulging eyes, flat, protruding, and usually parallel lips, and stylized ears. The evolution of these characteristics can be observed in a number of pottery sculptures at Ife, which, on stylistic grounds, are considered to be relatively late.
Within the basic canon of Yoruba sculpture, many local styles can be distinguished, down to the hand of the individual artist. Individual cults too have their own characteristic requirements of form and ethnography. Staffs for Shango, the thunder god, bear the symbol of a double ax. On his altars are placed carved mortars, for the pounding of food in a mortar sounds like thunder; on the wall behind hangs his leather bag, with a motif based on the extensive gesture of a Shango dancer. Because Shango was king of Oyo, largest of the Yoruba kingdoms, his cult is mainly restricted to areas that were once under Oyo domination.
Typical of Ekiti is the Epa cult, which is connected with both the ancestors and agriculture. The mask proper, roughly globular, has highly stylized features that vary little; but the superstructure, which may be 4 feet (120 cm) or more in height, is often of very great complexity—for example, a king on horseback, surrounded by two tiers of attendant warriors and musicians. The most widely distributed cult is of twins—ibeji—whose birth among the Yoruba is unusually frequent. Their effigies, made on the instructions of the oracle, are among the most numerous of all classes of African sculpture. Carved doors and house posts are found in shrines and palaces and in the houses of important men. Fulfilling purely secular functions are bowls for kola nuts, offered in welcoming a guest; ayo boards for the game, known also as wari, played with seeds or pebbles in two rows of cuplike depressions; and stools, spoons, combs, and heddle pulleys.
To the north is Esie, where about 800 sculptures in soapstone were found by the local Yoruba population some centuries ago. Their origin is obscure; they are by no means certainly Yoruba. The city of Owo, to the southeast of Yorubaland near the frontier with the Edo-speaking peoples, developed an art style—indeed, a whole culture—that is a blend of Yoruba and Benin traditions. Ivory carving is especially important, and wooden heads of rams and of humans with rams' horns are used on ancestral altars. Second-burial effigies, life-size and naturalistically carved in wood, were made during the 20th century but were developed from wickerwork forms such as are still used in Benin and in Igbo towns once under Benin influence. Excavations in 1971 revealed a large number of pottery sculptures that are clearly related to those of Ife but with some Benin features. The site was dated by carbon-14 to about the 15th century ce.
Edo peoples
According to tradition, the kingdom of Benin was founded from Ife, whence, in the late 14th century, knowledge of brass casting may have been introduced into Benin City for the manufacture of commemorative heads for royal altars. These heads have been grouped in stylistic sequence from moderate naturalism through increasing stylization. The brasses also include figures in the round, groups on a common base, and plaques. The rectangular shape of the plaques, their narrative content, and in some cases their attempt at perspective have been attributed to the influence of illustrations in books carried by the Portuguese, who were in contact with Benin from the late 15th century. The technique of brass casting, however, had been introduced at least a century earlier. Bronze bars had been imported, probably from the interior, as early as the 13th century, but these were made into bracelets in Benin City only by smithing and chasing techniques, not by casting. There were certain limitations on the use of brass, and also ivory. Cult objects (such as memorial beads) were made of wood when intended for nonroyal purposes but of brass for the king. Regalia, if made for the king, were of ivory but otherwise of brass. The regalia of the king and chiefs also included coral beads and red cloth, the colour red signifying a mystical threat to the enemies of the kingdom. Wood was used for staffs commemorating ancestors, and these were placed on their altars. Pottery heads were made for shrines in the brass casters' quarter, and life-size groups of royal figures in mud are still made for the cult of Olokun, divinity of the sea and of wealth.
Outside Benin City the Edo peoples live in villages that have many localized cults of nearby topographical features and of founder heroes. The ekpo masquerade, occurring to the south and east of Benin, is performed by the warrior age group in ceremonies to purify the village ritually and to maintain health. At Ughoton, to the southwest of Benin, a different type of mask is used, in the cult of the water spirit Igbile. Both the cult and the sculptural style seem to have derived from the Ijo.
A number of bronze castings found in Benin have been tentatively classified as the lower-Niger bronze industries. They include pieces from Tada and Jebba in the region now inhabited by the Nupe people, who regard them as relics associated with their own mythical ancestor, and other pieces from various parts of the delta of the Niger River.
The Niger delta is occupied by Ijo fishermen, whose masks for the cults of the water spirits are made in the form of aquatic animals, especially the hippopotamus and crocodile. The western Ijo use ejiri figures, in which the head of the household is represented upon a highly schematic quadruped that is said to represent the guardian spirit of the family. Similar objects are made by the Edo-speaking Urhobo, to the north of the Ijo, where they are used in a cult of aggressiveness by the warriors. Among the eastern Ijo, shrines for the water spirits have figures that are often large, though frequently kept hidden. They also have masks, similar to those of the western Ijo, worn by men of the Ekine society. In addition, there are shrines that contain sculptures for the village heroes and ancestors. In some Kalabari communities, rectangular screens are fashioned by carpentry into a low-relief frontal group in which a commemorated ancestor is flanked by supporting figures—much like the king in Benin plaques, by which the screens may have been inspired about two centuries ago. All Ijo sculpture exhibits a four-square schematic style that contrasts starkly with the relative naturalism of surrounding styles, such as those of Yorubaland or Benin.
On both sides of the Niger, but mainly to the east, live the Igbo. Traditionally they have lived in small and often isolated settlements scattered through the forest. Only on the northern and western edges of the area, under influence from Igala and Benin, are hereditary rulers found. In Igbo society there is strong social pressure toward individual distinction, and men can move upward through successive grades by demonstrating their achievements and their generosity. One of the traditional representations of this was the ikenga, that part of oneself enabling personal achievement, with cult figures representing the attributes of distinction.
The lack of overall centralization among the Igbo-speaking peoples has been conducive to the development of a great variety of art styles and cultural practices. The earliest-known sculpture from Igboland is from the village of Igbo Ukwu, where the grave of a man of distinction and a ritual store dating from the 9th century ce contained both chased copper objects and elaborate castings of leaded bronze. The earliest artistic castings from sub-Saharan Africa, these pieces consist of ritual vessels and other ceremonial objects with intricate surface decoration, often small animals and insects represented in the round.
A very great variety of masks are found among the Igbo. The masks, of wood or fabric, are employed in a variety of dramas: social satires, sacred rituals (for ancestors and invocation of the gods), initiation, second burials, and public festivals—which now include Christmas and Independence Day. Some masks appear at only one festival, but the majority appear at many or all. Best known are those of the Northern Igbo Mmo society, which represents the spirits of deceased maidens and their mothers with masks symbolizing beauty. Among the Southern Igbo, the Ekpe society, introduced from the Cross River area, uses contrasting masks to represent the maiden spirit and the elephant spirit, the latter representing ugliness and aggression and the former representing beauty and peacefulness. A similar contrast is found in their Okorosia masks, which correspond to the Mmo of the Northern Igbo. The Eastern Igbo are best known for masquerades associated with the Iko okochi harvest festival, in which the forms of the masks are determined by tradition, though the content of the play varies from year to year. Stock characters include Mbeke, the European; Mkpi, the he-goat; and Mba, which appear in pairs, one representing a boy dressed as a girl mimicking the behaviour of a girl, the other representing the girl being satirized.
Most impressive are the ijele masks of the Northern Igbo, which are 12 feet (366 cm) high. Consisting of platforms 6 feet (183 cm) in diameter, supporting tiers of figures made of coloured cloth and representing everyday scenes, they honour the dead to ensure the continuity and well-being of the community.
Wooden figures are carved for ancestors of both sexes, varying from less than 1 to more than 5 feet (less than 30 to more than 150 cm) in height. Those representing founders of the village are kept in a central shrine and sometimes become patrons of the market. A great many other decorative wooden objects are made, including musical instruments, doors, stools, mirror frames, trays for offering kola nuts to guests, dolls, and a variety of small figures used in divination. Shrines called mbari, which contain elaborate tableaux of painted unfired earth, are made in honour of the earth spirit in villages near Owerri in southern Nigeria. In Igbo communities to the west of the Niger, elaborate pottery groups representing a man and his family are made for the yam cult. There seems to be no tradition of pottery sculpture in other Igbo groups.
Among the oldest sculptures of tropical Africa are several hundred ancestor figures, called ekpu, of the Ibibio coastal trade centre of Oron, some of which are thought to date from the late 18th century. They are bearded figures 3 to 4 feet (90 to 120 cm) high and are so individual as to suggest portraiture, despite their schematic style. Oron is one group of Ibibio-speaking villages. As with the Igbo, Ibibio is not a single group but several networks of independent communities, with local unity represented by secret associations and their masquerades. The Ekpo society uses black masks, often of naturalistic appearance and with movable jaws, to maintain social order and propitiate the ancestors; some of these masks represent disease and deformity.
The Ekoi peoples (Anyang, Boki, Ejagham, Keaka, and Yako) are best known for their large skin-covered masks, which have two or even three faces, and for their smaller headpieces, which represent a head or an entire figure. The headpieces and masks have metal teeth, inlaid eyes, and frequently pegs to represent hair, which, alternatively, may be carved in elaborate coils. They are used by several masking associations. Found in the northern Ekoi area, around Ikom, are circles of large stones (akwanshi) from 1 to 6 feet (30 to 180 cm) high, carved in low relief to represent human figures. They are thought to be no earlier than the 16th century.
The Fulani are in origin nomadic pastoralists who range from Senegal to the Cameroon grasslands. They are particularly known for their body decoration (see below Personal decoration) and for their engraved milk gourds. In addition, in Mali settled groups of Fulani artists work as goldsmiths, leatherworkers, blacksmiths, weavers, and potters.
Northern Nigeria has long been dominated by the Muslim Hausa, who since the 19th century have been ruled by Fulani emirs. For centuries their buildings have been decorated inside with molded and painted low-relief decorations, which have more recently been applied to the exteriors. Both decorative and of a high technical standard are their crafts: leatherwork for saddles, bags, hilts, and sheaths; gold and silver jewelry; ironwork; pottery; weaving; and embroidery.
The Nupe have been Muslim for some centuries and are best known for their weaving, embroidery, beadmaking, wood carving, and sheet metalwork. They have produced many doors carved in low relief in a blend of decorative designs. Carved and painted masks are made for the elo, a purely secular performance intended only to entertain (nowadays held on the Prophet's birthday). The elo mask has a human face with a motif (sometimes a human figure) rising above it, flanked with stylized horns. The gugu masquerader wears a cloth mask decorated with cowrie shells, but sometimes Yoruba masks are used. The ndako gboya appears to be indigenous; a spirit that affords protection from witches, it is controlled by a small secret society that cleanses communities by invitation. The mask consists of a tall tube of white cotton supported inside on a bamboo pole about 12 feet (366 cm) long.
That Nupe art should have been influenced by the Yoruba is not surprising. Yoruba live among the Nupe, and there are bronzes in the Nupe villages of Tada and Jebba—one of them apparently an Ife work and another in a more recent Yoruba style. Others of this group, which include the largest castings ever made in sub-Saharan Africa, share features with Benin sculpture and have other elements that are widely distributed in time and space on the lower Niger. Nupe tradition says these sculptures were taken from Idah, the Igala capital, in the early 16th century. Many were probably already ancient, but nothing is known of ancient Igala bronze casting.
Other groups in northern Nigeria
There is a great diversity of sculptural tradition among peoples inhabiting the Niger and Benue valleys, the mountainous regions around the Jos Plateau in the centre of the area, and Adamawa to the east. This is altogether an area of astonishing diversity. Some of the better-known traditions include those of the Igala, the Idoma, the Afo, the Tiv, and the Jukun, all of the Benue valley.
Central Africa
Cameroon grasslands
The Cameroon grasslands area can be divided into three stylistic regions. The Bamileke area is composed of a number of separate chiefdoms, the best-known ones being the Bangwa and the Bacham. Here sculptured human figures are composed of a highly expressive blend of rounded and angular forms. The Bamum kingdom developed roundness of form almost to its extreme, producing figures with big inflated cheeks. Among the Tikar, the Bekom, and the Babanki, the forms are rounded but not exaggerated. Throughout the grasslands there have been exchanges of art objects and diffusion of the brass-casting technique, confusing the more-detailed stylistic picture. In general, however, all of these societies are hierarchical, with sculpture mainly intended to reflect the power and importance of the king.Frank Willett John Picton
Three major groups live in the equatorial rainforests of Gabon: the Fang and related peoples; the Ogowe (Ogooué) group, including the Ashira and the Mpongwe; and the Kota.
Fang masks and figures are characterized by schematic simplicity. Typical of Fang work are bieri, boxes containing the skulls and bones of deceased ancestors and carved with figures intended to represent their protective influence. Fang masks, such as those worn by itinerant troubadours and for hunting and punishing sorcerers, are painted white with facial features outlined in black.
The art of the Ogowe tribes, particularly the Mpongwe, is closely tied to death rituals. Their masks, painted white to symbolize death, represent dead female ancestors, though they are worn by male relatives of the deceased.
The Kota create stylistically unique reliquary figures, called mbulu-ngulu, which are covered with a sheet of brass or copper. Like the Fang, the Kota keep the skulls and bones of ancestors in containers, which consist here of a basket surmounted by the carved figure.
Congo (Kinshasa) and Congo (Brazzaville)
The region formerly referred to as the "Congo" consists of the modern republics of Congo (Kinshasa) and Congo (Brazzaville), which are separated by the Congo River. The area falls into two major geographic divisions: the northern half is an equatorial rainforest inhabited by peoples who hunt, farm, and fish; the southern half is a savanna. It is in the villages of this southern region that the most highly developed political, social, and artistic culture has evolved.
In general, the styles of the two nations can be characterized as a combination of symbolism and realism, wherein naturalistic forms—predominantly human and animal figures—are rendered not in precise imitation of nature but in an exaggerated manner. It is this "nonnaturalistic reality" that distinguishes the art of this region from West African art.
The sculptural forms are most commonly wood carvings: masks, ancestor figures, fetishes, bowls, boxes, cups, staffs, pots and lids, pipes, combs, tools, weapons, and musical instruments. Similar objects are also carved in ivory, and in some cases copper, brass, and iron are used. In rare instances, stone figures have been found.
Painting is not greatly utilized as a separate medium, but carved pieces frequently are painted. Masks and other pieces are covered with polychrome, the colours applied in wide patches and often in planes and angles upon smooth surfaces. In the huts in which rituals take place, wooden figures are hung on brightly painted walls.
Reeds are woven into decorated mats, used for sleeping and for wrapping the dead, and into baskets and boxes, which are used to contain foodstuffs as well as ritual objects. Basketry patterns and sometimes container forms have been imitated by wood-carvers; textile weavers also use decorative motifs derived from basketry.
Pottery making has depended on four forming techniques: molding, ring building, modeling on a board, and, more recently, throwing on the potter's wheel. Pottery forms are influenced by those of basketry and wood carving as well as by vegetal forms such as the calabash; decoration consists of traditional geometric incised or painted patterns. The pots are used for cooking and for carrying and storing food or as ceremonial objects.
Pottery and embroidery are arts practiced by women, whereas sculpture and weaving are male activities.
Stylistic differences within the two major regions of the southern savanna and the northern rainforest can best be seen by subdividing the areas according to the kingdoms that have determined the social, political, and artistic lives of the people. The savanna falls into the lower Congo, Kuba, and Luba cultural areas; the rainforest, into the northern, northeast, and northwest areas.
Lower Congo (Kongo) cultural area
In the lower Congo area three substyles can be identified: the areas known as the coastal region, the Kwango River area, and the Teke region.
Seated mother-and-child figures are found throughout the lower Congo region. The human figure is used by the peoples of the lower Congo in the decoration of almost every work—from ceremonial objects and domestic utensils to pieces of furniture and architectural ornament. Although the majority of carved figures are made of wood, many important pieces in metal and ivory have been found. Among them are numerous metal figures clearly influenced by the Portuguese missionaries—statuettes of Christian saints, for example. In addition to the figures, crucifixes were also produced, in brass or bronze (using the lost-wax, or cire-perdue, method of casting).
Ancestor figures and fetishes carved by the Kongo and related peoples, who live along the coast and in the Mayombé forest, are more realistically expressive than the figures of other areas. Every detail is rendered; the deceased ancestor is portrayed standing, seated, or kneeling, each attitude revealing the dignity and pride with which he is viewed. The fetishes are less realistically portrayed; although the head is treated in great detail, the arms and legs are stylized, appearing to be of equal size, and often the sex of the figure is not indicated. Whereas the ancestor figure typically appears serene, the countenance of the fetish can be protective or malevolent.
The nkongi, a group of fetishes characteristic of the coast and the Mayombé forest, consist mainly of human figures, but there are some that combine the forms of a dog and a leopard, sometimes with two heads. The nkongi fetish is often completely covered by nails and other sharply pointed metal objects driven into its surface; these objects mark each appeal made to the spirit embodied in it. All fetishes, whether they represent humans or animals and whether they are made of wood, horn, ivory, or even calabash, must contain a number of magical substances such as blood along with animal, vegetable, and mineral matter. These ingredients, called bilongo, are placed in a cavity, usually in the figure's stomach but sometimes in the back or head. The opening of the cavity is covered by a shell or, in some modern fetishes, by a piece of mirror. The magical substances are believed to invest the fetish figure with power and make it possible for the devotee to establish contact with the spirit (nkisi).
Another object common to the lower Congo area, produced primarily by the coastal peoples, especially the Woyo, is a wooden pot lid carved with pictorial narratives representing proverbs. The pot lid, which covered the meal served by a wife to her husband, illustrates a particular complaint about their marital relationship—a wife's displeasure with her husband, for example; when that lid was used, the husband was obliged to discuss and resolve the problem publicly with the help of mealtime witnesses. This manner of family arbitration was traditional, and each woman was given a variety of carved pot lids on the occasion of her marriage.
The Kwango River area is the home of the Yaka, the Suku, the Mbala, and the Pende, whose masks, figures, and other carved objects show a dynamic stylization. Characterized by geometric patterns formed by the relationship of stylized body parts, Yaka figures lack the organic integration of naturalistic forms produced by the neighbouring Kongo. The turned-up nose is a characteristic of Yaka figures and masks. Large life-size carved figures stand at the entrances of Yaka initiation huts, the inside walls of which are covered with painted bark panels. Tudansi masks, worn by the young men at their initiation into manhood and decorated with polychrome and raffia collars, are topped with animal figures. The dramatically painted kakungu mask worn by the leader of the initiation rite represents a gaunt face with exaggerated nose and cheeks. This mask is thought to embody terrific powers and is kept in its own hut. Similar to the Yaka tudansi mask is the hemba mask of the nearby Suku, which is only slightly less grotesque. Carved Suku figures show more rounded forms than do the Yaka.
Mbala figures have three different types of faces: elongated, wide, and lozenge-shaped. The features (especially the forehead and chin) project forcefully, and the head is surmounted by a crestlike coiffure. Mbala mother-and-child figures are much more powerfully rigid in style than others in the Congo region.
Pende masks, made in a realistic style, are among the most dramatic works of all African art. Like the Yaka, small Pende masks fit over the head, helmet-style. Representing the mysterious powers to which boys are introduced at initiation, Pende masks are worn in comic entertainments performed during the ceremonies. The masks have facial forms that repeat the angular pattern established by the heavy triangular eyelids, and they are topped by a bushy coif of raffia. Smaller versions of these masks are made as amulets in ivory or wood. The Pende fashion their figures in a style identical to that of their masks. One type of figure, called tungunlungu, representing the female ancestry of the tribe, is placed in front of the chief's house.
The Teke live on the banks of the Congo River. They are best known for their fetishes, called butti, which serve in the cult of a wide range of supernatural forces sent by the ancestors, who are not worshiped directly. Each figure has its own specific purpose not related directly to its appearance. When a figure is carved for a newborn child, part of the placenta is placed in the stomach cavity of the figure while the rest is buried inside the father's hut (where the family's fetish figures are kept). The figure serves to protect the child until puberty. Figures of identical appearance serve for success in hunting, trading, and other activities, each figure's specific purpose being known only to the owner. Teke figures are characterized by an angular geometric form with linear ornamentation. Teke face masks, flat disks painted in bright polychrome, are highly schematic forms bearing no naturalistic associations.
Kuba cultural area
The art of the Kuba is one of the most highly developed of all African traditions, and significant cultural accomplishments are part of their heritage. Mucu Mushanga, their 27th king, was credited with the invention of fire, and he was the first to make clothing out of bark cloth. Shamba Bolongongo (c. 1600), the 93rd king, who introduced weaving and textile manufacture to his people, was also the first Kuba ruler to have his portrait carved in wood. Shamba Bolongongo's portrait established a tradition of such portraiture among the Kuba people. The kings typically sit facing forward with legs crossed, the left in front of the right; the right hand, with fingers extended, rests on the right knee, and the left hand holds the royal dagger. Geometric patterns cover the stomach and are continued on the back of the figure. The sculptures also include objects significant to each particular king, identifying his own personal accomplishments. Developing from the court style was a popular style, which utilized geometric forms instead of the well-modeled full-volumed forms of the court figures. Kuba fetishes, emphasizing only essential organs, are highly schematic. The popular style can also be found in the utensils and textiles produced by the Kuba.
The Kuba metalsmith worked with copper, iron, and brass, making weapons and tools to be admired as well as used. In some cases, one metal was inlaid with another. Mashamboy and other masks—made of raffia and decorated with shells, beads, and even bells and feathers—were traditionally used to dramatize the founding of the royal dynasty and its matrilineal system of descent.
Luba cultural area
Although the history of the Luba people (southeastern Congo [Kinshasa]) is one of violence and warfare, their artistic style is characterized by harmonious integration of organically related forms. Female figures are carved more often than male figures. Some are freestanding, almost always in a frontal position with their hands on their breasts; others are kneeling, sitting, or standing figures whose upraised hands serve as supports for bowls, seats, and neck rests. A popular form consists of a kneeling or sitting female figure holding a bowl. Such mendicant figures are used to appeal to spirits for health and aid for pregnant women; neighbours, seeing the figure in front of a woman's hut, will fill it with gifts to help her avoid hardship in pregnancy. The female figures are modeled in rounded forms and have what is called dodu—that is, a stylistic tendency toward plumpness.
One well-known Luba substyle has been called the "long-face style" of Buli. It contrasts strongly with the roundness of other Luba figures. The faces are elongated, with angular, elegant features.
The Songe, who conquered and were conquered by the Luba, created a sculptural style of intense dynamism and vitality. The style of their fetishes, carved from wood or horn and decorated with shells and polychrome, is not as realistic as the classic Luba style, and their integration of nonnaturalistic, more geometric forms is impressive. The Songe also produce ceremonial axes made of iron and copper and decorated with interlaced patterns. One group is known for its kifwebe masks, which combine human and animal features painted in red, black, and white.
In the 19th century the Chokwe and the Lunda conquered the Luba kingdom; today these hunters and farmers live in an area that includes part of northern Angola as well as southern Congo. Their styles are often indistinguishable from one another. The forms they create are monumental and weighty, and both male and female figures are carved in an impressively vigorous style. Also made by these peoples are chairs decorated with figures posed in genre and legendary scenes. Zoomorphic motifs are found on all objects—even utensils such as combs and knives. In ceremonial rites of initiation, men wear painted bark cloth masks and net costumes.
Northern cultural area
The Lega, who inhabit the area between the Luba and the northernmost peoples, have produced figures and masks, mostly carved from ivory in a schematic style. These objects are used, together with a vast assemblage of artifacts and natural objects, in the initiation to successive grades of the Bwami association.
Northeast cultural area
In the northeast area live the Mangbetu and the Zande. Mangbetu sculpture—in wood, ivory, and pottery—is often characterized by the elongated skull forms produced by binding the heads of young children. Zande sculpture seems largely of Mangbetu derivation.
Northwest cultural area
The Ngbaka and the Ngbandi are the peoples whose sculptures are of major significance in the northwest area. There is no single Ngbaka sculptural style: at times the figures are fleshy and rounded; at other times they are considerably more angular. Small animal figures are used as fetishes in hunting. The masks used in circumcision ceremonies are roughly executed. Both the Ngbaka and the Ngbandi make clay images to be used in funeral rituals. The Ngbandi are also known for wooden fetishes and figures. Small carved ivory or wood figures were worn by Ngbandi warriors, who carried shields made of decorated woven fibre. It is often impossible to distinguish the few Ngbandi masks from those of the Ngbaka.Peggy Wagner John Picton
East Africa
Sudan and South Sudan
Agriculture and cattle raising are widespread in southern Sudan and neighbouring South Sudan, though the former is often despised and is engaged in with great reluctance. Among peoples such as the Nuer and the Dinka, cattle are a source of aesthetic satisfaction. The prize ox could indeed be regarded as their sculpture.
There is little scope for differentiating local styles of surviving wood carvings, all of which are highly schematic in form. Some of the larger ones, 3 feet (90 cm) or more in height, are attributed to the Bongo and appear on the graves of important people. The Bongo also made smaller figures, which were used in murder trials to identify criminals by oracular divination. Other peoples, especially the Bari, also made figures; these are of uncertain significance.
The Shilluk made life-size representations of their first king, Nyikang; clay figurines of bulls; clay pipe bowls and figurines in hyena form; and masks, typically fashioned of a piece of gourd with applied facial features made of cattle dung and fishbone teeth.
Some peoples decorate their houses with wall paintings and reliefs; the Burun, for example, paint animal murals reminiscent of rock paintings. The Nuba make mural paintings and fine pottery of clay or cow dung, sometimes embellished with finely painted geometric patterns. The southeast Nuba are particularly famous for the body painting of their young men. Artistic taste appears in weapons, such as throwing knives, and in domestic utensils, elaborate coiffures, and personal ornaments.
Horn of Africa
The Amhara people of Ethiopia have inherited a Christian art and architecture with its roots in Coptic and Byzantine traditions. The Somali, on the other hand, are Muslim, also with rich traditions of decorative art.
The Konso and other peoples of southern Ethiopia carve wooden tomb posts about 6.5 feet (200 cm) high surmounted by carved heads and shoulders representing deceased nobles or warriors. The Arusi, also of southern Ethiopia, make tombstones of like height, ornamented with engravings filled in with red or black, sometimes showing the deceased in rough relief. Similarly shaped gravestones—sometimes plain, sometimes adorned with decoration—occur in Somalia.
The pastoral way of life of the people of this area affects the applied arts; for example, pottery is used less often than wood or coiled basketry for making containers and dishes for food and liquids. Baskets may be waterproofed and are often patterned in many colours and ornamented with cowrie shells and leather bands. Weaving and leatherwork sometimes reach a high standard; handsome jewelry is made from silver and amber; and wooden spoons and combs may be elaborately carved. The Somali have circular shields that are made of antelope hide and have embossed designs, and their swords, daggers, and spears combine utility with artistry.
Region of Lakes Victoria and Tanganyika
A pottery head and torso from Luzira in Uganda (now in the British Museum) is generally regarded as the oldest work of art known from this region, though its age is in fact unknown. Surviving from the treasure of Chief Rumanika of the Karagwe (on the western shore of Lake Victoria), and seen by the explorer Henry Morton Stanley in 1876, are wrought-iron figures of two bulls and an eland, a bird of copper foil, and other metal objects that may have formed part of the chief's regalia. Compared with copper and its alloys, iron is little used as an art medium in Africa, and these iron figures are the only such known from East Africa.
The Kerewe of Ukerewe Island in Lake Victoria carved large wooden figures, about 3 feet (90 cm) high, which appear to have been effigies of deceased chiefs. Other examples of wood sculpture, including figures and masks, are known, some showing possible influences from the Luba of Congo (Kinshasa). In general, however, this is an area in which other artistic media clearly dominate.
The peoples around Lake Victoria, notably the Ganda and the Tutsi, have brought the decorative arts to a high peak of excellence. Mats and screens used on house walls are twill plaited or sewn in patterns of black against a pale, straw-coloured ground. Fine baskets, with a variety of motifs in the same colours, come from the same area, as well as fine black pottery burnished to a high lustre. The domestic equipment is made in great variety and is of high artistic merit. Also made are shields, which are painted or straw-covered and patterned in black or natural colour. Bark cloth robes are printed or painted in black on a rust-red ground colour.
Coastal East Africa
The area of the Eastern Bantu-speaking peoples covers Kenya and part of Tanzania, including the Swahili coast. The trade between East Africa, Arabia, and India in the past 1,000 years has had some effect on the decorative art traditions of the region. Swahili art includes wood carvings (especially on doors), silversmithing and other metalworking products, and finely plaited polychrome mats. Farther inland, direct Arab cultural contact is less obvious. Like the Konso, the Giryama of Kenya produced grave posts surmounted by schematic heads. Notable among the remaining peoples who produce sculpture are the Kamba, who spontaneously developed a style of wood carving, embellished with coiled-wire jewelry ornament, now sold in gift shops; formerly their art was applied to engraving gourds and inlaying stools with coiled-wire patterns.
Clay figures were made throughout the region for a variety of purposes, including initiation ceremonies at which they had the didactic role of visual aids in traditional education. Murals occur on the mud walls of houses—sometimes decorative, sometimes for ritual and magical purposes. Pottery is normally simple in form and decoration; gourds ornamented with engravings or covered with beadwork are widespread. Stools may be elaborately made, as by the Kamba; shields painted with distinctive polychrome designs occur especially among the Kikuyu and the Maasai. Traders' beads and coiled brass or iron wire are the raw materials for elaborate personal ornaments in a variety of designs and colour combinations.
Southern Africa
The Makonde, living on either side of the Tanzania-Mozambique border, are the most prolific wood-carvers in the area. Masks are more numerous than figures and may be face masks, worn only over the face, or helmet masks, worn over the entire head. Makonde carvers have also developed a new style of spirit-figure carving in ebony (not a wood that is used traditionally).
Mbunda and others
In Zambia the Mbunda, the Luvale, and the Chokwe make masks; those of the former are made of wood, and those of the latter two are made of painted coarse bark cloth on a wicker frame. Each type is worn with a netted string costume or a fibre skirt. As with the Makonde, the masks may be worn at makishi dances (held at the new moon), in initiation ceremonies, or for public entertainments.
Small figure carvings are made in Zambia, mostly in the west. Decoratively carved food dishes, stools, headrests, mbira lamellaphones, and snuff bottles come from Zambia, Malawi, and Zimbabwe, together with distinctive baskets, clay pipe bowls carved in animal form, excellent pottery, and fine brass, copper, and aluminum wire intricately wound and plaited to embellish ax handles, hilts and sheaths, and snuff bottles.
Southern Bantu
The Zulu and related peoples of the southern Bantu made wooden figures that are mostly undistinguished and may have been executed under European influence. Attractive small clay models of cattle, made by children, occur there, as they do through much of eastern and southern Africa. Much artistic feeling is revealed in such decorative arts as basketry, pottery, the carving of wooden vessels, stools and headrests, ceremonial weapons, spoons, pipes, and personal ornaments consisting of beadwork in great variety. The Ndebele of northeastern South Africa not only paint the walls of their houses, which is customary, but also decorate their enclosure walls with a variety of coloured geometric patterns.Margret A. Carey John Picton
Learn More in these related Britannica articles:
Mask, a form of disguise or concealment usually worn over or in front of the face to hide the identity of a person and by its own features to establish another being. This essential characteristic of hiding and revealing personalities or moods is common to all masks. As cultural objects…
African architecture
African architecture, the architecture of Africa, particularly of sub-Saharan Africa. In North Africa, where Islam and Christianity had a significant influence, architecture predominates among the visual arts. Included here are the magnificent mosques built of mud in Djenné and Mopti in Mali, the rock-hewn churches of Ethiopia, and the Islamic…
metalwork: AfricaIn Africa jewelry was fashioned from gold and silver as well as from nonprecious metals; heavy neck rings, anklets, and bracelets, for example, were made of forged iron or cast brass. Except for iron, metals were usually associated with prestige and/or leadership. Metals were…
jewelry: AfricanPersonal decoration in African cultures usually consists of modest though eye-catching material. Silver was the metal most commonly worked, especially in the northern coastal territories, and some forms used for ornaments were derived from the art of Islam. Decoration appears on objects such as…
basketry: African basketryAfrica presents an almost infinite variety of basket types and uses. In such regions as Chad and Cameroon, basketry is in evidence everywhere—edging the roads, roofing the houses, decorating the people, and providing the greater part of domestic equipment. The delicate twill plaited…
More About African art7 references found in Britannica articles
Assorted References
- basketry
- beadwork
- In beadwork
- jewelry
- masks
- metalwork
- sculpture


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In his short and very entertaining video, Cole summarizes decades of research aimed at teaching apes human language, all of which, we are to understand, came to naught. But what the video actually shows us is how little the average person (and many scientists) understands about language. At one point, Cole tells his dog to sit, and the dog sits. This, he tells us, is not evidence that the dog knows English.
But actually it is.
The dog's behavior shows us that he is capable of understanding the simple concept of sitting, that he is capable of distinguishing the verbal signal "sit" from other verbal signals and that he is capable of connecting the two. This isn't rocket science, it isn't magic and it isn't anthropomorphizing. It is just the way word learning works.
In studies conducted at the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology in Leipzig, Germany, a border collie named Rico was taught the meanings of 200 words. He could even use the process of elimination to figure out unfamiliar words: if he already knew the word "ball," and his trainer showed him a ball and a stick and told him to get the "stick," he would bring the stick. He could remember new words even after a month of not hearing them.
More recently, another border collie named Chaser learned a whopping 1,022 words, as reported in February 2011 in the peer-reviewed science journal
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. Kanzi, the bonobo trained by psychologist Sue Savage-Rumbaugh, has amply and repeatedly demonstrated his knowledge of more than 3,000 lexigrams (word symbols). In a long-term study of Weston Jumpsuit Ulla Johnson Discount 2018 PMEjIx
in Uganda, researchers at the University of St. Andrews in Scotland discovered that the apes communicated with one another through a repertoire of about 66 different gestures. Many of these gestures had been documented from other chimpanzee sites both in captivity and in the wild.
But I assure you, no dog (or ape) will ever learn words, lexigrams or gestures for "bacteria," "economy" or "atom." They may be able to hear or see the differences among them, but the concepts they represent are beyond their conceptual capacity. You can't learn words for things you can't understand.
But what Cole has in mind is having a conversation with an ape in the way humans converse with one another—with sentences. He points out that the longest "sentence" signed by a chimpanzee named Nim Chimpsky was
What Nim's sentence lacks is not just conceptual complexity but grammatical orderliness. And this is what sets human languages apart from communicative systems of other species. Our languages consist of word categories such as nouns, verbs, adjectives, adverbs, prepositions, and so on. We modify word order and word endings to create different tenses so that we can describe events from the past or imaginary ones from the future. This grammatical complexity emerges quite early in child development, beginning in the second year of life and exploding with full force in the third year of life. No nonhuman animal to date has demonstrated the ability to construct sentences with the level of grammatical complexity typical of a three-year-old human child.
There are two reasons why humans are capable of understanding complex concepts and generating grammatically complex utterances. The first is our extraordinarily large brain. To appreciate just how large the human brain is, consider how our so-called encephalization quotient (EQ) compares with that of other species. Cephalization is the tendency for neural tissue to be located in the front (head) of an organism. It usually corresponds to brain size. EQ is an estimate of the possible intelligence of an animal.
An EQ of 1.0, for example, means that the species has (on average) the brain size that would be expected given its body size: we would expect a whale's brain to be bigger than a mouse's simply because a whale's body is so much more massive. An EQ of 2.0 means that the species has a brain twice as large as would be expected in an animal that size. Dogs have an EQ of about 1.0—their brain is about as big as you would expect it to be. Chimpanzees have an EQ of 2.5; dolphins have an EQ of 5.3. And humans? We have an EQ of about 7.5. Our brain is seven times larger than it should be given our body size. That is a very large brain.
It isn't just intelligence that matters. Even individuals with low IQ, such as those with Down syndrome or Williams syndrome, can master the complexity of human language just fine. The key is the way the human brain is genetically wired for communication.
The gene is present in most species, from reptiles to humans. Its primary function appears to be directing neural wiring that impacts communication. Mice that are genetically altered to have only one functional copy of the gene have significantly reduced vocalizations as pups. Altering the genes of songbirds impairs their ability to learn and imitate songs.
About 200,000 years ago a mutation of the gene appeared in hominins. This genetic mutation entirely replaced more primitive versions of the gene within 500 to 1,000 human generations—a mere 10,000 to 20,000 years, which is an eyeblink in evolutionary time. This is also the period when anatomically modern humans appeared. The consensus among scientists is that the gene has been the target of heavy selection during recent human evolution because it changed the way our brain was wired for communication.
It is not reasonable to expect other species that have the more ancient form of this gene to master the grammatical complexity of human language. And it is not reasonable to expect other species with a smaller EQ to grasp the abstract concepts that humans readily grasp. But you can expect to communicate with them about concepts that are well within their mental capacity, using simple language.
What would that be for apes? In a 2007 paper
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put it this way:
If you want to communicate with an ape, try communicating about these topics. Just remember to keep it simple. You may be surprised. Boyce Rensberger, a former science writer for the learned American Sign Language (ASL) from his parents, who could neither speak nor hear, although he could do both. When interacting with a chimp who had mastered a bit of ASL, he said, "Suddenly, I realized I was conversing with a member of another species in my native tongue."
The views expressed are those of the author(s) and are not necessarily those of Scientific American.
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Cuando tenemos problemas o nos afecta una enfermedad, en lo último que pensamos es en convertir esos momentos en felicidad, ya que nuestra mente está programada para sufrir, sin embargo, con algunos ejercicios de
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consciente podrás alcanzar esa actitud positiva que necesitas.
De acuerdo con el médico Robert Benzo, director del Laboratorio de Respiración y encargado del programa "Mindfulness" en Mayo Clinic , con la meditación consciente se "despierta al conocimiento de que se puede encontrar salud aún en el contexto de una enfermedad grave".Robert Benzo, director del Laboratorio de Respiración y encargado del programa "Mindfulness" en Mayo Clinic
En el siguiente video, el especialista te explica el objetivo de la meditación consciente y la forma en cómo te ayuda a encontrar la felicidad:
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significa despertar la atención a lo que está pasando en este momento, por eso el proceso de curación tiene que ver la forma en cómo la persona afronta la vida, vive las situaciones difíciles.
El médico asegura que "hay que encontrar la
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en el momento y eso va a dar la fuerza necesaria y la apertura de mente para tomar las mejores decisiones y ser más asertivo en el futuro".
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plena que se obtiene con la meditación consciente reduce los niveles de estrés, ansiedad y depresión. Por ello, Mayo Clinic te recomienda lo siguientes pasos para que mejores tu forma de pensar, te relaciones mejor con tus semejantes e incrementes tu Sachin Babi Flared Midi Skirt w/ Tags Cheap Sale Perfect Sale Pay With Visa xFgZvpP
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text:
Great Scot: Franchitti Wins Second Indy 500
By Mike Harris | Senior Writer
Indianapolis – On a track where speed is king, to get to the end of the 94th Indianapolis 500 on Sunday, all Dario Franchitti could do was slow down.
The normally speedy Scot, his fuel tank closing in on empty, was being exorted by his Target Chip Ganassi Racing team to save fuel because they didn't know if he had enough in his red Dallara Honda to reach the finish.
"It was a little confusing. I just needed to know what the other guys were doing,'' Franchitti said after giving Ganassi, the man who resurrected his IndyCar career, his fourth Indy win. "If they were saving more (fuel) than me, they were doing something special here.''
Franchitti was the class of the 33-car field all day, leading 155 of the 200 laps. But the car that ran consistently over 224 mph early in the 200-lap race, slowed to 208 on lap 197 and was all the way down to 202 on lap 198. Behind him, 2005 race winner Dan Wheldon, running second, was facing the same problem. But Franchitti didn't know that for sure.
The worry ended suddenly on the penultimate lap around the 2.5-mile Brickyard oval as Mike Conway and Ryan Hunter-Reay touched wheels, sending Conway soaring high in the air and into the fence in a dramatic and frightening accident that nearly took out Helio Castoneves, who came into the race hoping to win for a second straight year and become only the fourth four-time Indy winner.
"I could tell by the speed he was running that Dario was closer (on fuel) than I was,'' Wheldon said. "My spotter told me, `Let's go get him.' But when the yellow came out, I knew that it was over. I might have been able to push him but, at that point, all I could do was make sure I got to the (checkered) flag.''
"Up until 10 laps to go, it was pretty relaxed and then all hell broke loose, with fuel saving and stuff,'' Franchitti said. "The Target car was the dominant car today. ''
Franchitti started from the outside of the front row and passed both Will Power and pole-winner Castroneves to take the lead before the first caution flag flew midway through the first lap.
"That kind of set the stage,'' Ganassi said. "It was kind of punching his fist down. You can't win the race on the first lap, but you can lose it. They guy's a champion. He's the guy you want in that car in that situation.''
As for those who might say the team was lucky to win with the fuel situation, Ganassi said, "A lot of those other guys are kicking themselves now, I'm sure, because they have more fuel left in their tanks than they thought.''
Franchitti won a rain-shortened race here in 2007 while driving for Andretti Green Racing. He went on to win the IZOD IndyCar Series championship and then left the open-wheel series to join Ganassi in NASCAR.
The effort was aborted midway through the 2008 season when Franchitti's stock car team was unable to find enough sponsorship to keep it going.
Ganassi decided to give Franchitti the opportunity to come back to IndyCar on a top team as teammate to Scott Dixon, who won both the Indy 500 and the championship in 2008.
"I didn't expect any of this,'' said the 37-year-old Franchitti, who responded to the second chance by winning the 2009 IndyCar title. "I expected to be retired by the time I was 35. This is all bonus. It's pretty cool.''
But the big payoff came Sunday when he handed his boss a historic victory. Ganassi became the first team owner to win the Daytona 500 and the Indy 500 in the same year – Jamie McMurray won at Daytona in a Ganassi car in February.
"He's hogging all the trophies," Franchitti said of Ganassi.
But Ganassi downplayed his role in the Daytona-Indy milestone.
"Obviously, Jamie McMurray won that race in Daytona and Dario Franchitti won the race here today,'' Ganassi said. "I'm a lucky guy to be in this business. I didn't drive the cars, I didn't change any tires and put any fuel in the cars. I have hundreds of people who do that kind of thing and I'm just very, very lucky. … I'm just a guy who gets my name on the door.''
Ganassi was thinking more about fuel than trophies as the race wound down.
"Little dicey there at the end trying to save some fuel for the finish," Ganassi said.
Castroneves' bid for a record-tying fourth victory in the 500 took a big hit when the Brazilian's car stalled during a green-flag pit stop with 55 laps to go. Castroneves was running top five at the time and appeared to be biding his time as the laps clicked away.
The pit error forced Castroneves and his team to gamble on fuel as he topped off and dropped to the rear of the lead lap during a caution which came out with 50 laps to go. He then stayed out when another caution flag waved about a dozen laps later. That put him third but in need of a late-race caution to help him stretch fuel to the end.
He didn't get it and had to pit – as race leader – with nine laps to go. Castroneves wound up ninth.
"We tried but, unfortunately, little mistakes put us in the back,'' Castroneves said. "Certainly I am very upset for my guys. They did an incredible job the whole month long and they should walk out of here with their heads high.''
After a huge struggle since the speedway opened for practice two weeks ago, the Andretti Autosports team put on a solid show in the race.
None of the five Andretti cars started higher than 16th and John Andretti crashed out of the race and finished 30th. Marco Andretti, who was strong all day, finished third.
But Tony Kanaan, who started last, was running second before having to make a late pit stop that put him back to 11th and Danica Patrick, who got booed after blaming her team for a bad qualifying effort a week earlier, ran a solid, strategic race and wound up nursing her car to sixth place.
Hunter-Reay ran in the top 10 all day before he and Conway came together on lap 199.
The big wreck on the final lap saw the car of Mike Conway get airborne and fly into the catch fence.
Conway never lost consciousness in the frightening wreck and was flown by helicopter to Methodist Hospital for treatment on what track medical personnel labeled "a left leg orthopedic injury.''
Andretti wound up third in the chaotic finish, followed by Alex Lloyd, Dixon, Patrick, Justin Wilson and Power. Mario Romancini was the best of six rookies, finishing 13th, just ahead of fellow first-timer Simona De Silvestro.
– Mike Harris can be reached at email@example.com Comments


text:
quagmire noun [ C ]us /ˈkwæɡˌmɑɪər, ˈkwɑɡ-/
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White Black Junior Turf Nike II Libretto CTR Football Astro Boots 360 1xZACwq
"quagmire" in American EnglishBoots Flower Ankle S5 Red Vintage Rock West 7960 Leather Black NEWROCK New Steel 07Pqwa
(Definition of "quagmire" from the Cambridge Academic Content Dictionary © Cambridge University Press)
"quagmire" in EnglishM Skin Boots Ankle Rock S4 Boot NewRock 7953 New Crocodile 6w0BxBAq
(Definition of "quagmire" from the Cambridge Advanced Learner's Dictionary & Thesaurus © Cambridge University Press)
Examples of "quagmire"
These examples of quagmire are from the Cambridge English Corpus and from sources on the web.
These examples are from the Cambridge English Corpus and from sources on the web. Any opinions in the examples do not represent the opinion of the Cambridge Dictionary editors or of Cambridge University Press or its licensors.
No longer will we be berated by endless essay prompts or mathematical quagmires.
To say simply that it is false and that therefore its negation is true leads into the quagmire from which we are trying to escape.
Yavesia, in contrast, remains immersed in a legal and political quagmire.
Externalists see themselves as fortunate they avoid what they see as the quagmire, and scepticism, people get into with reassessment demands.
Efforts must be undertaken to assure that terminal sedation does not fall into a quagmire of taxonomical confusion.
There is a quagmire in not using the formal institutions because they do not function properly, but then subsequently undermining their development by sidestepping them.
Making a gesture towards the past, the author enters a quagmire from which, it seems, nothing can be reborn.
The unique settings of health care, the division of speciality and the diversity of patients and their ailments could contribute to a communication quagmire.
One quickly encounters the half-empty/half-full quagmire that is characteristic of this topic.
There was no electricity, no running water, and the few dirt roads connecting the settlements to the nearest town turned into a quagmire after every rain.
Clearly, one of the things these countries have to do in order to transcend their present quagmire is to revisit the past with a view to determining what went wrong.
While the definition may be short on substance, it rises above the quagmire in which we generally find ourselves when we attempt to characterize 'writing', especially modulo its spoken cousin.
The Football Nike Boots Astro Libretto Junior CTR II 360 Turf White Black quagmire of ethical, legal, moral, and even aesthetic questions that surround the use (and misuse) of leftover body parts can only become more complex and contentious, not less.
At least 8 000 died, their bodies lost in the blood-soaked quagmire of the battlefield, a field which became a mass grave.
We might still be in a legal quagmire unless we have a proper interinstitutional agreement.
Translations of "quagmire"
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zor müşkül bir durum, bataklık…
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沼泽地,泥潭, 困境,危险的境地…
- CTR Astro Nike Black II Junior Turf Libretto White 360 Football Boots
затруднительное положение, болото…
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Word of the Day
pieces of eight
(in the past) coins used in Spain


text:
Shakira and Gerard Pique look more in love than ever! Three months after the singer and the soccer player welcomed son Milan, the first-time parents enjoyed a baby-free night out when they attended the Panathinaikos Athens vs. Barca Regal basketball game in Barcelona, Spain, Apr. 25.
The Voice mentor, 36, and the center back, 26, shared a sweet kiss during the athletic event. Ever the gentleman, Pique even wrapped his girlfriend up in his red and blue scarf. The lovebirds cheered wildly as their home team, Barca Regal, triumphed over its rival with a 64-53 finish.
The pair had another reason to celebrate that night, as Shakira picked up a handful of Billboard Latin Music Awards: Song Artist of the Year, Latin Pop Artist of the Year and Social Artist.
Three days earlier, at the NBC Summer Press Day in Pasadena, Calif., Shakira spoke to Us Weekly about how she's coping with motherhood. "I didn't expect babies to need so many diapers! Nobody told me they needed to be changed so often!" the Colombian pop star joked. "I mean he's a great, great baby. He's an easy one, I think. But nobody told me it would be this hard. It takes a lot of energy from you. But I love it, I'm really enjoying every bit of it. It's just that it's not as idyllic as everybody tells you, but also not as horrible as everyone tells you."
Luckily, Pique — who recently shaved his head — pitches in with Milan whenever possible. "He has been amazing," she gushed of the athlete. "The baby spends as much time with me as he does with his dad. He's the kind of dad who's full hands on. He changes diapers, he bathes him, he enjoys playing with the baby, he enjoys feeding him, all of that stuff."
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text:
Parent Directory | Revision Log
|Links to HEAD:
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USB guide now at https://wiki.gentoo.org/wiki/USB/HOWTO
LiveUSB guide moved to https://wiki.gentoo.org/wiki/LiveUSB/HOWTO
Fix bug #384117 - Refer to the more recent SATA device scheme instead of older IDE
#379883 - Removing link attribute from guide element as it is not used anymore. Next step will be to remove it from DTD
remove deprecated kernel option, bug 290332
updated USB HID config location. this update covers the handbooks and the USB guide. for the latter, i removed the section on kernel 2.4 configuration, as there are no 2.4 kernels supported by gentoo.
Coding style
DIE HOTPLUG DIE. by request of cardoe.
typo fix, thanks to ewould on IRC for pointing it out
Remove all references to coldplug, bug 170679. All hail the udev-only era, for as long as it lasts. Don't like udev? Complain to greg_kh! udev is now The Gentoo Way(tm)
updated usb guide for bug 156335
Updated usb-guide to reflect changed kernel options in kernels greater than 2.6.14 (which is pretty old, yeah?)
Fixed intra-doc URIs for the upcoming xhtml-1.0 spec, see bug 128709
The Gentoo Linux LiveUSB HowTo isn't a reference for the usb guide.
#118179, adding LiveUSB Howto as a reference
Fix USB FAQ url
#101908 - Typos + Clarifications with minor content changes. Thanks to Swift for fixing most of this before I got around to it and Erik Musick for reporting.
Small spelling issues, no content. Thanks to cynric on the Gentoo forums for noticing
Removed unused and wrong section id, Updated License to cc-by-sa 2.5
Updated email for fox2mike
Improved coding style Added missing $Header$ Used
 instead of
1)....
 Split long comments in
 No actual content change
Fixed gentoo-dev-sources issue and added less to dmesg, due to #89044
#72958 - Add USB Guide
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