text:
For Immediate Release
Office of the Press Secretary
January 20, 2004
State of the Union Address by the President
United States Capitol
Washington, D.C.
THE PRESIDENT: Mr. Speaker, Vice President Cheney, members of Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow citizens: America this evening is a nation called to great responsibilities. And we are rising to meet them.
As we gather tonight, hundreds of thousands of American servicemen and women are deployed across the world in the war on terror. By bringing hope to the oppressed, and delivering justice to the violent, they are making America more secure. (Applause.)
Each day, law enforcement personnel and intelligence officers are tracking terrorist threats; analysts are examining airline passenger lists; the men and women of our new Homeland Security Department are patrolling our coasts and borders. And their vigilance is protecting America. (Applause.)
Americans are proving once again to be the hardest working people in the world. The American economy is growing stronger. The tax relief you passed is working. (Applause.)
Tonight, members of Congress can take pride in the great works of compassion and reform that skeptics had thought impossible. You're raising the standards for our public schools, and you are giving our senior citizens prescription drug coverage under Medicare. (Applause.)
We have faced serious challenges together, and now we face a choice: We can go forward with confidence and resolve, or we can turn back to the dangerous illusion that terrorists are not plotting and outlaw regimes are no threat to us. We can press on with economic growth, and reforms in education and Medicare, or we can turn back to old policies and old divisions.
We've not come all this way -- through tragedy, and trial and war -- only to falter and leave our work unfinished. Americans are rising to the tasks of history, and they expect the same from us. In their efforts, their enterprise, and their character, the American people are showing that the state of our union is confident and strong. (Applause.)
Our greatest responsibility is the active defense of the American people. Twenty-eight months have passed since September 11th, 2001 -- over two years without an attack on American soil. And it is tempting to believe that the danger is behind us. That hope is understandable, comforting -- and false. The killing has continued in Bali, Jakarta, Casablanca, Riyadh, Mombasa, Jerusalem, Istanbul, and Baghdad. The terrorists continue to plot against America and the civilized world. And by our will and courage, this danger will be defeated. (Applause.)
Inside the United States, where the war began, we must continue to give our homeland security and law enforcement personnel every tool they need to defend us. And one of those essential tools is the Patriot Act, which allows federal law enforcement to better share information, to track terrorists, to disrupt their cells, and to seize their assets. For years, we have used similar provisions to catch embezzlers and drug traffickers. If these methods are good for hunting criminals, they are even more important for hunting terrorists. (Applause.)
Key provisions of the Patriot Act are set to expire next year. (Applause.) The terrorist threat will not expire on that schedule. (Applause.) Our law enforcement needs this vital legislation to protect our citizens. You need to renew the Patriot Act. (Applause.)
America is on the offensive against the terrorists who started this war. Last March, Khalid Shaikh Mohammed, a mastermind of September the 11th, awoke to find himself in the custody of U.S. and Pakistani authorities. Last August the 11th brought the capture of the terrorist Hambali, who was a key player in the attack in Indonesia that killed over 200 people. We're tracking al Qaeda around the world, and nearly two-thirds of their known leaders have now been captured or killed. Thousands of very skilled and determined military personnel are on the manhunt, going after the remaining killers who hide in cities and caves, and one by one, we will bring these terrorists to justice. (Applause.)
As part of the offensive against terror, we are also confronting the regimes that harbor and support terrorists, and could supply them with nuclear, chemical or biological weapons. The United States and our allies are determined: We refuse to live in the shadow of this ultimate danger. (Applause.)
The first to see our determination were the Taliban, who made Afghanistan the primary training base of al Qaeda killers. As of this month, that country has a new constitution, guaranteeing free elections and full participation by women. Businesses are opening, health care centers are being established, and the boys and girls of Afghanistan are back in school. With the help from the new Afghan army, our coalition is leading aggressive raids against the surviving members of the Taliban and al Qaeda. The men and women of Afghanistan are building a nation that is free and proud and fighting terror -- and America is honored to be their friend. (Applause.)
Since we last met in this chamber, combat forces of the United States, Great Britain, Australia, Poland and other countries enforced the demands of the United Nations, ended the rule of Saddam Hussein, and the people of Iraq are free. (Applause.)
Having broken the Baathist regime, we face a remnant of violent Saddam supporters. Men who ran away from our troops in battle are now dispersed and attack from the shadows. These killers, joined by foreign terrorists, are a serious, continuing danger. Yet we're making progress against them. The once all-powerful ruler of Iraq was found in a hole, and now sits in a prison cell. (Applause.) Of the top 55 officials of the former regime, we have captured or killed 45. Our forces are on the offensive, leading over 1,600 patrols a day and conducting an average of 180 raids a week. We are dealing with these thugs in Iraq, just as surely as we dealt with Saddam Hussein's evil regime. (Applause.)
The work of building a new Iraq is hard, and it is right. And America has always been willing to do what it takes for what is right. Last January, Iraq's only law was the whim of one brutal man. Today our coalition is working with the Iraqi Governing Council to draft a basic law, with a bill of rights. We're working with Iraqis and the United Nations to prepare for a transition to full Iraqi sovereignty by the end of June.
As democracy takes hold in Iraq, the enemies of freedom will do all in their power to spread violence and fear. They are trying to shake the will of our country and our friends, but the United States of America will never be intimidated by thugs and assassins. (Applause.) The killers will fail, and the Iraqi people will live in freedom. (Applause.)
Month by month, Iraqis are assuming more responsibility for their own security and their own future. And tonight we are honored to welcome one of Iraq's most respected leaders: the current President of the Iraqi Governing Council, Adnan Pachachi.
Sir, America stands with you and the Iraqi people as you build a free and peaceful nation. (Applause.)
Because of American leadership and resolve, the world is changing for the better. Last month, the leader of Libya voluntarily pledged to disclose and dismantle all of his regime's weapons of mass destruction programs, including a uranium enrichment project for nuclear weapons. Colonel Qadhafi correctly judged that his country would be better off and far more secure without weapons of mass murder. (Applause.)
Nine months of intense negotiations involving the United States and Great Britain succeeded with Libya, while 12 years of diplomacy with Iraq did not. And one reason is clear: For diplomacy to be effective, words must be credible, and no one can now doubt the word of America. (Applause.)
Different threats require different strategies. Along with nations in the region, we're insisting that North Korea eliminate its nuclear program. America and the international community are demanding that Iran meet its commitments and not develop nuclear weapons. America is committed to keeping the world's most dangerous weapons out of the hands of the most dangerous regimes. (Applause.)
When I came to this rostrum on September the 20th, 2001, I brought the police shield of a fallen officer, my reminder of lives that ended, and a task that does not end. I gave to you and to all Americans my complete commitment to securing our country and defeating our enemies. And this pledge, given by one, has been kept by many.
You in the Congress have provided the resources for our defense, and cast the difficult votes of war and peace. Our closest allies have been unwavering. America's intelligence personnel and diplomats have been skilled and tireless. And the men and women of the American military -- they have taken the hardest duty. We've seen their skill and their courage in armored charges and midnight raids, and lonely hours on faithful watch. We have seen the joy when they return, and felt the sorrow when one is lost. I've had the honor of meeting our servicemen and women at many posts, from the deck of a carrier in the Pacific to a mess hall in Baghdad.
Many of our troops are listening tonight. And I want you and your families to know: America is proud of you. And my administration, and this Congress, will give you the resources you need to fight and win the war on terror. (Applause.)
I know that some people question if America is really in a war at all. They view terrorism more as a crime, a problem to be solved mainly with law enforcement and indictments. After the World Trade Center was first attacked in 1993, some of the guilty were indicted and tried and convicted, and sent to prison. But the matter was not settled. The terrorists were still training and plotting in other nations, and drawing up more ambitious plans. After the chaos and carnage of September the 11th, it is not enough to serve our enemies with legal papers. The terrorists and their supporters declared war on the United States, and war is what they got. (Applause.)
Some in this chamber, and in our country, did not support the liberation of Iraq. Objections to war often come from principled motives. But let us be candid about the consequences of leaving Saddam Hussein in power. We're seeking all the facts. Already, the Kay Report identified dozens of weapons of mass destruction-related program activities and significant amounts of equipment that Iraq concealed from the United Nations. Had we failed to act, the dictator's weapons of mass destruction programs would continue to this day. Had we failed to act, Security Council resolutions on Iraq would have been revealed as empty threats, weakening the United Nations and encouraging defiance by dictators around the world. Iraq's torture chambers would still be filled with victims, terrified and innocent. The killing fields of Iraq -- where hundreds of thousands of men and women and children vanished into the sands -- would still be known only to the killers. For all who love freedom and peace, the world without Saddam Hussein's regime is a better and safer place. (Applause.)
Some critics have said our duties in Iraq must be internationalized. This particular criticism is hard to explain to our partners in Britain, Australia, Japan, South Korea, the Philippines, Thailand, Italy, Spain, Poland, Denmark, Hungary, Bulgaria, Ukraine, Romania, the Netherlands -- (applause) -- Norway, El Salvador, and the 17 other countries that have committed troops to Iraq. (Applause.) As we debate at home, we must never ignore the vital contributions of our international partners, or dismiss their sacrifices.
From the beginning, America has sought international support for our operations in Afghanistan and Iraq, and we have gained much support. There is a difference, however, between leading a coalition of many nations, and submitting to the objections of a few. America will never seek a permission slip to defend the security of our country. (Applause.)
We also hear doubts that democracy is a realistic goal for the greater Middle East, where freedom is rare. Yet it is mistaken, and condescending, to assume that whole cultures and great religions are incompatible with liberty and self-government. I believe that God has planted in every human heart the desire to live in freedom. And even when that desire is crushed by tyranny for decades, it will rise again. (Applause.)
As long as the Middle East remains a place of tyranny and despair and anger, it will continue to produce men and movements that threaten the safety of America and our friends. So America is pursuing a forward strategy of freedom in the greater Middle East. We will challenge the enemies of reform, confront the allies of terror, and expect a higher standard from our friend. To cut through the barriers of hateful propaganda, the Voice of America and other broadcast services are expanding their programming in Arabic and Persian -- and soon, a new television service will begin providing reliable news and information across the region. I will send you a proposal to double the budget of the National Endowment for Democracy, and to focus its new work on the development of free elections, and free markets, free press, and free labor unions in the Middle East. And above all, we will finish the historic work of democracy in Afghanistan and Iraq, so those nations can light the way for others, and help transform a troubled part of the world. (Applause.)
America is a nation with a mission, and that mission comes from our most basic beliefs. We have no desire to dominate, no ambitions of empire. Our aim is a democratic peace -- a peace founded upon the dignity and rights of every man and woman. America acts in this cause with friends and allies at our side, yet we understand our special calling: This great republic will lead the cause of freedom. (Applause.)
In the last three years, adversity has also revealed the fundamental strengths of the American economy. We have come through recession, and terrorist attack, and corporate scandals, and the uncertainties of war. And because you acted to stimulate our economy with tax relief, this economy is strong, and growing stronger. (Applause.)
You have doubled the child tax credit from $500 to $1,000, reduced the marriage penalty, begun to phase out the death tax, reduced taxes on capital gains and stock dividends, cut taxes on small businesses, and you have lowered taxes for every American who pays income taxes.
Americans took those dollars and put them to work, driving this economy forward. The pace of economic growth in the third quarter of 2003 was the fastest in nearly 20 years; new home construction, the highest in almost 20 years; home ownership rates, the highest ever. Manufacturing activity is increasing. Inflation is low. Interest rates are low. Exports are growing. Productivity is high, and jobs are on the rise. (Applause.)
These numbers confirm that the American people are using their money far better than government would have -- and you were right to return it. (Applause.)
America's growing economy is also a changing economy. As technology transforms the way almost every job is done, America becomes more productive, and workers need new skills. Much of our job growth will be found in high-skilled fields like health care and biotechnology. So we must respond by helping more Americans gain the skills to find good jobs in our new economy.
All skills begin with the basics of reading and math, which are supposed to be learned in the early grades of our schools. Yet for too long, for too many children, those skills were never mastered. By passing the No Child Left Behind Act, you have made the expectation of literacy the law of our country. We're providing more funding for our schools -- a 36-percent increase since 2001. We're requiring higher standards. We are regularly testing every child on the fundamentals. We are reporting results to parents, and making sure they have better options when schools are not performing. We are making progress toward excellence for every child in America. (Applause.)
But the status quo always has defenders. Some want to undermine the No Child Left Behind Act by weakening standards and accountability. Yet the results we require are really a matter of common sense: We expect third graders to read and do math at the third grade level -- and that's not asking too much. Testing is the only way to identify and help students who are falling behind. This nation will not go back to the days of simply shuffling children along from grade to grade without them learning the basics. I refuse to give up on any child -- and the No Child Left Behind Act is opening the door of opportunity to all of America's children. (Applause.)
At the same time, we must ensure that older students and adults can gain the skills they need to find work now. Many of the fastest growing occupations require strong math and science preparation, and training beyond the high school level. So tonight, I propose a series of measures called Jobs for the 21st Century. This program will provide extra help to middle and high school students who fall behind in reading and math, expand advanced placement programs in low-income schools, invite math and science professionals from the private sector to teach part-time in our high schools. I propose larger Pell grants for students who prepare for college with demanding courses in high school. (Applause.) I propose increasing our support for America's fine community colleges, so they can -- (applause.) I do so, so they can train workers for industries that are creating the most new jobs. By all these actions, we'll help more and more Americans to join in the growing prosperity of our country. Job training is important, and so is job creation.
We must continue to pursue an aggressive, pro-growth economic agenda. (Applause.) Congress has some unfinished business on the issue of taxes. The tax reductions you passed are set to expire. Unless you act -- (applause) -- unless you act -- unless you act, the unfair tax on marriage will go back up. Unless you act, millions of families will be charged $300 more in federal taxes for every child. Unless you act, small businesses will pay higher taxes. Unless you act, the death tax will eventually come back to life. Unless you act, Americans face a tax increase. What Congress has given, the Congress should not take away. For the sake of job growth, the tax cuts you passed should be permanent. (Applause.)
Our agenda for jobs and growth must help small business owners and employees with relief from needless federal regulation, and protect them from junk and frivolous lawsuits. (Applause.)
Consumers and businesses need reliable supplies of energy to make our economy run -- so I urge you to pass legislation to modernize our electricity system, promote conservation, and make America less dependent on foreign sources of energy. (Applause.)
My administration is promoting free and fair trade to open up new markets for America's entrepreneurs and manufacturers and farmers -- to create jobs for American workers. Younger workers should have the opportunity to build a nest egg by saving part of their Social Security taxes in a personal retirement account. (Applause.) We should make the Social Security system a source of ownership for the American people. (Applause.) And we should limit the burden of government on this economy by acting as good stewards of taxpayers' dollars. (Applause.)
In two weeks, I will send you a budget that funds the war, protects the homeland, and meets important domestic needs, while limiting the growth in discretionary spending to less than 4 percent. (Applause.) This will require that Congress focus on priorities, cut wasteful spending, and be wise with the people's money. By doing so, we can cut the deficit in half over the next five years. (Applause.)
Tonight, I also ask you to reform our immigration laws so they reflect our values and benefit our economy. I propose a new temporary worker program to match willing foreign workers with willing employers when no Americans can be found to fill the job. This reform will be good for our economy because employers will find needed workers in an honest and orderly system. A temporary worker program will help protect our homeland, allowing Border Patrol and law enforcement to focus on true threats to our national security.
I oppose amnesty, because it would encourage further illegal immigration, and unfairly reward those who break our laws. My temporary worker program will preserve the citizenship path for those who respect the law, while bringing millions of hardworking men and women out from the shadows of American life. (Applause.)
Our nation's health care system, like our economy, is also in a time of change. Amazing medical technologies are improving and saving lives. This dramatic progress has brought its own challenge, in the rising costs of medical care and health insurance. Members of Congress, we must work together to help control those costs and extend the benefits of modern medicine throughout our country. (Applause.)
Meeting these goals requires bipartisan effort, and two months ago, you showed the way. By strengthening Medicare and adding a prescription drug benefit, you kept a basic commitment to our seniors: You are giving them the modern medicine they deserve. (Applause.)
Starting this year, under the law you passed, seniors can choose to receive a drug discount card, saving them 10 to 25 percent off the retail price of most prescription drugs -- and millions of low-income seniors can get an additional $600 to buy medicine. Beginning next year, seniors will have new coverage for preventive screenings against diabetes and heart disease, and seniors just entering Medicare can receive wellness exams.
In January of 2006, seniors can get prescription drug coverage under Medicare. For a monthly premium of about $35, most seniors who do not have that coverage today can expect to see their drug bills cut roughly in half. Under this reform, senior citizens will be able to keep their Medicare just as it is, or they can choose a Medicare plan that fits them best -- just as you, as members of Congress, can choose an insurance plan that meets your needs. And starting this year, millions of Americans will be able to save money tax-free for their medical expenses in a health savings account. (Applause.)
I signed this measure proudly, and any attempt to limit the choices of our seniors, or to take away their prescription drug coverage under Medicare, will meet my veto. (Applause.)
On the critical issue of health care, our goal is to ensure that Americans can choose and afford private health care coverage that best fits their individual needs. To make insurance more affordable, Congress must act to address rapidly rising health care costs. Small businesses should be able to band together and negotiate for lower insurance rates, so they can cover more workers with health insurance. I urge you to pass association health plans. (Applause.) I ask you to give lower-income Americans a refundable tax credit that would allow millions to buy their own basic health insurance. (Applause.)
By computerizing health records, we can avoid dangerous medical mistakes, reduce costs, and improve care. To protect the doctor-patient relationship, and keep good doctors doing good work, we must eliminate wasteful and frivolous medical lawsuits. (Applause.) And tonight I propose that individuals who buy catastrophic health care coverage, as part of our new health savings accounts, be allowed to deduct 100 percent of the premiums from their taxes. (Applause.)
A government-run health care system is the wrong prescription. (Applause.) By keeping costs under control, expanding access, and helping more Americans afford coverage, we will preserve the system of private medicine that makes America's health care the best in the world. (Applause.)
We are living in a time of great change -- in our world, in our economy, in science and medicine. Yet some things endure -- courage and compassion, reverence and integrity, respect for differences of faith and race. The values we try to live by never change. And they are instilled in us by fundamental institutions, such as families and schools and religious congregations. These institutions, these unseen pillars of civilization, must remain strong in America, and we will defend them. We must stand with our families to help them raise healthy, responsible children. When it comes to helping children make right choices, there is work for all of us to do.
One of the worst decisions our children can make is to gamble their lives and futures on drugs. Our government is helping parents confront this problem with aggressive education, treatment, and law enforcement. Drug use in high school has declined by 11 percent over the last two years. Four hundred thousand fewer young people are using illegal drugs than in the year 2001. (Applause.) In my budget, I proposed new funding to continue our aggressive, community-based strategy to reduce demand for illegal drugs. Drug testing in our schools has proven to be an effective part of this effort. So tonight I proposed an additional $23 million for schools that want to use drug testing as a tool to save children's lives. The aim here is not to punish children, but to send them this message: We love you, and we don't want to lose you. (Applause.)
To help children make right choices, they need good examples. Athletics play such an important role in our society, but, unfortunately, some in professional sports are not setting much of an example. The use of performance-enhancing drugs like steroids in baseball, football, and other sports is dangerous, and it sends the wrong message -- that there are shortcuts to accomplishment, and that performance is more important than character. So tonight I call on team owners, union representatives, coaches, and players to take the lead, to send the right signal, to get tough, and to get rid of steroids now. (Applause.)
To encourage right choices, we must be willing to confront the dangers young people face -- even when they're difficult to talk about. Each year, about 3 million teenagers contract sexually-transmitted diseases that can harm them, or kill them, or prevent them from ever becoming parents. In my budget, I propose a grassroots campaign to help inform families about these medical risks. We will double federal funding for abstinence programs, so schools can teach this fact of life: Abstinence for young people is the only certain way to avoid sexually-transmitted diseases. (Applause.)
Decisions children now make can affect their health and character for the rest of their lives. All of us -- parents and schools and government -- must work together to counter the negative influence of the culture, and to send the right messages to our children.
A strong America must also value the institution of marriage. I believe we should respect individuals as we take a principled stand for one of the most fundamental, enduring institutions of our civilization. Congress has already taken a stand on this issue by passing the Defense of Marriage Act, signed in 1996 by President Clinton. That statute protects marriage under federal law as a union of a man and a woman, and declares that one state may not redefine marriage for other states.
Activist judges, however, have begun redefining marriage by court order, without regard for the will of the people and their elected representatives. On an issue of such great consequence, the people's voice must be heard. If judges insist on forcing their arbitrary will upon the people, the only alternative left to the people would be the constitutional process. Our nation must defend the sanctity of marriage. (Applause.)
The outcome of this debate is important -- and so is the way we conduct it. The same moral tradition that defines marriage also teaches that each individual has dignity and value in God's sight. (Applause.)
It's also important to strengthen our communities by unleashing the compassion of America's religious institutions. Religious charities of every creed are doing some of the most vital work in our country -- mentoring children, feeding the hungry, taking the hand of the lonely. Yet government has often denied social service grants and contracts to these groups, just because they have a cross or a Star of David or a crescent on the wall. By executive order, I have opened billions of dollars in grant money to competition that includes faith-based charities. Tonight I ask you to codify this into law, so people of faith can know that the law will never discriminate against them again. (Applause.)
In the past, we've worked together to bring mentors to children of prisoners, and provide treatment for the addicted, and help for the homeless. Tonight I ask you to consider another group of Americans in need of help. This year, some 600,000 inmates will be released from prison back into society. We know from long experience that if they can't find work, or a home, or help, they are much more likely to commit crime and return to prison. So tonight, I propose a four-year, $300 million prisoner re-entry initiative to expand job training and placement services, to provide transitional housing, and to help newly released prisoners get mentoring, including from faith-based groups. (Applause.) America is the land of second chance, and when the gates of the prison open, the path ahead should lead to a better life. (Applause.)
For all Americans, the last three years have brought tests we did not ask for, and achievements shared by all. By our actions, we have shown what kind of nation we are. In grief, we have found the grace to go on. In challenge, we rediscovered the courage and daring of a free people. In victory, we have shown the noble aims and good heart of America. And having come this far, we sense that we live in a time set apart.
I've been witness to the character of the people of America, who have shown calm in times of danger, compassion for one another, and toughness for the long haul. All of us have been partners in a great enterprise. And even some of the youngest understand that we are living in historic times. Last month a girl in Lincoln, Rhode Island, sent me a letter. It began, "Dear George W. Bush. If there's anything you know, I, Ashley Pearson, age 10, can do to help anyone, please send me a letter and tell me what I can do to save our country." She added this P.S.: "If you can send a letter to the troops, please put, 'Ashley Pearson believes in you.'" (Applause.)
Tonight, Ashley, your message to our troops has just been conveyed. And, yes, you have some duties yourself. Study hard in school, listen to your mom or dad, help someone in need, and when you and your friends see a man or woman in uniform, say, "thank you." (Applause.) And, Ashley, while you do your part, all of us here in this great chamber will do our best to keep you and the rest of America safe and free. (Applause.)
My fellow citizens, we now move forward, with confidence and faith. Our nation is strong and steadfast. The cause we serve is right, because it is the cause of all mankind. The momentum of freedom in our world is unmistakable -- and it is not carried forward by our power alone. We can trust in that greater power who guides the unfolding of the years. And in all that is to come, we can know that His purposes are just and true.
May God continue to bless America. (Applause.)


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OAKLAND (AP) — Al Jefferson had 30 points and 13 rebounds, Gerald Henderson added 17 points and eight rebounds and the Charlotte Bobcats blew past the Golden State Warriors 91-75 on Tuesday night in Kemba Walker's much-anticipated return.
Walker finished with seven points, seven assists and six rebounds after missing the last seven games with a sprained left ankle. He played 33 minutes.
The Bobcats controlled the game from the start, going ahead by 18 points late in the third quarter and 22 midway through the fourth. Charlotte, which shot 47.4 percent, held the Warriors to a season-low 31.2 percent shooting.
Stephen Curry had 17 points and 11 assists against his hometown team, Klay Thompson scored 12 and Andrew Bogut grabbed 15 rebounds for the Warriors, who have been held below 38 percent shooting in three of their past four games.
The Warriors briefly gave their announced sellout crowd of 19,596 something to cheer for when Marreese Speights made a half-court heave as the third quarter expired to slice Charlotte's lead 72-57. Any hope quickly faded when Anthony Tolliver hit a pair of 3-pointers to put the Bobcats up 78-60 lead with 9:51 remaining.
The Bobcats closed out their road trip 3-1 and handed a streaky Golden State team another stinging setback.
Warriors coach Mark Jackson publicly called out his team last month for playing down to their opponents too often this season, especially at home. Apparently, his players still haven't received the message.
The Bobcats (22-28) swept the season against the Warriors (29-20) after beating Golden State 115-111 in Charlotte on Dec. 9. And out West, they outhustled and outshot the Warriors from the start.
Charlotte ran Golden State's prolific shooters off the 3-point line, forcing them into difficult mid-range jumpers. The Bobcats were equally efficient on the offensive end, going ahead 26-13 after the first quarter.
The Warriors simply looked lost and lethargic. They hovered just above 20 percent shooting for most of the first half, and their usually loud crowd stayed mostly silent.
The Bobcats went ahead 44-27 with 3:42 left in the second quarter and 51-39 at halftime. It was only the third time all season the Warriors had been held below 40 points in the first half.
Golden State trimmed Charlotte's lead to eight early in the third quarter on Thompson's 3-pointer. Bobcats coach Steve Clifford called timeout to regroup his players, who responded by building an 18-point lead before Speights hit a halfcourt shot as time expired to bring the Warriors within 72-57 entering the fourth.
That was pretty much the only celebration Charlotte allowed.
NOTES: The Warriors' worst shooting performance before Tuesday was when they shot 35.5 percent in a 105-83 loss at Houston on Dec. 6. ... Warriors backup center Jermaine O'Neal had nine points and eight rebounds in 16 minutes in his first game since Dec. 9 at Charlotte. He missed 26 games recovering from surgery on his right wrist. ... The Bobcats don't play again until hosting San Antonio on Saturday. ... The Warriors host the Chicago Bulls on Thursday night.
Bobcats blow out Warriors


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Jointing Time on Technical Resignation to join other department – Amendment in Joining Time Rules
Central Civil Services (Joining Time) (Amendment) Rules, 2015.
(Department of Personnel and Training)
New Delhi, the 27th March, 2015
GSR 229(E).—In exercise of the powers conferred by the proviso to artical 309 read with clause (5) of article 148 of the Constitution and after consultation with the Comptroller and Auditor General of India in relation to persons serving in the Indian Audit and Accounts Department, the President hereby makes the following rules further to amend the Central Civil Services (Joining Time) Rules, 1979; namely:
1. (1) These rules maybe called the Central Civil Services (Joining Time) (Amendment) Rules, 2015. (2) They shall come into force on the date of their publication in the Official Gazette.
2. In the Central Civil Services (Joining Time) Rules, 1979,—
(i) In rule 4, for sub-rule (4), the following sub-rule shall be substituted, namely:—
"(4) For appointment to posts under the Central Governinent on the results of a competitive examination or interview or both open to Government servants and others, the Central Government employees and permanent or provisionally permanent State Government employees:shall be entitled to joining time under these rules, if such Government servants opt for having their past service in the Central Government or State Govermtent counted for all purposes in the Central Government"
(ii) In rule 5, in sub-rule (4), for the existing Note, the following Notes shall be substituted, namely—
"Note 1: Distance means actual distance travelled and not weighted mileage for which fare is charged by the Railways in certain ghat &hill regions.
Note 2: In case of transfer of a Government servant to or from-North Eastern Region, including Sikkim, Andaman and Nicobar Islands, Lakshadweep and Ladakh, two days additional time shall be admissible over and above the normal joining time reckoned on the basis of actual distance between their old and new place of posting";
(iii) In rule 6, for sub-rule (1), the following sub-rule shall be substituted, namely:—
"(1) The period of unutilized joining time shall be regulated in terms of the provisions of sub-clause (ii) of clause (a) of -sub-rule (1) of rule 26 of the Central Civil Service (Leave) Rules, 1972″;
(iv) after rule 7, the following Notes shall be inserted, namely:—
Note 1: The sanction of the admissible joining time shall be accorded by the competent authority exercising the administrative control over the Government servant proceeding on transfer.
Note 2: The joining time pay shall be paid for by the new administrative authority where such Government servant joins on transfer".
[F. No. 19011/03/2013-Estt.(AL)]
MAMTA KUNDRA, Jt. Secy.
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Revision: June 16, 2015
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As financial markets seized up last year and the economy sank to deeply negative growth rates, the Federal Reserve aggressively deployed a wide range of policy tools. It not only cut the federal funds rate all the way to its effective lower bound, but it turned to so-called unconventional monetary policy measures to stabilize the financial system and stimulate the economy.
These measures had dramatic implications for the Fed's balance sheet. Back in mid-2007, the Fed held a simple portfolio that included outright holdings of about $800 billion of Treasury securities and relatively little else. As the use of unconventional policies intensified in the fall of last year, the balance sheet expanded quickly and included a broad array of assets and facilities. As one sign of this expansion, the statistical release summarizing the balance sheet, the H.4.1 release, expanded from four pages to twelve. The balance sheet today stands at around $2.25 trillion, several times the size it was before the financial crisis.
As suggested by that massive increase, the Fed's balance sheet has moved to the forefront of its policy efforts. Accordingly, to understand the policy choices that lie ahead for the Federal Reserve, one has to understand how the balance sheet got to where it is and what effects it has had on financial markets. That will be the topic that I address in my remarks tonight. Before proceeding, I should note that the views I express here are my own and are not necessarily shared by the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) or other Federal Reserve staff members.
Evolution of the Balance Sheet
The initial expansion of
our balance sheet was driven primarily by efforts taken to provide short-term
funding to the markets. These facilities—including
the Primary Dealer Credit Facility, the Term Auction Facility, the foreign-exchange
swaps with other central banks, the Commercial Paper Funding Facility, and
the various money market support facilities—were focused on extending
credit at maturities of up to three months to various types of firms. These
liquidity facilities were a key part of the government's efforts to restore
stability to the financial sector. To be sure, they were only part of
a broader policy response that had many important dimensions, as other efforts
had to address the substantial capital needs of financial institutions and
the considerable uncertainty that investors faced about the health of the financial
system. But giving financial institutions greater confidence about their
access to funding, and that of their counterparties, was a crucial step toward
achieving stability. At this juncture, it is well appreciated that short-term
funding markets are functioning much better and that liquidity pressures for
most financial institutions have subsided.
I would argue that creating these liquidity facilities and implementing them was a lot harder than exiting from them. In fact, the exit from these facilities to date has been fairly straightforward. Almost every facility was designed to provide a useful source of funding during stressed financial market conditions but to be an unattractive source of funding once markets returned toward more normal functioning. That structure has worked extremely well. Summing across these facilities, the total amount of credit extended has fallen from a peak level of $1.5 trillion late last year to around $160 billion today. We expect these balances to continue to decline over time, with many of the facilities set to expire on February 1.
With the liquidity facilities winding down, the composition of the Fed's balance sheet has shifted notably towards the assets acquired under the large-scale asset purchase programs, known inside the Fed as "LSAP" programs. The Fed is currently in the process of purchasing nearly $1.75 trillion of Treasury, agency, and agency mortgage-backed securities through the LSAP programs. We have already completed our purchases of Treasury securities, totaling $300 billion. And our purchases of agency securities and mortgage-backed securities (MBS) are well advanced. Indeed, we have completed purchases of $155 billion of agency debt securities to date, out of a target level of $175 billion, and of just over $1 trillion of MBS, out of a target level of $1.25 trillion.
With these purchases, we have a total of about $1.8 trillion of Treasury, agency, and mortgage-backed securities on our balance sheet today. These holdings have been steadily increasing as the liquidity facilities have wound down. As a result, although the total size of our balance sheet has held relatively steady since the fourth quarter of last year, there has been a very important rotation taking place in its composition toward the assets purchased through the LSAP programs. As we complete the purchases scheduled through the first quarter of 2010, this component of the balance sheet will continue to grow, with the total amount of securities held projected to reach $2.1 trillion.
Given the importance of these asset holdings in the current balance sheet, I will focus my remaining comments on them, addressing three broad questions. First, what were the intended effects of the asset purchases and were they achieved; second, will winding down the purchases cause an adverse reaction in markets; and third, how will policymakers manage to tighten financial conditions with the expanded balance sheet.
Intended Effects of Asset Purchases
The first question I consider is whether the asset purchases have had their
intended effects. It is important to recognize that the LSAP programs
differ from the Fed's liquidity policies in terms of their policy intent. The
LSAPs were not aimed at supplying liquidity to financial institutions or at
reducing systemic risk. Instead, they were intended to support economic
activity by keeping longer-term private interest rates lower than they would
otherwise be.
A primary channel through which this effect takes place is by narrowing the risk premiums on the assets being purchased. By purchasing a particular asset, the Fed reduces the amount of the security that the private sector holds, displacing some investors and reducing the holdings of others. In order for investors to be willing to make those adjustments, the expected return on the security has to fall. Put differently, the purchases bid up the price of the asset and hence lower its yield. These effects would be expected to spill over into other assets that are similar in nature, to the extent that investors are willing to substitute between the assets. These patterns describe what researchers often refer to as the portfolio balance channel.
For Treasury securities, the reduction in yields would occur through narrowing the term premium, or the expected excess return that investors receive for their willingness to take duration risk. By removing a considerable amount of duration through its asset purchases, the Fed has kept the term premium narrower than it otherwise would have been. In addition, the purchases of mortgage-backed securities remove prepayment risk from the market. Investors generally find it challenging to hold the negative convexity of MBS associated with prepayment risk, and hence they demand an extra return to bear that risk, which keeps MBS rates higher than they would otherwise be. The removal of a considerable amount of this risk by the Fed's purchases would be expected to lower MBS rates by offsetting this effect. With lower prospective returns on Treasury securities and mortgage-backed securities, investors would naturally bid up the prices of other investments, including riskier assets such as corporate bonds and equities. These effects are all part of the portfolio balance channel.
In addition to the portfolio balance channel, Fed purchases could raise the price of a particular asset if it improved the liquidity of that instrument. That effect would presumably arise in situations in which trading flows were very one-sided and the Fed's purchases restored some balance to market dynamics. In those circumstances, the liquidity premium could fall if investors and dealers knew that they could unload that type of security in volume to the Federal Reserve at market prices.
Even if we understand the way that the LSAPs could have an effect on longer-term interest rates, actually quantifying that effect is a challenge. It is difficult to measure precisely the total effect of the LSAPs on longer-term interest rates, but I believe that the effect has been substantial. This can be seen in the movements in longer-term Treasury yields and MBS rates around the times of key announcements about asset purchases. It is also supported by other empirical research, including some regression models that the New York Fed staff has been developing. Taken together, those measures suggest that the effect of all LSAP programs on the 10-year Treasury yield could be as large as 50 basis points, though I reiterate that such estimates have considerable uncertainty surrounding them.
The effects on the MBS rate have been even larger. That can be seen most easily in the spread of yields on mortgage-backed securities over those on Treasuries, adjusted for the prepayment option embedded in those securities. The option-adjusted spread has narrowed by about 100 basis points since the announcement of the program, with more than half of that decline occurring on days of substantive statements about the MBS purchase program.
How has the Fed been able to generate these substantial effects on longer-term interest rates? One word: size. The total amount of securities to be purchased under the LSAPs is quite large relative to the size of the relevant markets. That is particularly the case for mortgage-backed securities. Fed purchases to date have run at more than two times the net issuance of securities in this market. In the securities with 4 percent and 4.5 percent coupon rates, which have been among the most actively produced mortgage-backed securities since purchases began, the Fed has accumulated about two-thirds of the total outstanding amount of those issues. In other words, the Fed has been a substantial presence in these markets and has accordingly left a big footprint.
Another reason for the large impact on MBS rates, in particular, is that the market began from a point of substantial spreads—ones that were well above market norms. These wide spreads could have reflected poor liquidity and an elevated liquidity premium on these securities, or perhaps an extreme risk aversion to any asset containing the word "mortgage." In either case, Fed purchases would have acted to narrow the premium, bringing MBS rates down by a disproportionate amount as the MBS spread returned to more normal levels.
As the purchase program has progressed, the MBS spread has fallen to levels that are narrower than its historical average, and the liquidity considerations have turned completely in the other direction. Indeed, one issue that the Open Market Desk at the New York Fed now faces is whether its purchases are so large that they reduce market liquidity. The program has to strike the right balance between being large enough to have a meaningful impact on rates, but not so large that it impairs market functioning. As just noted, the LSAPs appear to have been successful in generating an effect on rates, and we are also taking steps to try to limit the adverse effects on market liquidity.
Winding Down the Asset Purchases
The apparent success of the LSAP programs has a flip side, in that we must
consider how market pricing will evolve during and after the termination of
the programs. This brings me to the second question that I consider: Will
markets have an adverse reaction as the Fed winds down its purchases?
One key issue in this regard is whether the market effects mentioned before arise from stock or flow effects. The portfolio balance effects discussed earlier would presumably be associated with changes in the expected stock of assets held by the public. Under this view, even an abrupt end to the Fed's purchases, if fully anticipated, would not cause an adverse market response, as it would not represent a discrete jump in the outstanding stock of securities held by the public. However, we want to allow for the possibility that the flow of asset purchases, or the ongoing presence of the Fed as a significant buyer, may also be relevant for market pricing. In that case, the end of the Fed's purchases could cause an increase in longer-term interest rates, at least temporarily until the market has had more of an opportunity to adjust to the Fed's absence.
On theoretical grounds, it would seem that the main impact of the Federal Reserve purchases reflects stock effects. However, flow effects could matter as well, particularly given the very large MBS purchases we have been making. The bottom line is that we cannot be absolutely sure about the degree to which market effects arise through one channel or the other.
For that reason, the FOMC has adopted a strategy of gradually tapering the size of asset purchases as the programs approach their end. This is a cautious approach. It should help to smooth out any possible market reaction associated with the flow of purchases, and yet it has no cost under a stock-based view. Tapering gives the market time for new investors (or perhaps previously displaced investors) to enter the MBS market in the place of Fed purchases. A tapering strategy was applied to our Treasury purchases with success, as the end of that program did not prompt any notable market response—exactly as we had hoped. However, tapering may be a more important consideration for the termination of the MBS program, given its larger relative size.
Related to this discussion, it is useful to note that exiting from LSAPs can involve a tension that is absent in the Fed's liquidity facilities discussed earlier. The liquidity facilities were established in response to considerable market strains that had caused the price of term liquidity to skyrocket. In responding, the Fed could be confident that it was pushing market rates toward levels that would be considered normal over the intermediate term. LSAPs, in contrast, could in practice push risk premiums below the levels that would be sustainable over the medium term. Doing so could still be an optimal approach, in terms of achieving macroeconomic outcomes, even if it requires that market pricing will eventually have to reverse.
That reversal would be relatively slow under the portfolio balance theory, if the Fed were to allow its asset holdings to passively run off as they mature. As normal market issuance patterns proceed and as the assets purchased by the Fed mature, the market portfolio will gradually revert back to where it would have otherwise been, allowing risk premiums to gradually renormalize.
Tightening Financial Conditions with an Expanded Balance Sheet
Of course, reducing, and ultimately ceasing, our purchases is only one dimension
of exiting from the LSAP programs. The other challenge that the programs
pose is that they have injected large amounts of reserves into the banking
system in a persistent manner. Thus, the final question I consider is
how policymakers will manage to tighten financial conditions, when deemed appropriate,
with the expanded balance sheet.
The banking system currently has more than $1 trillion in reserves. These reserves are the liability on the Fed's balance sheet that corresponds to the aggressive expansion of its asset holdings. The balance sheet is still growing and, absent asset sales, will remain unusually large for years. These balance sheet dynamics, left on their own, would keep reserve balances high for some time, potentially complicating the Fed's efforts to tighten monetary policy when appropriate.
Based on this consideration, it is not surprising that the Federal Reserve has been dedicating extensive effort to developing the framework and tools that could be used to tighten monetary policy even with a large balance sheet. This is a topic that is frequently discussed by FOMC members in their public speeches and in other communications.
A key part of the framework is the ability to pay interest on excess reserves. This authority alone may allow the FOMC to control short-term interest rates to its satisfaction, even if the banking system is saturated with a large amount of excess reserves. Indeed, the interest rate on excess reserves should act as a magnet for other short-term interest rates, keeping them relatively close together. In the current environment, the federal funds rate has remained modestly below the rate paid on reserves, typically by 10 to 15 basis points. If that spread were to remain steady near those levels even as the interest rate on excess reserves was increased, then policymakers would have sufficient control over short-term interest rates without the use of additional instruments. They could still choose a target level of the federal funds rate and could hit it by adjusting the interest rate on excess reserves.
However, policymakers face some uncertainty about how stable that spread will remain as short-term interest rates increase. The behavior of the spread today might not be that informative in this regard, as the proximity of short-term interest rates to the zero bound prevents the spread from getting much larger. In my view, the most likely outcome is that the spread will not widen substantially as short-term interest rates increase. However, if the spread does become large and variable, then policymakers will need other tools for strengthening their control of short-term interest rates.
With that in mind, monetary policymakers have asked the Federal Reserve staff to develop the ability to offer term deposits to depository institutions and to conduct reverse repos with other firms. These tools are similar in nature, as they both absorb excess reserves by replacing them with a term investment at the Fed. By removing reserves that would have otherwise been available for overnight lending, these tools could pull the federal funds rate and other short-term interest rates up toward the interest rate on excess reserves, providing the Fed with more effective control over the policy rate.
The development of both of these tools has made considerable progress. As indicated in the recent statement from the New York Fed, the Open Market Desk will soon begin conducting a series of small-scale, real-value term reverse repo transactions as part of our efforts to ensure the readiness of this tool. With the successful completion of those transactions, we will have achieved the operational ability to do term reverse repos with primary dealers against Treasury and agency debt collateral, using the triparty system for settlement. In addition, we continue to work on our ability to use MBS collateral in these operations and on a potential expansion of the set of our counterparties. At the same time, the staff is actively working on the Term Deposit Facility. The FOMC has said that it views completing the operational work necessary to establish these tools as an important near-term objective.
It is important to underscore that market participants should not confuse the efforts to achieve operational readiness of these tools with a change in the stance of monetary policy. The mandate handed to the staff by the FOMC was to develop the tools in order to have them ready when needed, with no clear direction on when that time will come. At this point, our efforts are simply aimed at meeting that mandate.
Of course, building the tools is only half the battle. Determining how to use them properly will be at least as challenging.
In that regard, it is useful to consider what these tools can achieve and what they cannot. As noted earlier, draining reserves with these tools could help to improve our control of short-term interest rates, which is the critical issue for ensuring that policymakers can tighten financial conditions when necessary. However, draining reserves with these tools does not undo the portfolio balance effects of the LSAPs. These operations would basically substitute one short-term, risk-free asset for another—replacing what is in effect an overnight loan to the Federal Reserve (reserves) with another short-term loan to the Fed (a reverse repo or term deposit). It is hard to believe that the willingness of an investor to hold risky assets or of a bank to make risky loans would be affected in any meaningful way by this substitution between such similar assets.
A key issue here is whether reserves have some special importance for the availability of credit. Some market observers have a very reserve-focused perspective on the transmission mechanism of monetary policy, arguing that high reserve balances inevitably lead to rapid credit expansion. Under that view, the large-scale asset purchases provide stimulus to the economy primarily by supplying reserves to the banking system, in which case the stimulative effects could be unwound by draining the reserves using any of the tools available. My own perspective differs. In my view, the effects of the asset purchases arise primarily from the removal of duration and prepayment risk from the markets, based on the portfolio-balance effects discussed earlier. Those effects would not be unwound by draining reserves with reverse repos or term deposits.
This is an important consideration for anyone who believes that the portfolio-balance effects could turn out to be too powerful. Some market observers have expressed concerns that the large holdings of liquid assets "on the sidelines" are pushing up risky asset prices excessively as investors attempt to invest those funds. Taking out the excess reserves using the two instruments I discussed will not, by itself, reduce the amount of liquid assets and hence will not undo those effects.
Nevertheless, as long as the FOMC has control of short-term interest rates, it will be able to achieve the desired outcome for broader financial conditions. In particular, the FOMC could always raise short-term interest rates further than would otherwise be the case to offset the stimulus provided by the remaining portfolio balance effects coming from the LSAPs. This type of response is built into the current policymaking process, as any remaining portfolio-balance effects would presumably be factored into the FOMC's assumptions about how financial conditions are likely to evolve, affecting the FOMC's economic forecast and the policy decisions based on that forecast. In some sense, this approach places more of the burden on hiking short-term interest rates to tighten financial conditions when the time comes.
An alternative approach would be to reverse a portion of the portfolio-balance effects through asset sales. Asset sales would put the portfolio risk back into the market at a faster pace than redemptions alone, forcing risk premiums to adjust more quickly in order to entice investors to hold that risk. The result would be to put upward pressure on Treasury yields and MBS rates independent of any changes in the expected path of short-term interest rates, so that less of the burden of financial tightening would fall on the short-term interest rate. As described in the minutes of the last FOMC meeting, FOMC participants discussed the possible role of asset sales in their policy strategy going forward and expressed a range of views. My comments are intended only to lay out what I see as the conceptual difference between the effects of asset sales and short-term reserve draining operations.
Overall, the large-scale asset purchases that the Federal Reserve has employed
seem to have had their desired effects in terms of reducing longer-term interest
rates. These purchases have been an important part of the policy response
that the FOMC put in place to foster a sustained economic recovery. Moreover,
that conclusion is reassuring for the future, as it suggests that central banks
will still have effective policy options should the zero bound threaten again.
However, these asset purchases have ongoing implications for the balance sheet that may require adjustments along other dimensions, such as the implementation of reverse repos, term deposits, asset sales, or other measures. The size, likelihood, and timing of the appropriate adjustments will only become apparent over time, as they will depend on the evolution of the economy and financial markets. They will also depend importantly on the effectiveness of interest on reserves for controlling short-term interest rates in a high reserve environment—a policy regime that has not been fully tested in U.S. markets and that will have to be evaluated in real time.
However, at this point we can at least identify what the policy issues are and evaluate how this set of tools addresses them. I have tried to provide you with my own perspectives on the effects that the Fed's expanded balance sheet has had on financial markets and the key issues that we face in managing this balance sheet going forward. Hopefully these views will be of some use in assessing and evaluating the future decisions of policymakers and in predicting how financial markets may respond.
Thank you.


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ILGA-Europe condemns violence at first Pride in Montenegro
Today LGBTI activists and their supporters staged the first Pride March in Budva, Montenegro. The participants of the March were subjected to physical violence, incitement to killings and other verbal abuse by about 200 protesters. Some participants were injured and a number of protesters were arrested.
ILGA-Europe strongly condemns the violence and deeply regrets that some people in Montenegro resort to aggressiveness and hostility to express their views. This said, ILGA-Europe commands the police force for ensuring adequate protection to the marchers and hopes that the Montenegrin authorities will thoroughly investigate the attacks and bring the perpetrators of violence to justice.
Evelyne Paradis, Executive Director of ILGA-Europe, said:
"Today is an unfortunate day for Montenegro. A group of LGBTI citizens exercised their fundamental right to assembly and publicly express themselves peacefully. Unfortunately other citizens employed violent methods to deprive their compatriots of this basic right.
Montenegro is an EU candidate country. The Montenegrin authorities fulfilled their duty to guarantee the right of assembly to LGBTI activists and their supporters.
However, the events of today clearly demonstrate that despite some positive progress in laws against discrimination, there is a huge need for education and awareness raising to be done by the Montenegrin authorities in order to cultivate and promote the basic principles and values of the European Union among its citizens, the principles of diversity and respect for human rights."
According to our Rainbow Europe's Index (May 2013), Montenegro came 27th among 49 European countries in terms of laws and policies affecting the human rights of LGBTI people


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In perhaps a sign of just how long the road will be for the Golden Globes to crawl back into Hollywood's good graces, the nominations announcement was led by a famous face who isn't primarily known for work in film or TV: rap legend Snoop Dogg.
Snoop, cool as he is, stumbled over the names of quite a few nominees, including megastar Ben Affleck. (He was, however, styling a knit cap emblazoned with the word "murder.") He also didn't give any indication why he was chosen to read these nominees in the first place – other than perhaps being the best-known Black celebrity willing to overlook the Hollywood Foreign Press Association's past scandals and bring a little star power, which was not the best look.
But beyond the HFPA's year of controversy – including exposés revealing allegations of corruption and the fact that the group's members in early 2021 didn't include any Black people – the current nominations for the 79th annual Golden Globe Awards needed to make an urgent argument:
Why should we still care about this awards show?
Predictable nominations don't make case for relevance
It's tough to see how the nominations revealed for films and TV shows in 2021 — which weren't particularly groundbreaking — argue for the Globes' influence, especially on the television side. I wrote in February about how the TV nominees for 2020 pointedly excluded a show that landed on many critics' best of the year lists and starred a Black woman: Michaela Coel's I May Destroy You.
At least, this year's nominees didn't repeat that mistake, with several Black-led series receiving nods, including Amazon Prime Video's The Underground Railroad for best limited series and Netflix's Lupin and FX's Pose for best drama.
Last time, no Black woman was named in the Globes' 20 slots for acting nominations in television. Now, Uzo Aduba and Michaela Jae Rodriguez were nominated as best actresses in a drama for their work on HBO's In Treatment and Pose, respectively. In comedy, Issa Rae from HBO's Insecure and Tracee Ellis Ross from ABC's Black-ish got nods for best actress.
But, aside from nominations for Lupin and FX's Native American-led comedy Reservation Dogs, there wasn't much of a sense that the Globes were elevating new voices or shows into the awards season conversation. The most nominated TV shows – HBO's Succession, Apple TV+'s The Morning Show and Ted Lasso, Hulu's Dopesick and The Great – all have that combination of big stars, industry buzz and/or international ties that usually result in attention from the Globes.
If anything, perhaps the controversy pushed the Globes into paying attention to shows it should have championed anyway. Since the HFPA is a collection of critics and journalists working for outlets based outside the U.S., it follows that they should have nominated South Korea's blockbuster Netflix hit Squid Game and France's popular Lupin.
Similarly, the most-nominated films – Kenneth Branagh's Belfast, Jane Campion's The Power of the Dog and Adam McKay's Don't Look Up – are also considered Oscar contenders already. Though these Globes nominations did include two women in the best director category – Maggie Gyllenhaal for The Lost Daughter and Campion – the previous cycle saw three women nominated in that category, including Regina King and eventual winner Chloe Zhao.
Even this cycle's snubs — which included no nods for Adam Driver or Al Pacino from House of Gucci (superstar Lady Gaga, was nominated as best actress in a drama, of course), Meryl Streep in Don't Look Up and Jennifer Hudson's turn as Aretha Franklin in Respect – weren't that surprising. Because they mostly made sense.
One surprise: streaming service Netflix got the most nominations overall and the most nominations in film. But the most nominations in TV went to HBO, followed by Hulu and Netflix. Continuing the domination of streaming and cable in awards ceremonies, ABC was the only broadcast network to get any nominations, thanks to nods for the two leads from its comedy, Black-ish.
Why does the Golden Globes exist?
The HFPA insists it has changed to address past criticisms, adding 21 new members — including six Black people — along with a list of other reforms distributed to journalists with their list of nominees.
In the past, the Globes offered a few advantages: It was one of the first major awards ceremonies to announce winners in the film industry, helping assess which work might be contenders for later honors. Their ceremony was famously informal, with nominees encouraged to drink and get loose on camera, drawing a fun distinction with the more stuffy Academy Awards.
And in TV, despite a preference for shows that featured big movie stars and British actors, they could honor deserving talents before the Emmys got around to it — giving awards to Mad Men star Jon Hamm and Amazon's groundbreaking dramedy Transparent.
But times have changed. The scandal led NBC to drop televising the awards ceremony on Jan. 9; the HFPA said nothing during its nominations presentation about how the winners will be announced.
So there likely won't be images of tipsy stars breaking the rules on a nationwide broadcast – unless they show up at the Critics' Choice Awards, which also take place on Jan. 9 and will be televised by The CW network.
Those of us who track these things have groused for a while about odd choices the HFPA often made in Golden Globe nominations and winners — wondering why a group which now boasts just over 100 members should garner such attention from Hollywood and the media.
If they hope to bring the Globes back to its previous status, they will have to find a new niche for their awards that elevates something other awards shows aren't already honoring. This year's batch of nominees shows that level of rebuilding may still be a long ways in the future.
Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.


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Monkey Steals Man's Phone to Take Selfies, Returns It Days Later
Welcome to PopCrush's Daily Break! Here's a breakdown of today's hottest pop culture and lifestyle stories as heard on PopCrush Nights, airing across the country. Find out Carole Baskin's reaction to her missing ex-husband's family's DWTS commercial, what a monkey did after stealing a man's phone and more!
Monkeys Can Take Selfies, Too!
A man in Malaysia had his phone taken by a monkey while he was in the middle of a nap. The device went missing for two days and before mysteriously showing up in the owner's backyard! When the man went into his phone to see if there was any damage, he found hilarious selfies of the monkey bandit who swiped his cell, as well as slow motion videos, time-lapse clips, upside down pictures and more! (via TMZ)
Engagement Ring Sales Skyrocket During Pandemic
Jewelry stores such as The Clear Cut have taken matters into their own hands and have started to use social media to promote their products as engagement ring sales continue to rise during quarantine. In fact, The Clear Cut's revenue has reportedly increased by 330%, with potential buyers flooding their DMs to find out more details on rings. (via TMZ)
Carole Baskin Wants To Find Missing Husband
DWTS contestant Carole Baskin says she is all in on promoting the Lewis family's commercial which aired during her debut on the show this past Monday. The Tiger King star claims she sees the increased interest in finding her missing ex-husband as a "side benefit" to being on the dancing competition. (via TMZ)
Kindergarten Teacher Struggles to Keep Students Interacted on Zoom
A kindergarten teacher has gone viral on TikTok thanks a video showing her teaching her young students (remotely, of course) math with the utmost enthusiasm. (via Fatherly)
Floyd Mayweather and Logan Paul Boxing Match Sometime This Year?
Undefeated boxing champion Floyd Mayweather has been challenged to fight YouTube star Logan Paul sometime in 2020, say sources close to the boxer. No one has signed a deal yet, but Paul has been searching for someone reputable to fight ever since his November 2019 match against KSI. (via TMZ)
How to Blur Your House on Google Street View
If you value your privacy and do not like people knowing all of your information, good news: Google Street View now allows you to blur out your home in just a few simple steps! However, once you block your house from being seen, it will be permanently blurred. (via WPST)
DJ Khaled Spotted Riding His Bike on the Freeway
DJ Khaled was spotted in an Instagram video riding his bicycle next to traffic while going over a bridge. He appeared unbothered by the fans recording him.


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We can work with you to develop a retirement plan that will help you achieve your goals for your golden years by analyzing your current and future retirement savings, and providing:
- Analysis of your available resources (including your savings and investments, Social Security, pensions, benefits, deferred compensation, and more).
- Illustrations of your goals, and how they can be funded by your available resources.
- Calculations of additional savings needed to increase the probability of reaching your retirement goals.
- Recommendations of investment vehicles for your needs and preferences (including Roth and traditional IRAs, use of annuities, and other savings strategies).
- Advice and guidance to help you understand your future retirement distribution options.
- Explanation of benefits so that you have the necessary information, along with the pros and cons of each available option.
- Projections of your ability to meet your future retirement expenses by evaluating your distribution options, using several different spending and taxation methods.
Retirement Investing
A well-defined investment portfolio is an essential component of your retirement plan. A diversified, properly allocated portfolio can help balance risk versus return, and hedge against inflation. By understanding your individual circumstances, we can recommend an investment strategy designed to help you achieve your goals for you and your family.
We will work with you, based on your needs and preferences, and make a recommendation as to whether a brokerage or advisory relationship, or both, is in your best interests. We offer a comprehensive selection of investments including managed accounts, mutual funds, bonds, stocks, ETFs, annuities, and other investments to structure a portfolio designed to help protect your assets and generate the income you need in a tax-efficient manner. Through our financial planning process, we will revisit your goals and provide advice as your needs and circumstances change.
Retirement Accounts
- Rollover IRA
- Roth IRA
- Traditional IRA
- Annuities
- Employer-Sponsored Plans/401(k) Plans
Let's discuss your retirement savings and investing needs today. Contact us for more information.


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Monday Walk Houston's Hermann Park
Walk Houston's Hermann Park and, or Texas Medical Center
About the Event:
Walk Houston's Hermann Park and/or Texas Medical Center.
Hermann Park is one of Houston's most popular and largest parks, with over 440 acres of wooded and cleared land and home to many animals, including a large zoo. Hermann Park is not only the home of the Houston Zoo but also the Reflection Pool, Japanese Gardens, Bayou, Golf Course, and Garden Center. Hermann Park is located just south of Downtown near the Texas Medical Center and offers great views of the Medical Center area.
Level of Difficulty:
All Level of Walkers is welcome for about a 1-3 mile distance.
Member Only Information (login to view):
Event Date & Time:
- Date: June 5, 2023
Time: Members Only
RSVP List
- Walter
To cancel your RSVP, please go to the "My Events" page.


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My beginnings as a gardener were so many years ago that I cannot really remember them. But I do remember that I was enchanted with the White Flower Farms catalogue, so charmingly written by one Amos Pettingill. Its yearly arrival was a cause for celebration. I would race through it, and then reread it all winter long. The directions for cultivation of any given plant were extensive, concise, and very opinionated. But what mattered the most to me was how their confident and friendly expertise created an aura of excitement and encouragement. I absolutely believed they knew exactly from whence they spoke. Like any other beginner, I was interested in formation, rules, parameters and lists. Luckily they only offered "must grow" plants; I did not need to sort through the list for what seemed like it would work well for me. Thank goodness for that, I was not far enough along to know what to look for, or when to be skeptical. I believed they were helping to make me a better gardener. In retrospect, that catalogue did encourage me, and help me to learn about gardening.
I do so remember the luscious photographs and prose accompaning their offerings of the Blackmore and Langdon delphiniums. Ever more shockingly beautiful, the Blackmore and Langdon tuberous begonias. Blackmore and Langdon plants come from England; they have had a relationship with White Flower Farms for many years. WFF does not offer that series of delphinium any longer, but they still sell those shockingly beautiful Blackmore and Langdon tuberous begonias. I could not afford them 30 years ago. But I could look and learn. The last I looked, one tuber of the fragrant tuberous begonia John Smith was $125.00.
What they charged for plants never bothered me. It was always my option to say no. What has stayed with me is how much I learned about plants, and more so, how much I was encouraged to grow plants. Mr. P was happy to explain how any plant got on his A list. Plants that performed well made the list. Rare and unusual plants made the list. Perennials, shrubs, evergreens, roses, bulbs and tubers-their list was broad and eclectic.
One of my first gardens was a rock garden. Why? I had a slope piled with rocks. Decisions then were easy; I had a lot of ground to cover. What would like that dry sun drenched soil? I went on to really become absorbed by those plants; I made it my business to learn more about them. I planted everything with big empty spaces in between, and weeded like crazy. I had an amazing patience for that garden, and for myself. I killed lots of plants. I had the energy to move things around until I found just the right spot. The only design on my mind was to contrast the forms of neighboring plants, so I could clearly see how large my stand of encrusted saxifrage had gotten, or the shape of that river of Elfin thyme.
I read lots of books-every one of which related to plant culture. I read extensively about plants I really did not like that much. I remember the first time my Paeonia tenuifolia bloomed, my friends rolled their eyes and yawned. I barely noticed-I was transfixed by the foliage and flowers of that little peony. Oh yes, I had read about it in the White Flower Farms catalogue. I doubt I will ever grow it again, but I have vivid memories. The plants I grow now are very much different than what I grew 30 years ago, of course. One's tastes and interest evolve. One's circumstances change. I mostly work; I garden when I have a moment.
Some interests return. I am thinking of taking out a block of panic grass, and planting a perennial garden from scratch. I have not had one for many years. I am resigned to being a novitiate, all over again. It is not that I cannot remember what I learned about the plants. What matters is that I will be growing them again. My question for the day-can one grow Dame's Rocket's in a perennial garden? The hesperis is blooming everywhere now-on the sides of the roads. Are they not so beautiful?
As for the novice gardener-that would, in my opinion, apply to everyone who gardens. Every day there is something new to learn, something old to grow in a new way, something new I have never seen. I am perfectly happy, being still fairly new at this.


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I hope some of the New Hampshire readers are paying attention: you have two creationist bills working through the legislature, and some real dingbats backing them.
Bergevin told the Monitor, "I want the full portrait of evolution and the people who came up with the ideas to be presented. It's a worldview and it's godless." He reportedly blamed the acceptance of evolution for the atrocities of Nazi Germany and the 1999 Columbine shooting.
I know NH has extremely diverse representation…tell me these clowns are going to get laughed down as soon as their bills come up for a vote.
(Also on Sb)


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I assume this is really basic question, I'm new to LaTeX, I read a first step tutorial to get ready to write some documents but I couldn't answer my own question at this time and I really don't know where to search.
When I try to write é and compile my document, this character is not shown. I know the sequence is \'e
to make it happen in the document but that is really disturbing to write.
Is there someway to write a paragraph "normally" and convert all the special chars into the LaTeX syntax? Or is there a way to allow é, à, ... writing so the compilation includes them into the document?


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Contact: Brittany Jablonsky, 701-690-0000
SANTA FE, N.M. (March 8, 2014) – For the third year, National Farmers Union (NFU) partnered with Feeding America to raise funds and donate produce to food banks in rural communities. Farmers Union members donated $196,700 to Feeding America and its local food banks – the most money raised annually since the campaign's inception.
"Feeding the less fortunate is not a mission family farmers and ranchers take lightly. Farmers Union members have always sought innovative solutions to food security challenges, whether in their own communities or on the other side of the world," said NFU President Roger Johnson.
"Rural hunger doesn't always get the same media attention as inner-city poverty, but anyone who has lived in a rural community knows that food insecurity doesn't discriminate based on geography, and is often exacerbated by the distance and isolation of rural areas," said Johnson. "And, globally, some of the most food-insecure families are comprised of smallholder farmers who are themselves food producers."
Many donations were in the form of fresh fruits and vegetables, given to local food banks to provide needy families with fresh, locally grown food. In addition, many youth participating in Farmers Union education programs donated funds to the campaign, fostering a new generation of leaders dedicated to improving their communities.
NFU announced the campaign's results at the opening of its annual convention, which runs through Tuesday. For more information about the NFU convention, visit www.nfu.org/convention, or follow @nfudc and #NFU2014 on Twitter.
National Farmers Union has been working since 1902 to protect and enhance the economic well-being and quality of life for family farmers, ranchers and rural communities through advocating grassroots-driven policy positions adopted by its membership.


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Subscribe Now
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Subscribe to our newsletter to receive news & updates. We promise to not spam you, super promise!
Our product and our team is hyperspecialized and 100% web based.
We believe in focus. There's no other company zoomed in as we are!
We are the first fully funded, fully web based company in the world.


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- Double-check your spelling
- Try entering fewer or more general words
- Consider an alternate name: "glass" versus "goblet"
- Use catalog item numbers, if available
Your choice of chairs lays the foundation for your home's entire decor theme. Our range of living and dining room chairs includes designs with all the classic elegance and updated style you expect from Grandin Road, making the ideal starting point for your furnishing projects and upgrades.
Seating Solutions for Every Room
Reinvent your sitting spaces with versatile home chairs from Grandin Road to find the perfect seating solution. Browse dining room chairs and side chairs to complete your table arrangement. Then, explore cozy and unique living room chairs for a relaxing finishing touch to your formal and casual seating areas. And lastly, upgrade your home office with elegantly upscale reading chairs that combine great style with superior comfort, in designs to complement every kind of desk.
Elegant Dining Room Chairs
Outfit your dining room with side chairs that complement your dining table. Browse timeless favorites like wooden side chairs, fabric dining chairs, folding chairs, and other popular designs to suit your space. Whether you prefer traditional, global, or contemporary furnishings, Grandin Road makes it easy to find unique sitting chairs you'll love.
When extra guests arrive, you'll need dining room side chairs that are quick and easy to set out. Available in lightweight wooden and luxuriously padded designs, our space-saving folding dining room chairs combine great looks with comfort and function.
Stylish Living Room Chairs
Accent your sofa set or add a comfortable addition to your bedroom with our selection of living room armchairs. Explore options including recliners with adjustable-tension, cozy glider chairs, and supportive armchairs designed for sitting back and relaxing in comfort. Find swivel chairs and club chairs to make the perfect addition to the rest of your furniture and mix in a few decorative pillows for the perfect finishing touch. And for compact rooms with limited floor space, small living room chairs fit just right without overpowering the layout.
Comfortable Desk and Reading Chairs
Combine style and ergonomic comfort with our range of chairs specially designed for desks and reading room use. Our range of home office desk chairs brings together the elegance of our regular armchairs alongside high-quality, durable construction to let you sit in comfort while in your study.
Superior Seating Made with Quality Materials
Careful craftsmanship and premium materials ensure your sitting chairs deliver the ultimate comfort, with different styles, colors, and fabrics to fit every room. Bring a timeless ambiance to your space with genuine leather chairs and beautiful, upholstered fabric chairs crafted with rich wood and available in an array of colors. Add a creative touch with living room side chairs featuring elegant details like embroidered florals, nailhead trim, or button-tufted accents that make each decorative chair a functional work of art.
Update your space with the Grandin Road collection of home chairs for every room. Shop living room chairs, dining room chairs, and accent chairs to find the perfect combination of comfort and style.
And if you need inspiration for matching sitting chairs for the living room or dining room to your home's existing decor theme, visit our Shop the Look section for accessible ideas to take your furnishing projects to the next level of classic style.


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Speed matters when providing assistive experiences
Getting better results from your online ads today requires more than just the right keywords or the right bids. You need to deliver the helpful and frictionless experiences consumers expect from brands. Yesterday at Google Marketing Live, we shared ad innovations powered by Google's machine learning that help you do just that.
However, even the best ads struggle to deliver results if they're sending people to slow landing pages, especially on mobile. In retail, we see that for every one second delay in page load time, conversions can fall by up to 20 percent.1 That's why we're making it easier to diagnose and improve your mobile site speed.
See if your mobile pages are slowing you down
Consider this: more than half of all web traffic now happens on mobile. Yet the average mobile webpage takes 15 seconds to load.2 And for many brands this equates to missed opportunity, especially when more than half of visits are abandoned if a mobile page takes more than three seconds to load.3 So where does your business land in all of this?
To help you understand how landing page speed affects your ad performance, we introduced the new mobile speed score. Evaluated on a 10-point scale, 1 being very slow and 10 being extremely fast, the mobile speed score lets you quickly see which pages are providing a fast mobile experience and which ones may require your attention.
See your mobile speed score on the Landing Pages page in Google Ads
Mobile speed scores are based on a number of factors, including the relationship between page speed and potential conversion rate. It starts rolling out to advertisers globally today.
Improve your mobile experience with AMP
Now that you know what's slowing you down, how do you speed up? Accelerated Mobile Pages (AMP) provide a faster, smoother, and more engaging mobile experience. In fact, AMP pages typically load 85 percent faster than standard mobile pages.4 They're so fast, they appear to load instantly.
Once you've sped up your site, you can direct your search ad clicks to those AMP pages and create the super-fast and delightful mobile experiences people expect. Brands like Greenweez, a leading French organic retailer, are using AMP to improve mobile site landing page speed and performance. Greenweez was able to increase its mobile page speed by 5X, resulting in an 80 percent increase in mobile conversions!
Build your case for a faster mobile site
When someone has a negative experience on mobile, they're much less likely to purchase from you in the future. So if you want to stay ahead of the curve, you need to prioritize speed within your organization. To help you do that, we've built two free tools: the Speed Scorecard, which lets you see how your mobile site speed stacks up against your peers, and the Impact Calculator, which lets you estimate the revenue you're potentially leaving on the table by having a slow mobile site.
You can learn more about these tools and best practices for speeding up your mobile site on Think with Google.
1. Google/SOASTA, "The State of Online Retail Performance," April 2017
2. Google Research, Webpagetest.org, sampled 11M global mWeb domains loaded using a globally representative 4G connection, Jan. 2018.
3. Google Data, Aggregated, anonymized Google Analytics data from a sample of mWeb sites opted into sharing benchmark data, n=3.7K, Global, March 2016
4. Google Data, Global, April 2017