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------------------------------------------------------------------------------ libburn.pykix.org ------------------------------------------------------------------------------ This all is under GPL. (See GPL reference, our clarification and commitment at the end of this text) ------------------------------------------------------------------------------ libburn.pykix.org By Mario Danic <firstname.lastname@example.com> and Thomas Schmitt <email@example.com> Copyright (C) 2006 Mario Danic, Thomas Schmitt Still containing parts of Libburn. By Derek Foreman <firstname.lastname@example.com> and Ben Jansens <firstname.lastname@example.com> Copyright (C) 2002-2006 Derek Foreman and Ben Jansens These parts are to be replaced by own code of above libburn.pykix.org-copyright holders and then libburn.pykix.org is to be their sole copyright. This is done to achieve the right to issue the clarification and the commitment as written at the end of this text. The rights and merits of the Libburn-copyright holders Derek Foreman and Ben Jansens will be duely respected. This libburn.pykix.org toplevel README (C) 2006 Thomas Schmitt ------------------------------------------------------------------------------ Overview of libburn.pykix.org : libburn.pykix.org is an open-source library for reading, mastering and writing optical discs. For now this means only CD-R and CD-RW. The project comprises of several more or less interdependent parts which together strive to be a usable foundation for application development. These are libraries, language bindings, and middleware binaries which emulate classical (and valuable) Linux tools. Our scope is currently Linux 2.4 and 2.6 and we will have a hard time to widen this for now, because of our history. The project could need advise from or membership of skilled kernel people and people who know how to talk CD/DVD drives into doing things. We do have a workable code base for burning data CDs, though. The burn API is quite comprehensively documented and can be used to build a presentable application. We do have a functional binary which emulates parts of cdrecord in order to prove that usability, and in order to allow you to explore libburn's scope by help of existing cdrecord frontends. The project components (list subject to growth, hopefully): - libburn is the library by which preformatted data get onto optical media. It uses either /dev/sgN (e.g. on kernel 2.4 with ide-scsi) or /dev/hdX (e.g. on kernel 2.6). libburn is the foundation of our cdrecord emulation. - libisofs is the library to pack up hard disk files and directories into a ISO 9660 disk image. This may then be brought to CD via libburn. libisofs is to be the foundation of our upcoming mkisofs emulation. - cdrskin is a limited cdrecord compatibility wrapper for libburn. Cdrecord is a powerful GPL'ed burn program included in Joerg Schilling's cdrtools. cdrskin strives to be a second source for the services traditionally provided by cdrecord. cdrskin does not contain any bytes copied from cdrecord's sources. Many bytes have been copied from the message output of cdrecord runs, though. See cdrskin/README for more. - test is a collection of application gestures and examples given by the authors of the library features. The main API example for libburn is test/libburner.c . Explore these examples if you look for inspiration. We plan to be a responsive upstream. Bear with us. We are still practicing. Build and Installation Our build system is based on autotools. User experience tells us that you will need at least autotools version 1.7. To build libburn.pykix.org and its subprojects it should be sufficient to go into its toplevel directory and execute ./bootstrap (needed if you downloaded from SVN and not a release tarball) ./configure make To make the libraries accessible for running resp. developing applications make install ------------------------------------------------------------------------------ Project history as far as known to me: - Founded in 2002 as it seems. See mailing list archives http://lists.freedesktop.org/archives/libburn/ The site of this founder team is reachable and offers download of a (somewhat outdated) tarball and from CVS : http://icculus.org/burn/ Copyright holders and most probably founders: Derek Foreman and Ben Jansens. - I came to using libburn in 2005. Founded the cdrskin project and submitted necessary patches which were accepted or implemented better. Except one remaining patch which prevented cdrskin from using vanilla libburn from CVS. The cdrskin project site is reachable and offers download of the heavily patched (elsewise outdated) tarball under the name cdrskin-0.1.2 : http://scdbackup.sourceforge.net/cdrskin_eng.html It has meanwhile moved to use vanilla libburn.pykix.org , though. Version 0.1.4 constitutes the first release of this kind. - In Juli 2006 our team mate Mario Danic announced a revival of libburn which by about nearly everybody else was perceived as unfriendly fork. Derek Foreman four days later posted a message which expressed his discontent. The situation first caused me to publically regret it and then - after i got the opportunity to move in with cdrskin - gave me true reason to personally apologize to Derek Foreman, Ben Jansens and the contibutors at icculus.org/burn. Posted to both projects: http://lists.freedesktop.org/archives/libburn/2006-August/000446.html http://mailman-mail1.webfaction.com/pipermail/libburn-hackers/2006-August/000024.html - Mid August 2006 project cdrskin established a branch office in libburn.pykix.org so that all maintainers of our tools have one single place to get the current (at least slightely) usable coordinated versions of everything. Project cdrskin will live forth independendly for a while but it is committed to stay in sync with libburn.pykix.org (or some successor, if ever). cdrskin is also committed to support icculus.org/burn if the pending fork is made reality by content changes in that project. It will cease to maintain a patched version of icculus.org/burn though. Precondition for a new release of cdrskin on base of icculus.org/burn would be the pending "whitelist patch" therefore. I would rather prefer if both projects find consense and merge, or at least cooperate. I have not given up hope totally, yet. I, personally, will honor any approach. - 2nd September 2006 the decision is made to strive for a consolidation of copyright and a commitment to GPL in a reasonable and open minded way. This is to avoid long term problems with code of unknown origin and with finding consense among the not so clearly defined group of copyright claimers and -holders. libisofs is already claimed sole copyright Mario Danic. cdrskin and libburner are already claimed sole copyright Thomas Schmitt. Rewrites of other components will follow and concluded by claiming full copyright within the group of libburn.pykix.org-copyright holders. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------ This program is free software; you can redistribute it and/or modify it under the terms of the GNU General Public License as published by the Free Software Foundation; either version 2 of the License, or (at your option) any later version. This program is distributed in the hope that it will be useful, but WITHOUT ANY WARRANTY; without even the implied warranty of MERCHANTABILITY or FITNESS FOR A PARTICULAR PURPOSE. See the GNU General Public License for more details. You should have received a copy of the GNU General Public License along with this program; if not, write to the Free Software Foundation, Inc., 59 Temple Place, Suite 330, Boston, MA 02111-1307 USA ------------------------------------------------------------------------------ Clarification in my name and in the name of Mario Danic, upcoming copyright holders on toplevel of libburn. To be fully in effect after the remaining other copyrighted code has been replaced by ours and by copyright-free contributions of our friends: ------------------------------------------------------------------------------ We, the copyright holders, agree on the interpretation that dynamical linking of our libraries constitutes "use of" and not "derivation from" our work in the sense of GPL, provided those libraries are compiled from our unaltered code. Thus you may link our libraries dynamically with applications which are not under GPL. You may distribute our libraries and application tools in binary form, if you fulfill the usual condition of GPL to offer a copy of the source code -altered or unaltered- under GPL. We ask you politely to use our work in open source spirit and with the due reference to the entire open source community. If there should really arise the case where above clarification does not suffice to fulfill a clear and neat request in open source spirit that would otherwise be declined for mere formal reasons, only in that case we will duely consider to issue a special license covering only that special case. It is the open source idea of responsible freedom which will be decisive and you will have to prove that you exhausted all own means to qualify for GPL. For now we are firmly committed to maintain one single license: GPL. signed: Mario Danic, Thomas Schmitt


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Practical trainee
Life on the ISS depends on their energy budget. In addition to small quantities of fuel being transported consuming, primarily supplies the sun all life support systems and aggregates. The International Space Education Institute modified its power supply with the Jesco von Puttkamer school, the workshops and the Habitat (Space Hotel) on sun. So the young scientists get an idea of ??sustainable energy use. Since this week the solar power plant was installed on the roof. It is divided into 3 components: - 30 m² photovoltaic (6.6 kilowatts) Thus, in future, the amount of energy used is produced to operate the "Jesco von Puttkamer school" and their departments themselves. Excess electrical power is fed into the network. Electricity consumption during the night will largely be refinanced. On very sunny days, excess heat from the solar thermal energy has to be dissipated. This is fed to a 2000 liter / 530 gal hot water tank for showering and washing. In the transitional seasons even bleigt left some heat for a basic supply of heating the rooms. Excess heat is dissipated in the summer to heat the outdoor pool (38°C / 100°F temperature in the pool are possible). On cloudy days and in snow adds a mini-cogeneration plant from "Ecopower" the energy-budget in the basement. This consists of a single-cylinder 4-stroke engine and is driven by natural gas. A generator replaces the complete power of the photovoltaic to 5 kW. In addition, it produces a fundamental requirement of 12 kW hot water to recharge the hot water tank and basic operation of the heater. So this powerstation adds 120 kWh electricity and 288 kWh for wamwater per day! The heating of all buildings on campus takes in the winter months, a natural-gas powered energy-efficiency heating of "Junkers" with a peak power of 100 kW. This benefit is especially important for the heating of the workshops on the Campus. An own subterranean district heating pipe ensures the transport of energy. So the steady weekly technical after-school-activities with students are now also possible in the cold months. Carger for the selfmade NASA-E-Rover and pugs for E-Cars on the Campus´ parking lot are in preperation. The win with this intelligent system saves circa 400-800 euros (US$ 450-900) / month are used to promote the youth work of the institute and its young scientists. An online monitor published in the house and on the website the result of this captive power plant. So the young scientists who are learning here, their sponsors and the Space-hotel guests are able to see the energy balance of this house. If necessary they can adapt their life and work to the rhythm of the sun and its environment. Similarly the astronauts and cosmonauts living aboard the ISS, are doing the same. The namesake of this school "Prof. Jesco von Puttkamer" was the 1st ISS-director for 14 years long. So this technology is honoring his work and life for young scientists Thanks to Aizhigit Tabanov (Young Engineer for Aerospace, Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan) for his cooperation in the realization of the project: (https://www.facebook.com/groups/NASA.summercamp/?fref=ts) Thanks to Dr. Loeser from the company Dr. SOL Solarsystems in Leipzig (http://www.drsol.de). more photos: |

subset: commoncrawl


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FROZEN Push On Grip Doodle
Statutory VAT included. Shipping calculated at checkout.
The Frozen* Cool Grips convince not only with the individual label design, performance is our top priority! We combined a frosty soft compound with a cool polygon shape and an icy grip pattern area. That's the perfect receipt for long days on trails, big gaps at the park or just a backyard spin. The grip material is of course UV-resistant and extremely durable. Nothing will rub off here.
But the coolest feature, the clear push-on grip gives you the opportunity to customize your grip area individually. They're the first custom grips where you can choose the design yourself. With our range of custom labels you can show off your attitude on trail, or the ice cream parlor.
- Diameter approx. 31mm
- Push On 133mm width
- Twist Clamp 143mm width
- 35-40A soft compound
- Aluminium, TPE, PA12


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Top Representatives from 140 Countries to Gather in Dubai for AIM 2019
Top-level representatives from over 140 countries from Europe, Latin America, Africa, Middle East, and Asia will gather in Dubai next week to take part in this year's edition of the world's leading foreign direct investment (FDI) platform, the Annual Investment Meeting (AIM).
Set to take place from 8th to 10th of April 2019 under the theme 'Mapping the Future of FDI: Enriching World Economies through Digital Globalization,' the global event, an initiative of the UAE Ministry of Economy, will host tens of thousands of exhibitors and visitors who will network and exchange expertise with each other and promote a myriad of investment opportunities in their respective states.
"Apart from high-profile conferences and forums, the event will also feature an exhibition to provide governments and private organizations alike with an opportunity to present their relevant programs and projects with the greatest socio-economic impact to a vastly diverse international audience. The interactive exhibition will offer participants as well a rare chance to connect with visitors and conference delegates such as regional and global industry leaders and key stakeholders," said Dawood Al Shezawi, CEO of Annual Investment Organizing Committee.
Exhibitors from more than 25 countries will showcase their respective mega developments, significant expansion activities in key economic sectors, and prevailing business climate and regulatory environment. The exhibiting countries include Saudi Arabia, Algeria, China, Botswana, Ivory Coast, Ghana, the United Kingdom, Nigeria, Russia, South Africa, the United States, the UAE, India, Ukraine, Seychelles, Somalia, Egypt, Cameroon, Cyprus, Poland, Somaliland, Swaziland, Indonesia, and DR Congo, among others.
Additionally, AIM 2019 will enable participants to showcase the potentials of their respective local sectors to a diverse global audience. This year, several countries including UAE, South Africa, China, Georgia, Italy, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Mali, Botswana, and Indonesia will present at the forum. The presentations will be highly informative emphasizing important economic features and conditions as well as investment data including fascinating details about the investment environment in these countries.
While Sierra Leone's USD 7.96-billion Medium Term National Development Plan will spur immense investment opportunities in key sectors of agriculture, fisheries and marine, education, tourism, and mining over the next five years (2019-2023), Italy will also demonstrate markets opportunities for Capital Raising, Investment and Digital Transformation. It will also present to the audience investment opportunities in Emilia Romagna. The country will also bring to light the largest food park in the world and agrifood logistics in Bologna and shed light on the importance of investing Italy now.
This edition of AIM will also witness the presence of a delegation of 200 officials, investors and businessmen from Libya who will highlight how Libya is evolving as a market for expanded socio-economic opportunity, offering a load of benefits for foreign investors.
AIM is held under the patronage of H.H. Sheikh Mohammed Bin Rashid Al Maktoum, UAE Vice President and Prime Minister and Ruler of Dubai. It is considered the largest global investment gathering of corporate leaders, policy makers, businessmen, regional and international investors, entrepreneurs, leading academics, and experts.


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Learning Center
We keep you up-to-date on the latest tax changes and news in the industry.
In the dynamic world of startups, navigating uncharted waters is part of the game. As entrepreneurs, we're often so laser-focused on building the next big thing that we may overlook the importance of structuring advisory relationships with care. It's not uncommon for startups to be overly generous with equity, only to realize down the line that the advisor's contributions didn't align with the initial expectations. This is where the inclusion of milestones and responsibilities in early-stage advisor agreements comes into play—a practice that can be a game-changer for both parties involved.
Setting the Foundation for Success
A well-crafted advisor agreement serves as the foundation of any successful collaboration. It's not just a legal document – it's a roadmap for success. By delineating clear responsibilities and establishing milestones, startups can ensure that advisors are aligned with the company's vision and objectives right from the start.
Avoiding Equity Overcommitment
One of the most common pitfalls startups face is overcommitting equity in exchange for advisory services. While it's crucial to value the expertise advisors bring to the table, it's equally important to ensure that the equity distribution is commensurate with the advisor's actual contributions. Including a detailed list of responsibilities in the agreement allows both parties to have a transparent understanding of what's expected, thus mitigating the risk of equity dilution.
Clarity Breeds Trust
Trust is the cornerstone of any successful business relationship. When advisors and startups are on the same page regarding their respective roles and responsibilities, it creates a foundation of trust that can withstand challenges and uncertainties. This clarity fosters an environment of open communication, where concerns can be addressed proactively, ultimately leading to a more productive and harmonious partnership.
Maximizing Advisor Impact
For advisors, knowing exactly what is expected of them enables them to direct their efforts strategically. By having a well-defined list of responsibilities, advisors can focus on areas where their expertise will have the greatest impact. This targeted approach not only benefits the startup by leveraging the advisor's strengths but also ensures that the advisor's time and expertise are utilized effectively.
A Roadmap to Success
Startups are often faced with a multitude of decisions, and having an experienced advisor can be a game-changer. However, to harness the full potential of this collaboration, it's imperative to have a roadmap in place. Milestones act as signposts, guiding the way forward. They provide tangible markers of progress, enabling both the startup and the advisor to track the trajectory of the company and make informed decisions.
Avoiding Advisor-Founder Misalignment
In the fast-paced startup ecosystem, misalignment between advisors and founders can be a significant roadblock. Without clearly defined responsibilities, misunderstandings can arise, potentially leading to friction and unmet expectations. A comprehensive advisor agreement acts as a safeguard against such misalignment, ensuring that everyone is on the same page from day one.
The inclusion of milestones and responsibilities in early-stage advisor agreements is not just a legal formality—it's a strategic imperative. It sets the stage for a successful collaboration by providing clarity, avoiding equity overcommitment, and maximizing the impact of advisors. By investing time and thought into crafting a robust advisor agreement, startups can pave the way for a fruitful and mutually beneficial relationship with their advisors. Remember, in the world of startups, every decision counts, and a well-structured advisor agreement is a decision that can make all the difference.
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text:
August 1972
Poe's witticism was not meant kindly, but it was actually a compliment. Without doubt Margaret Fuller stood first among women of the nineteenth century. It is surprising that, as America's first liberated female, she is not today first in the hearts of her countrywomen. The primary responsibility for this neglect lies with her intimate friend Ralph Waldo Emerson, who, under the guise of loving kindness, defeminized, distorted, and diminished the image of her that has come down to us.
Though today almost forgotten, Margaret Fuller still probably holds more firsts than any other American woman who ever lived. As editor of the transcendentalist Dial , she was the first woman editor of an important intellectual magazine. She was the first woman to write a book about the Wrest and such experiences as sleeping in a barroom, shooting rapids in an Indian canoe, and witnessing maltreatment of the red man by the white man. She was the first woman to break the taboo against the female sex in the Harvard College Library. As columnist for Horace Greeley's New York Tribune , she was the first U.S. woman journalist and and the first professional literarycritic of cither sex in the United States. Her sensational book, Woman in the Nineteenth Century (1845), was the first uncompromising plea by an American woman for women's rights. Encouraged to go to Europe by Greeley, she was the first American woman foreign correspondent. And while covering the bloody Roman Revolution of 1849, she became the first American woman underground revolutionary in a foreign cause.
She was also the one passion blossom in the flowering of New England, as her friends—Emerson, Bronson Alcott, William Henry Channing, James Freeman Clarke, Thoreau, Elizabeth Hoar, the Peabody sisters —and her enemies —Poe, James Russell Lowell, Longfellow, Hawthorne—were to discover with shock. She dared, in the end, to fulfill herself as a woman—to cease being a "strange, lilting, lean old maid," as Thomas Carlyle described her, and take a lover. The secret was kept until her marriage was announced. That her consort was an Italian revolutionary nobleman over a decade younger, the father of her yearold child, was stunning. It proved too much for even the practical, liberal Greeley, and it cost her her job.
Only very recently have new details been published that reveal the true story of Margaret's life abroad, changing markedly the image Emerson passed on to posterity after her death. Emerson dominated a triumvirate, with Channing and Clarke, to edit her so-called Memoirs . His tricky techniques—whether deliberate or unconscious—converted her from a warm, rich, loving personality into a snobbish, egotistical, passionless old maid.
She was indeed strange and lilting, but for all Carlyle's description of her at thirty-six, not truly "lean." He meant, probably, that she was not so buxom as an English matron. In fact, however, she was a large-breasted woman whose figure had already developed fully by the time she was thirteen. She was able to dance endlessly and to ride a score of miles horseback without fatigue. Everyone admitted that she dressed in the best of taste and carried herself regally. She was a gifted mimic with a wry sense of humor and occasionally a lacerating tongue. Horace Greeley said she might have been "the first actress of the nineteenth century."
The legend that she was "phenomenally homely," as even the distinguished Professor Perry Miller of Harvard wrote in an article in A MERICAN H ERITAGE in February, 1957, was based on descriptions by men perhaps jealous of her intellectual achievements who apparently wished to defeminize her. "Those who seem overladen with electricity frighten those around them," Margaret observed. Emerson, in contrast to his own pulpit voice, found her tones "nasal"; and Channing described her neck, in the tactful Victorian tradition, as swanlike. Less tactfully, he added that it "made swift turns like that of a bird of prey." The strand of tawny blond hair that survives negates all claims that it was stringy and lusterless. Frederic Hedge, her contemporary, declared that she had "blond and abundant hair, excellent teeth, and sparkling, dancing, busy eyes." True, she was nearsighted and squinted disconcertingly.
Though Emerson confessed he was unable to understand why Italian men paid court to her, Europeans found her graceful and charming. The great Polish poet Adam Mickiewicz wrote to her: "After having admired the women of Rome, say to yourself, 'I too am beautiful!' … In you I met a real person. I need not give you any other praise." Firmly her New England colleagues belittled her appearance. "She had no pretensions to beauty," James Freeman Clarke said. Yet he admitted, "She was not plain." Elizabeth Hoar, that dry New England intellect who described Emerson as a "ray of white light" and Margaret as a "prism," summed up: "Only her presence can give you the meaning of the name Margaret Fuller."
In one of her innumerable candid appraisals of herself, Margaret wrote: "I am 'too fiery' … yet I wish to be seen as I am, and would lose all rather than soften away anything." This honesty endured to the end of her life.
Sarah Margaret Fuller was born May 23, 1810, in the village of Cambridgeport, Massachusetts. Margaret's father, Timothy Fuller, had worked his way through Harvard Law School and had been elected to the United States House of Representatives as a Jeffersonian. The Fullers were descended from one Thomas Fuller, a pious and poetry-writing Englishman who settled in Salem in 1638. Timothy's father, a clergyman, had opposed the signing of the United States Constitution on the grounds that it condoned human slavery. The cantankerous Fullers had a tradition of speaking out when the spirit moved them.
Timothy at the age of thirty married Miss Margaret! Crane, a young woman of twenty, sweet and passive but far from unintelligent—as so often has been implied. Margaret was the first of eight children, of whom two died in infancy and the youngest, a boy, developed mental illness. As Timothy had wanted a boy for his first-born, he resolved to educate Margaret exactly as if she might someday be a candidate for all-male Harvard.
Until Margaret was sent away to boarding school, in adolescence, Timothy assigned her lessons and heard her recitations. At the age of four and a half she could read, and by six was reading Latin with the fluency of English. From Latin she went on to Italian, French, German, a smattering of Greek—studying the masters in each language. She became so versatile that schoolmates invented the legend that she could simultaneously eat an apple, rock a cradle, knit a stocking, and read a book. They were not far wrong.
For this energetic precocity Margaret paid a price: she was set apart from her schoolgirl companions, and boys her own age were bewildered by her. It is hardly surprising that as a child she walked in her sleep and had nightmares of colossal faces and rampant stallions. At eight she read and was deeply affected by Romeo and Juliet . Much later she wrote, "At eight or nine years old the passions are not infrequently felt in their full shock." Her appraisal of her childhood was succinct: "The child fed with meat instead of milk becomes too soon matured.…"
When Margaret was twenty-three, her father, after a series of economic reverses, dragged the family to a rocky, isolated farm in Groton, Massachusetts. For Margaret it was a period of exile and despair, unrelieved by outside social and intellectual contacts. On Timothy's sudden death two years later, Margaret gave up her dream of Europe and assumed the responsibility for supporting the family. This she did by teaching school in Providence and later by her Boston "Conversations." These were lectures for women on such subjects as Greek mythology and religion, and, despite ridicule, they established her reputation among the local intellectuals.
It was in this period, about 1835, that she first met Emerson. She was twenty-five, he thirty-two. Then began, in Emerson's words, that "strange, cold-warm, attractiverepelling" relationship that was to endure with many temperature variations for the remainder of her life.
Given the time and place of Margaret's birth, her education, and her ecstatic nature, it was perhaps inevitable that she should gravitate toward the transcendentalist camp. Yet she never subscribed fully to transcendentalist ambiguities and finally broke with the movement. She held reservations about so exciting a project as George Ripley's Brook Farm experiment in communal living. The Transcendentalist Club split over the issue, with Emerson exclaiming sententiously, "I am not bitten by this madness of Socialism." While Margaret, on the other hand, called herself an "ardent Socialist," she felt that Brook Farm was not so much socialistic as idealistic. She did not join the commune but often visited to lead classes.
When the transcendentalist group, after much debate, decided in 1840 to establish a journal, the Dial , Margaret was chosen editor. This post she held for two years; she was succeeded by Emerson. It was in the pages of the Dial that Margaret launched her one-woman campaign for women's rights. Once in her journal she had written, " 'Tis an evil lot to have a man's ambition and a woman's heart." In 1843 she published an article with the ungainly title "The Great Lawsuit—Man versus Men: Woman versus Women," on the theme that she later developed more fully in her book on women's rights. It aroused controversy in a small circle not enough, however, to satisfy Margaret.
Then she went West, completed and published her travel book, Summer on the Lakes , and with a pause only long enough to refill her inkwell-resumed her discussion of women's rights. Writing at frantic pace—and as usual not bothering to parse or prune her sentencesshe produced Woman in the Nineteenth Century , published in New York in February of 1845. Now, she wrote triumphantly, "the measure of my footprint would be left on the earth." The immediate result was as if she had been wearing hobnail boots.
The polite and well-bred were truly horrified at Miss Fuller's brazenness. The book was met with jeers, derision, mockery. It was denounced as preposterous, hysterical, immoral. The first edition was sold out within a week. It became known abroad. "Margaret Fuller" was soon a household name— inspiring to some and revolting to others.
The book was filled with a series of shockers:
"There exists in the minds of men a tone of feeling toward women as toward slaves."
"What Woman needs is not as a woman to act or rule, but as a nature to grow, as an intellect to discern, as a soul to live freely and unimpeded."
"[Men] think that nothing is so much to be dreaded for a woman as originality of thought or character."
"Let it not be said, wherever there is energy or creative genius, 'She has a masculine mind.'"
"Were [women) free, were they able fully to develop the strength and beauty of Woman, they would never wish to be men or manlike."
"There is no wholly masculine man, no purely feminine woman."
"Women are the best helpers of one another. Let them think, let them act."
"We would have every arbitrary barrier thrown down. We would have every path laid open to Woman as freely as to Man."
Horace Greeley, whose publishing firm had accepted Woman , had shrewdly foreseen the response. Already he had invited Margaret to come to New York as the first female member of the working press. Though he carped about Margaret's statement that women should be sea captains if they wished, and refused to open doors for her, he gave her free rein. Her articles were to alternate between social and literary criticism. Since Boston intellectuals regarded New York as an uncultured, materialistic Babylon, the fact that Margaret--ignoring clucks from Emerson—accepted the job was considered little short of treason. She began work in December of 1844, soon scandalizing everyone by interviewing prostitutes in Sing Sing prison.
Margaret's treason was magnified when she reviewed scathingly the works of New Englanders Longfellow and Lowell and dissected Emerson's second series of essays and his poems as if working on a cadaver. She did not hesitate to be scalpel precise about Emerson: "We miss what we expect in the work of the great poet or the great philosopher," she wrote about the essays. "Here is undoubtedly the man of ideas, but we want the ideal man also; want the heart and genius of human life to interpret it, and here our satisfaction is not so perfect." Her criticism of his poetry was no less sharp: "His poems are mostly philosophical, which is not the truest kind of poetry. They want the simple force of nature and passion, and while they charm the ear and interest the mind, fail to wake far-off echoes in the heart."
Already she had broken with Emerson spiritually, though they continued intermittent communication. Her reviews in effect were a public farewell. Eventually he was to have revenge.
'Until Margaret Fuller immigrated to New York at the age of thirty-four, her major emotional involvement had been with Emerson, whose craggy face and lanky form she greatly admired. She called him "my Druid." Her first adolescent crush had been her kinsman George T. Davis. When Davis married someone else, Margaret took to bed with a fever. Then Margaret, at eighteen, became infatuated with the fifteenyear-old beauty Anna Barker, kin of the Astors, sent from New York to Cambridge to acquire culture —a girl who in later years so titillated Emerson that he gushed about "that very human piece of divinity." A decade later, thinking of Anna, Margaret wrote musingly in her journal, "It is so true that a woman may be in love with a woman and a man with a man." After Anna came Samuel Gray Ward, called by Margaret her "Raffaello" because he was "so sensuous, so loving, and so lovely." The dénouement was too painful: Sam Ward married Anna Barker, not Margaret. Thus finally Margaret turned toward Emerson, a married man with Margaret, in her way, rivalling Henry David Thoreau for the Sage of Concord's affections.
Margaret's "soul" relationship to Emerson came to a climax in the autumn of 1840, the time of the Ward-Barker wedding. Letters recently published for the first time have given a new dimension to this exchange, and it now appears that Margaret and Waldo were far more intimate than anyone had guessed. Emerson carefully filed his correspondence, but all of Margaret's letters from this period disappeared—except one, and that one was a copy in Emerson's own handwriting, suggesting that he may have preferred to delete some sections. These fragments reveal that Margaret's emotions, though fever hot, were not caloric enough to melt the Emersonian glacier.
Toward the end of September, 1840, Emerson wrote that "certain crises must impend," and "perhaps it [is] better to part now. Now in your last letter you … do say … that I am yours & yours shall be, let me dally how long soever in this or that other temporary relation." Next day he entered in his journal, avoiding use of Margaret's name: "You would have me love you? What shall I love? Your body? The supposition disgusts you."
On the day of Emerson's letter Margaret was writing to her closest woman friend, Caroline Sturgis (with whom Emerson also corresponded): "Of the mighty changes in my spiritual life I do not wish to speak, yet surely you cannot be ignorant of them."
A few days later she wrote Waldo the letter he copied for his file: "… If you ever know me well, you will feel that the fact of my abiding by you thus far, affords a strong proof that we are to be much to one another. How often have I left you despairing & forlorn. How often have I said, This light will never understand my fire. … Could I lead the highest angel captive by a look, that look I would not give, unless prompted by true love: I am no usurper. … To L. [Lidian, Mrs. Emerson] my love. In her I have always recognized the saintly element. … Yet I am no saint, no anything, but a great soul born to know all."
A month later Margaret told Caroline in confidence: "I have just written a letter to our dear Waldo which gives me pain. … His call bids me return, I know not how, yet full of tender renunciation, know not how to refuse." Emerson's reply was unsparing: "I have your frank & noble & affecting letter, and yet I think I could wish it unwritten."
From this point on, all was a downward spiral. Margaret's assumption of the Dial editorship that same year increasingly consumed her energies. When, a year later, she was a houseguest at Emerson's home in Concord, she and the Sage preferred to confront each other by letter from room to room, rather than face to face. Emerson's small son, Waldo, was their courier. Balked by the impenetrable walls between them, Margaret wrote plaintively: "When I come to yourself, I cannot receive you, and you cannot give yourself; it does not profit." And: "There is nothing I wish more than to be able to live with you, without disturbing you."
Perhaps Margaret's acceptance of Greeley's Tribune offer in late 1844, in addition to her need to earn a living, was a gesture of defiance toward Emerson. In New York she was sufficiently free of "the Dear Wise One" to be able to search elsewhere for a soul mate. The likeliest prospect stemmed from the most unlikely quarter: a blue-eyed, blond German immigrant from Holstein, a businessman. James Nathan, whom she met at a literary soiree, was about her age, but from a family as orthodox in Judaism as hers was in Puritanism. He had two particular assets: a guitar, which he played with a romantic air, and an appealing dog named Josie.
Margaret had been invited by Mrs. Greeley to live at the Greeley farm on the outskirts of town. Aside from the fact that this location was difficult for a city suitor, Mr. Greeley did not much "take to" Nathan, and subterfuge became necessary. Margaret and Nathan were forced to meet in bookshops, tearooms, restaurants, and other public places, which retarded the development of intimacy.
Again Margaret resorted to the pen, composing a series of notes which are theatrical in comparison with her letters to Emerson, and fanciful in comparison with the love letters she was to write later in Italian. Evidently her inner eye seemed to be watching a play with a histrionic, grandly dramatic heroine. "I hear you with awe assert power over me and feel it to be true," she wrote. "It causes awe, but not dread, such as I felt sometimes since at the approach of this mysterious power, for I feel deep confidence in my friend and know that he will lead me on in a spirit of holy love.…"
However, he did not. The "affair" lasted only a few months, until Nathan hurriedly departed for Germany, leaving his dog with Margaret. Only gradually did she realize she had been abandoned; the disillusionment was bitter. She demanded the return of her letters, or that they be burned. Nathan refused. The letters weighed heavily on Margaret, but their existence did not become public knowledge until 1903. Sold by Nathan's son, they were published with an introduction by Julia Ward Howe and titled The Love Letters of Margaret Fuller . The more revealing Italian love letters remained almost totally unknown.
Psychically and physically exhausted, Margaret eagerly accepted the opportunity to go abroad as foreign correspondent for the Tribune . It was the old dream realized. Marcus and Rebecca Spring, wealthy Quaker friends, offered to pay Margaret's fare if she would accompany them and tutor their twelve-year-old son, and Greeley offered to pay eight to twelve dollars per dispatch.
On the first of August, 1846, they sailed aboard the Cambria , a sailsteam ship. It was a record crossing: ten days sixteen hours Boston to Liverpool—symbolic of the new industrial revolution. But for Margaret, another, more important revolution was impending. In London, Paris, Rome, awaited the three men who would totally change her life.
In Britain Woman in the Nineteenth Century had been read with much sympathy, opening many doors for Margaret. She and the Springs undertook a leisurely tour by diligence, canal boat, and the new iron horse. She interviewed Harriet Martineau, Wordsworth, and De Quincey; inspected pubs, country estates, coal mines, castles, steel mills, public laundries, and, incidentally, got lost for an entire night on the Scottish mountain Ben Lomond. She was appalled by the poverty and the class distinctions, enchanted by the English countryside, furious at the working conditions in the mines and factories, shocked by the filth and hopelessness of the poor. Immediately she advocated a "peaceful revolution." She was emotionally and politically ready for the first real revolutionary she had ever met.
His name was Giuseppe Mazzini, an Italian exile living in England with a sentence of death on his head, an intellectual with intense, beautiful, fascinating eyes. He was five years Margaret's senior. He had organized poor immigrant boys into schools and clubs as part of his "Young Italy" movement. One evening Margaret addressed one of the groups, and Mazzini wrote to his mother that she "made a touching speech." He wrote other things, too, so glowing that his mother suggested that he should have Margaret live with him and care for him. But he was not to be diverted from revolution by even a Margaret Fuller.
Margaret for her part was swept entirely into his orbit. She found him "pure music." She wrote an article for the Tribune about Mazzini and his goals, reminding Americans that Italy was "the mother of our language and our laws, our greatest benefactress." Unaware of potential dangers, she joined a plot to smuggle Mazzini back into Italy as a member of the Springs' party—with an American passport. So secret was the scheme that past biographers generally have been unaware of it. The plan called for Mazzini to make contact with the Americans later in Paris, in disguise. To Margaret his parting admonition was far from political: "Learn to love not only Italy, but the Italians." She accepted this advice to a degree that perhaps astonished him.
In Paris, Margaret plunged, with her usual adventurousness, once more into a round of sightseeing, theatre, opera, interviews. She was invited to a court ball (King Louis Philippe). For a tooth extraction, she tried the new wonder drug, ether. Of the luminaries she met, George Sand (Madame Dudevant) and her lover, Chopin, were outstanding. In Woman Margaret had spoken favorably of George Sand as an emancipated woman, bringing the wrath of the morally self-righteous down on her own head. Now she exercised caution and reported only to her spinster friend Elizabeth Hoar that George Sand "needs no defense, but only to be understood, for she has bravely acted out her nature." It was as if Margaret Fuller sought to prepare a brief in her own defense.
Well she might, for an ironic question posed to her in a letter from Mazzini's friend Adam Mickiewicz was pounding in her ears: "For you the first step of your deliverance … is to know whether you are to be permitted to remain a virgin." Like Mazzini an exile, Mickiewicz lived in Paris, banished from his Polish homeland by the Russian czar for revolutionary activities. At age fortyeight he was still strikingly handsome and of superb physique, his country's national poet, and a popular hero as well.
It is difficult to understand why Mickiewicz's letters have been overlooked as playing a decisive part in Margaret's European adventure. Certainly she recognized this "real and important relation," as she said. As for Mickiewicz, his sweeping appreciation of Margaret was in bold contrast to that of her niggardly New England colleagues: she was "the only woman to whom it has been given to touch what is decisive in the present world and to have a presentiment of the world of the future." He continued by letter to urge her physical liberation.
Mazzini, constantly spied upon, was forced to change his plans and did not come to Paris—fortunately for the American conspirators. But Margaret was deeply disappointed. In early spring, 1847, she and the Springs left Paris, heading for Naples. On the way a serious mishap occurred: their English steamer was rammed and nearly sunk by a coastal ship. Quite cavalierly Margaret described it all for her Tribune readers, but in a letter to Emerson admitted the frightening truth: she had "only just escaped being drowned."
" My Italy," as Margaret exulted to Emerson, vital, sensuous Italy, was in 1847 divided into eight separate political states, with the temporal territories of the pope splitting the peninsula in half from sea to sea. Rome and the Papal States were ruled by the pope as a theocracy. The object of Mazzini's crusade was to unite all Italy into a single republic. In reaction, every frontier post of every state had standing orders for his immediate arrest.
Into this stewing caldron Margaret leaped as a devoted Mazzinian, eventually to become in Rome a letter drop for Mazzini's secret agents. She also bore introductions to various republicans, who were to help provide information for her Tribune dispatches. She began tepidly with a travelogue about Rome but quickly switched to politics, Holy Week, and Pope Pius ix. She questioned whether the newly elected pontiff would be able to fulfill his subjects' aspirations for desperately needed reforms—and whether he was as liberal as he seemed. This warning proved her among the most astute political observers in Europe. Time and again she would anticipate Pius's actions to an almost unbelievable degree.
But for Margaret, Holy Week had another and special significance. She had visited St. Peter's with the Springs and separated from them to view various chapels. Somehow there was confusion about their rendezvous, and she found herself alone. She was approached by an obviously cultivated young man, handsome, with flowing hair, a mustache, and melancholy eyes. He asked if he could be of any help. Margaret explained her situation, and he offered to find a carozza —but no carriages were at hand. So he walked her to her lodgings. His name was Giovanni Angelo Ossoli.
He was, as it happened, eleven years her junior, the youngest son of a noble family important in the papal service. His mother had died when he was a child. His father was a high papal official; his three brothers served in the pope's Guardia Nobile , and one brother was, in addition, a secretary of the Privy Chamber. He himself was a marchese—heir of the great lords of the castle of Pietraforte. He was also secretly a republican, an admirer of Mazzini. Until the past two years almost nothing has been known in America about Ossoli. As late as 1963, Professor Miller could write that Angelo "on somewhat vague premises claimed to be a Marquis." Yet a superb Ossoli chapel, a symbol of the family's nobility, stands in one of the oldest churches in Rome for anyone to see.
Margaret thought at once that she had found another soul mate. But Angelo proved to be less ethereal and more real—as Margaret discovered when they picnicked with cheese and wine in the Alban hills. Nevertheless, from Margaret's letters it is evident that the relationship was still at this time platonic. Shortly, to her amazement, Angelo offered to marry her. She refused and left with the Springs for northern Italy.
Then the totally unexpected happened. Margaret parted with the Springs, and instead of resuming the homeward journey, as planned, hurried from Milan to Rome. Angelo, of course, was the magnet. Mickiewicz had written that she ought not to "leave your young Italian." Angelo himself had predicted to Margaret: "You will return—to me." Margaret said later, "I acted upon a strong impulse. … I neither rejoice nor grieve. I acted out my character." She had written, "Woman is born for love, and it is impossible to turn her from seeking it." How well she knew herself!
Angelo was not in any sense an intellectual like the metaphysical transcendentalists. His book learning was meager, but he had the cultural education of any young man of the aristocracy, as was attested by Margaret's close friends in Rome, sculptor W. W. Story and his wife Emelyn. In no way was Angelo the "boor" that Hawthorne, who never met him, said he was. He was, curiously, anticlerical, but not antiCatholic. He opposed only the Church's temporal power. Margaret found in him gentleness, sympathy, an intuitive understanding of her as a woman. He was able to provide the human warmth the Puritan moralists lacked. In short, she loved him, and unquestionably he loved her. He did not feel that the disparity in their ages was of any significance—though Margaret confided to a close friend that if someday he should love someone else, "I shall do all that this false state of society permits to give him what freedom he may need."
Their affair was kept secret from everyone including, most especially, their families. Obliquely Margaret wrote to her mother: "I have not been so well since I was a child, nor so happy ever." In December of 1847 Margaret discovered that she was pregnant, and suddenly a dark mood of despair overwhelmed her. "At present I see no way out except through the gate of death," she wrote Caroline Sturgis, not yet confessing her condition. She continued to refuse Angelo's offers of marriage. "The connection seemed so every way unfit," she said. To Angelo such a marriage meant being disinherited, simply because Margaret was poor, Protestant, and radical. Indeed, until recently the Ossoli family took the view that Margaret ruined Angelo's life.
For all her depression Margaret made no move toward abortion. When her girth could no longer be concealed, she sought a hiding place outside Rome, in the village of Rieti fifty miles distant. Since Angelo had volunteered as a sergeant in the popular "civic guard," he could not leave the city; and the two carried on an intense correspondence in Italian. Not the least of their problems was the papal censor. Angelo often hid secret messages in newspapers he sent to Margaret and used cover names in his letters. In many of their letters the personal and political are so intermingled as to become inseparable.
"I received this morning your dear letter," Angelo wrote. "The banker [a republican agent] sent a message that the documents didn't come, because Mazzini had escaped from Milano. I am very disturbed at hearing that you had such a bad night … I hope that you will always be courageous. I will be waiting for a sign to come straight into your arms, before they deprive us of even this pleasure. … Meanwhile I salute you, and believe me am always yours."
With the baby due in a fortnight, Margaret requested, "See if you can get details of Milano … I am terribly worried about our dear friends there [fighting against the Austrians]; how they must be suffering now! Also I am thinking much of you. I hope that you are less tormented. If we were together it would be a consolation, though everything is going badly now. But it's impossible to continue so, always, always. Goodby my love. I am sorry that we must pass so many days until you come; but I am glad I have the small portrait, which I look at often. M. (I hug you.)"
The baby, a boy, was born with difficulty September 5, 1848, and given its father's name and title, possible in Italy, then and now, even when the parents are not married. Angelo drew up a complex legal document in Latin on parchment. He was able to stay only one day, then rushed back to Rome. After several months the baby was placed in a foster home in Rieti, to Margaret's great distress; then reluctantly she took the diligence to Rome. She wished to hide the baby in the city, but Angelo refused, for fear their secret might become known. They continued, unwillingly, to live apart.
Margaret returned on the eve of one of the most stirring revolutions in European history, a dramatic upsurge of the Italian Risorgimento. With finances exhausted, she resumed at once her dispatches to the Tribune . She resumed, too, the systematic collection of material for the monumental History of Italian Liberation she proposed to write.
For her literary task Margaret had extraordinary sources of information. From Angelo's contacts she had access to the papal side; from Mazzini's contacts, the republican side. In addition, she herself had made noteworthy friends among the Italians, particularly the Marchesa Costanza Arconati Visconti (of the famed and ancient Visconti family). They carried on an active correspondence. And, fortunately, Lewis Cass, Jr., the American chargé d'affaires to the papal court, formed a strong liking for her and passed on much inside information. To top things off, she had chosen, accidentally, an apartment overlooking the pope's Quirinale Palace—so that she watched from her balcony some of the most dramatic scenes of the revolution.
One such scene occurred when the papal Swiss Guard fired on a crowd demonstrating for a constitution, civil rights, and redress of grievances. Inside the palace were Angelo's brothers, serving in the papal elite guard. Outside were Angelo and the civic guard. The crowd reacted with bedlam, setting fire to the great portal of the palace. Margaret saw "the broken windows, the burnt doors, the walls marked by shot, just beneath the loggia on which we have seen [the pope] giving the benediction."
A few days later Pius ix fled in the disguise of a simple priest, taking asylum with the Bourbon king of Naples, who also had a revolution on his hands. Events thereafter proceeded swiftly, with the entry of Mazzini and Garibaldi into Rome, the proclamation of a Roman Republic, and the advance of Bourbon, Spanish, Austrian, and French troops to destroy the Republic and restore the pope to his throne. Mazzini became chief of the Triumvirs governing the Republic and was in frequent contact with Margaret. (A number of his letters survive.) Garibaldi, whom Margaret had first seen while she was hiding in Rieti, became a leader in the defense of Rome—though alas for the Romans, not commander in chief.
The French army, sent by Louis Napoleon, was the first to arrive. The French soldiers were driven back and disorganized by Garibaldi but returned with reinforcements to besiege Rome. One of the defenders was Margaret's Angelo, now promoted to captain, in charge of a battery of rusty cannon. During the siege, from April 30 to July 4, 1849, Margaret was director of a military hospital, watching every cartload of wounded for the dreaded sight of Angelo. The last night of the attack she spent on the walls with Angelo, expecting death for them both. Today a viale —a tree-lined street —within the walls is named for her.
Margaret's dispatches to the Tribune were strictly factual. Nevertheless, in her editorial interpolations she called openly for United States recognition of the Roman Republic. In this she had the support of envoy Cass. But the State Department moved with such slowness that word of recognition did not arrive until a fortnight after the Republic's fall.
Margaret's partisanship for Mazzini did not blind her to the primary weakness in his revolutionary program—the lack of economic planning. With amazing insight for someone of her background, she commented: "Mazzini has a mind far in advance of his time in general, and his nation in particular. … And yet Mazzini sees not all: he aims at political emancipation; but he sees not, perhaps would deny, the bearing of some events which even now begin to work their way.... I allude to that of which the cry of Communism, the systems of Fourier, etc., are but forerunners." Margaret may well have already been aware of the 1848 publication by Marx and Engels of The Communist Manifesto and of its implications.
In spite of her criticism, her portrayal of Mazzini throughout is warm and deeply sympathetic, as her portrait of Garibaldi (whom at first she feared as a guerrilla bandit) is one of respect and admiration. It would be difficult to find in American journalism more graphic and moving descriptions than her eyewitness account of the tattered Garibaldi legion as it prepared to retreat to the hills and fight on for Italian freedom; or of Mazzini as he wandered hollow-eyed about the streets after the French had entered Rome.
The final paragraph of Margaret's last dispatch ended with a personal appeal: "O men and women of America, spared these frightful sights —acknowledge as the legitimate leaders and rulers, those men who represent the people. …"
Angelo Ossoli, like Mazzini, escaped from Rome with an American passport provided by Cass at Margaret's request. Margaret and Angelo, both almost penniless, fled together to their child, hidden in Rieti. They found their "Nino" near death, emaciated by what was probably an intestinal infection. This added trauma very nearly threw Margaret into shock. She rallied and with Angelo's devoted help slowly nursed the baby back to life.
Angelo's father had died, and he was no longer on speaking terms with his brothers. He tried to recoup some of his inheritance but failed. Rieti, so close to Rome, was dangerous. In the autumn the dispirited revolutionaries moved on to Florence, where their American passports saved them from the Austrian police. There, according to a letter written in Italian by Angelo's sister Angela, Margaret and Angelo were married. This letter is the only evidence extant, and only in 1969 was it published in English. Margaret in fact became the Marchesa Ossoli.
Horace Greeley, apparently paying heed to rumors of free love, dropped Margaret from his payroll. Though her financial situation steadily deteriorated, she settled down to write her History . Angelo settled down to learn English. He had no way to earn a living. As Margaret wrote to Caroline Sturgis, "Being a nobleman is a poor trade in a ruined despotism."
Margaret revelled in her child, bathing, dressing, playing with him constantly, writing long letters to her friends about his graces. "Christmas day I wasjust up, and Nino all naked on his sofa, when came some beautiful large toys: a bird, a horse, a cat. … It almost made me cry to see the kind of fearful rapture with which he regarded them."
In Florence they lived quietly; among their few friends were the Brownings. Margaret had introduced them to the American public but reviewed Miss Barrett less favorably than Mr. Browning. Miss Barrett, in retaliation, initially proclaimed Margaret's situation scandalous and finally called her writings "naught." Also, she was wary of Margaret politically, "she being one of the out and out Reds and scorners of grades of society." Margaret, for her part, found Mrs. Browning "too gentle and faded at first sight to excite prospective feeling of any kind."
If such a buzz of gossip had been provoked in Florence, then what of America? To Emelyn Story, Margaret wrote that she did not admit "the rights of the social inquisition in the United States to know all the details of my affairs … many persons there will blame whatever is peculiar."
Everyone in the United States whom she had criticized or offended would be quick to condemn. Lowell already had mangled her in his Fable for Critics . Bishop John Hughes's reply to her dispatches had been to organize mass rallies in New York supporting Pius ix. Her praise of abolitionists had annoyed moderates. And finally, certain judgments in her dispatches had alienated many patriots: "My country is at present spoiled by prosperity, stupid with the lust of gain, soiled by crime in its willing perpetuation of slavery, shamed by an unjust war [the Mexican War], noble sentiment much forgotten even by individuals, the aims of politicians selfish or petty, the literature frivolous and venal. In Europe ... a nobler spirit is struggling—a spirit which cheers and animates mine."
Increasingly it became evident that Ossoli, because of shrinking finances and more restive secret police, must leave Florence. So Margaret determined to take her husband, her child, and her manuscript to face the rigors of home. They chose the cheapest passage they could find—a merchant sailing ship, the Elizabeth . In mid-May, 1850, they embarked from Livorno. Margaret passed her fortieth birthday aboard ship, without celebration. Angelo was only twenty-nine.
A fortnight after sailing, as they reached Gibraltar, the captain died of smallpox. A week of quarantine, and the ship sailed on again, under command of the first mate. A few days later, little Nino developed smallpox. He did not die; Margaret, as before, nursed him back to life. On the eighteenth of July the first mate informed the passengers they would arrive in New York the following day. Margaret rejoiced and selected Nine's landing clothes. That evening the wind freshened, becoming a gale by midnight. The first mate, thinking they were off New Jersey, held course with close-reefed sails. In fact, they were off Long Island.
At 4 A.M. the Elizabeth struck a Fire Island sand bar. Through dawn and all morning the passengers and crew huddled in the forecastle while the ship gradually broke up from the relentless force of the waves and wind. The lifeboats had been smashed, and Margaret gave the only available life preserver to a sailor who went overboard to summon aid. Through the spray and rolling surf human figures could be seen on the beach; but they were beach pirates, waiting to pillage the wreck, and no help came. Toward midday the first mate abandoned ship with a wooden plank. "Save yourselves !" he shouted.
Margaret, with long dishevelled hair and still wearing her white nightgown, clung to her child and husband. She refused to make any attempt toward land without them both. She was last seen near the foremast just before a great wave struck.
Shortly before they sailed, Margaret had written that her life proceeded like a Greek tragedy—"I can but accept all the pages as they turn."
Of the three of them only the baby's body, cast up on the beach, was ever found.
Margaret's death was a public sensation, and an official investigation of the wreck was launched. From the New England group of Margaret's old friends, it was Thoreau, not Emerson, who rushed to Fire Island to seek in the sands any trace of Margaret's manuscript on the Roman Revolution. Nothing was discovered except a trunk containing Margaret's and Angelo's love letters and a few documents in Italian.
Even after her death, Margaret's psychic conflict with Emerson continued. Bleakly he noted in his journal, "I have lost in her my audience." He had repeatedly urged her to return to Concord; and when he was in Britain lecturing, he begged her to sail with him on the same ship. At the time Margaret received this letter she was in hiding and big with child. When news of Margaret's son and husband reached Concord, Emerson was gravely disturbed; he felt Ossoli had "taken her away" from him. Abruptly he changed his position. When Margaret asked advice on marketing her manuscript, he counselled her to remain in Italy while he acted as her agent. "It is certainly an unexpected side for me to support,—the advantages of your absenteeism," he wrote.
From their earliest meeting, Margaret had provoked him, saying such things as, "Your prudence, my wise friend, allows too little room for the mysterious whisperings of life." She called him "the cold stone." He replied defensively that she was like the "crackling of thorns under a pot." When, shortly after her death, he assumed—for whatever private reasons—the chief responsibility for assembling her memoirs, he confessed that Margaret "remained inscrutable to me."
He did not hesitate, however, to include remarks that he attributed to Margaret, attested to by no one but himself, which helped establish the false image of her overweening egotism, her "rather mountainous ME," as he described it. One such has passed into the history books: "She said to her friends, 'I now know all the people worth knowing in America, and I find no intellect comparable to my own.'" In the copy of the Memoirs owned originally by Margaret's first love, George T. Davis, pencilled beside this quotation of Emerson's is the phrase "Sublime bosh!"
Another example of his doctoring : Emerson stated in the Memoirs that Margaret's famous passage describing Mazzini was written to him"You say, do I not wish Italy had a great man. Mazzini is a great man: in mind a great poetic statesman, in heart a lover, in action decisive and full of resources as Caesar. Dearly I love Mazzini, who also loves me." This paragraph in fact was not addressed to Emerson at all, but to Caroline Sturgis. Emerson deleted it from Caroline's letter and attached it to one addressed to him.
Emerson went further with his literary license. He revised Margaret's sentences and substituted words, modifying her lava-hot style into a semblance of his own stiff, pontifical language. He changed places and dates. He shifted copy from one source to another. He blue-pencilled, deleted, scissored whole sections of letters and journals. Sometimes letters were copied and originals discarded. Scores of pages of secret diaries were ripped away. In the end some vital part of Margaret had been amputated, and Emerson rested content with the portrait he and his fellow editors had created. In essence, despite their stated kindliness, they distrusted her because she was a woman intellectual who dared acknowledge her sexuality.
Even so, for all their labors, traces of the real Margaret Fuller could not be suppressed: the wide-ranging freedom of her mind and outlook, for one thing; and for another, her true, womanly, passionate hunger for love. A statement that Margaret once made tauntingly to Emerson could serve as a fitting epitaph for both Dear Waldo and herself: "You are intellect, I am life!"


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Good morning & welcome to the start of a new MTTC challenge.
Before we get to our new challenge & some fabulous creations by the DT, I need to announce our 'Summertime' Top 3. So chosen by Monika in no particular order we have......
huge congrats & thank you for sharing with us. Don't forget to snag your Top 3 badge from the sidebar for your blog xx
Now time for our new challenge, where the theme is one I love & one I never seem to have enough of......
its one theme that is always needed, so why not add the extra one to your box & join in with us!
You have until Friday 14th July to get your entries in using the linky tool below


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Gwyn Stephenson
Marketing Manager
Liebherr-Great Britain Ltd.
Stratton Business Park
Normandy Lane
Biggleswade SG18 8QB
United Kingdom
- Phone+44 7799 088697
Liebherr cranes have had an important part to play in the construction of the new Queensferry Crossing across Scotland's Firth of Forth. Three Liebherr tower cranes were used to build the Crossing's three towers with assistance from two Liebherr crawler cranes. Over ten different Liebherr mobile cranes types and products from three Liebherr divisions have been used over the life of the project. Most recently a 500 tonne and a 300 tonne crane Liebherr supplied to long-standing customer Bernard Hunter were used in its contract to dismantle the three Liebherr 630 EC-H 40 tower cranes.
From the start of the major Queensferry Construction project in November 2011, Liebherr products have featured prominently. In the earlier stages of construction, three identical 40 tonne Liebherr 630 EC-H 40 tower cranes were erected to build the three 207m towers that will support the Queensferry Crossing. This new 2.7km long bridge will be the world's longest cable stayed bridge with three towers and will sit alongside the existing Forth Road Bridge across Scotland's Forth Estuary.
The three Liebherr 630 EC-H 40 tower cranes were supported by two Liebherr LR 1300 crawler cranes, which were owned and operated by Ainscough Crane Hire Ltd. One of these cranes was mounted on a barge in the river. The second machine was based on shore and operated in support of the barge, loading out components to be taken to the base of the towers.
Ainscough Crane Hire also operated a total of twelve different types of Liebherr mobile telescopic and lattice boom cranes on the Queensferry Crossing construction site. These cranes ranged in size from 40 tonnes to 500 tonnes and were used to lift components needed to construct the bridge. At least one model of almost every telescopic crane that Liebherr manufactures was used on the project.
More recently, a long-standing Liebherr customer, Edinburgh-based family business Bernard Hunter, won the contract from Forth Crossing Bridge Constructors (FCBC) to dismantle the three Liebherr 630 EC-H 40 tower cranes and the company purchased two new cranes from Liebherr to fulfil that contract. A 500 tonne LTM1500-8.1 mobile crane with a 35m fixed fly jib was used to remove the tower cranes' tie bars from the bridge structure and was lifting five tonnes at a 57m radius and a 90 m hook height. This crane then went on to remove the tower cranes' jib sections, head, cabin and slew assembly. Alongside the LTM 1500-8.1, a 300 tonne LTM 1300-6.1 mobile crane was used to remove the tower cranes' counter jib, hoist unit frame and counterweight ballast blocks. This crane was lifting 22.2 tonnes at a 22m radius and a hook height of 55m.
Here you will find the press release and images for download.
Marketing Manager
Liebherr-Great Britain Ltd.
Stratton Business Park
Normandy Lane
Biggleswade SG18 8QB
United Kingdom


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1. Place chicken and mushrooms in slow cooker.
2. Mix Seasoning, tomatoes and tomato paste until blended. Pour over chicken and mushrooms. Cover.
3. Cook 8 hours on LOW or 4 hours on HIGH. Remove chicken and vegetables to serving platter. Stir sauce before serving. Serve over hot cooked pasta, if desired.
Test Kitchen Tip: Remove skin from chicken parts, if desired. Use a paper towel to grasp the chicken skin for easier removal.
Slow Cooker Tip: For best results, do not remove cover during cooking.


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AR-15 Adaptable Trigger (Two-Stage)
Our AR Triggers are built to satisfy the demand of enhancing the accuracy and precision of an AR in every role.
Pull Weight
2.5 - 5.0 lbs
Featuring Frictionless Release Technology™, this drop-in AR trigger has a short, two-stage action, designed to feel like a 1911 trigger, that provides a true zero-creep break, extremely short overtravel, a sub 0.030" tactical reset and offers outstanding reliability, even in the harshest environments. Utilizing CLKR Technology™, the pull weight is quickly and confidently be adjusted in 2oz increments from a set screw with the trigger installed. Due to there being truly zero creep, most shooters report the pull weights feeling ~0.5lbs lighter than a friction based trigger of the same measured pull weight. This trigger bears the adaptable name because changing its pull weight does not affect hammer force so you get dependable primer strikes at every weight. Frictionless Release Technology™, along with hardened 440C stainless steel internal components ensure corrosion resistance and an extended service life. As Frictionless Release Technology™ does not rely on coating, polishing or lubricating the key engagement surfaces, trigger pulls will be more consistent from shot to shot and after thousands of shots than you ever thought possible.
All pull weights and measurements are approximate.
The installation guide is directed to experienced professional gunsmiths who understand the workings of their AR rifle and know how to fully detail strip the lower receiver. If you do not have these skills, we strongly suggest you retain the services of a competent professional gunsmith to install your trigger, and perform all important safety checks.
For more information please refer to Frequently Asked Questions.
Download the instruction manual here.


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Mora System
Herman MillerMora is a healthcare casework solution that's purposefully designed to clear the clutter from surfaces and give more time for caregivers to enhance relationships with patients. Its elegant aesthetic works hard too, seamlessly blending with many healthcare furnishings and environments through its broad range of choices.
- Learn more at hermanmiller.com
- Interested in a Quote?


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UES co-op kills sale after reading kid's Facebook page
A reliable source tells BrickUnderground that a posh Upper East Side co-op quashed a sale after running a Facebook check--on the buyer's children.
"The board looked at all of the kids' Facebook pages and there was something a little strange on one of them," says our source. The page apparently revealed ties to a hate group.
Checking out buyers and renters online is routine these days, but several brokers and board members told BrickUnderground that investigating children is a new and so far scattered phenomenon. It may be linked to recent changes in Facebook's privacy settings that have opened a wider door for curious boards and brokers to peer through.
Whether ferreting out information on parents or their offspring, brokers, boards and landlords have related but separate agendas: Boards and landlords are trying to spot bad neighbors/tenants, while brokers aim to cherry pick buyers who will pass the board and renters who won't become a thorn in a landlord's side.
Bottom line: Sanitize your digital presence--and your kids'--before looking for your next New York City apartment.
"Now more than ever, because everything is so transparent and the whole world can follow what you're doing, you can't leave any stone unturned when you're applying for a co-op," says broker-blogger Paul Zweben of Prudential Douglas Elliman.
He Googles his clients and checks out their Facebook pages to get to know them better. "If there is something alarming when I search, that could change my future relationship with them," he says.
Steven Goldschmidt, a senior vice president at Warburg Realty who is on the board of his UWS co-op, says that while he has not (yet) started checking up on buyers' children, he scrutinizes the Facebook friend lists of the buyers themselves.
The accidental publication of the friend lists has been a particularly pernicious side effect of Facebook's recent privacy-setting changes, but says Goldschmidt, "It's not all negative – it's very useful to learn that you have a mutual friend in common."
Goldschmidt also checks out buyers' Twitter feeds, looking for updates like, "Dead drunk, heading home."
Several other Warburg brokers told BrickUnderground stories about how over the years, their Googling had turned up evidence of undesirable pasts that went well beyond frat-boy lifestyles.
"We were going to lease a very expensive unit on East 57th Street and when we Googled the customer, we found out that he was in prison in Connecticut for fraud,' says Robert Doernberg, a senior vice president at Warburg Realty. "He was willing to pay cash but the landlord was very uncomfortable with the fraud history and worried about getting him out after the cash ran out."
Goldschmidt described how one buyer's online profile got him dinged even before he got to the board.
"We found out he was a rock musician promoter and the image I got from Googling him was that he didn't really intend to live there, but intended to have friends and guests stay there," says Goldschmidt, who represented the seller. "It prompted me to ask his broker questions, and we aborted."
But even a stellar online reputation can be foiled by offline dealings.
"We Googled one buyer who had a prestigious fundraising job--she was on all sorts of boards--so we took her over another buyer, and she didn't pass the board," recalls Goldschmidt. "It turned out another board member knew her and didn't like her."
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The word "Viking" entered the Modern English language in 1807, at a time of growing nationalism and empire building. In the decades that followed, enduring stereotypes about Vikings developed, such as wearing horned helmets and belonging to a society where only men wielded high status.
During the 19th century, Vikings were praised as prototypes and ancestor figures for European colonists. The idea took root of a Germanic master race, fed by crude scientific theories and nurtured by Nazi ideology in the 1930s. These theories have long been debunked, although the notion of the ethnic purity of the Vikings still seems to have popular appeal – and it is embraced by white supremacists.
In contemporary culture, the word Viking is generally synonymous with Scandinavians from the ninth to the 11th centuries. We often hear terms such as "Viking blood", "Viking DNA" and "Viking ancestors" – but the medieval term meant something quite different to modern usage. Instead it defined an activity: "Going a-Viking". Akin to the modern word pirate, Vikings were defined by their mobility and this did not include the bulk of the Scandinavian population who stayed at home.
While the modern word Viking came to light in an era of nationalism, the ninth century – when Viking raids ranged beyond the boundaries of modern Europe – was different. The modern nation states of Denmark, Norway and Sweden were still undergoing formation. Local and familial identity were more prized than national allegiances. The terms used to describe Vikings by contemporaries: "wicing", "rus", "magi", "gennti", "pagani", "pirati" tend to be non-ethnic. When a term akin to Danes, "danar" is first used in English, it appears as a political label describing a mix of peoples under Viking control.
The mobility of Vikings led to a fusion of cultures within their ranks and their trade routes would extend from Canada to Afghanistan. A striking feature of the early Vikings' success was their ability to embrace and adapt from a wide range of cultures, whether that be the Christian Irish in the west or the Muslims of the Abbasid Caliphate in the east.
Blending of cultures
Developments in archaeology in recent decades have highlighted how people and goods could move over wider distances in the early Middle Ages than we have tended to think. In the eighth century, (before the main period of Viking raiding began), the Baltic was a place where Scandinavians, Frisians, Slavs and Arabic merchants were in frequent contact. It is too simplistic to think of early Viking raids, too, as hit-and-run affairs with ships coming directly from Scandinavia and immediately rushing home again.
Recent archaeological and textual work indicates that Vikings stopped off at numerous places during campaigns (this might be to rest, restock, gather tribute and ransoms, repair equipment and gather intelligence). This allowed more sustained interaction with different peoples. Alliances between Vikings and local peoples are recorded from the 830s and 840s in Britain and Ireland. By the 850s, mixed groups of Gaelic (Gaedhil) and foreign culture (Gaill) were plaguing the Irish countryside.
Written accounts survive from Britain and Ireland condemning or seeking to prevent people from joining the Vikings. And they show Viking war bands were not ethnically exclusive. As with later pirate groups (for example the early modern pirates of the Caribbean), Viking crews would frequently lose members and pick up new recruits as they travelled, combining dissident elements from different backgrounds and cultures.
The cultural and ethnic diversity of the Viking Age is highlighted by finds in furnished graves and silver hoards from the ninth and tenth centuries. In Britain and Ireland only a small percentage of goods handled by Vikings are Scandinavian in origin or style.
The Galloway hoard, discovered in south-west Scotland in 2014, includes components from Scandinavia, Britain, Ireland, Continental Europe and Turkey. Cultural eclecticism is a feature of Viking finds. An analysis of skeletons at sites linked to Vikings using the latest scientific techniques points to a mix of Scandinavian and non-Scandinavian peoples without clear ethnic distinctions in rank or gender.
The evidence points to population mobility and acculturation over large distances as a result of Viking Age trade networks.
The Viking Age was a key period in state formation processes in Northern Europe, and certainly by the 11th and 12th centuries there was a growing interest in defining national identities and developing appropriate origin myths to explain them. This led to a retrospective development in areas settled by Vikings to celebrate their links to Scandinavia and downplay non-Scandinavian elements.
The fact that these myths, when committed to writing, were not accurate accounts is suggested by self-contradictory stories and folklore motifs. For example, medieval legends concerning the foundation of Dublin (Ireland) suggest either a Danish or Norwegian origin to the town (a lot of ink has been spilt over this matter over the years) – and there is a story of three brothers bringing three ships which bears comparison with other origin legends. Ironically, it was the growth of nation states in Europe which would eventually herald the end of the Viking Age.
Unrecognisable nationalism
In the early Viking Age, modern notions of nationalism and ethnicity would have been unrecognisable. Viking culture was eclectic, but there were common features across large areas, including use of Old Norse speech, similar shipping and military technologies, domestic architecture and fashions that combined Scandinavian and non-Scandinavian inspirations.
It can be argued that these markers of identity were more about status and affiliation to long-range trading networks than ethnic symbols. A lot of social display and identity is non-ethnic in character. One might compare this to contemporary international business culture which has adopted English language, the latest computing technologies, common layouts for boardrooms and the donning of Western suits. This is a culture expressed in nearly any country of the world but independently of ethnic identity.
Similarly, Vikings in the 9th and 10th centuries may be better defined more by what they did than by their place of origin or DNA. By dropping the simplistic equation of Scandinavian with Viking, we may better understand what the early Viking Age was about and how Vikings reshaped the foundations of medieval Europe by adapting to different cultures, rather than trying to segregate them.


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The AIGA Design Conference is a different experience; we push the design profession forward by asking provocative questions and challenging designers to think about the future. From intriguing mainstage presenters to in-depth symposia that allow attendees to dive deeper into topics facing our industry, we entice the community to imagine the future.
For more information, visit our website.


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Advanced Clubs
Our clubs provide members with opportunities to strengthen their commitment to karate goals.
Our advanced clubs provide members with opportunities to become more involved with their peers, and to demonstrate a commitment to personal goals. Below are the clubs we currently offer:
Black Belt Club
Our Black Belt Club provides members with the opportunity to aim high, focus, and dedicate themselves to achieving black-belt status.
Competitive Club
Our Competitive Club offers the training and mentorship required to get members in top condition for tournaments and competitions.
Masters Club
DOUVRIS Master's Club offers members the opportunity for black belt members to continue working towards new goals. They can achieving additional black belt degrees and eventually become karate Masters.


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Jackson Stripe Pony Squeaker Designed by Kate Finn
Kate Finn's Jackson Stripe Pony Squeaker is soft and squashy and makes a squeak sound when you squeeze it! Cute and colourful and very affordable, start your collection of Kate Finn Squeakers for your baby today! Height 16cm
Baby Toys Designed by Kate Finn Australia
Kate Finn has been designing Baby Toys since 1978. Over the years generations of children have received and treasured Kate Finn's beautiful soft toys. Designs are created with all tastes in mind from gentle pastel colours like our Jackson Stripe Pony Squeaker to vivid fun prints. Fabrics used are of the highest quality and the construction of Kate Finn's toys have no removable parts for busy little fingers to tamper with.
Kate Finn Baby Toys and Rag Dolls Go Animated!
Kate Finn is now creating short animated stories about The Finnies featuring Kate Finn Rag Dolls and Baby Toys. These short stories have been beautifully crafted to keep little ones enchanted by the gorgeous graphics and sweet characters. Episodes are available to download from Kate Finn's YouTube Channel so you can keep little ones entertained for hours!
The Kate Finn Toy Difference
Because of Kate Finn's distinctive and traditional style, our designs have always been outstanding in the marketplace. Their long lasting appeal has been maintained due to their amazing quality and the wonderful variety of fabrics that are used. Loyal ongoing interest is also achieved by introducing new up-to-date fabrics through out the year.
Each of Kate Finn's soft baby toys are designed to engage the child in numerous ways.
- The fabrics are colourful with interesting patterns to attract newborn eyes and every toy is soft and cuddly.
- The embroidered faces are friendly and gentle.
- The toys are trimmed with soft smooth satin ribbons and have soft little ears that children love to stroke.
- Babies mouth everything so Kate Finn toys are safe and fully washable.
Because of their unsurpassed quality these products last for years and are often handed down through families, although many children form such an attachment to their favourite toy that they refuse to part with it. We are quite used to getting an SOS from a desperate parent when a much loved Kate Finn toy has been lost.
Options for Your Little Ones
While the quality of these baby toys result in a long life, children change and develop new tastes. Kate Finn offers a range of rag dolls and porcelain dolls for your child to enjoy as they grow older.
Felt Gift Tags
Add an embroidered felt gift tag to commemorate special events such as a First Birthday, First Christmas and Merry Christmas. These reusable tags can be tied to the wrist of a Doll or Baby Toy, to Gift Wrapping, Party Favor Bags and Christmas Tree


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Jason Rosenhouse has taken time out from his forthcoming book on the Monty Hall problem to pen this response. As usual, it's incisive and worth reading. But there's one point that Rosenhouse didn't address.
Klinghoffer claims, "No Darwin critic that I know differs from established scientific conclusions about the age of the earth or of the universe since the moment of the Big Bang."
David Klinghoffer, meet your co-worker, Paul Nelson. Paul Nelson is a fellow at the Discovery Institute's Center for
I suppose Klinghoffer can plead ignorance of Nelson's position. But it's hardly unknown. Nelson even contributed to a book entitled Three Views on Creation and Evolution, where he advocated the young-earth creationist point of view.
Remember when the Discovery Institute claimed "Faith healers and Holocaust deniers are not on the faculties of reputable universities. Scientists who support intelligent design are."? When that was shown to be a lie, did the Discovery Institute issue a retraction? Of course not: if they had to spend time retracting their lies, they wouldn't have the time to issue all those misleading and dishonest press releases.
There's a reason why the DI is called the Dishonesty Institute.


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NASA Launches Mission to Study Moon from Crust to Core
September 13, 2011
Source: NASA/JPL
NASA's twin lunar Gravity Recovery and Interior Laboratory (GRAIL) spacecraft lifted off from Cape Canaveral Air Force Station in Florida at 9:08 a.m. EDT (6:08 a.m. PDT) Saturday, September 10, to study the Moon in unprecedented detail.
GRAIL-A is scheduled to reach the Moon on New Year's Eve 2011, while GRAIL-B will arrive New Year's Day 2012. The two solar-powered spacecraft will fly in tandem orbits around the Moon to measure its gravity field. GRAIL will answer longstanding questions about the Moon and give scientists a better understanding of how Earth and other rocky planets in the solar system formed.
"If there was ever any doubt that Florida's Space Coast would continue to be open for business, that thought was drowned out by the roar of today's GRAIL launch," said NASA Administrator Charles Bolden. "GRAIL and many other exciting upcoming missions make clear that NASA is taking its next big leap into deep space exploration, and the space industry continues to provide the jobs and workers needed to support this critical effort."
The spacecraft were launched onboard a United Launch Alliance Delta II rocket. GRAIL mission controllers acquired a signal from GRAIL-A at 10:29 a.m. EDT (7:29 a.m. PDT). GRAIL-B's signal was received eight minutes later. The telemetry downlinked from both spacecraft indicates they have deployed their solar panels and are operating as expected.
"Our GRAIL twins have Earth in their rearview mirrors and the Moon in their sights," said David Lehman, GRAIL project manager at NASA's Jet Propulsion Laboratory in Pasadena, California. "The mission team is ready to test, analyze, and fine-tune our spacecraft over the next three-and-a-half months on our journey to lunar orbit."
The straight-line distance from Earth to the Moon is approximately 250,000 miles (402,336 kilometers). NASA's Apollo Moon crews needed approximately three days to cover that distance. However, each spacecraft will take approximately 3.5 months to arrive, covering more than 2.5 million miles (4 million kilometers) along the way. This low-energy trajectory results in the longer travel time. The size of the launch vehicle allows more time for spacecraft check-out and time to update plans for lunar operations. The science collection phase for GRAIL is expected to last 82 days.
"Since the earliest humans looked skyward, they have been fascinated by the Moon," said GRAIL principal investigator Maria Zuber from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in Cambridge. "GRAIL will take lunar exploration to a new level, providing an unprecedented characterization of the Moon's interior that will advance understanding of how the Moon formed and evolved."
For more information about GRAIL, visit
GRAIL: Gravity Recovery and Interior Laboratory
Solar System Exploration Presents GRAIL
Last updated September 13, 2011