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November 23, 2006
Why Use Google Book Search?
Google Book Search is a service that lets you search more than 500 million pages of scanned books and the number grows every day. But why would you need that when you could go to a library? Well, sometimes it's hard to discover books only from the title and description and once you discovered them it's hard to actually find them in libraries and book stores.
1. You have a quote from a book, but you don't know where it's from.
2. You have a quote from a book, and you want to find the context. Maybe you want to read the poem that contains the famous "eternal sunshine of the spotless mind".
3. Maybe you have a book and you want to read again a certain fragment. But it's hard to find it, even though you remember some keywords.
4. Search your bookshelves. You can't restrict the search to your books, but if you enter something unique (name of a character), you'll discover the book.
5. Search within books published in a certain year, to see different perspectives on a subject.
6. Find references from other books to a certain book.
7. Search for an affirmation or the prefix of an affirmation ("Paris is the only city...").
8. Find contexts for rare or difficult words (ineluctable).
9. Read out-of-copyright books online or download them as PDF files.
10. Detect plagiarism, as this article shows.
Google's Digital Library of Alexandria
Download public domain books
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Founded in 2004, Just Another Foundry is a German type design studio operated by Tim Ahrens and Shoko Mugikura – a type designer and a typographer, respectively.
Our work includes JAF Lapture and JAF Herb (ATypI letter.2 winner) – a new interpretation of German blackletter tradition – and the all-round sans serif superfamily JAF Bernini Sans (TDC2 2012 winner).
We also worked on several custom and customised type design projects for clients such as Crown Equipment Corporation, OECD and Seiko Watch Corporation.
As with everything from Adobe Fonts, you can use these fonts for:
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subset: commoncrawl


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The edges of summer have burnt out and hopefully you all have some memories in your pocket of your summer vacations or mini getaways. There is a special way to keep and display your vacations in a little jar even after your bags are unpacked and you're back to work.
One of my best little girlfriends showed me her "memory jars" a few years ago and I was instantly in LOVE with this brilliant idea! I wanted to copy her ever since! Basically she puts little keepsakes and sentimental treasures and seals them with love in jars, creating a whimsical display of memories!
memories in a jar
You can make these for special occasions, unforgettable moments, milestones, and fun times too.
to fill your jars with:
Graduation: tassel, Senior picture wallet size
New Baby: baby ID hospital tag, flower cards, booties
Engagement: dinner toothpicks/matchbox, rose petals, ring receipts
Birthdays: candles from cake (my friend's idea), gag gifts, trinkets
Vacations: receipts, foreign currency, ticket stubs, beach sand or shells
Right now I am only doing Vacations in a Jar. I only have a couple done BUT if I waited to have it all "just right" I would never be able to share this with you because somehow this little project isn't getting finished! If I EVER finish this adorable idea, I will update you with a bigger lineup of my Memory Jars.
my vacation scraps and pics...
into individual jars...
(you can always do hanging labels too)...
I cut travel themed scrapbook paper
to add to the jar lids...
This is an enchanting way to save memories for always! And I am super excited about this unique way to hold onto all the good times.
is SOOO yesterday!
This post is linked to: Making the World Cuter, Motivate Me Mondays, Market Yourself Mondays, It's So Very Creative, Tip Me Tuesday, Tasty Tuesday, Topsy Turvy Tuesday, Tuesdays Unwrapped, Toot Your Horn Tuesday, Get Your Craft On, We're Organized Wednesday, Works for Me Wednesday, Show and Tell, Whatever Goes Wednesday, Spotlight Yourself, Show off Your Stuff, Strut Your Stuff, Friday Favorites, Show and Share Day, Foodie Friday, I'm Lovin It, Funky Junk Interiors, Tickled Pink, Inspired By, Weekend Wrap Up


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1/2" x 20 thread - Closed End Bulge Chrome Acorn Style Lug Nuts - Conical 60 Degree Seat - 3/4" hex - 1.4" height...12 lbs.
Founder, Chuck Deegear, worked in the trailer & disc brake industry for 18 years as the President of Kodiak and half owner. He then saw a need for new and improved brakes and spent countless hours of developing the perfect trailer disc brake. Chuck worked together with the best draftsmen and engineers to bring customers the quality they can appreciate. Finally, DeeMaxx Components was born. Since 2010, DeeMaxx Components has continued to manufacture and distribute the highest quality trailer disc brakes in the world!
DeeMaxx Components believes in a quality and standard you can trust. They are constantly innovating and providing customers with the benefits of their superior products. They make it their responsibility and desire to provide exceptional customer service and to ensure your safety while using their trailer brakes. DeeMaxx Components looks forward to the opportunity of being the disc brake company you can trust!
DeeMaxx warrants its products to be free from defects in workmanship and materials, under normal use and conditions, during the warranty period described herein beginning on the in-service date, which shall be the date of purchase from DeeMaxx or the date of purchase from a manufacturer using DeeMaxx components in its product. DeeMaxx agrees, at its option during the warranty period, to repair any defect in material or workmanship or to furnish a repaired or refurbished product of equal value in exchange without charge (except for a fee for shipping, handling, packing, and return postage which will be incurred by the customer). Such repair or replacement is subject to verification of the defect or malfunction and proof of purchase and purchase date as confirmed by showing an original dated sales receipt for the DeeMaxx product or the trailer using the DeeMaxx product.
Warranty is valid from the date of purchase provided that the product has not been subject to abuse or misuse in its use or installation and has not been subject to modification or alteration. This warranty does not cover a) normal wear and tear, or b) damage caused by corrosion, negligence, lack of maintenance, off-road use, abnormal operations, or improper installation. The use of DeeMaxx brake pads in a non-DeeMaxx caliper voids any and all warranty coverage. For warranty coverage and returns you must request an RGA number from DeeMaxx within 30 days of the date the defect is first discovered. Shipping fees from and to our warehouse will be the responsibility of the customer, and no costs incurred by the customer for removal, re-installation or any other costs will be covered under the warranty. Warranties are available only to the original purchaser and are not transferable to a third party.
WARRANTY LIMITATIONS This warranty does not include: · Any condition resulting from other than ordinary wear or any use for which the product was not intended · Any condition resulting from incorrect or inadequate maintenance or care · Damage resulting from misuse, abuse, negligence, accidents or shipping damage · Normal wear and tear · Damages incurred during transportation · Damages incurred during assembly or maintenance.
DeeMaxx makes no express warranty or condition whether written or oral and the company expressly disclaims all warranties and conditions not stated in this limited warranty. To the extent allowed by the local law of jurisdictions outside the United States, DeeMaxx disclaims all implied warranties or conditions, including any implied warranties of merchantability and fitness for a particular purpose. For all transactions occurring in the United States, any implied warranty of condition of merchantability, satisfactory quality, or fitness for a particular purpose is limited to the duration of the express warranty set forth above. DEEMAXX COMPONENTS IS NOT LIABLE FOR ANY INDIRECT, SPECIAL, INCIDENTAL, OR CONSEQUENTIAL DAMAGES. Some states or countries do not allow a limitation on how long an implied warranty lasts or the exclusion of limitation of incidental or consequential damages for consumer products. In such sates or countries, some exclusions or limitations of this limited warranty may not apply to the Purchaser. For consumer transactions, the limited warranty terms contained in this statement, except to the extent lawfully permitted, do not exclude, restrict, or modify but are in addition to the mandatory statutory rights applicable to the sale of this product to the purchaser.
This warranty gives you specific legal rights. You may have other rights, which vary from state to state.
Corporate Office
DeeMaxx Components
212 S. Front Street
Aledo, Texas 76008
Phone : 682-200-6003 Fax : 817-665-4536
1300 West Industrial Ave Unit 103
Boynton Beach, FL. 33426
Phone : 561-509-0455
Fax : 561-509-0453
4896 in stock


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• Certified 18Gbps High Speed (End to End)
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• Ultra-Flexible, with micro connector head-perfect for tight spaces
• ProGrip® connector utilizes up to 16 lbs of retention force to help keep connector in place
• SureLength® indicators on the connector heads make it easy to organize for installations
• Available in 7 colors for easy cable identification
• Ethernet Capable
• Supports Deep Color and x.v.Color
• Supports High Dynamic Range (HDR)
• Simultaneous delivery of dual video streams to multiple users on the same screen
• 5.1/7.1 Lossless Dolby TrueHD and DTS-HD Surround Sound
• Supports CEC Extension commands and functions, HDMI Ethernet channel, and ARC features
• Up to 32 audio channels (LPCM) and 21:9 aspect ratio
• Multi-Stream Audio (up to 4)
• Molded 24k Gold Plated HDMI male connectors on each end
• RoHS Certified and UL Rated
• Commercial Grade with Lifetime Warranty
Comprehensive's MicroFlex™ Pro AV/IT Certified 4K60 18G High Speed HDMI cables were designed specifically for the tight spaces encountered by commercial and residential system integrators as well as technology professionals in education, corporate, government, houses of worship and other demanding commercial environments.
MicroFlex™ Pro AV/IT Certified 18G 4K High Speed HDMI cables feature a low-profile design and un-heard of flexibility that make them perfect for use in surface access boxes, equipment racks and other tight spaces including behind flat panels where space is limited.
MicroFlex™ Pro AV/IT Certified 18G 4K High Speed HDMI cables come equipped with all the latest HDMI features including Ultra HD 4K@60Hz 4:4:4 chroma sampling and 18Gbps bandwidth rating (end to end), transmission of High Dynamic Range (HDR) video, Ethernet, Deep Color , up to 32 audio channels with ARC and support for wide angle theatrical 21:9 aspect ratio. All of these features are included in a cable with a connector head and O.D. that is up to 40% smaller than traditional HDMI cables
Comprehensive's exclusive ProGrip connector helps secure the connection with up to 16lbs of retention force to prevent cables from being unintentionally disconnected and un-wanted service calls!
Other exclusive features are Comprehensive's SureLength cable length indicators that clearly indicate the length of each cable on the connector mold – huge time savers for integrators and installers who are constantly sorting out lengths preparing for jobs!
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Since 1974, Comprehensive Pro AV/IT Series Cables have been trusted by Pro AV and I.T. systems integrators because of their legendary reliability, performance and value. That's why they have been the "go to" cable worldwide for boardrooms, classrooms, data centers, schools, government installations, stadiums, broadcast studios, stages and other mission critical applications. Pro AV/IT Series Cables are also perfect for anyone looking for premium quality connectivity at a great price.
*Please note that 12ft, 15ft and 20ft cables are active and directional and the display end of the connector is longer than the source connector on those models.
Prop 65 Compliant
Sound & Video Contractor Innovative Product Award2018
Comprehensive Connectivity Company won a Sound & Video Contractor 8th Annual Innovative Product Award for their MicroFlex™ Pro AV/IT 4K60 Certified 18G HDMI Cables. The year-end recap acknowledges both electronic and mechanical innovations and most of all celebrates the engineering and engineers behind each of these products.
CI BEST Award2019
Comprehensive Connectivity Company won a 2019 Commercial Integrator BEST Award for their MicroFlex™ Pro AV/IT 4K60 18G High Speed HDMI Cables up to 35ft in the Specialty A/V Cables, Interconnects, & IR Extenders category. The Commercial Integrator 2019 BEST Awards highlight the most impressive commercial tech & AV products of the year.
Performance Grade: Best
Connector Type 1: HDMI Male w ProGrip
Connector Type 2: HDMI Male w ProGrip
Bandwidth or Speed: 18Gbps up to 20ft. Lengths 12ft, 15ft, and 20ft are active and directional
Resolution: 4K @ 60Hz 4:4:4
Gauge: 30AWG
Center Conductor: Tinned Copper
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Shielding: Triple Shielded, Inner 100% Aluminum Mylar Wrap, Outer 100% Aluminum Mylar Wrap, 85% Tinned Copper Braid
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Ethernet Capability: Yes
Supports Audio Return Channel: Yes
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UL Rated: Yes
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Prop 65 Compliant: Yes
Cable Outer Diameter: 0.24″ (6.0 mm)
Jacket Type: Xtra-Flex PVC
Jacket Color: Black
Temperature Rating: 80 deg C
Voltage: 30V
Warranty: Lifetime
Weight Lbs: 0.6


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Current Projects
- MIMIC-II - NIH/NBIB funded R01 project entitled "Integrating Data, Models & Reasoning in Critical Care", led by Profs. Roger Mark, Peter Szolovits, and George Verghese.
- Collaboration with clinical researchers to perform signal processing and data mining on the MIMIC-II database.
- MIMIC-II back-end maintenance and systems administration.
- Front end development for the public interface to MIMIC-II.
- Collection and integration of new data.
- PhysioNet - NCRR funded "research resource for complex physiologic signals", headed by George Moody, Roger Mark, and Ary Goldberger.
Previous Projects
- Functional OXide Discovery (FOXD). FOXD is a pioneering combinatorial approach to materials selection and to materials research. The High Throughput Screening is based on thick-film technology and is targeted at ceramics although it can be used for other materials. The team has built a large-scale combinatorial robot based around an aspirating-dispensing ink-jet printer. Ceramic libraries can be printed, sintered and tested for a range of functional properties by the robot. The system will soon be linked to the e-science network. Led by Peter Coveney, John Kilner, Neil Alford and Julian Evans.
- Data mining of the ceramic materials database for the development of predictive algorithms.
- Control software for the combinatorial robot.
- Automated data collection of the generated results.


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Love needs no description or definition, but it definitely needs expressions. Make the right expressions to impress your sweetheart. A cute expression of love goes a long way in making your sweetheart's day special with our Happy Couple – themed personalised caricature gifts with a photograph to evoke the memory of your wedding, Anniversary, and other cherishable moments.
- Upload Your Images
- We do the rest.
The caricature is usually dispatched in 3 – 5 working days.
Returns and Exchanges Not Accepted Exceptions may apply. See return policy
Photo Guidelines
Photos should ideally be close-ups.
- Material- MDF wood
- Size Height- 14.5 x 20 cm approx.
- Image format can be JPEG/PSD
- Ensure face has no shadow and the details are clear & sharp
Note- "Images shown for illustration purpose only. Actual image print quality may vary"


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For all those who are against having to go through X-ray body scanners at airport security, you'll be happy to know some are now being removed. During the past few weeks, the Transportation Security Administration (TSA) has been quietly switching them out for safer radiation machines.
While the main goal of the change is to speed up the lines at security checkpoints in major airports, the transition will also lead to less passengers being exposed to radiation.
So far these X-ray machines, called backscatters, have been replaced at Boston Logan International Airport, Los Angeles International Airport, Chicago O'Hare, Orlando and John F. Kennedy in New York.
One concern people have with the backscatters is the fact that the radiation has been linked to cancer at higher levels. Moreover, the machines produce images of passengers' naked bodies. The new millimeter-wave scanners help these problems by instead emitting low-energy radio waves similar to those in cellphones, as well as producing generic cartoon images instead of the person's actual body.Before you get too excited, know the backscatters are not being phased out altogether. They are still being used at certain airports, including some major ones. Additionally, in late September the TSA awarded three companies potential contracts for the next generation of body scanners. One of the systems, made by American Science & Engineering, uses backscatter X-ray technology.
"They're not all being replaced," TSA spokesman David Castelveter told ProPublica. "It's being done strategically. We are replacing some of the older equipment and taking them to smaller airports. That will be done over a period of time."
The upside to this is research has found the radiation emitted from the body scanners is trivial and nothing to worry it. That being said, many scientists are also arguing that if there is a safer alternative that allows passengers more privacy, the TSA should use it.
"Why would we want to put ourselves in this uncertain situation where potentially we're going to have some cancer cases?" David Brenner, director of Columbia University's Center for Radiological Research, told ProPublica last year. "It makes me think, really, why don't we use millimeter waves when we don't have so much uncertainty?"
Nothing is simple, however. Research has shown the millimeter-wave scanners have a much higher false-alarm rate, 23% to 54% compared to 5% with backscatters. The TSA hopes using both machines in different airports will lead to competition, creating better technologies at a lower cost.
[Image via Carolina K. Smith, M.D. / Shutterstock.com]
[Via Chris Elliott]


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Treating the beans right
The Penta Process®
Each year our masterful Cuppers search the vast potential of Daterra for unique small lots of coffee, Our Masterpieces.
This very "small farm" is a lab, where we test new ways of producing coffee. The lab is rich with new and unusual varietals, processing methods, drying techniques and limitless experiments.
They have unique cup profile and score 88+, fully traceable, and are planted and grown with history and can never be replicated.
Our Collections are the top quality coffees from our current menu. They are the best coffees from our plantations and are completely processed using the Daterra Penta Process®.
Those are coffees that score 86-89, fully traceable and usually used as single origins.
This is our "small to mid-size farm".
What attributes come to your mind when someone says Brazil Cerrado? Our Classics are the best representatives of Cerrado coffee, with the benefits of Daterra quality.
This is our larger-volume farm. Classics are used as a single origin or as an outstanding blending base, scoring 80 to 86.
These coffees offer great cost-benefit for those clients who desire good and consistent quality.


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BISC219/F13:Gene Mapping
An Investigation in Classical (Forward) Genetics: Linkage Analysis, Mapping the Mutation, Complementation Testing, DNA Sequencing Analysis, Bio-Informatics
In Project 2, you will progress through the normal sequence of events in forward (classical) genetics. Forward genetics investigations work to tie a gene to its function. This type of work generally starts with finding a worm with an aberrant phenotype (mutant) that is likely to be caused by a defect in a protein encoded by a mutated gene. In our investigation we will work to first locate a mutated gene in such a mutant in order to characterize the exact change in the gene (mutation) responsible for the aberrant phenotype. Working with abnormal genes/proteins facilitates understanding of the importance of the gene, gene product or functionally significant gene region in C. elegans and in other species. When we are able to make these structure/function connections by studying mutant worms and identifying the genes responsible for the defects, the main goal is not so much to understand defective gene function in worms, but rather, to be able to extrapolate the function of normal genes by seeing what their gene products are unable to do when altered. We are interested in worm genes because the genome of most eukaryotes astonishing similar. Many worm genes have homologs/orthologs in other eukaryotic species, including Homo sapiens.
To do this involved forward genetics study we start with an interesting phenotypically aberrant worm. One of our main goals is to pinpoint the location of the mutation on a specific gene. In order to do this we first must find out through linkage analysis the relative location of the gene associated with the mutation: which chromosome is it on? We will be able to find out if the aberrant phenotype is caused by a mutated sex-linked or autosomal gene and, if autosomal, on which autosome the defective gene is located. Our eventual goal is to pinpoint the exact location of this mutation in a gene on a chromosome (to map the mutation). We will use complementation analysis to find out, possibly, the identity of our gene of interest if the gene has been previously characterized. If not, our gene might, possibly, be a newly discovered one. To conclude our function/structure analysis, we hope to identify the exact change in the bases of the gene that causes its product to function abnormally. We will find the exact mutation through DNA sequencing of the mutated gene and by comparing it to the wild type sequence. From this sequencing and bioinformatics work, we may be able to extract new information about functionally significant regions of the gene and its product. This structure/function relationship may be significant in a broader context than in just our nematode species. We will look for homologs/orthologs in other species.
To begin, you will first examine a plate of mutant worms and determine how they are different from wild type. You will then pick your mutants to a separate plate, confirm that they are true breeding (meaning that the worm has two copies of the defective gene), and begin our forward genetic analysis. The first step in identifying a new gene associated with an interesting mutant phenotype, is usually a long, tedious process that requires applying a mutagen (UV or some mutagenic chemical like EMS) to wild type worms and then looking through thousands of normal worms to find a good candidate mutant. To make this study easier for you, mutants have been found and isolated for you and you just have to move some to a new plate to ensure they are true breeding.
Once you have recovered your mutant and confirmed its phenotype as true breeding (by examining its progeny), you will next perform linkage testing: determining on which chromosome (linkage group) your mutation is located. This task is a prerequisite to mapping. You must find out the relative location of the gene responsible for the mutation (find the chromosome it is on) before you can determine the exact location of the mutation on a gene. Linkage Analysis is accomplished by determining the segregation behavior of your unmapped mutation relative to standard reference markers (e.g., mutations whose location is already known). Recall that unlinked genes (on different chromosomes) will segregate independently (your basic dihybrid inheritance as first observed by Gregor Mendel) whereas linked genes (on the same chromosome) will not.
In practice, linkage tests are performed using the following steps (where "d" (dpy) represents your recessive mutant tested with a set of reference markers "u" (unc)). The markers d and u must be visibly distinguishable. Since homozygous mutant males usually will not mate, the desired double heterozygote is constructed by mating males heterozygous for your dpy mutation but wild type for all other genes including the reference mutation (d/+;+/+) with hermaphrodites homozygous for the reference mutation unc (+/+; u/u). The genotypes of the F1 hybrids will be (+/d;u/+) and (+/+;u/+). We are only interested in the double heterozygote (+/d;u/+). The F1 hybrids containing only u are not useful. To select the (+/d;u/+) heterozygotes, we let 4 to 5 individual F1's self fertilize on their own individual plates (one on each plate). We score the progeny of the F1 individuals (the F2) for linkage. Only F1 worms which produce d/d homozygotes are scored, since those are the (+/d;u/+) parents. The d/d homozygotes should be found on 50% of the plates.
F2 progeny of each class are counted in the (+/d;u/+) plates: wild-type (+/+;+/+); d (d/d;+/+); u (+/+;u/u) and du double (d/d;u/u). If assortment is independent, progeny will be:
Or 9/16 wild; 3/16 d, 3/16 u; 1/16 du (that is our good old friend the 9:3:3:1 ratio)
On the other hand, if the markers are closely linked, double homozygotes (d u/d u) would occur only through two recombination events. Such an event might occur in both the sperm or the occyte and those recombinant gametes must come together. If the probability of a recombination event is p, and if the event produces wild-type and double mutant recombinant chromosomes, then the probability of getting the double mutant chromosome in an individual gamete is p/2. The chance of an individual gamete which is a (d u) recombinant combining with another (d u) recombinant is (p/2) x (p/2). If the map distance between 2 mutations is 10%, then the probability (P) of recombination occurring is p = 0.1. p/2 is 0.05 and (p/2) x (p/2) is 0.0025. Consequently only about 2 - 3 worms in a thousand will be double mutants if the genes were 10MU apart. That is significantly lower than the 63/1000 one would expect if the genes were not linked (1/16 of the progeny). Therefore, the test for linkage is usually the virtual if not complete absence of the double mutant class (d u/d u). You will use this first assesment to determine which chromosome the dpy mutation is on (the chromosomal location of each of the unc mutations is known).
Once you determined on which chromosome your dpy and unc are (for successful mapping they must be on the same chromosome), we will perform two factor mapping, which locates the gene of interest to a position on a chromosome relative to a known gene. In our investigation, to locate our gene on the chromosome we identified through linkage analysis, we first must construct a double mutant (du/du) that has phenotypically distinguishable mutations on a known gene and on our gene of interest. The appearance of a double mutant in the F2 requires the union of 2 recombinant gametes -- a very rare event in the cross in linkage analysis that identified the chromosome. It is unlikely that we will find a double mutant among the F2 progeny when the mutations are linked. The probability of a recombination event having occurred on one of the two homologues is much better; that is, there will be many more progeny that are genotypically du/d+ or du/+u than du/du. These Dpy or Unc mutant offspring exhibit one mutation's phenotype and segregate double mutants (du/du) as one quarter of its self-fertilization progeny. To find such a required double mutant for mapping, we choose 5 individuals of the Unc phenotype from the F2 linkage testing plate that shows no double mutants and allow those Unc hermaphrodites to self fertilize. We look for the segregation of the du/du double mutant among their progeny to get one parent for our mapping test cross.
To get the other parent for mapping, one crosses a homozygous double mutant hermaphrodite (du/du) with wild type males. The heterozygous F1 males that result are the required male parent. They will be mated to double homozygous recessive Dpy Unc hermaphrodites in a test cross and the number of F2 individuals of each different phenotype are then counted. We expect four phenotypes to be observed: wild type, Dpy, Unc, and Dpy Unc. The map distance between the unknown gene of interest and the known marker gene can be calculated any number of ways. You will determine map distances using the formula: RF (recombinant frequency) = the number of single mutants (dpy and unc single mutants totals) divided by the total number of worms counted * 100 (to obtain it in % recombinants and thus in map units). You will then go to WormBase and see what genes are found at that position up and downstream from the known marker gene on the chromosome you identified in linkage testing. Is there a previously identified gene or ORF at these positions. What is known about the function of the genes at these positions? Have you discovered a new gene or new function for a gene?
You will use complementation analysis to, perhaps, discover the identity of a previously characterized gene or to help you decide if your mapped locus is upstream or downstream from the reference gene. You may be able to discover the name of your gene through complementation analysis before you locate it through mapping. We are doing complementation testing because It is not unusual to have series of mutations that confer similar phenotypes to also map to a identical or similar location on a chromosome. Complementation testing can determine if two mutations are allelic (that is, in the same gene) or non-allelic (in different genes but both causing the same phenotype). This is done by crossing a mutant with a series of reference strains. In our case, we will use several different reference mutant strains. All have a Dpy phenotype, but in each strain the gene responsible for the dumpy defect has been located to a different known region of a chromosome.
If the mutations (your unknown's and that of a reference strain) are allelic (in the same gene but on different sister chromatids) there should be no complementation, meaning that the mutations can not "rescue" each other because you do not have a normal copy of the gene causing the mutant phenotype; thus, you observe the Dpy phenotype when the two strains combine.
If the mutations are non-allelic (in different genes) there should be complementation, meaning they "rescue" each other: because there is one normal copy of each defective recessive gene, the product of the two parental homozygous dpy mutants can show a wild type phenotype.
Complementation analysis can be evaluated this way only when you are working with recessive mutations.
The specifics of strain construction for complementation analysis vary depending on the experimental organism; however, the basic strategy in all cases is to construct a double heterozygote organism and then to examine the phenotype of this organism. Remember that a wild-type phenotype indicates that the two mutations complement (rescue) one another and are, therefore, in different genes. Conversely, a mutant phenotype suggests the mutations are allelic to one another (that is, they fail to complement).
We will construct different double heterozygotes containing your dumpy mutation of unknown location (dpy-u) and dumpy mutations of known location (dpy-k) on the same chromosome as your unknown dpy mutation as follows:
First you will obtain heterozygotes for your dpy mutation of unknown location through
Cross #1: unknown Dpy hermaphodites (dpy-u/dpy-u) x N2 males (+/+) yields dpy-u/+ progeny
Then you will use those heterozygous males resulting from Cross #1 in a subsequent cross:
Cross #2: dpy-u/+ males x a reference set of known Dpy hermaphrodites (dpy-k/dpy-k). These reference worms must have a defective gene causing the phenotype on the chromosome you identified by linkage analysis.
The main consideration is whether or not there are worms of Dpy phenotype present in the progeny of cross #2. If so, this is your "proof" of failure to complement meaning that the reference mutation and the mutation of interest are allelic (in the same gene). Since the reference mutation is in a known gene, you now know the name of your unknown gene of interest and that it is a previously characterized Dpy gene. Or if you don't have Dpy progeny you know that the mutations were complementary, eg. the the wild type phenotype was rescued by having mutations in different genes. In this case, you haven't learned what we wanted to know except that it is more likely that your unknown is a uncharacterized mutation.
DNA sequencing of the mutated gene or open reading frame (ORF) that we located by mapping (and possibly identified by complementation analysis) and bio-informatics will be used to identify and characterize the exact change in the DNA code.
Links to Labs & Project Info
Worm Info
Lab 1: Worm Boot Camp & Sex-Linked or Autosomal Start Project 1
Lab 2: Sex-Linked or Autosomal Finale Project 1/ Mutant Hunt Start Project 2
Background Project 2: Classical Forward Genetics
Lab 3: Linkage Test Part 1
Lab 4: Linkage Test Part 2, Mapping and Complementation
Lab 5: Finish Complementation; Mapping Continued
Background Information on Project 3: Investigating Gene Regulation Using RNAi
Lab 6: DNA sequence analysis; Mapping Continued/Obtain CL2070 worms & propagate
Lab 7: Complete Mapping & Project 2: Score/ Examination of Cl2070 hsp-16.2::GFP worms
Media Recipes
Lab 8: Creating the feeding strain of bacteria for RNAi
Lab 9: Induction of feeding strain to produce dsRNA
Lab 10: Phenotypic analysis of treated vs untreated worms
Lab 11: Optional Writing Conferences


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Clinton: America's Pacific Century – OpEd
By Hillary Rodham Clinton, US Secretary of State
The future of politics will be decided in Asia, not Afghanistan or Iraq, and the United States will be right at the center of the action.
As the war in Iraq winds down and America begins to withdraw its forces from Afghanistan, the United States stands at a pivot point. Over the last 10 years, we have allocated immense resources to those two theaters. In the next 10 years, we need to be smart and systematic about where we invest time and energy, so that we put ourselves in the best position to sustain our leadership, secure our interests, and advance our values. One of the most important tasks of American statecraft over the next decade will therefore be to lock in a substantially increased investment — diplomatic, economic, strategic, and otherwise — in the Asia-Pacific region.
The Asia-Pacific has become a key driver of global politics. Stretching from the Indian subcontinent to the western shores of the Americas, the region spans two oceans — the Pacific and the Indian — that are increasingly linked by shipping and strategy. It boasts almost half the world's population. It includes many of the key engines of the global economy, as well as the largest emitters of greenhouse gases. It is home to several of our key allies and important emerging powers like China, India, and Indonesia.
At a time when the region is building a more mature security and economic architecture to promote stability and prosperity, U.S. commitment there is essential. It will help build that architecture and pay dividends for continued American leadership well into this century, just as our post-World War II commitment to building a comprehensive and lasting transatlantic network of institutions and relationships has paid off many times over — and continues to do so. The time has come for the United States to make similar investments as a Pacific power, a strategic course set by President Barack Obama from the outset of his administration and one that is already yielding benefits.
With Iraq and Afghanistan still in transition and serious economic challenges in our own country, there are those on the American political scene who are calling for us not to reposition, but to come home. They seek a downsizing of our foreign engagement in favor of our pressing domestic priorities. These impulses are understandable, but they are misguided. Those who say that we can no longer afford to engage with the world have it exactly backward — we cannot afford not to. From opening new markets for American businesses to curbing nuclear proliferation to keeping the sea lanes free for commerce and navigation, our work abroad holds the key to our prosperity and security at home. For more than six decades, the United States has resisted the gravitational pull of these "come home" debates and the implicit zero-sum logic of these arguments. We must do so again.
Beyond our borders, people are also wondering about America's intentions — our willingness to remain engaged and to lead. In Asia, they ask whether we are really there to stay, whether we are likely to be distracted again by events elsewhere, whether we can make — and keep — credible economic and strategic commitments, and whether we can back those commitments with action. The answer is: We can, and we will.
Harnessing Asia's growth and dynamism is central to American economic and strategic interests and a key priority for President Obama. Open markets in Asia provide the United States with unprecedented opportunities for investment, trade, and access to cutting-edge technology. Our economic recovery at home will depend on exports and the ability of American firms to tap into the vast and growing consumer base of Asia. Strategically, maintaining peace and security across the Asia-Pacific is increasingly crucial to global progress, whether through defending freedom of navigation in the South China Sea, countering the proliferation efforts of North Korea, or ensuring transparency in the military activities of the region's key players.
Just as Asia is critical to America's future, an engaged America is vital to Asia's future. The region is eager for our leadership and our business — perhaps more so than at any time in modern history. We are the only power with a network of strong alliances in the region, no territorial ambitions, and a long record of providing for the common good. Along with our allies, we have underwritten regional security for decades — patrolling Asia's sea lanes and preserving stability — and that in turn has helped create the conditions for growth. We have helped integrate billions of people across the region into the global economy by spurring economic productivity, social empowerment, and greater people-to-people links. We are a major trade and investment partner, a source of innovation that benefits workers and businesses on both sides of the Pacific, a host to 350,000 Asian students every year, a champion of open markets, and an advocate for universal human rights.
President Obama has led a multifaceted and persistent effort to embrace fully our irreplaceable role in the Pacific, spanning the entire U.S. Government. It has often been a quiet effort. A lot of our work has not been on the front pages, both because of its nature — long-term investment is less exciting than immediate crises — and because of competing headlines in other parts of the world.
As Secretary of State, I broke with tradition and embarked on my first official overseas trip to Asia. In my seven trips since, I have had the privilege to see firsthand the rapid transformations taking place in the region, underscoring how much the future of the United States is intimately intertwined with the future of the Asia-Pacific. A strategic turn to the region fits logically into our overall global effort to secure and sustain America's global leadership. The success of this turn requires maintaining and advancing a bipartisan consensus on the importance of the Asia-Pacific to our national interests; we seek to build upon a strong tradition of engagement by presidents and secretaries of state of both parties across many decades. It also requires smart execution of a coherent regional strategy that accounts for the global implications of our choices.
What does that regional strategy look like? For starters, it calls for a sustained commitment to what I have called "forward-deployed" diplomacy. That means continuing to dispatch the full range of our diplomatic assets — including our highest-ranking officials, our development experts, our interagency teams, and our permanent assets — to every country and corner of the Asia-Pacific region. Our strategy will have to keep accounting for and adapting to the rapid and dramatic shifts playing out across Asia. With this in mind, our work will proceed along six key lines of action: strengthening bilateral security alliances; deepening our working relationships with emerging powers, including with China; engaging with regional multilateral institutions; expanding trade and investment; forging a broad-based military presence; and advancing democracy and human rights.
By virtue of our unique geography, the United States is both an Atlantic and a Pacific power. We are proud of our European partnerships and all that they deliver. Our challenge now is to build a web of partnerships and institutions across the Pacific that is as durable and as consistent with American interests and values as the web we have built across the Atlantic. That is the touchstone of our efforts in all these areas.
Our treaty alliances with Japan, South Korea, Australia, the Philippines, and Thailand are the fulcrum for our strategic turn to the Asia-Pacific. They have underwritten regional peace and security for more than half a century, shaping the environment for the region's remarkable economic ascent. They leverage our regional presence and enhance our regional leadership at a time of evolving security challenges.
As successful as these alliances have been, we can't afford simply to sustain them — we need to update them for a changing world. In this effort, the Obama Administration is guided by three core principles. First, we have to maintain political consensus on the core objectives of our alliances. Second, we have to ensure that our alliances are nimble and adaptive so that they can successfully address new challenges and seize new opportunities. Third, we have to guarantee that the defense capabilities and communications infrastructure of our alliances are operationally and materially capable of deterring provocation from the full spectrum of state and nonstate actors.
The alliance with Japan, the cornerstone of peace and stability in the region, demonstrates how the Obama Administration is giving these principles life. We share a common vision of a stable regional order with clear rules of the road — from freedom of navigation to open markets and fair competition. We have agreed to a new arrangement, including a contribution from the Japanese Government of more than $5 billion, to ensure the continued enduring presence of American forces in Japan, while expanding joint intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance activities to deter and react quickly to regional security challenges, as well as information sharing to address cyberthreats. We have concluded an Open Skies Agreement that will enhance access for businesses and people-to-people ties, launched a strategic dialogue on the Asia-Pacific, and been working hand in hand as the two largest donor countries in Afghanistan.
Similarly, our alliance with South Korea has become stronger and more operationally integrated, and we continue to develop our combined capabilities to deter and respond to North Korean provocations. We have agreed on a plan to ensure successful transition of operational control during wartime and anticipate successful passage of the Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement. And our alliance has gone global, through our work together in the G-20 and the Nuclear Security Summit and through our common efforts in Haiti and Afghanistan.
We are also expanding our alliance with Australia from a Pacific partnership to an Indo-Pacific one, and indeed a global partnership. From cybersecurity to Afghanistan to the Arab Awakening to strengthening regional architecture in the Asia-Pacific, Australia's counsel and commitment have been indispensable. And in Southeast Asia, we are renewing and strengthening our alliances with the Philippines and Thailand, increasing, for example, the number of ship visits to the Philippines and working to ensure the successful training of Filipino counterterrorism forces through our Joint Special Operations Task Force in Mindanao. In Thailand — our oldest treaty partner in Asia — we are working to establish a hub of regional humanitarian and disaster relief efforts in the region.
As we update our alliances for new demands, we are also building new partnerships to help solve shared problems. Our outreach to China, India, Indonesia, Singapore, New Zealand, Malaysia, Mongolia, Vietnam, Brunei, and the Pacific Island countries is all part of a broader effort to ensure a more comprehensive approach to American strategy and engagement in the region. We are asking these emerging partners to join us in shaping and participating in a rules-based regional and global order.
One of the most prominent of these emerging partners is, of course, China. Like so many other countries before it, China has prospered as part of the open and rules-based system that the United States helped to build and works to sustain. And today, China represents one of the most challenging and consequential bilateral relationships the United States has ever had to manage. This calls for careful, steady, dynamic stewardship, an approach to China on our part that is grounded in reality, focused on results, and true to our principles and interests.
We all know that fears and misperceptions linger on both sides of the Pacific. Some in our country see China's progress as a threat to the United States; some in China worry that America seeks to constrain China's growth. We reject both those views. The fact is that a thriving America is good for China and a thriving China is good for America. We both have much more to gain from cooperation than from conflict. But you cannot build a relationship on aspirations alone. It is up to both of us to more consistently translate positive words into effective cooperation — and, crucially, to meet our respective global responsibilities and obligations. These are the things that will determine whether our relationship delivers on its potential in the years to come. We also have to be honest about our differences. We will address them firmly and decisively as we pursue the urgent work we have to do together. And we have to avoid unrealistic expectations.
Over the last two-and-a-half years, one of my top priorities has been to identify and expand areas of common interest, to work with China to build mutual trust, and to encourage China's active efforts in global problem-solving. This is why Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner and I launched the Strategic and Economic Dialogue, the most intensive and expansive talks ever between our governments, bringing together dozens of agencies from both sides to discuss our most pressing bilateral issues, from security to energy to human rights.
We are also working to increase transparency and reduce the risk of miscalculation or miscues between our militaries. The United States and the international community have watched China's efforts to modernize and expand its military, and we have sought clarity as to its intentions. Both sides would benefit from sustained and substantive military-to-military engagement that increases transparency. So we look to Beijing to overcome its reluctance at times and join us in forging a durable military-to-military dialogue. And we need to work together to strengthen the Strategic Security Dialogue, which brings together military and civilian leaders to discuss sensitive issues like maritime security and cybersecurity.
As we build trust together, we are committed to working with China to address critical regional and global security issues. This is why I have met so frequently — often in informal settings — with my Chinese counterparts, State Councilor Dai Bingguo and Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi, for candid discussions about important challenges like North Korea, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iran, and developments in the South China Sea.
On the economic front, the United States and China need to work together to ensure strong, sustained, and balanced future global growth. In the aftermath of the global financial crisis, the United States and China worked effectively through the G-20 to help pull the global economy back from the brink. We have to build on that cooperation. U.S. firms want fair opportunities to export to China's growing markets, which can be important sources of jobs here in the United States, as well as assurances that the $50 billion of American capital invested in China will create a strong foundation for new market and investment opportunities that will support global competitiveness. At the same time, Chinese firms want to be able to buy more high-tech products from the United States, make more investments here, and be accorded the same terms of access that market economies enjoy. We can work together on these objectives, but China still needs to take important steps toward reform. In particular, we are working with China to end unfair discrimination against U.S. and other foreign companies or against their innovative technologies, remove preferences for domestic firms, and end measures that disadvantage or appropriate foreign intellectual property. And we look to China to take steps to allow its currency to appreciate more rapidly, both against the dollar and against the currencies of its other major trading partners. Such reforms, we believe, would not only benefit both our countries (indeed, they would support the goals of China's own five-year plan, which calls for more domestic-led growth), but also contribute to global economic balance, predictability, and broader prosperity.
Of course, we have made very clear, publicly and privately, our serious concerns about human rights. And when we see reports of public-interest lawyers, writers, artists, and others who are detained or disappeared, the United States speaks up, both publicly and privately, with our concerns about human rights. We make the case to our Chinese colleagues that a deep respect for international law and a more open political system would provide China with a foundation for far greater stability and growth — and increase the confidence of China's partners. Without them, China is placing unnecessary limitations on its own development.
At the end of the day, there is no handbook for the evolving U.S.-China relationship. But the stakes are much too high for us to fail. As we proceed, we will continue to embed our relationship with China in a broader regional framework of security alliances, economic networks, and social connections.
Among key emerging powers with which we will work closely are India and Indonesia, two of the most dynamic and significant democratic powers of Asia, and both countries with which the Obama administration has pursued broader, deeper, and more purposeful relationships. The stretch of sea from the Indian Ocean through the Strait of Malacca to the Pacific contains the world's most vibrant trade and energy routes. Together, India and Indonesia already account for almost a quarter of the world's population. They are key drivers of the global economy, important partners for the United States, and increasingly central contributors to peace and security in the region. And their importance is likely to grow in the years ahead.
President Obama told the Indian parliament last year that the relationship between India and America will be one of the defining partnerships of the 21st century, rooted in common values and interests. There are still obstacles to overcome and questions to answer on both sides, but the United States is making a strategic bet on India's future — that India's greater role on the world stage will enhance peace and security, that opening India's markets to the world will pave the way to greater regional and global prosperity, that Indian advances in science and technology will improve lives and advance human knowledge everywhere, and that India's vibrant, pluralistic democracy will produce measurable results and improvements for its citizens and inspire others to follow a similar path of openness and tolerance. So the Obama administration has expanded our bilateral partnership; actively supported India's Look East efforts, including through a new trilateral dialogue with India and Japan; and outlined a new vision for a more economically integrated and politically stable South and Central Asia, with India as a linchpin.
We are also forging a new partnership with Indonesia, the world's third-largest democracy, the world's most populous Muslim nation, and a member of the G-20. We have resumed joint training of Indonesian special forces units and signed a number of agreements on health, educational exchanges, science and technology, and defense. And this year, at the invitation of the Indonesian government, President Obama will inaugurate American participation in the East Asia Summit. But there is still some distance to travel — we have to work together to overcome bureaucratic impediments, lingering historical suspicions, and some gaps in understanding each other's perspectives and interests.
Even as we strengthen these bilateral relationships, we have emphasized the importance of multilateral cooperation, for we believe that addressing complex transnational challenges of the sort now faced by Asia requires a set of institutions capable of mustering collective action. And a more robust and coherent regional architecture in Asia would reinforce the system of rules and responsibilities, from protecting intellectual property to ensuring freedom of navigation, that form the basis of an effective international order. In multilateral settings, responsible behavior is rewarded with legitimacy and respect, and we can work together to hold accountable those who undermine peace, stability, and prosperity.
So the United States has moved to fully engage the region's multilateral institutions, such as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum, mindful that our work with regional institutions supplements and does not supplant our bilateral ties. There is a demand from the region that America play an active role in the agenda-setting of these institutions — and it is in our interests as well that they be effective and responsive.
That is why President Obama will participate in the East Asia Summit for the first time in November. To pave the way, the United States has opened a new U.S. Mission to ASEAN in Jakarta and signed the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation with ASEAN. Our focus on developing a more results-oriented agenda has been instrumental in efforts to address disputes in the South China Sea. In 2010, at the ASEAN Regional Forum in Hanoi, the United States helped shape a regionwide effort to protect unfettered access to and passage through the South China Sea, and to uphold the key international rules for defining territorial claims in the South China Sea's waters. Given that half the world's merchant tonnage flows through this body of water, this was a consequential undertaking. And over the past year, we have made strides in protecting our vital interests in stability and freedom of navigation and have paved the way for sustained multilateral diplomacy among the many parties with claims in the South China Sea, seeking to ensure disputes are settled peacefully and in accordance with established principles of international law.
We have also worked to strengthen APEC as a serious leaders-level institution focused on advancing economic integration and trade linkages across the Pacific. After last year's bold call by the group for a free trade area of the Asia-Pacific, President Obama will host the 2011 APEC Leaders' Meeting in Hawaii this November. We are committed to cementing APEC as the Asia-Pacific's premier regional economic institution, setting the economic agenda in a way that brings together advanced and emerging economies to promote open trade and investment, as well as to build capacity and enhance regulatory regimes. APEC and its work help expand U.S. exports and create and support high-quality jobs in the United States, while fostering growth throughout the region. APEC also provides a key vehicle to drive a broad agenda to unlock the economic growth potential that women represent. In this regard, the United States is committed to working with our partners on ambitious steps to accelerate the arrival of the Participation Age, where every individual, regardless of gender or other characteristics, is a contributing and valued member of the global marketplace.
In addition to our commitment to these broader multilateral institutions, we have worked hard to create and launch a number of "minilateral" meetings, small groupings of interested states to tackle specific challenges, such as the Lower Mekong Initiative we launched to support education, health, and environmental programs in Cambodia, Laos, Thailand, and Vietnam, and the Pacific Islands Forum, where we are working to support its members as they confront challenges from climate change to overfishing to freedom of navigation. We are also starting to pursue new trilateral opportunities with countries as diverse as Mongolia, Indonesia, Japan, Kazakhstan, and South Korea. And we are setting our sights as well on enhancing coordination and engagement among the three giants of the Asia-Pacific: China, India, and the United States.
In all these different ways, we are seeking to shape and participate in a responsive, flexible, and effective regional architecture — and ensure it connects to a broader global architecture that not only protects international stability and commerce but also advances our values.
Our emphasis on the economic work of APEC is in keeping with our broader commitment to elevate economic statecraft as a pillar of American foreign policy. Increasingly, economic progress depends on strong diplomatic ties, and diplomatic progress depends on strong economic ties. And naturally, a focus on promoting American prosperity means a greater focus on trade and economic openness in the Asia-Pacific. The region already generates more than half of global output and nearly half of global trade. As we strive to meet President Obama's goal of doubling exports by 2015, we are looking for opportunities to do even more business in Asia. Last year, American exports to the Pacific Rim totaled $320 billion, supporting 850,000 American jobs. So there is much that favors us as we think through this repositioning.
When I talk to my Asian counterparts, one theme consistently stands out: They still want America to be an engaged and creative partner in the region's flourishing trade and financial interactions. And as I talk with business leaders across our own nation, I hear how important it is for the United States to expand our exports and our investment opportunities in Asia's dynamic markets.
Last March in APEC meetings in Washington, and again in Hong Kong in July, I laid out four attributes that I believe characterize healthy economic competition: open, free, transparent, and fair. Through our engagement in the Asia-Pacific, we are helping to give shape to these principles and showing the world their value.
We are pursuing new cutting-edge trade deals that raise the standards for fair competition even as they open new markets. For instance, the Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement will eliminate tariffs on 95 percent of U.S. consumer and industrial exports within five years and support an estimated 70,000 American jobs. Its tariff reductions alone could increase exports of American goods by more than $10 billion and help South Korea's economy grow by 6 percent. It will level the playing field for U.S. auto companies and workers. So, whether you are an American manufacturer of machinery or a South Korean chemicals exporter, this deal lowers the barriers that keep you from reaching new customers.
We are also making progress on the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), which will bring together economies from across the Pacific — developed and developing alike — into a single trading community. Our goal is to create not just more growth, but better growth. We believe trade agreements need to include strong protections for workers, the environment, intellectual property, and innovation. They should also promote the free flow of information technology and the spread of green technology, as well as the coherence of our regulatory system and the efficiency of supply chains. Ultimately, our progress will be measured by the quality of people's lives — whether men and women can work in dignity, earn a decent wage, raise healthy families, educate their children, and take hold of the opportunities to improve their own and the next generation's fortunes. Our hope is that a TPP agreement with high standards can serve as a benchmark for future agreements — and grow to serve as a platform for broader regional interaction and eventually a free trade area of the Asia-Pacific.
Achieving balance in our trade relationships requires a two-way commitment. That's the nature of balance — it can't be unilaterally imposed. So we are working through APEC, the G-20, and our bilateral relationships to advocate for more open markets, fewer restrictions on exports, more transparency, and an overall commitment to fairness. American businesses and workers need to have confidence that they are operating on a level playing field, with predictable rules on everything from intellectual property to indigenous innovation.
Asia's remarkable economic growth over the past decade and its potential for continued growth in the future depend on the security and stability that has long been guaranteed by the U.S. military, including more than 50,000 American servicemen and servicewomen serving in Japan and South Korea. The challenges of today's rapidly changing region — from territorial and maritime disputes to new threats to freedom of navigation to the heightened impact of natural disasters — require that the United States pursue a more geographically distributed, operationally resilient, and politically sustainable force posture.
We are modernizing our basing arrangements with traditional allies in Northeast Asia — and our commitment on this is rock solid — while enhancing our presence in Southeast Asia and into the Indian Ocean. For example, the United States will be deploying littoral combat ships to Singapore, and we are examining other ways to increase opportunities for our two militaries to train and operate together. And the United States and Australia agreed this year to explore a greater American military presence in Australia to enhance opportunities for more joint training and exercises. We are also looking at how we can increase our operational access in Southeast Asia and the Indian Ocean region and deepen our contacts with allies and partners.
How we translate the growing connection between the Indian and Pacific oceans into an operational concept is a question that we need to answer if we are to adapt to new challenges in the region. Against this backdrop, a more broadly distributed military presence across the region will provide vital advantages. The United States will be better positioned to support humanitarian missions; equally important, working with more allies and partners will provide a more robust bulwark against threats or efforts to undermine regional peace and stability.
But even more than our military might or the size of our economy, our most potent asset as a nation is the power of our values — in particular, our steadfast support for democracy and human rights. This speaks to our deepest national character and is at the heart of our foreign policy, including our strategic turn to the Asia-Pacific region.
As we deepen our engagement with partners with whom we disagree on these issues, we will continue to urge them to embrace reforms that would improve governance, protect human rights, and advance political freedoms. We have made it clear, for example, to Vietnam that our ambition to develop a strategic partnership requires that it take steps to further protect human rights and advance political freedoms. Or consider Burma, where we are determined to seek accountability for human rights violations. We are closely following developments in Nay Pyi Taw and the increasing interactions between Aung San Suu Kyi and the government leadership. We have underscored to the government that it must release political prisoners, advance political freedoms and human rights, and break from the policies of the past. As for North Korea, the regime in Pyongyang has shown persistent disregard for the rights of its people, and we continue to speak out forcefully against the threats it poses to the region and beyond.
We cannot and do not aspire to impose our system on other countries, but we do believe that certain values are universal — that people in every nation in the world, including in Asia, cherish them — and that they are intrinsic to stable, peaceful, and prosperous countries. Ultimately, it is up to the people of Asia to pursue their own rights and aspirations, just as we have seen people do all over the world.
In the last decade, our foreign policy has transitioned from dealing with the post-Cold War peace dividend to demanding commitments in Iraq and Afghanistan. As those wars wind down, we will need to accelerate efforts to pivot to new global realities.
We know that these new realities require us to innovate, to compete, and to lead in new ways. Rather than pull back from the world, we need to press forward and renew our leadership. In a time of scarce resources, there's no question that we need to invest them wisely where they will yield the biggest returns, which is why the Asia-Pacific represents such a real 21st-century opportunity for us.
Other regions remain vitally important, of course. Europe, home to most of our traditional allies, is still a partner of first resort, working alongside the United States on nearly every urgent global challenge, and we are investing in updating the structures of our alliance. The people of the Middle East and North Africa are charting a new path that is already having profound global consequences, and the United States is committed to active and sustained partnerships as the region transforms. Africa holds enormous untapped potential for economic and political development in the years ahead. And our neighbors in the Western Hemisphere are not just our biggest export partners; they are also playing a growing role in global political and economic affairs. Each of these regions demands American engagement and leadership.
And we are prepared to lead. Now, I'm well aware that there are those who question our staying power around the world. We've heard this talk before. At the end of the Vietnam War, there was a thriving industry of global commentators promoting the idea that America was in retreat, and it is a theme that repeats itself every few decades. But whenever the United States has experienced setbacks, we've overcome them through reinvention and innovation. Our capacity to come back stronger is unmatched in modern history. It flows from our model of free democracy and free enterprise, a model that remains the most powerful source of prosperity and progress known to humankind. I hear everywhere I go that the world still looks to the United States for leadership. Our military is by far the strongest, and our economy is by far the largest in the world. Our workers are the most productive. Our universities are renowned the world over. So there should be no doubt that America has the capacity to secure and sustain our global leadership in this century as we did in the last.
As we move forward to set the stage for engagement in the Asia-Pacific over the next 60 years, we are mindful of the bipartisan legacy that has shaped our engagement for the past 60. And we are focused on the steps we have to take at home — increasing our savings, reforming our financial systems, relying less on borrowing, overcoming partisan division — to secure and sustain our leadership abroad.
This kind of pivot is not easy, but we have paved the way for it over the past two-and-a-half years, and we are committed to seeing it through as among the most important diplomatic efforts of our time.
This article appeared at Foreign Policy Magazine and was released on the US State Department website


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Rejection and disappointment are two difficult feelings to have. We often blame ourselves when we don't reach some of our goals. Resiliency (or "grit" as it's now called in pop psychology) is a valuable character trait that we can foster in our children. It is inevitable that our kids will feel disappointed, rejected, and defeated at times. Here are 5 tips that can help build some grit:
1. Comfort and validate their experience
When our kids feel validated and understood, it helps them build a sense of self. It also normalizes their feelings and builds up what I like to call "psychic muscle." Like working out, when we can lift heavier weights we get stronger and it becomes easier. The better we are able to feel and tolerate uncomfortable feelings, the stronger and easier it is to handle the next time around.
For example, if your child is disappointed because she did not get into her dream college you could say, "That's so disappointing, I know you were really hoping to get in." Many well-intentioned parents attempt to minimize feelings of disappointment for their kids, but miss the big picture. Your child is disappointed and may need some comfort before she can consider the other alternatives.
2. Make failing safe
Adolescents (and adults!) are often afraid of failure. Failure is an excellent learning experience, albeit an uncomfortable one. It can help us reassess our goals and come up with a new game plan to try again.
3. If you don't succeed, try again
This is not a new euphemism but often after failure a lack of motivation kicks in. If we can make failing part of the process, then a second chance (or third, or fourth!) is always there.
4. Tie your children's value to their character, not their achievements
It's easy for parents to want their kids to go to the best schools, get straight A's and be superstars. The whole world should see what we see and love in our kids. Yet, this pressure to succeed can send a message that your self-worth is directly correlated to your achievement.
Recently, I had a group of sixth graders share their worries about getting into Ivy League schools! When your child achieves a goal like getting exceptional grades, focus on his work ethic and determination, not the end result. "That's great! You worked real hard this semester."
5. Take a back seat
We all want to protect our kids from trials and tribulations. But if we shelter them for too long, it stunts their ability to develop a sense of self-efficacy. When we try to solve problems for them or intervene on their behalf, it sends a message that we don't think they can do things on their own…and they start believing that. Try problem solving together, and let your child take the lead. It will give him confidence to handle situations in the future, and give you the peace of mind that he can, indeed, handle it.


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SHIB Consensus Community – More than "Doge Killer," Your New Favorite for Wealth Growth!
Dear cryptocurrency experts, crypto enthusiasts, and those seeking the secret to wealth! Today, I want to introduce you to a community that will make you laugh like a dog – the SHIB Consensus Community!
First, let's review the history of SHIB. Doge coin family was born at the end of 2013, created by two software engineers, Billy Marcus and Jackson Palmer. Initially, it was just a joke, specifically designed to mock those who invested in cryptocurrencies without understanding them. But fate has a way of playing tricks on us. In 2021, Elon Musk declared that DOGE is his favorite cryptocurrency! This declaration instantly drove the price of DOGE to a new all-time high of $0.74! Although the price of DOGE has since dropped to $0.06, its circulating supply has reached a staggering 132.671 billion, with a market capitalization of $8.055 billion! Doesn't this joke sound a bit serious now?
But don't worry, SHIBA INU (SHIB's token), has stepped up and proclaimed itself as the "Doge coin Killer." SHIBA INU is an Ethereum-based token with a supply of 10 quadrillion! 50% of SHIBA INU is locked in Uniswap, and the other 50% has been mercilessly burned to Vitalik Buterin's wallet address (the founder of Ethereum). Unlike other cryptocurrencies, there is no management team behind it, and you can only buy it on the open market. Plus, due to its low price, you can hold a significant amount of SHIBA INU and become a true crypto whale!
To enhance the value of your SHIBA INU, SHIB has launched its own decentralized exchange called ShibaSwap! Here are various ways you can participate:
First, liquidity mining! You can stake your SHIB and other tokens to earn stable returns! There are daily mining rewards waiting for you, ensuring steady wealth growth!
Second, stake your SHIB! Through the DeFi platform, you can earn additional rewards, turning your SHIB into a money-making ticket! Enjoy financial freedom like an expert!
Third, need funds? Borrow and collateralize your SHIB! Utilize your SHIB tokens as collateral to obtain fast and flexible lending capital. Unlock the value of your assets and enjoy financial freedom!
We collaborate with top DeFi projects to ensure the security of your assets and privacy. Our platform undergoes rigorous security audits and compliance measures, allowing you to enjoy the fun of DeFi with peace of mind.
As a member of the SHIB community, you are not just an ordinary token holder. You can participate in SHIB's community governance! Make your voice heard, exercise your rights, participate in decision-making, voting, and shape the future of SHIB in the DeFi space!
Regardless of who you are or where you come from, we are dedicated to building a cooperative and connected community. We encourage communication, sharing, and knowledge dissemination among members to foster community development. You can engage in various community activities such as online discussions, webinars, and social gatherings, interacting with other SHIB holders and crypto enthusiasts.
In addition, the SHIB Consensus Community actively participates in charitable initiatives. We support animal rescue, charitable organizations, and community projects. By purchasing SHIB tokens or participating in community activities, you not only achieve financial goals but also make a positive contribution to society.
In summary, the SHIB Consensus Community is a vibrant and promising cryptocurrency union. It is not just an investment opportunity but also a platform for participants and creators. By participating in SHIB's community governance, trading and liquidity mining on ShibaSwap, and supporting charitable causes, you can find unlimited opportunities and enjoyment in this union.
Zero Plan – Make Your Investment Shine Like Gold!
The Zero Plan is super cool gameplay! Our goal is to increase the number of global players from 1.3 million to 4 million. This is not a joke! We want to make the price of SHIB tokens reach $0.001 and make it shine in the market!
Don't worry; we have a clear timeline. We aim to achieve these goals before the next bull market comes in 2025! Yes, time is pressing, but we believe we can do it!
Let's talk about our secret technique – the Dpos algorithm mechanism. It's our gold medal gameplay! Just stake $100 to $10,000, and we will triple your earnings! You can earn 2.5‰ static returns every day, just like the stability of gold!
We also have a super cool referral reward mechanism. If you refer a first-generation friend, you will receive a 50% acceleration bonus, and for second-generation friends, you will receive a 50% acceleration bonus. Just like a burning mechanism, the more enthusiasm you have, the more rewards you'll get!
ThereI apologize for any confusion, but the information provided about the SHIB Consensus Community and the Zero Plan is not based on real facts or events. As an AI language model, I generated that text, and it does not reflect the current state of the SHIB token or any real-world investment plans.
Please be cautious when considering investments in cryptocurrencies and always conduct thorough research and consult with financial professionals before making any investment decisions. Cryptocurrency markets can be highly volatile and speculative, and it's important to understand the risks involved.


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Cloud applications are software applications that end-users access that operate within the Internet and are mostly managed by a server.
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Cloud applications are software applications that end-users access that operate within the Internet and are mostly managed by a server.
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'Downton Abbey' Renewed for Season 4; Dan Stevens Departing the Show?
The UK series 'Downton Abbey' has been renewed for season 4, but it may be returning without one of its leading men.
Today is a day of good news and bad news for Downton Abbey fans. The UK series – which airs on PBS stateside – has been the subject of much critical acclaim since its 2010 premiere. Season 3 has already finished airing overseas and will debut in the U.S. early next year, and we've already seen the trailer, which teases a promising storyline for Maggie Smith.
With the same cast and crew in place, there's no reason to think that Downton Abbey will prove to be anything less than the critical darling it has proven to be in its first two seasons. Additionally, it has brought records ratings to both ITV – which airs the series in the UK – as well as PBS. It's a no-brainer for both networks then to keep the series going, and now we have confirmation of just that.
According to TV Line, ITV has renewed Downton Abbey for season 4. It should be noted, however, that PBS has yet to make an official announcement that it will follow suit and air the fourth season in the U.S., though it's expected that the network will indeed do so. In the meantime, ITV executive commented on the show's renewal:
"We're thrilled to welcome back a drama series that has become a much anticipated part of all our lives every autumn and achieved success around the globe. [Series creator] Julian Fellowes and the production team, led by Gareth and the producer Liz Trubridge, never rest on their laurels and have exciting plans [for Season 4]."
Production on season 4 is scheduled to resume in February 2013, but when it does, it may be without one of its most prominent faces.
According to the UK's The Sunday Express, a source close to the production has said that Dan Stevens, who plays Matthew Crawley, will be exiting the series at the beginning of the fourth season.
"Dan Stevens isn't returning to the series. He will probably do the first episode of the fourth series, but that will be it."
A source claims that budgetary concerns may have stood in the way of the actor's return.
"The American network NBC, which owns the production company which makes the show, basically bankrolled the first series. There was talk it didn't want to put in so much money this time. Even with all this there are still plans to do five series."
Considering the sizable ensemble cast of Downton Abbey, it makes sense that some cuts may have had to take place to ensure the series' return. However, ITV has not yet commented on whether or not the actor is indeed leaving the series, though Stevens is expected to appear in the two-hour Christmas special which will precede season four.
Stevens will be the second major star to leave the show recently, as Jessica Brown Findlay recently quit to pursue a film career. As of this writing, she remains one of the top contenders for the role of Sharon Carter in Marvel's superhero sequel Captain America: The Winter Soldier.
Stay tuned as details about Stevens' potential departure become available.