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Facts & Figures
President: Gen. Abdel Fattah el-Sisi (2014)
Prime Minister: Mostafa Madbouly (2018)
Land area: 384,344 sq mi (995,451 sq km); total area: 386,662 sq mi (1,001,450 sq km)
Population (2022 est.): 107,770,524 (growth rate: 1.68%); birth rate: 21.46/1000; infant mortality rate: 17.7/1000; life expectancy: 74.45
Capital and largest city (2022 est.): Cairo, 21.750 million
Other large cities: Alexandria, 5.484 million; Bur Sa'id, 764,000 (2022)
Monetary unit: Egyptian pound
National name: Jumhuriyat Misr al-Arabiyah
Languages: Arabic (official), English and French widely understood by educated classes
Ethnicity/race: Egyptian 99.6%, other 0.4% (2006 census)
National Holiday: Revolution Day, July 23
Religions: Muslim (predominantly Sunni) 90%, Christian (majority Coptic Orthodox, other Christians include Armenian Apostolic, Catholic, Maronite, Orthodox, and Anglican) 10% (2012 est.)
Literacy rate: 71.2% (2017 est.)
Economic summary: GDP/PPP $1,223,040,000,000 (2020 est.); per capita $12,000. Real growth rate: 4.2%. Inflation: 9.3%. Unemployment: 7.86%. Arable land: 2.8%. Agriculture: cotton, rice, corn, wheat, beans, fruits, vegetables; cattle, water buffalo, sheep, goats. Labor force: 24.113 million (2020); agriculture 25.8%, industry 25.1%, services 49.1% (2015 est.). Industries: textiles, food processing, tourism, chemicals, pharmaceuticals, hydrocarbons, construction, cement, metals, light manufactures. Natural resources: petroleum, natural gas, iron ore, phosphates, manganese, limestone, gypsum, talc, asbestos, lead, zinc. Exports: $40.1 billion (2020 est.): crude oil and petroleum products, cotton, textiles, metal products, chemicals. Major trading partners (exports): United States 9%, United Arab Emirates 6%, Italy 6%, Turkey 6%, Saudi Arabia 6%, India 5% (2019). Imports: $72.48 billion (2020 est.): machinery and equipment, foodstuffs, chemicals, wood products, fuels. Major trading partners (imports): China 15%, Russia 7%, United States 6%, Saudi Arabia 6%, Germany 5%, Turkey 5% (2019).
Communications: Telephones: main lines in use: 9,858,331 (2020); mobile cellular: 95,357,427 (2020). Broadcast media: mix of state-run and private broadcast media; state-run TV operates 2 national and 6 regional terrestrial networks as well as a few satellite channels; about 20 private satellite channels and a large number of Arabic satellite channels are available via subscription; state-run radio operates about 70 stations belonging to 8 networks; 2 privately owned radio stations operational (2019). Internet hosts: 200,430 (2012). Internet users: 73,680,770 (2020).
Transportation: Railways: total: 5,085 km (2014). Roadways: total: 65,050 km; (2018 est.). Waterways: 3,500 km; note: includes Nile River, Lake Nasser, Alexandria-Cairo Waterway, and numerous smaller canals in delta; Suez Canal (193.5 km including approaches) navigable by oceangoing vessels drawing up to 17.68 m (2018). Ports and harbors: Alexandria, Damietta, El Dekheila, Port Said, Suez, Zeit. Airports: 83 (2021).
International disputes: Sudan claims but Egypt de facto administers security and economic development of Halaib region north of the 22nd parallel boundary; Egypt no longer shows its administration of the Bir Tawil trapezoid in Sudan on its maps; Gazan breaches in the security wall with Egypt in January 2008 highlight difficulties in monitoring the Sinai border; Saudi Arabia claims Egyptian-administered islands of Tiran and Sanafir.
- Egypt Profile
- History
- News and Current Events
Egypt, at the northeast corner of Africa on the Mediterranean Sea, is bordered on the west by Libya, on the south by the Sudan, and on the east by the Red Sea and Israel. It is nearly one and one-half times the size of Texas. Egypt is divided into two unequal, extremely arid regions by the landscape's dominant feature, the northward-flowing Nile River. The Nile starts 100 mi (161 km) south of the Mediterranean and fans out to a sea front of 155 mi between the cities of Alexandria and Port Said.
Egyptian history dates back to about 4000 B.C., when the kingdoms of upper and lower Egypt, already highly sophisticated, were united. Egypt's golden age coincided with the 18th and 19th dynasties (16th to 13th century B.C.), during which the empire was established. Persia conquered Egypt in 525 B.C., Alexander the Great subdued it in 332 B.C., and then the dynasty of the Ptolemies ruled the land until 30 B.C., when Cleopatra, last of the line, committed suicide and Egypt became a Roman, then Byzantine, province. Arab caliphs ruled Egypt from 641 until 1517, when the Turks took it for their Ottoman Empire.
Napoléon's armies occupied the country from 1798 to 1801. In 1805, Mohammed Ali, leader of a band of Albanian soldiers, became pasha of Egypt. After completion of the Suez Canal in 1869, the French and British took increasing interest in Egypt. British troops occupied Egypt in 1882, and British resident agents became its actual administrators, though it remained under nominal Turkish sovereignty. In 1914, this fiction was ended, and Egypt became a protectorate of Britain.
Egyptian nationalism, led by Zaghlul Pasha and the Wafd Party, forced Britain to relinquish its claims on the country. Egypt became an independent sovereign state on Feb. 28, 1922, with Fu'ad I as its king. In 1936, by an Anglo-Egyptian treaty of alliance, all British troops and officials were to be withdrawn, except from the Suez Canal Zone. When World War II started, Egypt remained neutral.
Egypt Becomes a Republic
Tensions grew between the Wafd Party and the monarchy following independence, and in 1952, the army, led by Gen. Mohammed Naguib, seized power. Three days later, King Farouk abdicated in favor of his infant son. The monarchy was abolished and a republic proclaimed on June 18, 1953, with Naguib becoming president and prime minister. He relinquished the prime ministership in 1954 to Gamal Abdel Nasser, leader of the ruling military junta. Nasser also assumed the presidency in 1956.
Nasser's policies embroiled his country in continual conflict. In 1956, the U.S. and Britain withdrew their pledges of financial aid for the building of the Aswan High Dam. In response, Nasser nationalized the Suez Canal and expelled British oil and embassy officials. The Soviet Union then agreed to finance the dam and would come to exert increasing influence over Egypt in the coming decade. Israel, barred from the canal and exasperated by terrorist raids, invaded the Gaza Strip and the Sinai Peninsula. Britain and France, after demanding Egyptian evacuation of the canal zone, attacked Egypt on Oct. 31, 1956. Worldwide pressure forced Britain, France, and Israel to halt the hostilities. A UN emergency force occupied the canal zone, and all troops were evacuated in the spring of 1957.
From 1956 to 1961, Egypt and Syria united to form a single country called the United Arab Republic (UAR). Syria ended this relationship in 1961 after a military coup, but Egypt continued to call itself the UAR until 1971.
Tensions Between Egypt and Israel Erupt in the Six-Day War
In 1967, border tensions between Egypt and Israel led to the Six-Day War. On June 5, Israel launched an air assault, and within days had annexed the Sinai Peninsula, the East Bank of the Jordan River, and the Golan Heights. A UN cease-fire on June 10 saved the Arabs from a complete rout. Nasser declared the 1967 cease-fire void along the canal in April 1969 and began a war of attrition. On Sept. 28, 1970, Nasser died of a heart attack. Anwar el-Sadat, an associate of Nasser and a former newspaper editor, became the next president.
The fourth Arab-Israeli War broke out on Oct. 6, 1973, during the Jewish holiday of Yom Kippur. Egypt swept deep into the Sinai, while Syria strove to throw Israel off the Golan Heights. A UN-sponsored truce was accepted on Oct. 22. In Jan. 1974, both sides agreed to a settlement negotiated by the U.S. that gave Egypt a narrow strip along the entire Sinai bank of the Suez Canal. In June, President Nixon made the first visit by a U.S. president to Egypt and full diplomatic relations were established. The Suez Canal was reopened on June 5, 1975.
In the most audacious act of his career, Sadat flew to Jerusalem at the invitation of Prime Minister Menachem Begin on Nov. 20, 1977, to discuss a permanent peace settlement. The Arab world reacted with fury. Egypt and Israel signed a formal peace treaty on March 26, 1979. The pact ended 30 years of war and established diplomatic and commercial relations.
By mid-1980, two-thirds of the Sinai had been transferred back to Egypt, but Sadat halted further talks with Israel in Aug. 1980 because of continued Israeli settlement of the West Bank. On Oct. 6, 1981, Sadat was assassinated by extremist Muslim soldiers at a parade in Cairo. Vice President Hosni Mubarak, a former air force chief of staff, succeeded him. Israel completed the return of the Sinai to Egyptian control on April 25, 1982. Israel's invasion of Lebanon in June brought a marked cooling in Egyptian-Israeli relations, but not a disavowal of the peace treaty.
Egypt Begins Fighting Islamic Extremists
The government has concentrated much of its time and attention in recent years on combating Islamic extremists, who have in particular targeted Copts (Egyptian Christians). In 1997, a terrorist attack on foreign tourists killed 70. During the 1990s, about 26,000 Islamic militants were imprisoned and dozens were executed.
Egypt and Sudan resumed diplomatic relations in March 2000, which had broken off in 1995 after Egypt accused Sudan of attempting to assassinate Hosni Mubarak. Human rights activists have increased their criticism of Egypt for its heavy-handed crackdown on potentially disruptive Islamic groups, and for the harassment of intellectuals advocating greater democracy.
In July 2005, President Mubarak announced he would seek a fifth six-year term. Earlier in the year Mubarak had amended the constitution to allow for multiparty elections, the first in Egyptian history, and on Sept. 6, Mubarak was reelected with 88.6% of the vote. Turnout was 23%.
In March 2007, voters overwhelmingly endorsed changes to the Constitution that strengthened the presidency. Voter turnout was low, at about 27%, and opposition groups claimed the vote was rigged.
U.S. President Obama spoke of forming an alliance with Muslims during a visit to Cairo, Egypt in June 2009. He called for "a new beginning between the United States and Muslims around the world," asking for new alliances based on mutual respect and common interests.
Mubarak Resigns Under Intense Pressure from Protesters
Unrest spread throughout the Middle East in January 2011. First, Tunisia's president Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali stepped down amid widespread protests against corruption, unemployment, and the repressive police state. Demonstrations followed in Yemen and Algeria. In Egypt, opposition groups and activists calling for reform began their protests on January 25—what they called "a day of rage," which coincided with Police Day. The movement, organized using cell phones and social media sites, spread, and protesters took to the streets in several cities, including Cairo, Alexandria, and Suez, demanding the resignation of Mubarak, who had been in power for 30 years. The aging president had taken steps for his son, Gamal, to succeed him in upcoming elections.
The protests continued and grew in size and intensity over the next several days, with protesters and police engaged in violent battles. On January 28, Mubarak ordered his government to resign and reshuffled his cabinet, which had no effect on the protests. Mubarak, however, remained in office, and in an apparent move to cement the support of the military, he appointed military intelligence chief, Omar Suleiman, as vice president. He deployed the military to help police quell the protests, but days later—in a blow to Mubarak—the military said it would not use force against the protesters. On February 1, hundreds of thousands of protesters assembled in Cairo's Tahrir Square. Mohamed ElBaradei, the Egyptian Nobel laureate and former director general of the International Atomic Energy Agency, returned to Egypt and emerged as the leader of the opposition. He urged Muburak to resign and allow the formation of a "national unity government." Wael Ghonim, an Egyptian executive at Google, was a leading force in organizing the protests; he used an anonymous Facebook page and YouTube videos to rally support for the movement. He was jailed for 12 days, and became an unwitting hero of the movement when he acknowledged his role in an emotional television interview after his release.
On Feb. 1, Mubarak announced that he will serve out the remainder of his term but not run for reelection in September. In response, President Barack Obama said an "orderly transition must be meaningful, it must be peaceful, and it must begin now." A day later, however, the situation in Cairo deteriorated abruptly as counter-protests broke out and supporters and opponents of Mubarak faced off in and around Tahrir Square, hurling rocks and wielding sticks. Many observers suspected Mubarak organized and encouraged his supporters to take to the streets in an attempt to further destabilize the country, allowing him to cling to power.
The opposition remained undaunted by the violent counter-protests and continued their demonstrations. The Muslim Brotherhood, the country's largest and most influential opposition movement, had been largely absent from the protest movement until it issued a statement on Feb. 4 calling for the resignation of Mubarak. In response to the continued unrest, the government made a series of conciliatory gestures: it announced that Suleiman would oversee the planning of upcoming elections and the attendant transition, promised a 15% pay increase for government employees, and proposed constitutional reforms. The opposition dismissed the gesture as wildly inadequate, and Mubarak's stubborn insistence on remaining in office emboldened the opposition. Mubarak ultimately gave in to the uprising. On Feb. 11, he announced his resignation and handed power of the country over to the military. Cairo erupted in joyous celebration, with crowds chanting, "Egypt is free!"
Several Milestones Signal Transition to Democracy
After assuming control of the country, the military dissolved Parliament and suspended the Constitution. It then presented a roadmap for a six-month transition to civilian rule. Plans included drafting constitutional amendments, a referendum to vote on them, and elections. Opposition supporters continued to gather in Tahir Square to call for further reform. On March 3 Prime Minister Ahmed Shafiq resigned, giving in to the demands of protesters. He was replaced by Essam Sharaf, a former government minister and a supporter of the opposition. Another milestone was achieved on March 20, when 77.2% of voters approved a referendum on constitutional amendments that lays the groundwork for upcoming legislative and presidential elections. One of the amendments establishes presidential term limits. The amendments were put into effect on March 31, when the ruling military council introduced an interim constitution. The council also said it would cede legislative power after November's parliamentary elections and executive control after presidential elections, which are schedule for November. On April 13, Mubarak and his two sons, Gamal and Alaa, were taken into police custody to be questioned about corruption and abuse of power.
In May, prosecutors charged Mubarak with murder and attempting to murder protesters. He and his sons Alaa and Gamal were charged with corruption. All were ordered to stand trial. Mubarak's trial began on Aug. 3 in Cairo. He appeared in court lying in a hospital bed in a caged area of the courtroom.
Tensions flared between Israel and Egypt in August and September 2011, when militants attacked the Israeli resort town of Eilat, on the Egypt-Israel border. Eight Israelis were killed and 30 were wounded. Six Egyptian border guards were also killed in the shootings. Israeli authorities blamed the attacks on the Popular Resistance Committees, a group that has worked with Hamas, and said they believed the attackers crossed into Israel from Egypt. Egypt in turn blamed Israel for the deaths. Israel responded with several airstrikes on Gaza, killing the Popular Resistance Committees' commander among others. Egyptian officials denied that the attackers crossed through Hamas also denied Israel's accusations. The cross-border attacks threatened the decades of peace between Israel and Egypt. Meanwhile, Palestinian militants fired several rockets into Israel from Gaza, killing one civilian and wounding six others. Hamas, which controls Gaza, took credit for the rockets fired into Israel.
Protesters Return to Tahrir Square
Confidence in the military's leadership began to erode in the fall and hit a low in October 2011 in response to the military's heavy-handed approach to a peaceful protest by Coptic Chrisians, who were demonstrating against religious intolerance and the burning of a church. About 25 Copts were killed and 300 injured in Cairo when security forces fired on the crowd with live ammunition and ran over protests. Days later, the military council said it would maintain control over the government after parliamentary elections and cede power only after a new constitution was adopted and presidential elections. This process was expected to extend into 2013. The moves sparked fear that the military, which still includes members of the Mubarak regime, was postponing the transition to civilian rule in an attempt to retain control and diminish the influence of the democracy movement.
In November, protesters—representing both Islamists and the liberal opposition—returned to Tahrir Square to demand the ruling military council step aside in favor of a civilian-led government. The opposition had little confidence the military would hand over power and suggested that it was actually stifling the revolutionary fervor. The demonstrations turned violent with police firing on crowds with tear gas and rubber bullets. On Nov. 21, as the protests grew in size and intensity and police were widely criticized for their crackdown, Prime Minister Essam Sharaf and his cabinet resigned. In an agreement reached with the Muslim Brotherhood, which had stepped back from the protest movement, the military council vowed to install a civilian prime minister and to accelerate the transition to a civilian government, with presidential elections being held by June 2012. Former prime minister Kamal al-Ganzouri was named to replace Sharaf, and in response to the demands of protesters, the military council transferred most powers of the president to him. The secular opposition condemned the Muslim Brotherhood for cooperating with the military, saying the Islamists were cozying up to the military in a grab for power.
Islamists Fare Well in Parliamentary Elections; Political Turmoil Complicates Presidential Vote
Despite the political turmoil and uncertainty, millions of Egyptians voted in the first round of parliamentary elections on Nov. 28, 2011. The Muslim Brotherhood fared better than expected, winning about 40% of the vote. Even more of a shock was the second place finish of the ultraconservative Islamist Salafists, who took about 25%. The Muslim Brotherhood, however, said it did not plan to form a coalition with the Salafis—an apparent attempt to calm fears that it would assemble an Islamist government. In fact, it said that it planned to form a unity government with secularists and would respect the rights of women and religious minorities.
The second round of parliamentary elections in mid-December were marred by violence. Protesters demonstrating against military rule were beat up and troops assaulted civilians who assembled outside parliament and judges who were enlisted to supervise the vote counting. In response, the civilian advisory council, formed to help the military council gain acceptance with the populace, ceased operations. The move was an embarrassment to the military council. The reputation of the military was further tarnished in late December, when it beat, kicked, and stripped several women who were participating in a women's demonstration against military rule.
After the third and final round of voting, the Muslim Brotherhood emerged as the clear winner, taking 47% of the seats in parliament. The Salafis won 25%, giving Islamists more than 70% of the seats. The first democratically elected parliament in more than 60 years convened in January 2012. Parliament, however, will remain secondary to the military council until the military hands power to a civilian government, which is expected after May's presidential election. The legislative body was charged with forming a committee to write a new constitution. The Muslim Brotherhood named as many as 70 Islamists, including 50 members of parliament, to the 100-person committee. Given its dominance in parliament and control over the new constitution, the Brotherhood said it would not enter a candidate in the presidential election.
About 100,000 protesters gathered in Tahrir Square on January 25, 2012—the first anniversary of the revolution. Rather than a unified demonstration, the gathering turned out to be divisive, with some criticizing the military's continued hold on power, others expressing anger that Muslim Brotherhood's cooperation with the military.
A series of events in March and April 2012 upset the political landscape in Egypt. In March, the Muslim Brotherhood rescinded its earlier pledge not to run a candidate in May's presidential election. The move caused concern in the West, in Israel, and among liberals in Egypt as observers wondered if the Brotherhood had abandoned its vow to follow a course of moderation and was instead seeking a monopoly on power.
Then in early April, a court suspended the work of the constitution-writing committee. Since the constitution will not be written before presidential elections, the new president will control the process, certainly adding a new level of importance to the race. Later in the month, election officials disqualified ten out of 23 candidates in the presidential elections on technical grounds, including three leading contenders: Omar Suleiman, Mubarak's spy chief; Shater; and Hazem Abu Ismail, an ultraconservative Islamist. The first round of Egypt's first democratic presidential election, held on May 23, was inconclusive. The Muslim Brotherhood's Mohamed Morsi and former prime minister Ahmed Shafik faced off in a second round on June 16 and 17.
Two weeks before the run-off election, a smooth transition—or any transition at all—to a democratically elected government seemed impossible when the military council reimposed martial law, dissolved Parliament on a technicality, gave the military legislative and budgetary authority, and released an interim constitution that further eroded the powers of the president. Many Egyptians and observers called the moves a coup. However, the military council recognized the victory of Morsi over Shafik—a sign of hope despite clear challenges ahead. Morsi won 51.7% of the vote. On July 10th—10 days into his presidency—Morsi defied the military and ordered that Parliament be reinstated. Legislators met briefly, and the Supreme Constitutional Court issued a ruling affirming their decision to dissolve Parliament. The moves signaled a protracted power struggle between Morsi and the military.
In late July Morsi named Hesham Kandil, an engineer who served as head of the Ministry of Water Resources and Irrigation during the interim government, as prime minister. Kandil is a Muslim but not a member of the Muslim Brotherhood. Morsi's cabinet, seated in early August, is composed of several former ministers and members of the Muslim Brotherhood, which deflated hopes that the new government would introduce swift change and raised concern that the Brotherhood would attempt to exclude other parties from governance.
Mubarak Sentenced to Life in Prison
On June 2, 2012, a three-judge panel sentenced Mubarak to life in prison for being an "accessory to murder" in the killing of hundreds of unarmed protesters in early 2011. The former president and his sons were acquitted of corruption. However, the panel cleared several of Mubarak's security officials who were responsible for ordering the attacks on protesters. Thousands of demonstrators poured into the streets of Cairo after the verdict was announced to protest what they considered a weak verdict. Mubarak appealed, and in January 2013 the Court of Cassation ordered a retrial. In August 2013, he was transferred from prison to a military hospital in Cairo and has remained there under house arrest.
Protests Threaten Morsi Government
President Morsi faced his first test in early August 2012, when militants shot and killed 16 Egyptian soldiers at an army checkpoint in Egypt's Sinai Peninsula, which borders Israel. Several of the militants then drove into Israel, where their vehicle was destroyed by the Israeli military. Despite increased jihadist activity and warnings about a potential attack in the Sinai, the Egyptian Army was caught unprepared. Morsi ordered an airstrike on the Sinai, which killed about 20 militants. On Aug. 12, Morsi dismissed or "reassigned" several senior generals and the heads of each service branch of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), an influential force in Egypt that has effectively been in control since the fall of Hosni Mubarak and recently been in a power struggle with the new civilian government. Defense minister Mohamed Hussein Tantawi, a power broker in Egypt, was among the leaders Morsi stripped of his position. Morsi also voided a constitutional declaration imposed by the military that limited the role of the president, and implemented a new order that vastly expanded his power and that of the legislature. The bold move sent a clear message that the civilian government had taken back control of the country.
The attack in the Sinai highlighted the importance—and fragility—of the relationship between Israel and Egypt in dealing with the explosive nature of the region.
Protests broke out at the U.S. embassy in Cairo in September over the release of a YouTube film, Innocence of Muslims, which insulted the Prophet Muhammad and criticized Islam. Demonstrators stormed the walls of the embassy and ripped down the American flag. President Morsi was slow to respond to the protests and issued only a tepid condemnation of the violence, prompting a call from President Barack Obama, who warned that relations between the U.S. and Egypt will suffer if he fails to take stronger action against anti-American violence. The protests coincided with similar actions in Yemen, Tunisia, Morocco, Sudan, Indonesia, and Pakistan. In Libya, the U.S. ambassador, Christopher Stevens, and three other embassy officials were killed by armed gunmen.
In November 2012 as violence intensified between Israelis and members of Hamas in the Gaza Strip, President Morsi held indirect talks with Hamas and the Israeli government in an attempt to prevent further destabilization in the region. On Nov. 21, Egyptian foreign Mohamed Kamel Amr and U.S. secretary of state Hillary Clinton announced a cease-fire had been signed.
Any praise that Morsi received for intervening in the Gaza crisis was quickly overshadowed by a brazen power grab announced on November 22, in which he declared authority over the courts, thereby removing any check on his actions by the courts. He said the move was necessary because the judiciary, made up of Mubarak appointees, was threatening to suspend the constitutional assembly before it completed the task of drafting a new constitution. Progress on writing a new constitution had been stalled by members of the opposition on the committee. Morsi also said the edict would bring "political, social and economic stability" and remove barriers to a smooth transition of power. The decree was met with large protests in Tahrir Square, the scene of the uprising against Mubarak, and international condemnation. It also fueled accusations that one autocrat had succeeded another.
Days later—on November 26—Morsi seemed to have backtracked in repsonse to the outpouring of rage, saying only "acts of sovereignty" would be exempt from judicial oversight. The clarification did little to placate his opponents. Under threat of being suspended by the courts, the constitutional assembly hastily approved a draft document on Nov. 29. The constitution satisfied some of the demands of the revolutionaries by weakening the presidency and strengthening Parliament and banning torture, however it was criticized for affirming the power of the military and potentially limiting the rights of women and religious minorities. The draft constitution passed because Morsi's opponents on the committee from secular groups and Coptic Christians boycotted the vote. Thousands of protesters took to the streets to demonstrate against Morsi's power grab. The protests turned violent when members of the Muslim Brotherhood tried to break up the crowds. Several people were killed in the fighting between the opposing sides. Morsi and about a dozen members of the Muslim Brotherhood were accused of inciting the murder of a journalist and two opposition figures, and the ordering torture and the illegal detention of protesters. The referendum on the constitution was held in December, and about 64% of voters approved it. Turnout, however, was low—less than 33%.
Violent protests erupted throughout Egypt on January 25, 2013, the second anniversary of the revolution. Demonstrators focused their ire on the Muslim Brotherhood and President Mohamed Morsi's government, frustrated that the country was headed on an ideologically conservative path under the Islamists and that Morsi has failed to bolster the economy or fulfill promises to introduce broader civil liberties and social justice. As the protests continued and dozens of people were killed in the violence, Morsi declared a state of emergency in three large cities: Suez, Ismailia, and Port Said. The violence was particularly gruesome in Port Said after 21 people were sentenced to death for their role in the deadly brawl at a Feb. 2012 soccer match that resulted in the death of about 75 people. Defying the state of emergency and attendant curfew, rioters, who were upset with the verdict, wreaked havoc throughout the city, attacking police stations, a power plant and a jail. At least 45 people died in Port Said alone. News reports indicated the victims were shot by police. Police also reportedly shot live ammunition and tear gas at protesters in other cities, including Cairo.
In March 2013, Morsi called for early parliamentary elections, to be held in April. The main opposition coalition, the National Salvation Front, said it would boycott the vote, claiming the elections would not be free or fair. A court, however, cancelled the election in early March, saying Morsi did not clear the election schedule with the his cabinet or the prime minister.
Morsi Deposed by Military After One Year in Office
Massive anti-government protests took place on June 30, 2013, the first anniversary of Morsi's inauguration. As many as one million people took the streets in the planned demonstrations and called for the president to step down. Protesters ranged from the poor to anti-Islamists to the wealthy and middle class. Their complaints against Morsi were far-reaching: the dismal state of the economy (high inflation, poverty and unemployment), Morsi's installation of members of the Muslim Brotherhood into many positions of power, his failure to stem the sectarian divide between Sunnis, Shiites, and Christians, among other issues. The protests continued on July 1, and the military issued a statement saying they would step in if Morsi did not respond to the protesters in 48 hours. On July 4, the military deposed Morsi and suspended the constitution, saying the move was an attempt at "national reconciliation" rather than a coup. Morsi, however, called it a "complete military coup." He was arrested and taken into custody and several members of his inner circle were placed under house arrest. Adli Mansour, the chief justice of the Supreme Constitutional Court, was sworn in as interim president and Mohamed ElBaradei, diplomat and opposition leader, became vice president. Mansour dismantled the Shura Council, the only functioning body of parliament. Thousands of Morsi supporters took to the streets of Cairo on July 5 in protests organized by the Muslim Brotherhood. Troops and police fired on protesters during morning prayers on July, killing more than 50 Morsi supporters and wounding more than 300. Reports in the news media said the attack was unprovoked. However, the military said soldiers were fired at first. About 650 members of the Muslim Brotherhood were arrested. The violence escalated the political crisis.
The day after the violence—the worst since the revolution began in 2011—the interim military government named Hazem el-Beblawy, a respected economist who supported the ouster of Mubarak, as prime minister and said a new constitution would be drafted and elections would be held within six months. The Muslim Brotherhood, however, rejected both the apppointment of Beblawy and the timeframe for a return to a civilian government. Most members of the opposition, ranging from liberals to conservative Islamists, called the timeframe unrealistic and poorly planned. On July 16, an interim government took office. It's composed mostly of left-leaning technocrats and three Christians and two women were given posts. Notably, there are no Islamists in Beblawy's cabinet. Gen. Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, who organized the coup, was named deputy prime minister and retained his post as head of defense. The Muslim Brotherhood and the Nour party, which had backed the coup, rejected the new government. The government faces the overwhelming tasks of shoring up the economy, shepharding the country back to civilian rule, writing a new constitution, and holding elections within six months.
Military Brutally Cracks Down on Protesters
At the urging of Gen. Sisi, who wields more influence over the country than the interim government, hundreds of thousands of protesters took to the streets on July 26 to show support for the military and to demand that the country "confront terrorism." The next day, members of the Muslim Brotherhood staged their own demonstration—a sit-in—in Cairo in support of Morsi, and police opened fire, killing more than 80 people and wounding several hundred. Despite the escalating violence, the Islamists continued the sit-ins and set up protest camps. On August 14 riot police raided the camps. They opened fire and used armored bulldozers, tear gas, snipers, and helicopters to clear the camps. Protesters threw rocks and burned tires in response. More than 500 people were killed, and the government declared a state of emergency. Mohamed ElBaradei resigned as vice president in protest of the military's action. President Barack Obama canceled joint military exercises between Egypt and the U.S. that were scheduled for September in response to the military's repressive and heavy-handed tactics. "While we want to sustain our relationship with Egypt, our traditional cooperation cannot continue as usual while civilians are being killed in the streets," Obama said.
The crackdown and protests dragged on for several days, as both the military and Morsi's supporters vowed to continue their fight. Casualties mounted with more than 1,000 fatalities, most of whom were Morsi supporters. On Aug. 18, 36 Islamic militants in police custody were killed while being transported to prison on the outskirts of Cairo, and on Aug. 19 militants killed 24 police officers in the northern Sinai region. Foreign governments urged the military to use restraint, a plea largely ignored. While foreign officials deplored the heavy-handed tactics of the military, they were careful not to imply support for the protesters, recognizing that the interim government was the only hope for stability. On Aug. 19, police arrested Mohamed Badie, the Muslim Brotherhood's spiritual leader, and charged him with incitement to murder. In addition, on the same day a court ordered that former president Hosni Mubarak be released from prison, saying the appeals process had reached an end. He was released from prison on Aug. 22 and placed under house arrest. The government of Morsi kept Mubarak in prison during the appeals process by adding new charges—a precedent Gen. Sisi evidently refused to follow.
By the end of August, the protests had mostly come to an end. After seven weeks of unrest, about 2,000 people were killed, including about 200 police officers, and about 1,500 members or sympathizers of the Muslim Brotherhood had been detained. In September, the Cairo Court for Urgent Matters issued an injunction barring the Muslim Brotherhood from carrying out any activity in the country and confiscated its assests, effectively shutting down the organization. The turn of events called into question whether the 2011 revolution would be in vain. Indeed, all signs indicated that Egypt was headed back to becoming an authoritarian regime.
Violence erupted again in early October when members of the Muslim Brotherhood took the streets in Cairo and their peaceful protests were met with gunfire by riot police. More than 50 members of the brotherhood were killed. In response to the continued violent crackdown on the Muslim Brotherhood, President Obama announced that the U.S. would temporarily suspend financial and military aid to Egypt, including Apache helicopters, F-16 warplanes, and $260 million. In an attempt to maintain a strategic relationship with Egypt, the U.S. will continue to provide assistance to fight terrorism, train troops, and secure Egypt's borders and the Sinai.
Morsi's trial on charges of inciting the murder of protesters opened briefly in early November and was adjorned until January 2014. He denounced the court as illegitimate and proclaimed himself the leader of Egypt. Fourteen other defendants also appeared in court, and they as well as Morsi were held in a caged area of the courtroom. The government declared the Muslim Brotherhood a terrorist organization in December, following an attack that killed a dozen people in Mansoura.
Voters Approve New Constitution
A draft of the new constitution—replacing the one adopted under Morsi—was released in early December. While it includes provisions that protect citizens, including a ban on torture, human trafficking, and violence against women, the constitution expanded the powers of the police and security forces and the military. It also outlaws religious political parties, which means Islamist parties such as the Muslim Brotherhood would be banned. The constitution was put to a referendum on Jan. 14 and 15, 2014, and 98% voted in favor. The Muslim Brotherhood boycotted the vote. Turnout was 38%, but less than 20% for voters under age 30.
Thousands of people took to the streets of Cairo on Jan. 25, 2014, the third anniversary of the uprising against the autocratic former president Hosni Mubarak, both to commemorate the revolt and to support Gen. Sisi. In other parts of the city and in surrounding areas, violence broke out between rival anti-government groups, including Islamists and secularists. About 50 people were killed.
In February 2014, Mubarak and his sons Alaa and Gamal were charged with using more than $17 million in state funds for renovations on their private homes. They were found guilty of embezzlement in May. Hosni Mubarak was sentenced to three years in prison and his sons four years. They were also fined $3 million and ordered to pay back the $17 million.
Prime Minister Hazem el-Beblawy and several members of his cabinet resigned abruptly on Feb. 24, 2014. Beblawy did not give a reason for stepping down. He had been in office since July 2013, and has dealt with a series of daunting challenges, including an economy in tatters, continued protests, and labor strikes. He was replaced by Ibrahim Mehlib, an industrialist who served as housing minister under Mubarak.
Mass Death Sentences Handed Down in Killing of Officer
After a two-hour trial, a judge in Matay in Minya Province sentenced 529 people to death in March 2014 for the killing of a police officer during the protests against the ouster of Islamist President Mohamed Morsi in August 2013. About 400 people were sentenced in absentia. It was a stunning verdict that met with international condemnation. Fearing reprisals from the military-led government, few Islamists dared to speak out or demonstrate against the verdict. A similar verdict was rendered by the same court in April, with more than 680 people being sentenced to death in connection to the police officer's death. Those sentenced included Mohamed Badie, the spiritual leader of the Muslim Brotherhood. Most of those sentenced were either members of the Muslim Brotherhood or supporters of the group. In another ruling in April, a court in Cairo banned the April 6 movement, the liberal group that organized the rebellion that led to the ouster of Mubarak. Despite these repressive, anti-democratic actions, the U.S. announced it would resume some aid to Egypt and deliver 10 Apache helicopters to the Egyptian military.
Voter Turnout Unexpectedly Low in Presidential Election
Abdul-Fattah Sisi, the influential general who led the ouster of Morsi, resigned as defense minister in March 2014 and announced his intention to run for president in the upcoming election.
Voter turnout in May 2014's presidential election was so low that officials added a third day of voting and declared the added day a state holiday. Sisi won the election in a landslide, taking 95% of the vote, but the turnout, about 47%, suggested that Sisi did not have the overwhelming support he had claimed and was widely reported. This may make it difficult for Sisi to implement economic reforms that are needed to boost the country's dire financial situation. In the 2012 presidential election, 52% of voters cast ballots. Observers feared that under Sisi, a military strongman, Egypt would revert to an autocracy as seen in the Mubarak era.
In June 2014, an Egyptian court convicted three Al Jazeera English journalists of aiding the Muslim Brotherhood and spreading false news during their coverage of the protests that followed the ouster of President Mohamed Morsi in July 2013. Peter Greste, Mohamed Fahmy, and Baher Mohamed were arrested in December 2013. Greste and Fahmy were sentenced to seven years in prison, and Baher Mohamed received a 10-year sentence. The extra years were for possessing ammunition, which amounted to one bullet from the protests he kept as a keepsake. The prosecution did not present any evidence against the journalists, and the verdict prompted international condemnation. The White House issued a statement saying the ruling "flouts the most basic standards of media freedom and represents a blow to democratic progress in Egypt." The ruling sent a clear message to journalists and the public that the Sisi government would likely continue to crack down on freedom of the press and would not tolerate dissent.
Dangerous Jihadist Group Intensifies Attacks on Troops; Pledges Allegiance to ISIS
In the summer and fall of 2014, the jihadist group Ansar Beit al-Maqdis, the most virulent militant organization in Egypt, intensified its anti-government activity with a series of brutal attacks on security troops. At least 20 were killed in July in western Egypt and more than 30 soldiers were killed in late October in the Sinai Peninsula. In response, the government evacuated residents and destroyed nearly 800 homes on the border with Gaza to rid the area of "terrorist hotbeds" and to create a buffer zone to stop the flow of weapons and fighters between Egypt and Palestinians. The Sinai-based Ansar Beit al-Maqdis, which translates to "Supporters of Jerusalem," stepped up its attacks on police and security forces after the ouster of Islamist President Mohamed Morsi in August 2013. In November, the group pledged allegiance to the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS), the Sunni militant organization that has terrorized Iraq and Syria in its bid to implement an Islamic state.
In February 2015, a group of Libyan militants aligned with ISIS beheaded 21 Egyptian Coptic Christians who had been kidnapped from Sirte, Libya. Egypt responded by launching airstrikes on weapons Derna, a militant stronghold in eastern Libya.
Court Drops Charges Against Mubarak
In November 2014, an Egyptian court dropped all charges against former president Hosni Mubarak for his role in the killing of hundreds of unarmed protesters in the Arab Spring protests of 2011. His security chief and several high-ranking police officials were also cleared. Thousands of people protested the verdict in Tahrir Square. With another strongman in the role as president, the ruling largely turned back the clocks on the Arab Spring protests.
Obama Lifts Freeze on Military Aid
In March 2015, President Barack Obama lifted the freeze on financial and military aid to Egypt that was imposed in 2013 following the ouster of President Mohamed Morsi and the violent crackdown on the Muslim Brotherhood by the military. President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi was a leader in the coup against Morsi and was in power when the military suppressed Muslim Brotherhood protests. Sisi has not improved his human rights record or made progress towards democratization, which Obama said was necessary for a resumption of aid, but the Obama administration said the move was in the "interest of U.S. national security." With the rise of ISIS, turmoil in Yemen, and political chaos in Libya, Egypt, a longtime ally of the U.S., needs to be able to defend itself in the face of such instability.
Morsi Receives Sentences of Death and 20 Years in Prison
In April 2015, Morsi and 14 members of the Muslim Brotherhood were found guilty of ordering the torture and illegal detention of protesters. They were sentenced to 20 years in prison. The charges stem from violent protests against Morsi in December 2012. They were acquitted of inciting the murder of a journalist and two opposition figures. In May 2015, Morsi was sentenced to death in a separate case involving a prison break of scores of members of the Muslim Brotherhood in 2011. An Egyptian court upheld Morsi's death sentence in June.
Insurgent Attacks Increase
Egypt's Prosecutor-General Hisham Barakat was killed by a roadside bomb in late June 2015. He was the highest-ranking official killed since the insurgency against the government began in 2013. No group claimed responsibility for the assassination, but Barakat was known for taking a hard line against Islamists. Days later, a group linked to the Islamic State launched coordinated attacks in Northern Sinai that killed about 20 soldiers. The attack underscored Sisi's failure to crack down on Islamist groups. The ongoing violence has thwarted an economic recovery and discouraged tourism.
Egypt Joins in Saudi-Led Fight Against Rebels in Yemen; Prime Minister, Cabinet Resign
Despite the launch of an aggressive Saudi-led campaign on Houthi targets, Houthi rebels continued to gain ground in Yemen throughout 2015. Saudi Arabia led a coalition of Middle East nations in the fight. Egypt sent about 800 ground troops to Yemen in September.
In September, Prime Minister Ibrahim Mehlib and his cabinet resigned amid widespread allegations of corruption involving Mehlib and several ministers. The charges include embezzlement and accepting bribes.
See also Encyclopedia: Egypt .
U.S. State Dept. Country Notes: Egypt


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Wednesday 2 November 2011
Unless, of course, someone hears what you're saying.
And the great thing is, if you meet somone you know and they ask you who you were talking to (well if you're me that is) you can say with complete sincerity, "Walter." And if they want to know more, "Oh we don't talk about Walter."
8 comments:
- Simon said...
Yep, I can relate. Except that I haven't named my dictaphone yet. Maybe I should call it Satan...
- 2 November 2011 at 17:56
- Cate Gardner said...
That's freaky, because I thought of your poor unnamed dictaphone when I was typing the blog post and I thought 'Stan' without the extra a. Either way, he is now officially named.
- 2 November 2011 at 17:59
- K.C. Shaw said...
'We Don't Talk About Walter' would make a good title. :)
- 2 November 2011 at 18:02
- Simon Kewin said...
And then comes the day you meet Walter and he gives you his mobile number ...
You know, it's never occurred to me to do this with my 'phone. That's actually pretty brilliant. - 3 November 2011 at 20:57
- Cate Gardner said...
You're right, Kate
If I thought of it, it's bound to be brilliant, Simon - 4 November 2011 at 16:42
- Anthony Rapino said...
It's made talking to *myself* on the street easier too. No tape recorder required.
- 4 November 2011 at 18:33
I followed your example and got me one of them there gadgets, keeping it my shirt pocket while I'm driving and jabbering all the way to work. I might name mine BlueTeeth.
- 5 November 2011 at 14:29
- Cate Gardner said...
I suspected as much, Anthony
Good to know, Milo - 6 November 2011 at 11:42


text: Since SQL Compact is now fully supported on the desktop, a divide in features between the original platform (Windows Mobile/Windows CE) and the "new" platform (Win32), has now become apparent. It is therefore useful, if you are palling to use SQL Compact across platform, to know which features are available on each platform. I have attempted to collect this information in the attached document, and will continue to update this as the RTM approaches, and during subsequent releases and service packs.


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text:
Stephen Flanagan is with us now to discuss this further. He's a senior fellow at the RAND Corporation and a former senior director on the National Security Council during the Obama administration. Stephen, welcome.
STEPHEN FLANAGAN: Good morning, Leila.
FADEL: Good morning. So as we heard, one of the big concerns since the start of the Russian war on Ukraine has been the possibility of escalation into a wider conflict. And that missile strike on a Polish village accident - appears to be an accident, but it elevated those fears. What did we learn from NATO's response to that incident and the process for determining whether the alliance has been attacked?
FLANAGAN: Well, I think we did - you point out exactly the risks. And we did see NATO respond, I think, in a very effective way in trying to address and clarify what the situation was and to reassure, particularly its Polish allies, who were - the Polish allies who were the victim of this - of the effects of the missile incident, about the commitment of the alliance to Polish security. But the - overall, the incident underscores that the risks, as you say, of this wider war as - extending into a number of European countries, including others who are NATO allies, as these hundreds of Russian strikes continue to escalate...
FADEL: Yeah.
FLANAGAN: ...Across the - all of Ukraine, and particularly out to western Ukraine, where some of these border areas are. But it - but the way the incident went down underscores the need for close consultations with allies, but also with Ukraine. As we see, as your reporter just noted, some differences between, now, Ukraine and the Polish and U.S. assessment as to what exactly happened and whose air defense missile it was or whether it was some other missile that, perhaps, the Russians had fired.
FADEL: You know, that begs the question, you know? Right now, Ukraine is saying, wait a second. It wasn't a Ukrainian mistake. That's not what the evidence was. Is this just a way so that NATO allies aren't just dragged into a bigger war?
FLANAGAN: No. I think Ukraine just wants to be able to have access to the site to try to help and be engaged in the assessment. And the Polish president suggested that right now, the investigation was being led by his government and the United States. But President Zelenskyy has asked for access. And I expect that they will share all the information that they have so that this can be clarified because of the importance of - that both Poland and the United States and other NATO allies are providing extensive security assistance and other military support to Ukraine. So they want to clarify this, I think, as soon as possible.
FADEL: As we heard, NATO's still putting the blame at Russia's door for invading and attacking Ukraine in the first place. What do you think Russia took away from watching NATO's really cautious approach in its reaction?
FLANAGAN: Well, I think the Russians first saw NATO - a prompt response from NATO in gathering consultations, trying to make an assessment. There were some - you know, the initial and preliminary suspicions, particularly the Poles and other Central-East Europeans, was that this must be a Russian missile strike - and particularly coming along that border where there are shipments of material going into Ukraine with Western security assistance, that perhaps this was a warning shot from the Russians. But the Russians saw that NATO made a deliberate assessment of the situation and then articulated a statement, as you saw yesterday in Secretary General Stoltenberg's press conference, where he said it did appear to be an errant Ukrainian air defense system.
Nevertheless, the Russians tried to capitalize this and suggest that, well, we see the hotheads in the West are already trying to stoke further tensions and that the West is trying to escalate this conflict, so a bit - turning things a bit on its head. But I think, as your reporter noted, Secretary Stoltenberg said, make no mistake who's responsible for this. Ukraine wouldn't be firing off - if this is, in fact, a Ukrainian air defense missile that went errant, they wouldn't be firing those missiles off if the country wasn't under a vicious attack by the Russian military forces.
FADEL: Does it make it more or less likely that Russia might attempt to test NATO's resolve?
FLANAGAN: Well, I think NATO met the initial test. It certainly is one that - this is certainly one scenario, one that we've looked at in some of our analysis among my colleagues of potential escalation scenarios. And this idea of striking, perhaps, one of the transshipment points of security assistance or a couple of test strikes along the border with Ukraine against NATO members to see how the alliance does respond is certainly one that needs watching.
But that's also another reason and one of the other takeaways I have from this event, is that it is important to maintain a line of communications with the Russians to manage these escalation risks. And that has continued. General Milley has talked to his counterpart, General Gerasimov, periodically. We know that CIA Director Burns was in Moscow recently. There are other high-level ways of communicating and trying to manage and ensure that this fear that all the countries in NATO have of a wider war doesn't emerge, even as the United States and the other NATO allies continue to support Ukraine in its effort to end the Russian aggression.
FADEL: Now, Article 5 of NATO's charter regards an armed attack on one member as an attack on all. It's been invoked just once by the U.S. after 9/11. Could a missile falling on a NATO ally, errant or not, from Russia be enough to invoke Article 5?
FLANAGAN: It could, indeed. And, indeed, the Poles initially had indicated that they might like to ask for what's sometimes seen as a preliminary to invoking an Article 5 and Article 4 consultations within the alliance. There was a meeting at the North Atlantic Council on Wednesday. I don't know - I don't believe they did actually invoke that other article. But clearly, if there were a direct attack, it would be - such as you describe, that would conceivably invoke Article 5 commitments.
FADEL: Stephen Flanagan is a senior fellow at the RAND Corporation. Thank you for your time.
FLANAGAN: Thank you, Leila. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR.


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I took this photo in 2006 near Eindhoven Bollards converted a country road into a cycle-only thorough route. Read more about country roads |
Bollards provide the least expensive way to begin to unravel routes for motor vehicles from those for cycles. Bollards offer one of the simplest and most effective cycling measures. But it must be remembered that there is no single technique which works everywhere. Doing this is a first step applicable in some places but you need to also do all the other effective things to achieve a high cycling modal share.
Also from 2006, motor through traffic calmed in a village, with bike bypass. |
During the September 2011 Study Tour, one of the participants, Kevin Hickman, proposed a game. He mused that fifty bollards at around €100 each would not be a very large investment for any city or district but if installed correctly they could result in a substantial improvement for cycling. The "game" proposed is to be played by cycle-campaigners assuming they have fifty bollards at their disposal and working out where they would be best placed to improve conditions for cycling in their area. This is an interesting idea which can lead into positive campaigning and I've been meaning to write about it for nearly two years now, however I held back because I knew bollards are not entirely positive. They are used extensively in the Netherlands, but there are limits and bollards are sometimes unpopular because they can cause problems. More on that later.
Already old infrastructure in Assen in 2007. Direct by bike, not by car. |
Cycle-paths are sufficiently attractive that The Netherlands has no need to use physical barriers to prevent cyclists from wanting to use roads, but sometimes bollards are required to prevent drivers from using cycle-facilities or cycle-only through roads as short-cuts.
Bollard to prevent drivers from using a bicycle underpass in Assen |
It is not completely unknown, but it is rare that bollards on cycle-paths in the Netherlands cause cyclists to have to slow down. They are used to keep motor vehicles away, not to make cycling inconvenient. The distance between bollards should never be less than one metre. This is required so that cyclists with disabilities can go everywhere that the able bodied can and it results in tricycles, trailers and bicycles heavily laden with bulging panniers being able to pass easily between barriers.
Good Examples from my extensive collection of bollard photos
Very narrow street in Zwolle. Perhaps a road like this would be considered to have "no room for cycle-paths" elsewhere, but in the Neherlands it's made into a no-go zone for motor vehicles. Black bollards are not ideal. |
Cars are not to be parked on this grass verge near a school |
New wide cycle-path in Zwolle. Motorists kept off by bollard also used to divide the two lanes on the cycle-path and to provide a very obvious indication of where the junction is. Bikes have priority at this crossing. This is safe only with careful design. Note how the cycle-path surface is continuous while the road surface is broken. |
Bridge in new suburb of Assen. Bikes have enhanced permeability over cars, and as a result, cyclists have shorter journeys than drivers. This makes cycling more attractive than driving. |
Industrial area in Assen. A single bollard motorists from using the cycle-path as a short-cut or making a u-turn in this location. |
1970s residential area in Assen. Bollards used either side of a crossing between cycle-path and road to prevent drivers using the more direct route available by bike. This is analogous to the example above with the bridge in the new suburb. The same policies have been successfully applied for decades. |
To get from there to here in this residential area by car involves a considerable detour. Shorter routes make cycling more attractive, whatever your age. |
Not actually bollards but a good example from Cambridge. A rat-run was eliminated, transforming residential streets to be relatively quiet for their residents and making a good through route by bike. The city needs more of this. I tried to encourage residents of the road where we lived to ask for the same treatment but they preferred being able to drive in both directions over quiet and safety for their children. The use of planters only really makes sense if they will be maintained properly. |
Bad examples
Many bad examples result from misguided attempts to exclude mopeds from cycle-paths. In these cases the cure is very often worse than the disease. "Invisible" bollards or bollards placed so close together that they impede cycling or hidden around a corner so that they provide an unpleasant surprise for cyclists are also not good infrastructure.
Almost invisible concrete post in the middle of a cycle-path in Eindhoven, probably totally invisible after dark. I took this photo in 2001 so it is very likely that this has been changed. |
Industrial area in Assen. Bollards used as a traffic calming pinch point to slow large vehicles and provide a bicycle bypass but because they do so by diverting trucks into the space occupied by bikes this could be dangerous. Because it's a non-through route industrial area and there is not much traffic here this is probably not a great problem, but this is not something which would work well on a street with lots of motor vehicles and lots of bicycles. |
Narrow bicycle bridge in Cambridge. After riding downhill and picking up speed, you have to stop and dismount to negotiate these barriers, which may well catch you by surprise because they're not easy to see. First your brakes had better work well, but if you're riding a three wheeler, pulling a trailer or have a disability you'll have problems getting through here under any circumstances. These obstructions perform no useful purpose. |
Bicycle/foot bridge in Cambridge. After picking up speed downhill, these three bollards are clustered behind a blind corner. Because this bridge is already very narrow, only slightly over 2 m wide in total, such a dangerous obstruction is not required to prevent motorists from using it so it's not clear what problem these three bollards are supposed to solve. Conflict between cyclists and pedestrians is increased because the straightest line possible for a cyclist riding at speed is to use the pedestrian side of the path. Danger of losing control is increased by the British practice of installing textured paving the wrong way around on the cycling side of the path. |
The other end of the same bridge has the same problem. Another three closely clustered bollards which serve no useful purpose. |
Excessive bollards in the middle of the cycle-half of a not very wide, not very long and strangely designed path in Cambridge. These help to ensure that motorists have priority at the entrance to a primary school. Schools for children too young to drive cars should not be designed around cars, they should be designed to encourage a high level of independence amongst the children who attend the school. |
A through road in Groningen with shops on both sides. The cycle-path is segregated from cars by use of many solid bollards, each of which creates a serious danger for cyclists and reduces the effective width of the lane. On colliding with such a post, a cyclist will almost certainly fall and that fall could be onto the road where a secondary collision with a motor vehicle is possible. There is also no forgiving kerb on the other side of the cycle-path (left in this picture). Such posts should never be used to separate cycle-paths from roads (see a better example for a similar road layout) |
Cycling England was a government (under)funded organisation which promoted cycling in the UK between 2005 and 2011. I wrote about their unfortunate demise. Sadly, CE set their standards far too low. This photo was actually on their website as a "good" example of infrastructure. The "good" aspect of it was that the bollards are offset so that cyclists who wriggle enough can get between the gaps. Very Slowly. This is not nearly good enough. This example has far too many bollards across a narrow path and good cycling infrastructure does not make cyclists slow down and wriggle. Quite apart from how much inconvenience it causes for someone who simply wants to get somewhere by bike, how well does this work with a trailer, for disabled people etc. ? |
Local newspaper cutting from Assen. Bollards are removed in winter to allow snow ploughs and gritting vehicles onto the cycle-path. Drivers are warned that removal of bollards doesn't mean they can drive on them. |
This type of collision is over-represented in injuries to older people. These injuries have risen in recent years along with the rise in cycling amongst older people. Older people may not have such good eyesight and may not see the bollards so easily. When they fall, they are injured more easily. Another group of cyclists who are injured more frequently than average by bollards are faster cyclists who may simply not have enough reaction time if a bollard is not adequately visible due to vegetation or a blind corner.
Dutch bollards are usually painted with red and white stripes which make them reasonably easy to see in daytime, but the small reflectors often fitted don't help all that much at night time. However they are painted, bollards remain quite small objects and it's impossible to make sure that people will always see them.
For several years now the policy in The Netherlands has been to remove or reduce the number of bollards in order to reduce their potential for injury. Where they are still required, experiments are taking place different types of bollards such as the flexible bollards shown in this video:
Note who is shown using the cycle-path. It is normal for racing cyclists to use cycle-paths in The Netherlands because cycle-paths offer the same advantages of shorter distances and better safety for fast cyclists as they do for slow cyclists. In this case, both racers and retired people on electric bikes are shown using the cycle-path with the new bollards, these being the two groups most affected.
Painted markings to highlight bollards on the cycle-path aren't entirely new. This photo is from the 2006 Study Tour |
Now it's your turn
If you were provided with fifty bollards, how could you use them in your location ? Are there residential streets which could better serve their residents and be better for through cycling if rat-running was stopped ? Do you have minor rural roads which need the same treatment ? Do you have places where motorists park their cars and cause problems ? Any bollards to be used should be placed sparingly as creating obstructions for cyclists is not the aim and keep in mind the Dutch experience of how excess or badly placed bollards can easily result in injury.
Also consider what bollards you would like to remove in your location ? Bear in mind that successful bollard usage requires that they are both visible and easy to pass. If you have clusters as shown in some of the bad examples above then the situation would almost certainly be improved by removing most of them.
Arguments that cycling is "too expensive" to provide for do not really hold water. Cycling budgets are small compared with the budgets for other projects (including other transport projects) in every country, including The Netherlands. However the possibility of improving things for cycling relatively little expense is still attractive. It provides a chance for positive campaigning.
The fifty bollard game is a first step
A good first step can be achieved by using bollards and similar techniques to improve permeability for cycling vs. other modes. This is a good thing to do, but I have to emphasize that this is only one of several possible first steps and that having played this "game" the job is not done. Campaigners must not stop at this point because you need all the things that work in the Netherlands in order to get everyone to cycle as in The Netherlands. Campaigners and planners who have low aspirations can never achieve great ends.
See the rest of the steps required
This blog can only give you an introduction to what you need to do. For a greater understanding Join us on a study tour. |
We have been learning about how and why cycling "works" in the Netherlands since last century and we've organised Cycling Infrastructure Study Tours since 2006. Take advantage of our many years of experience to reduce the time it takes for you to learn what you need to do beyond the first steps such as bollards.
We can organise a tour on any date to suit your group. We also organise open tours each year to make the tours affordable for individuals who are not part of a group. Many hundreds of people have already learnt about Dutch cycling infrastructure by coming on our tours, take part yourself in order to find out about the other steps you need to take to transform your home into a place which approaches Dutch levels of liveability.
Kennington People on Bikes wrote about problems due to bollards in London. You still want more ? Try the Bollards of London blog.


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DALLAS--(BUSINESS WIRE)--Former United States Securities and Exchange Commission attorney Willie Briscoe and the securities litigation firm of Powers Taylor, LLP are investigating the sale of Zipcar, Inc. ("Zipcar") (Nasdaq: ZIP) to Avis Budget Group, Inc. for shareholders. Under the terms of the proposed deal valued at approximately $500 million, Zipcar shareholders will only receive $12.25 in cash for each share of Zipcar stock owned, which is below the 52 week high of $16.25 per share.
If you are an affected investor, and you want to learn more about the lawsuit or join the action, contact Zach Groover at Powers Taylor, LLP, toll free (877) 728-9607, via email at firstname.lastname@example.com or Willie Briscoe at The Briscoe Law Firm, PLLC, (214) 239-4568, or via email at email@example.com. There is no cost or fee to you.
The Zipcar sale investigation centers on whether Zipcar's shareholders are receiving adequate compensation for their shares in the buyout, whether the transaction undervalues Zipcar's stock, and whether Zipcar's board attempted to obtain the highest share price for all shareholders prior to agreeing to the deal. Notably, at least one analyst with Yahoo! Finance has estimated that the true inherent value of Zipcar could be as high as $13.00 per share, well above the proposed sale price. Shareholder rights attorney Willie Briscoe stated that "due to the proposed sale price, the size of the deal and other factors, we believe this transaction may undervalue Zipcar's stock. Our proposed lawsuit will seek to obtain the highest share price for all shareholders."
The Briscoe Law Firm, PLLC is a full service business litigation and shareholder rights advocacy firm with more than 20 years of experience in complex litigation and transactional matters.
Powers Taylor, LLP is a boutique litigation law firm that handles a variety of complex business litigation matters, including claims of investor and stockholder fraud, shareholder oppression, shareholder derivative suits, and security class actions.


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15 Fleetwood Mac 'Dreams' Skateboard Video Copycats
We've officially hit peak saturation for the #FleetwoodMacChallenge.
In case you're unaware, the internet has been abuzz for more than a week now, thanks to a viral video featuring a man skateboarding along a highway, drinking cranberry juice and lip syncing along to Fleetwood Mac's 1977 hit "Dreams."
Like many viral clips before it, this one started innocuously enough. On Sept. 25, Nathan Apodaca, a 37 year old worker at an Idaho potato warehouse, uploaded the video to social media. Something about the clip - be it Apodaca's embrace of "vibe," the solitary feel of the video, or the surprising combination of a tattooed man listening to such an emotional track - struck a chord with viewers. Users across social media gravitated towards the clip, helping it rack up more than 36 million views.
Fleetwood Mac were among the many viewers to praise the video, unsurprising considering the clip has caused a massive spike in the streaming numbers for "Dreams."
Naturally, the viral video has also spurred numerous copycats, most notably from Fleetwood Mac namesake himself, Mick Fleetwood.
But celebrities aren't the only ones getting in on the act, as users all across social media are putting their own spin on the challenge. Some are using their videos as a way to embrace the fall, like fashion designer Kiel James Patrick who utilized a jack-o-lantern head and pumpkin spice latte in his version. Others, like Rob Sand, are using the clip to promote something bigger. Sand, the Iowa State Auditor, plastered an "I Voted" sticker on his cranberry juice bottle as a reminder for people to hit the polls.
Elsewhere, creative minds switch up the beverage for their versions, bringing beer and martinis into the mix. Members of the armed forces, a baseball team mascot and an adorable dog were also among the variations we found.
Below, a round up of some of the best Fleetwood Mac Challenge videos.
@stephwhite11♬ Dreams (2004 Remaster) - Fleetwood Mac
Vibing Inuit Auntie style ❄ Inspo by @420doggface208 🙌🏽 ##fleetwoodmac ##HeritageMinutes ##worldpeace ##AltRocktober ##indigenous ##vibes ##foryoupage
♬ Dreams (2004 Remaster) - Fleetwood Mac


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Tuesday, December 27, 2005
Robert Heindel died this year. He was only 67 years old, with many great years of painting still ahead of him, but he had been ill and surely knew the end was near. I was fortunate to talk with him a few months before he passed away, and hear his conclusions about illustration as he approached the end of his career.
Heindel was born in Akron Ohio and, with no art training except a correspondence class, worked his way up from tire advertisements in Ohio to car illustrations in Detroit to magazine illustrations in New York, where he became close friends with Bernie Fuchs and Mark English. From there, he single handedly carved out his own specialized niche painting beautiful images of dancers. He made an excellent living selling prints and originals of his paintings in galleries around the world and over the internet. This career path was a remarkable accomplishment. Heindel knew what he wanted to do and invented a career to permit him to do it. His example should be an inspiration to others looking for a career in the visual arts.
The following quotes are from my conversation with Heindel this summer:
"The business of illustration is literally nonexistent today.... When Bernie Fuchs and I did what we did, it was a different world. We had to make a lot of hard decisions as things changed. Where do kids starting out today take their talent if they want to do what we did? I would say they're fucked. There is nothing for them. They can't follow the path that Bernie and I followed any longer. And our society is pretty unforgiving for those who make the wrong judgments.
"You do what you have to do to have the life you want. You get up one morning, you start to feel oppressed by what you do. You want more freedom. I worked it out so I can stay up here in the woods in Connecticut. I have three business partners that run a big business around the world. I don't take assignments anymore, I do what I want to do when I want to do it....All of this could only get done with technology [like the internet, digital imaging and telecommunications]."
"When I pushed the boundaries it made my work harder to sell and drove my partners crazy. Now I don't have the energy level I once did. You realize when you get to be my age that you aren't really as good as you wanted to be. You have to confront the question, "how good am I? Why can't I be better?" All I can tell you is that I keep knocking at the door."
"When you do really terrific work, you know that you've done it. You can tell. I know who I compare myself against, who I've been up against. And it starts all the way back with the cave paintings in France....You start out thinking your competition is the guy you want to get a job away from that day. Then you gradually realize that you are your competition. The job is your competition."
When I spoke with Heindel, I found him to be a profound, thoughtful, sensitive man who had clearly spent a great deal of time at his easel musing about life's big issues. He was also funny and irreverent. I'm sorry that I only met him at the end of his life, but I am proud to pass his pictures and his ideas on to the readers of this blog.
Saturday, December 17, 2005
Leslie Darrell Ragan (1897-1972) painted heavy industrial equipment the way it might exist on Mt. Olympus. He enshrouded trucks and locomotives with swirling steam and glowing celestial clouds. He painted machinery and buildings at heroic angles and imbued them with an almost divine aura. Speeding trains became works of art under Ragan's inspired vision.
The following close-up from an original painting by Ragan demonstrates how he injected the full color spectrum into clouds that most other artists might simply depict as white with blue or gray shading.
Ragan was born in the small town of Woodbine Iowa where there was not much for a young boy to look at except sky and clouds. He went to the Cumming School of Art in Des Moines and then to the Art Institute in Chicago. After serving in the military, he became a successful illustrator in California. His strong style soon became unmistakeable. Clients were eager to see their mundane equipment or buildings transformed by Ragan's luminous vision. He specialized in travel posters and in calendars.
Whether he was painting heavy mechanical structures or light airy vapor, Ragan found a way to infuse his subjects with light and enchantment.
Tastes changed (along with modes of travel) and Ragan fell out of favor. Ragan may not qualify as one of the giants of illustration, but he was an artist with a strong, distinctive vision which transformed his subjects. The illustrator Fritz Eichenberg once mused, "what makes an artist create in his own particular style is an indefinable gift, almost a state of grace. Describe it and you are bound to miss its essence." I would not attempt to analyze why Ragan saw things the way he did, but the results are certainly worthy of our attention.
Saturday, December 10, 2005
Medieval artists painted illuminated manuscripts by crushing precious stones such as lapis lazuli or malachite into their pigments and working with gold leaf. The result was radiant little miniature paintings, unsurpassed for color and intensity. In the 20th century, an illustrator named Arthur Szyk (1894-1951)carried on the tradition, creating lovely miniature paintings with exquisite skill.
Szyk painted on a tiny scale, with the precision of a watchmaker. For example, the original of the following portrait of Simon Bolivar is a mere 4.25" x 5.75":
Szyk was born in Poland and gained early fame as an illustrator. He mostly painted scenes from history and from the Bible. A gentle, diminutive, bookish man, he moved to America shortly before the outbreak of World War II. However, his 70 year old was mother was hauled away by the Nazis and murdered in a concentration camp. Szyk turned all of his talents to fighting fascism with his art. He created biting caricatures and political cartoons of the Nazis in books and magazines of the day. He was so effective that Hitler put a price on Szyk's head.
Szyk was tireless in his efforts against fascism on behalf of freedom, and became a patriotic American citizen in 1948, illuminating the Declaration of Independence and other American icons...
It is especially ironic then that a few years later, at the height of McCarthyism, the House Un-American Activities Committee began investigating Szyk who they suspected of being a member of an organization that they believed served as a "Communist front." The distraught Szyk protested that he was not connected with any Communist organization, but a few months after the investigation began he died of a heart attack at age 57.
Today there is an Arthur Szyk Society that focuses on Szyk's message of freedom, democracy and tolerance.
Sunday, December 04, 2005
The best war illustrator you've never heard of is Ivor Hele (1912-1993) who depicted searing images of combat and military life in World War II and the Korean War.
As an official war artist for the Australian government, Hele spent a year at the frontlines in the North African campaign from 1941-42.
Hele then traveled to the South Pacific island of New Guinea where he drew and painted the fierce combat between the Australians and the Japanese in dark and difficult jungle terrain.
He returned to Australia physically and emotionally exhausted and began a prolific period in his career. After a year, he returned to New Guineau where he worked in the trenches with the troops until he was injured. Hele lay unconscious for two days. He was transported to a hospital in Australia where, after a long convalesence, he resumed working. At the height of the Korean War, Hele spent five months in the mud and the cold of Korea, brilliantly recording the struggles of the Australian soldiers in their trenches.
After the war, Hele illustrated a few books, magazines and calendars, but he was mostly kept busy with commissions to illustrate great battles of the second world war. Almost 500 of his paintings and drawings are housed at the Australian War Memorial.
The most striking thing about Ivor Hele was that, after traveling the globe and devoting his life to recording every form of savagery that humans can wreak upon each other, he finally reached his saturation level of death and despair and retreated to an isolated cottage on a remote Australian beach. There he lived the life of a hermit, drawing and painting intimate pictures of his wife.
Other artists have found their muse in a particular woman and shut themselves off from the rest of the world--Gaston Lachaise and Bonnard to name just two. But in my view, Hele was far more poetic and tragic. A scorched human being, he stumbled out of the embrace of thanatos (death) and sought refuge in the arms of eros. His private drawings of his wife from this period are both graphic and lovely. One imagines that these sensitive studies of the human form were the best possible therapy for regaining his humanity.
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(cover art by Jon Hicks)
Radiohead has been one of my favorite bands since I first adopted "Paranoid Android*" as my anthem of teenage angst back in 1997. But with In Rainbows, they've gone and outdone themselves, at least in my esteem. (I have this sneaking suspicion that the phrase "outdone themselves" usually has a negative connotation, but I'm certainly feeling completely positive about them.) Not only have they put out an album that looks to be very good (though I'm still not convinced it beats OK Computer or Hail To The Thief), but they've also chosen to distribute it themselves, over the internet, for whatever price one deems fit. Including no price at all. Really. I paid $13 myself, thinking it worth at least the cost of an iTunes album, plus a little more to show my love. I can't find the article, but I did read about one person who paid a whopping 100 euros for it – guess he has more love and/or cash for them than I do! Anyhow, I paid my 9 euros and change, got the confirmation, downloaded, and have been enjoying it since.
Radiohead's bold move definitely pleased the anti-big-business, anti-RIAA, open source loving and tech geek in me. They did so even if they didn't exactly mean to make some huge statement; this is what guitarist Johnny Greenwood had to say about the band's motivations for releasing the record in this manner:
Just getting it out quickly. It was kind of an experiment as well; we were just doing it for ourselves and that was all. People are making a big thing about it being against the industry or trying to change things for people but it's really not what motivated us to do it. It's more about feeling like it was right for us and feeling bored of what we were doing before.
It's just interesting to make people pause for even a few seconds and think about what music is worth now. I thought it was an interesting thing to ask people to do and compare it to whatever else in their lives they value or don't value.
Fittingly, there's some open source cover art creation going on over at Jon Hicks' blog, as the official cover art has not yet been released. The cover art up top is Jon's design.
* To listen to OGG files (and play just about any other audio or video file you can find), get the open source, totally free VLC player.


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Researchers in England have been using 4D ultrasound technology to study developing babies as they yawn in the womb.
Nadja Reissland of Durham University's Department of Psychology has been spearheading the research efforts, along with professors from Lancaster University. While there is a consensus that babies hiccup and swallow in the womb, there has been disagreement about whether or not the mouth movements that have been observed are really yawning.
Riessland says that after studying 15 babies between 24 and 36 weeks gestation, she has clearly been able to distinguish general mouth movements from yawning. However, she believes that the yawning serves a different purpose.
"Unlike us, fetuses do not yawn contagiously, nor do they yawn because they are sleepy," Reissland said. "Instead, the frequency of yawning in the womb may be linked to the maturing of the brain early in gestation."
"Given that the frequency of yawning in our sample of healthy fetuses declined from 28 weeks to 36 weeks gestation, it seems to suggest that yawning and simple mouth opening have this maturational function early in gestation," she added.
The research was explained further in an article written by Reissen, along with co-researchers Brian Francis and James Mason in the publican Plos One.
"Video recordings were made of the fetal face and upper torso visualized by means of 4D full frontal or facial profile ultrasound recordings. Fifteen healthy fetuses were scanned four times at 24, 28, 32 and 36 weeks gestation," the article states. "For both yawns and simple mouth openings, a smooth varying age effect was significant. The number of yawns observed declined with age from 28 weeks gestation, whereas simple mouth openings were less frequent and the decline was observed from 24 weeks. Gender was not significant either for yawn and simple mouth openings."
Researchers in the United States have likewise been using ultrasound technology to study the development and movements of babies in the womb.


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This is a true and shocking story. John Pittas was ordered by a Pennsylvania court to pay his mother's $92,943.41 nursing home bill under a filial support law. The filial support law states that certain family members are liable for the care, maintenance and financial support of some other indigent members of that family. It's a law that's been around since colonial times in one form or another. Several states have abolished it but 29 have not.
John's mother entered the Liberty Nursing Rehabilitation Center in Allentown, PA and spent about six months there after breaking two legs in an auto accident in September 2007.
In March 2008, his mother, who was born in the United States, relocated to Greece where two other children live.
As the only family member still living in this country, Pittas was sued for payment of the huge bill. The owners of the nursing home sued him for the money and a 2011 court trial was decided in the nursing home's favor.
If his mother's Medicaid application had been approved prior to the accident, this never would have happened. Medicaid would have paid. Last year, Pittas appealed but the Superior Court of Pennsylvania once again ruled in favor of the nursing home.
If you have an aging parent who may one day need nursing home care, what can you do to avoid having the same problem as John Pittas?
1) Talk with your parent about his or her financial resources. If your parent is reluctant to have this discussion, relate John Pittas' story. It's better to have a plan prior to an accident or other health crisis.
2) If your parent has limited resources, find out whether that parent is eligible for Medicaid. If so, get your parent to apply immediately so that it will be available when needed.
3) If your parent is not eligible, sit down with all the members of your immediate family and talk about which family members can provide care or financial aid in case it is needed.
Don't delay. Put a plan in place today so that you won't suddenly receive an unexpected bill for $93,000 or more.
For more information about planning for long term care and Medicaid, go to www.diesmart.com.