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Because writers come from all types of backgrounds, there may be problems within the documentation that need to be fixed. Writers may be very knowledgeable in their subject areas but not great writers, or they may be excellent writers but not completely fluent in the language of the document. The language review addresses these types of problems by focusing on language issues that make the document easier for the user to read and understand. Some of the problems that may occur within the document are poor sentence structure, grammar, organization, clarity, and spelling.
If you are doing a language review, you should be fluent in the language and the structure of the language. You want to consider both the logic and grammar of the document. Your primary goal in a language review is to identify and correct areas that could lead to confusion for the reader/user of the document. To this end, you can most certainly use language and grammar references such as dictionaries and handbooks when in doubt.
Although this review does address the structure and delivery of the language, you should not attempt to purge the document of individuality and personality in an attempt to make it "sound better" or more technical. Stilted, humorless language and structures are not the goals here. Again, your goal should be to make the document clear, unambiguous, and correct in spelling and grammar.
Items to evaluate:
Spelling. Spelling should conform to a standardized English spelling of terms. For words that are new to the language and not yet standardized (e.g. technical Linux terminology that is generally accepted in the community), follow the most common spelling for the term.
Note: Because there are two generally accepted forms of English, this review should not privilege American English spellings over British English spellings, or vice-versa. For example, if the author is writes British English and uses the word "realise", you should not change the spelling of the word to "realize" just because you speak/write American English.
Grammar. For the purposes of this review, grammar should address issues such as standards of subject/verb agreement pronoun/antecedent agreement, etc. One of the common and confusing mistakes made in HOWTOs is unclear pronoun antecedents.
For example, to say, "You will need to set several parameters in the config file to make it compile correctly. The ones you choose to set make a big difference." In this example it sounds like the config file is what is compiling and it takes a re-reading of the phrase for it to be clear that "The ones" refers to the parameters.
Along these same lines, many authors writing for the LDP use smiley faces and exclamation points where they would never be accepted in formal documentation or grammar handbooks. The general rule to follow at this time is to leave the smiley faces and gratuitous punctuation marks in place unless they interfere with the reader's understanding of the concepts being explained. The rationale behind this is to protect the more conversational tone of the LDP documentation.
Capitalization. The word "HOWTO" should always be in full caps with no hyphen. Also, the document title should always be in title case. This means that first words in a title are always capitalized. The only words not capitalized in a title are prepositions, articles, and proper nouns which wouldnot capitalized otherwise (e.g. insmod). Other capitalization should follow rules of standard English.
Clarity. Judgements on clarity are sometimes difficult to make. One successful strategey in evaluating clarity is asking the question "If I did not already know this information, would the explanation be clear from this document." If it is confusing to you and you already generally understand what the author is trying to say, then there is a good chance that the explanation is really confusing for someone reading the document for the first time. If you run across this situation, and you don't really know how to correct the technical explanation, or you are afraid your changes might affect the meaning of the document, ask for help from a technical expert. If no technical expert is available or no one responds to your requests, note the needed changes in the review and mark that these concerns need to be addressed in the technical review.
Organization. In some cases the document would really benefit from a different structure. You should address these issues when they interfere with the understanding of the information within the document. If a document gives background information after a procedure has been performed, this may well be too late for the reader to fully consider the information he or she needs before performing the task. Look for document organization that might confuse or mislead the reader. These will be the types of issues you want to address. Once these are identified, it may be worthwhile to let the author know your rationale and discuss major changes with him or her.
Sentence Structure. To some extent, sentence structure issues are discussed in the grammar section; however, there are some additional issues that are not grammatically incorrect but do interfere with the readers comprehension of the material. One of the most noticable of these is stacked prepositional phrases. Stacked prepositional phrases become a problem when the document's readability suffers because it becomes less and less clear what the subject and action of the sentence are. In some cases more precise descriptors are needed or sentences need to be changed from one long sentence that is hard to comprehend, to two or three more easily read sentences.
Readability. This area is somewhat subjective. What passes for fairly readable material to one person might be confusing to someone else. Because this is a value judgement you should be cautious when marking up an author's work for readability. Realize when basing a judgement on readability that you might be dealing with preferences of style. At this point in time within the LDP, there is no set style or stylistic rules that authors need to follow. In evaluating readability you must consider whether or not the way the document is written truly interferes with the readers understanding of the information. If the answer you come up with is "No, but it doesn't sound like I think it should." then you should probably not re-write the text to make it sound better to you.
Versioning. Every document should have a version number, preferably in the form Major.Minor.Bugfix, where each section is an integer. Some authors use Alan Cox style versions (e.g., 1.4pre-3) and some include additional information (e.g., 1.3beta). This is acceptable but not encouraged. The most important thing is that we have a version number so we know which version we are dealing with! Once a document goes through review it should advance in minor or bugfix version number, depending on the amount of change introduced.
Title. The title should be in proper title case. The general principle for this is that all words are capitalized in a title except prepositions and articles (an article will be capitalized if it is the first word in the title. The word HOWTO should be in all capital letters. There should be no hyphens within the word HOWTO (with the exception of the Mini-HOWTO). The version should not be included in the title.
Date Formats. Dates should be in standard ISO format, which is YYYY-MM-DD.
Uniform Use of Terms. Because the HOWTO you are reviewing is probably filled with new information for the reader, it is important that the terms discussed throughout the document be uniform. For example, referring to a part or parameter in one section of the document by one name and then calling it by another name (or an abbreviation that has not be explained) in another part of the document is confusing for the reader. Making sure that terms are the same throughout the document goes a long way in helping the reader understand the documentation.
Definitions of Acronyms or Slang. Terminology and language within the realm of computer technology changes rapidly. In reviewing documents you may find that many of the terms that are being discussed are not valid words in any dictionary or technical reference that you are familiar with. In this case you will need to search on terms and find if they are, in fact, terminology that is accepted in the general Linux community. Terms that are less familiar should be defined immediately following the first instance of the term. Slang should be replaced with more common terminology if the slang will causes the reader to be confused by the connotation or denotation of the term. Remember that readers using the document may not come to English as a primary language and, therefore, you should do your best to make sure that the document is as easy to understand as possible.


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A pioneer is, by definition, among the first to explore new ways of doing things. Dave Franco embraced this unorthodox spirit as the director of the new campaign film for the first-ever collaboration from RIMOWA and Garrett Leight California Optical. From featuring a suitcase-skateboard hybrid specifically created for the film, to shooting along some of Venice Beach's most lively strips, Le Pionnier celebrates the offbeat nature of this famed stretch of Californian coast.
More akin to a short film, the character-driven campaign "follows a Parisian who visits Venice and becomes infatuated with the skate culture in the area," says Franco. As the narrative unfolds, pieces from the collaboration and classic RIMOWA collections play a part in the story, from RIMOWA x Garrett Leight California Optical Gold sunglasses worn by local skater crews to the RIMOWA Original turned skateboard ridden by actor Spencer Glass.
On his inspiration behind capturing the cinematic skate scenes, Franco cites early Spike Jonze videos as references. "They were so innovative, and he always managed to capture the authenticity of the tricks, while making it all look polished and cinematic," he says. Vital was also featuring real people who call the Venice skatepark home. Franco endeavoured to "hire as many local Venice skaters as possible, who I could lean on to make sure we were representing the community in a respectful way.
The whimsical film includes nods to both RIMOWA and Garrett Leight's heritage. "I wanted to find a way to represent Garrett Leight's Venice, California roots, while also incorporating the European sensibilities of RIMOWA," Franco explains. As both an admirer of Garrett Leight's classically tailored eyewear and a long-time RIMOWA customer, Franco was drawn to the forward-thinking attitude embodied by the beach-ready collaboration.

subset: commoncrawl


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In Turkey, concerns are growing over the state of the economy and the response by the country's president. The Turkish lira has plunged to record lows, having lost more than 40% of its value so far this year, and prices are rising. NPR's Peter Kenyon has been speaking to people in Istanbul who say they don't know if the government can turn things around.
PETER KENYON, BYLINE: In the latest negative indicator, Turkey's finance minister quit, causing some to wonder if he left because he was about to be fired. President Recep Tayyip Erdogan had already sacked a string of finance and banking officials well before the Turkish lira hit an all-time low of nearly 14 to the U.S. dollar recently. That caused prices to go up. Istanbul shop owners and managers say the price hikes are by now familiar but no less painful.
KENYON: As butcher Sevket Yildirm saws a leg of lamb into chunks for a customer's soup pot, he says every time the rates get cut, customers stop showing up.
SEVKET YILDIRM: (Through interpreter) Yes, business is bad. If there used to be 20 people coming in, now maybe it's 10. It's the cost. Ground meat used to be 75 lira. Now it's 90. I expect it to go over 100 by early next year.
KENYON: Most economists will tell you that if you want to fight inflation, raising interest rates is usually a good place to start. Erdogan, however, believes that's a myth created by a group he calls the interest rate lobby. He believes the opposite, that reducing interest rates is the path to lower prices. In a speech to his ruling party members, Erdogan said he knows he's taking a big risk, but he believes it will pay off.
PRESIDENT RECEP TAYYIP ERDOGAN: (Through interpreter) Politically this may be the riskiest plan, but it's also the right plan for the sake of our nation. Instead of raising interest rates and making the parasites happy, we are cutting rates and making investment and production easier.
KENYON: Turkey's economy is growing overall and in relatively good shape. The news is much worse, for instance, in Lebanon these days. But Irem, a chef who runs a bakery and cafe in Istanbul, says the rising prices are bad enough. But what really irritates her is the volatility, which makes it hard to plan ahead.
IREM: First of all, you need stable prices to drive business, and that's pretty impossible in Turkey. For a long-term plan, this kind of makes our job quite difficult.
KENYON: Hacer Foggo, who works with the Deep Poverty Network, which offers assistance to impoverished families, says she's very busy these days. Reached via WhatsApp, she says many of her clients are unable to pay for the basics.
HACER FOGGO: They don't have any food, or they don't pay the bills. You know, they don't electric. They don't drink clean water. They cannot buy. They are giving the babies sugar and water, for example, or some soup.
KENYON: The currency crisis has sparked speculation about what it could mean for President Erdogan's political future. Political scientist Gulfem Saydan Sanber wonders if Erdogan might come to regret having convinced voters in 2017 to abandon Turkey's parliamentary form of government in favor of a president with sweeping executive powers.
GULFEM SAYDAN SANBER: He promised the voters that everything would be fixed once we change the system. So they believed in him, and they vote yes, we change the system. Since then, everything got worse and worse.
KENYON: Erdogan has to call new elections by 2023, and analysts say that unless the economy rebounds sooner, he's likely to put them off as long as he can. Peter Kenyon, NPR News, Istanbul.
(SOUNDBITE OF RYUICHI SAKAMOTO'S "BIBO NO AOZORA") Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR.


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One of the best things you can do to live a long, healthy life doesn't require a visit to the doctor, a change in diet, or a new supplement regimen. It's all about social connections.
"Social" Science
Get connected: It's not just common sense that physical and mental health is enhanced by having a supportive network-family, friends, faith community, knitting group, poker buddies, or whatever. It's backed by an array of scientific evidence.
"Wide-ranging research suggests that strong social ties are linked to a longer life. In contrast, loneliness and social isolation are linked to poorer health, depression, and increased risk of early death," reports News in Health from the National Institutes of Health.
Numerous experiments going as far back as the 1970s show that people experiencing positive emotions are better at being socially engaged, at including others socially, and at showing consideration, trust, and compassion. People who have broad and varied social relationships that are rewarding are more likely to be in good physical health and to live longer.
An analysis of more than 140 studies that looked at a combined 300,000 people concluded that, in terms of mortality risk, a lack of social connectedness is comparable to other major risk factors including smoking, alcohol abuse, obesity, and lack of exercise.
A Sense of Belonging
Emma Seppala, PhD, science director of Stanford University's Center for Compassion and Altruism Research and Education and author of The Happiness Track, defines social connection as "The subjective experience of feeling close to and a sense of belongingness with others." She lists its benefits as longer lifespan, stronger immunity, lower rates of anxiety and depression, higher self-esteem and empathy, better regulation of emotions, and "a positive feedback loop of social, emotional, and physical well-being."
Low levels of social connection, on the other hand, can lead to higher inflammation, higher susceptibility to anxiety and depression, slower recovery from illness, and increased antisocial behavior, Dr. Seppala writes.
The Costs of Isolation
Social connectedness rates are dropping in the United States, with one survey indicating that more than a quarter of people have no one to talk with about personal problems. For aging adults, loneliness is a serious health risk.
Speaking at a recent meeting of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, psychologist John Cacioppo, PhD, noted that feeling isolated from other people can cause insomnia, elevated blood pressure, spikes in the stress hormone cortisol, gene changes in immune cells, increased depression, and a lower sense of well-being.
Dr. Cacioppo, who died earlier this year, had pointed to three dimensions of healthy relationships:
- Intimate connectedness, or having someone in your life who affirms who you are.
- Relational connectedness, or having mutually satisfying in-person contacts.
- Collective connectedness, or feeling part of a larger group.
Don't Lose Touch
It's not about living alone: risks to health and lifespan come not from physical isolation but from feeling isolated. So if you're feeling disconnected, or if you want to maintain connections as you age, consider a few approaches. Retiring to a warmer climate may mean fewer weather hassles, but staying where your support network is may outweigh that.
Reach out to others by volunteering and offering acts of kindness. Be sure to ask for help when you need it-if you don't ask, people will assume you're OK. Turn casual or online "friendships" into real ones by inviting a friend for a walk or a cup of tea.
Finally, don't just seek a friend: be a friend.


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AC/DC Drunkenly Tried to Use Fireworks to Find Loch Ness Monster
For centuries, rumors have persisted that a massive aquatic beast roams the waters of Loch Ness in Scotland. While the very existence of this elusive creature of folklore remains the source of debate, AC/DC's Brian Johnson and Malcolm Young once hatched a drunken plan to locate the Loch Ness Monster and cement the myth as reality — and it involved fireworks.
With the new album Power Up, arriving in November, AC/DC have been openly speaking about how the record is a tribute to late guitarist Malcolm Young, whose ideas (but not his actual playing) are present on the record. In an interview with NME, Johnson recollected the time he and Malcolm set out for adventure with a little liquid courage for inspiration (re: whiskey).
"We both had these Land Rovers and we'd taken them for a trip around Scotland – Malcolm loved his fireworks and he'd taken a big box with him," Johnson said, looking back at the humorous event.
"One night, we were four sheets to the wind and staying at this hotel right on the side of the loch," he continued. "Mal just said, 'C'mon, let's go and find the Loch Ness monster! I've got fireworks and it might attract it!'"
In their inebriated state, this appeared to make perfect logical sense.
The AC/DC singer detailed, "There we were, going straight into the water in our shoes, up to our knees, and it was freezing! Mal had a drink in one hand, a box of fireworks in the other and was trying to set fire to the loch. We were just howling. By the time we got back to our wives we had straw in our hair and were covered in mud. What a night!"
Something tells us the band's new song, "Shot in the Dark," isn't about their ill-fated attempt to uncover the truth about one of human history's most storied creatures. Power Up comes out Nov. 14 and is AC/DC's first album since issuing Rock or Bust in 2014. It will also be their first since Malcolm Young's death in 2017.
The 15 Most Expensive Guitars of All Time


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The number of workers in the UK who plan to become their own boss has almost doubled in the past year, according to research.
Aldermore polled 2,003 adults and found that 29% aim to start their own business in the future, up from 15% in 2017.
Some 18% of those intend to make the switch in the next 12 months, while 28% believe they will give up full-time work to become their own boss within 3 years.
Of those respondents, 15% planned to launch a business in the retail sector, followed by 11% in catering and accommodation.
This optimism was backed up by positive responses from those who had already made the transition to self-employment.
Nearly a third (29%) expected their income to grow in the next 12 months, while 48% expected it to remain the same.
The majority (93%) said they enjoy being their own boss, and 51% have been able to earn more than they did in their previous job.
Charles McDowell, commercial director at Aldermore, said:
"The research demonstrates that the UK is a truly entrepreneurial nation with 9 million people considering making the ambitious move to become self-employed.
"It is encouraging to see almost 3 in 10 expect their revenues to increase in the next 12 months, which is a positive outcome in light of myriad uncertainties."
We can help you start a business.


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Here is the Collect for Wednesday of the 2nd Week of Advent.
Omnipotens Deus, qui nos praecipis
iter Christo Domino praeparare,
concede propitius, ut nullis infirmitatibus fatigemur,
qui caelestis medici consolantem praesentiam sustinemus.
This prayer is ancient, from Rotulus 6 published together with the Veronese Sacramentary.
Notice the image of Christ as medicus, physician.
English translation?
I think maybe some of you might take a crack at it today.


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Research And Insight
Cross-flow heat exchanger
A cross-flow heat exchanger exchanges thermal energy from one airstream to another in an air handling unit (AHU). Unlike a rotary heat exchanger, a cross-flow heat exchanger does not exchange humidity and there is no risk of short-circuiting the airstreams.
A cross-flow heat exchanger is used in a cooling and ventilation system that requires heat to be transferred from one airstream to another. A cross-flow heat exchanger is made of thin metal panels, normally aluminium. The thermal energy is exchanged via the panels. A traditional cross-flow heat exchanger has a square cross-section. It has a thermal efficiency of 40-65 %. A counter-flow or dual cross-flow heat exchanger can be used if greater thermal efficiencies are required – typically up to 75-85 %.
In some types of exchanger, humid air may cool down to freezing point, forming ice. A cross-flow is typically less expensive than other types of heat exchanger. It is normally used where hygienic standards require that both airstreams are kept completely separate from one another. It is often used in heat recovery installations in large canteens, hospitals and in the food industry. Unlike a rotary heat exchanger, a cross-flow heat exchanger does not exchange humidity.


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Tutorial − News section
In the last section, we went over some basic concepts of the framework by writing a class that includes static pages. We cleaned up the URI by adding custom routing rules. Now it's time to introduce dynamic content and start using a database.
Setting up your model
Instead of writing database operations right in the controller, queries should be placed in a model, so they can easily be reused later. Models are the place where you retrieve, insert, and update information in your database or other data stores. They represent your data.
Open up the application/models directory and create a new file called news_model.php and add the following code. Make sure you've configured your database properly as described here.
<?php class News_model extends CI_Model { public function __construct() { $this->load->database(); } }
This code looks similar to the controller code that was used earlier. It creates a new model by extending CI_Model and loads the database library. This will make the database class available through the $this->db object.
Before querying the database, a database schema has to be created. Connect to your database and run the SQL command below. Also add some seed records.
CREATE TABLE news ( id int(11) NOT NULL AUTO_INCREMENT, title varchar(128) NOT NULL, slug varchar(128) NOT NULL, text text NOT NULL, PRIMARY KEY (id), KEY slug (slug) );
Now that the database and a model have been set up, you'll need a method to get all of our posts from our database. To do this, the database abstraction layer that is included with CodeIgniter — Active Record — is used. This makes it possible to write your 'queries' once and make them work on all supported database systems. Add the following code to your model.
public function get_news($slug = FALSE) { if ($slug === FALSE) { $query = $this->db->get('news'); return $query->result_array(); } $query = $this->db->get_where('news', array('slug' => $slug)); return $query->row_array(); }
With this code you can perform two different queries. You can get all news records, or get a news item by its slug. You might have noticed that the $slug variable wasn't sanitized before running the query; Active Record does this for you.
Display the news
Now that the queries are written, the model should be tied to the views that are going to display the news items to the user. This could be done in our pages controller created earlier, but for the sake of clarity, a new "news" controller is defined. Create the new controller at application/controllers/news.php.
<?php class News extends CI_Controller { public function __construct() { parent::__construct(); $this->load->model('news_model'); } public function index() { $data['news'] = $this->news_model->get_news(); } public function view($slug) { $data['news'] = $this->news_model->get_news($slug); } }
Looking at the code, you may see some similarity with the files we created earlier. First, the "__construct" method: it calls the constructor of its parent class (CI_Controller) and loads the model, so it can be used in all other methods in this controller.
Next, there are two methods to view all news items and one for a specific news item. You can see that the $slug variable is passed to the model's method in the second method. The model is using this slug to identify the news item to be returned.
Now the data is retrieved by the controller through our model, but nothing is displayed yet. The next thing to do is passing this data to the views.
public function index() { $data['news'] = $this->news_model->get_news(); $data['title'] = 'News archive'; $this->load->view('templates/header', $data); $this->load->view('news/index', $data); $this->load->view('templates/footer'); }
The code above gets all news records from the model and assigns it to a variable. The value for the title is also assigned to the $data['title'] element and all data is passed to the views. You now need to create a view to render the news items. Create application/views/news/index.php and add the next piece of code.
<?php foreach ($news as $news_item): ?>
<?php echo $news_item['title'] ?>

 <?php echo $news_item['text'] ?>

<a href="news/<?php echo $news_item['slug'] ?>">View article
 <?php endforeach ?>
Here, each news item is looped and displayed to the user. You can see we wrote our template in PHP mixed with HTML. If you prefer to use a template language, you can use CodeIgniter's Template Parser class or a third party parser.
The news overview page is now done, but a page to display individual news items is still absent. The model created earlier is made in such way that it can easily be used for this functionality. You only need to add some code to the controller and create a new view. Go back to the news controller and add the following lines to the file.
public function view($slug) { $data['news_item'] = $this->news_model->get_news($slug); if (empty($data['news_item'])) { show_404(); } $data['title'] = $data['news_item']['title']; $this->load->view('templates/header', $data); $this->load->view('news/view', $data); $this->load->view('templates/footer'); }
Instead of calling the get_news() method without a parameter, the $slug variable is passed, so it will return the specific news item. The only things left to do is create the corresponding view at application/views/news/view.php. Put the following code in this file.
<?php echo '
'.$news_item['title'].'
'; echo $news_item['text'];
Because of the wildcard routing rule created earlier, you need need an extra route to view the controller that you just made. Modify your routing file (application/config/routes.php) so it looks as follows. This makes sure the requests reaches the news controller instead of going directly to the pages controller. The first line routes URI's with a slug to the view method in the news controller.
$route['news/(:any)'] = 'news/view/$1'; $route['news'] = 'news'; $route['(:any)'] = 'pages/view/$1'; $route['default_controller'] = 'pages/view';
Point your browser to your document root, followed by index.php/news and watch your news page.


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Study type
Enjoy studying solo? Prefer to learn at your own pace at a place and time that's convenient for you? Then online study will be right up your alley! The demand for online learning is booming which means more and more educators are jumping on board and upping the ante with the courses they offer. Studying online won't leave you out of the loop - you'll still have full access to valuable content, resources and support staff every step of the way.
What happens when you combine the convenience of online study with traditional face-to-face classroom training? Blended learning! Blended learning has proven to be a real crowd pleaser; allowing students to reap the benefits of a flexible study timetable offered by online learning, with the added advantage of face-to-face peer support and teacher guidance. You may also hear this method of training referred to as "mixed-mode learning" or "hybrid learning".
What happens when you combine the convenience of online study with traditional face-to-face classroom training? Blended learning! Blended learning has proven to be a real crowd pleaser; allowing students to reap the benefits of a flexible study timetable offered by online learning, with the added advantage of face-to-face peer support and teacher guidance. You may also hear this method of training referred to as "mixed-mode learning" or "hybrid learning".
On Campus
If a social and interactive study experience is what you're after, then traditional on campus study is the way for you! Opting to study on campus means you'll get a more hands-on experience and have face-to-face contact with fellow students, support staff and teachers. Plus you'll be able to attend social events, stay motivated with group study sessions and access to student facilities and all library resources. On campus study is best when you live within easy travelling distance or you want to live on-site.
Qualification Level
Certification courses are typically specialised in a single skill set or field. The great thing about a certificate is they are generally considered entry-level which means minimal prerequisites! Start with a Certificate I and build your skills and understanding by progressing to a Certificate II, III or IV. Wanting to get into a trade, beauty, community services, hospitality or fitness? A certificate can get you qualified! Alternatively, a certificate is a great pathway for getting accepted into a degree program.
Course Unit
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Take your study one step further with a Diploma. Diplomas and Advanced Diplomas are usually offered through TAFEs and private registered training facilities, and require one to two years of full-time study. Diplomas are one step up from a certificate qualification and equip you with more in-depth knowledge and skills in your chosen field. An Advanced Diploma will further to develop practical skills, offering you a higher level of expertise in industries such as marketing, IT and accounting. Graduate with your qualification and jump straight into the workforce, or pave the way to a Bachelors Degree.
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text:
Lucien van der Walt
Counterpower, participatory democracy, revolutionary defence
Debating Black Flame, revolutionary anarchism and historical Marxism
Anarchism and revolutionary force
Anarchism, democracy and armed defence of revolution
"Real democracy", anarchism and the Paris Commune
Anarchism, syndicalism and specific political organisations
Do anarchists misunderstand the "Marxist tradition"?
The early "dictatorship of the proletariat" in the Soviet Union
Delinking socialism-from-below from Bolshevism
This article responds to criticisms of the broad anarchist tradition in International Socialism, an International Socialist Tendency (IST) journal.[1] I will discuss topics such as the use of sources, defending revolutions and freedom, the Spanish anarchists, anarchism and democracy, the historical role of Marxism, and the Russian Revolution.
The articles I am engaging with are marked by commendable goodwill; I strive for the same. Paul Blackledge's article rejects "caricatured non-debate".[2] Ian Birchall stresses that "lines between anarchism and Marxism are often blurred".[3] Leo Zeilig praises Michael Schmidt's and my book, Black Flame: the Revolutionary Class Politics of Anarchism and Syndicalism, as "a fascinating account".[4]
It is important to note where we converge. The IST states it is for socialism from below through revolution. If Marx, Lenin and Trotsky are invoked here, it is because the "essence" of their works is taken to be "working class self-emancipation".[5] The term "dictatorship of the proletariat", Leo insists, means merely "the democratic defence of working class power" through "organs of self-organisation; councils, trade unions, communes etc".[6]
By any measure, anarchists favour working class self-emancipation. For Mikhail Bakunin and Pyotr Kropotkin, social revolution required a movement by "the workers and the peasants", "the only two classes capable of so mighty an insurrection".[7] The "new social order" would be constructed "from the bottom up" by the "organisation and power of the working masses".[8] The popular classes would "take upon themselves the task of rebuilding society",[9] through revolutionary counter-power and counter-culture, outside and against the ruling class, state and capital.
We have real differences too: these require comradely yet frank discussion. The first step in avoiding "caricatured non-debate" is to engage seriously with what Leo calls the "often obscured" history of the broad anarchist tradition. It is a pity, then, that Leo's review concentrates on refuting (as I will show, not convincingly) what Black Flame said about mainstream Marxism. The point of Black Flame is not to study Marxism, but the 150 year tradition of anarchism and syndicalism—a mass movement with a sophisticated theory, usually caricatured by Marxists.
Benedict Anderson notes that the broad anarchist tradition was long the "dominant element in the self-consciously internationalist radical left", "the main vehicle of global opposition to industrial capitalism, autocracy, latifundism, and imperialism".[10] Into the 1950s its movements were often larger than their Marxist rivals. In its dark years, into the 1980s, the tradition remained important in unions and armed struggles in Asia, Latin America and southern Europe, and in the Cuban and Soviet undergrounds.[11]
Today anarchists are central to the "most determined and combative of the movements" fighting capitalist globalisation.[12] A 2007 syndicalist union summit in Paris drew 250 delegates worldwide, Africans the biggest continental grouping.[13] There is a global spread of anarchist values: bottom-up organising and direct action outside the official political system.[14]
I agree with Paul and Leo that anarchists have caricatured Marxists, but the reverse is true too—often because Marxists use unreliable or hostile sources, dismissing other accounts as "liberal", etc. Ian commendably distances himself from Hal Draper's bizarre charges that Bakunin favoured dictatorship, etc.[15] Draper distorted anarchist views through manipulation and fabrication.[16] Ian instead cites former anarchist Victor Serge's recollections.[17] Serge, however, is not reliable. He claimed, Ian notes, that the anarcho-syndicalist Golos Truda group "made common cause" with the Bolsheviks; in fact, it charged Bolshevism with state capitalism and dictatorship, and was repressed.[18] The materials of the anarchist movement itself—particularly its mainstream—deserve more thorough, open-minded engagement.
Anarchism and revolutionary force
Do anarchists really deny the need for the popular classes to be "organised ideologically, politically and militarily" to defend revolution, as Paul claims?[19] Leo's own review of Black Flame admits the book shows that most anarchist currents insisted on the need to "coordinate the defence of the revolution against internal and external enemies".[20] A few syndicalists hoped for a "bloodless revolution", but not the mainstream.[21]
Bakunin wanted the existing "army…judicial system…police" replaced by "permanent barricades," coordinated through delegates with "always revocable mandates", and the "extension of the revolutionary force" between "rebel countries".[22] This is "revolutionary force", used for emancipation, not oppression,[23] based on the peasants and workers "federating" their "fighting battalions, district by district, assuring a common coordinated defence against internal and external enemies".[24] To be anti-authoritarian requires forceful struggle against oppressors; this is no contradiction, as Engels asserted.[25]
The need for "revolutionary force" was recognised by most key figures, Kropotkin, Pyotr Arshinov, Alexander Berkman, Camillo Berneri, Buenaventura Durruti, Emma Goldman, Praxedis Guerrero, Li Pei Kan ("Ba Jin"), Liu Sifu ("Shifu"), Ricardo Flores Magón, Errico Malatesta, Nestor Ivanovich Makhno, José Oiticica, Albert Parsons, Domingos Passos, Rudolph Rocker, Shin Ch'aeho and Kim Jao-jin. It spurred anarchist/syndicalist militias in China, Cuba, Ireland, Korea/Manchuria, Mexico, Spain, Russia, the Ukraine and United States.[26] It was the official stance of, for instance, the anarchist majority of the post-1872 First International, the syndicalist International Workers' Association (1922), the Eastern Anarchist League (1927), the Korean People's Association in Manchuria and Spain's National Confederation of Labour (CNT).
Paul says: "Once social movements are strong enough to point towards a real alternative to the status quo, states will intervene with the aim of suppressing them".[27] What anarchist would deny this? To suggest anarchists and syndicalists ignore the state is equivalent to insisting Marxism ignores capitalism. The anarchist mainstream does not agree with the self-proclaimed Marxist John Holloway's Change the World Without Taking Power.[28]
Paul claims the CNT joined the Spanish Popular Front in 1936 because anarchists lacked a plan for "coordinating the military opposition to Franco's fascists".[29] In fact, joining violated CNT policy, and was driven by fear of isolation and fighting on two fronts. Since the 1870s Spanish anarchists aimed to "annihilate the power of the state" through "superior firing power".[30] From 1932 the CNT and the Anarchist Federation of Iberia (FAI) organised insurrections, stressing armed defence and coordination through a National Revolutionary Council.[31] This was reiterated at the 1936 FAI and CNT congresses,[32] was still official policy in August 1936, and was partially implemented through the Council of Aragon.[33] In 1937 the dissident Friends of Durruti reiterated it, calling for a National Defence Council, not a Popular Front.[34]
Anarchism, democracy and armed defence of revolution
What is the place of participatory democracy, debate and freedom in this scenario? First, the FAI / CNT / Friends of Durruti insisted, coordinated military defence was subject to the basic aims of the revolution—self-management, collectivisation and emancipation—and to the popular classes' organs of counterpower. Repeating Bakunin's arguments, the National Defence Council would be "elected by democratic vote", under revocable mandate.[35] Handing power to officers or a revolutionary clique would destroy revolution from within as surely as external defeat.
Secondly, the revolution is for libertarian communism, ie for freedom, against capitalism, state and oppression. In place of the late Tony Cliff's notion that it is acceptable that "tactics contradict principles",[36] anarchists insist means must match ends, because they shape them.
Defence of revolution necessarily includes defence of participatory democratic processes and structures, and of political and civil rights. The democratic heart of counterpower cannot be cut out to "save" the revolution: it is both its means and its end.
The basic system would be popular self-government through worker/community assemblies and councils made up of mandated and recallable delegates, with basic rights protected at all times. As Diego Abad de Santillan wrote, anarchists "oppose with force those who try to subjugate us on behalf of their interests or concepts", but do not "resort to force against those who do not share our points of view".[37]
Legitimate coercion is applied to external threats, including the counter-revolutionary ruling class, and to internal anti-social crime; the majority within the system is prevented from oppressing internal dissenters and minorities; internal dissidents are prevented from forcible disruption. Anarchism will be the guiding revolutionary programme because it is freely accepted by the popular classes through debate and participatory democracy, in multi-tendency structures of counterpower.
The mainstream anarchist/syndicalist movement's rejection of the Marxist "dictatorship of the proletariat" was never based on rejecting the need to defend revolution. It arose from the view that the Marxist "dictatorship of the proletariat" was really "dictatorship over the proletariat".
"Real democracy", anarchism and the Paris Commune
Given this, it is odd that Paul claims (echoing Draper) that anarchists reject the "possibility of real democracy".[38] If "democracy" means the rule of the people, anarchism is radically democratic. Bakunin and Kropotkin viewed the state as a centralised, hierarchical system of territorial power, run by and for the ruling class. Here "all the real aspirations, all the living forces of a country enter generously and happily", only to be "slain and buried".[39]
The class system is defined both by relations of production expressed in inequitable control of the means of production, and relations of domination, expressed in inequitable control of the means of coercion that physically enforce decisions, and administration, that govern society.[40]
The means of coercion and administration are centralised in the state, controlled by state managers: senior officials, judges, military heads, mayors, parliamentarians. Capitalists are only part of the ruling class; those who run the state are always members of the ruling class; the ruling class is always a dominant, exploiting minority; the state is centralised in order that this minority can rule the majority. (Marxists have a different definition, but let's get clear about the anarchists.)
The popular classes' counterpower, for anarchists, cannot therefore be expressed through a state.[41] Anarchist anti-statism arises from recognition of the state's profoundly anti-popular class character.[42] In place of states and corporations, anarchists/syndicalists advocate that the means of production, coercion and administration be taken and restructured under genuine participatory democracy. When the "whole people govern", argued Bakunin, "there will be…no government, no state".[43] Wayne Price argues "Anarchism is democracy without the state".[44]
Paul cites Uri Gordon and George Woodcock, who insisted anarchism is against "democracy". But did they mean what Paul suggests? They defined "democracy" as imposing "collectively binding" decisions on dissidents, and objected.[45] They did not oppose collective decisions—only this supposed coercion. Theirs is not an argument most anarchists would accept; nor do most anarchists think consensus decision-making preferable.[46] This is not, however, to deny that the Gordon/Woodcock line has a profoundly democratic intent.
There is nothing "difficult to understand" about Bakunin praising the 1871 Paris Commune as "practical realisation" of anarchist ideals. [47] Anarchists played a central role in communalist risings in France, Spain and Italy at this time; with Proudhonists, they were a large bloc on the Commune's Council.[48] The Commune's basic project was anticipated in Bakunin's 1870 open "Letter to a Frenchman", and by Proudhon, revolutionary anarchism's immediate precursor.[49] Bakunin's and Kropotkin's only critique of the Commune was that it did not go far enough in collectivisation and self-management, leaving too much power in the Council.[50]
Anarchism, syndicalism and specific political organisations
Paul suggests that anarchism denies the need for revolutionary political organisations that can link struggles, and fight for ideological clarity and revolution.[51] He is correct that there is an anarchist current that argues against specific political organisations. He is incorrect to present this current as representative.
Many key anarchists/syndicalists advocate specific political organisations, working with mass organisations like unions. Flores Magón stresses "an activating minority, a courageous minority of libertarians".[52] Bakunin, Flores Magón, Kropotkin, Makhno, Oiticica and Shifu also insist on "organisations of tendency", based on political unity and collective discipline (others favoured looser structures).[53]
"Organisations of tendency" include the International Alliance of Socialist Democracy, Spain's FAI, Mexico's La Social, China's Society of Anarchist-Communist Comrades, the postwar Uruguayan Anarchist Federation, etc. These were to fight the battle of ideas and promote self-activity, counterpower and counterculture, not to replace or rule the popular classes.
Anarchists/syndicalists are not "opposed to the political struggle" for rights, but stress it "must take the form of direct action". [54] Rights should be won from below by mobilising counterpower; participation in the state is ineffective, corrupting. All stress the importance of revolutionary ideas for a revolutionary change, a "new social philosophy".[55]
Do anarchists misunderstand the "Marxist tradition"?
Rejection of Leninist parties arises from a different concern: the argument that these parties created dictatorships. Paul thinks anarchists have a "massive misunderstanding of Marxism", and Leo that Black Flame caricatures "classical Marxism" in calling it reductionist and authoritarian.[56]
But Paul admits the "rational kernel" of the anarchist critique is "that the most powerful voices claiming to be Marxists in the 20th century were statists (of either the Stalinist or Maoist variety) who presided over brutal systems" of "bureaucratic state capitalism".[57] Leo admits that the anarchist critique is valid if "you include Kautsky, Stalin and Mao in the Marxist canon".[58]
That suffices. According to International Socialism and IST writers, Kautsky was long "the most prominent Marxist theorist"; Stalin represented "Soviet Marxism", Maoism a type of "Marxism-Leninism", etc.[59] By the IST's own admission, then, mainstream pre-Leninist Marxism was reductionist and statist; mainstream 20th century Marxism was "Stalinist or Maoist"; all Marxist regimes ended as state capitalist dictatorships, with even (the late Chris Harman stated) the Soviet Union a "Bolshevik dictatorship" by 1921.[60]
I am not sure why Paul confidently claims the "essence" of Marxism is "working class self-emancipation".[61] That's been rather unusual in Marxist theory and action, as Ian himself has shown.[62] Libertarian minority Marxist traditions like Council Communism and autonomism are the exception, not Leninism or "classical Marxism".
Leo claims Black Flame repeats the "daily clichés of the media".[63] I concede—if he means the mainstream Marxist media, mass papers like Umsebenzi, L'Humanité, New Age, People's Democracy, Angve Bayan, etc. This may be, by the IST's lights, mere "debased" Marxism—but why should anarchists accept the IST's judgement? Most Marxists do not.
We cannot claim that "the only significance of Christianity in history is to be found in reading unaltered versions of the Gospels", and ignore 2,000 years of the church and its offshoots. Marxism, too, must be judged by its history, not by selected quotes.[64]
The early "dictatorship of the proletariat" in the Soviet Union
Paul insists that Marxism's "dictatorship of the proletariat" merely proposes a "workers' state" to end "exploitative social relations".[65] Leo adds that this "most maligned concept" merely means "democratic defence of working class power".[66]
The problem is that it's not easy to find a real world example; this is pure assertion. Writers like Cliff looked hopefully at the early Soviet Union. Supposedly, "the land…was distributed to the peasants, the factories…taken under state ownership…run under workers' control" and "the oppressed nationalities got…self-determination". If "many hundreds of thousands" died, this was "not because of the action of the Soviet government".[67]
Regrettably, the facts show the Lenin-Trotsky regime to be the template for Stalin's. Land was nationalised, not "distributed", and "the action of the Soviet government" in forced grain requisitions killed millions. Peasant uprisings were crushed with fire and sword: iron dictatorship over 90 percent of the population. Industry was "under state ownership", not "workers' control": in 1919 state-appointed individual managers ran 10.8 percent of enterprises; by 1920, 82 percent.[68] Red Army elections were abolished in March 1918, command turned over to ex-Tsarist officers and party commissars.
Cliff condemned Stalin for Taylorism and piecework,[69] but Lenin introduced these policies in 1918.[70] Unions, Harman claimed, enabled "workers' control".[71] Actually, these "unions" were state-run bodies by 1919, active in repressing strikes.[72] Rather than insist that "strikes were not to be suppressed",[73] the Bolsheviks routinely crushed them, also militarising industry.[74] The crushing of the Kronstadt revolt had numerous precedents.[75]
Harman claimed Bolshevism was the soviet "majority party". This was only true in a few cities, for a few months. Defeated in the 1918 urban elections, the Bolsheviks responded by dissolving, gerrymandering and purging soviets, repressing opponents.[76] Power was centralised in the cabinet (Sovnarkom) and Supreme Economic Council (Vesenkha); a secret police (Cheka) and militarised Red Army; and a state bureaucracy heavily recruited from the old order. Thus an unpopular party of 600,000 ruled an empire of 90 million in 1920. The Cheka's mandate included watching the "press, saboteurs, strikers", and summary executions.[77] Besides 20 times more executions in five years than the Tsarist Okhrana in 50, it ran concentration and labour camps, "cleared from time to time by mass extermination".[78]
Cliff claimed the Bolshevik minority was nonetheless internally democratic. By 1919 the party was run from the top down, staffed with apparatchiks; factions were banned in 1921 and dissidents jailed.[79] The early 1920s saw Lenin's GPU operate a vast informer network; beatings, torture and rape were routinely used; left opponents were crushed; open soviet elections were prevented.[80] Rather than "self-determination," the Red Army installed puppet regimes in Belarus and Ukraine from 1919, Georgia (1921), Armenia and Azerbaijan (1922). The anarchist-led Ukraine saw itssoviets banned, its communes smashed, its leaders executed—despite formal treaties of cooperation.[81]
Delinking socialism-from-below from Bolshevism
It is precisely because anarchists and syndicalists defend socialism from below that they reject Bolshevism. Paul claims Bakunin's critique of the Marxist "dictatorship of the proletariat"—that it would end in a "barracks" regime of "centralised state capitalism"[82]—is "superficial" and "inept".[83]
By any reasonable measure, however, Bakunin's theory is "vindicated by the verdict of history".[84] International Socialism has tried to exonerate Lenin's and Trotsky's dictatorship by reference to difficult conditions: counter-revolution, "imperialism," economic crisis, etc. The "Bolsheviks had no choice", said Harman, but to rule alone: the "class they represented had dissolved itself while defending to fight that power". Power anyway rightly belonged to "only those who wholeheartedly supported the revolution…the Bolsheviks".[85] Cliff argued that "the pressure of world capitalism" later forced the Soviet Union's rulers to make the economy "more and more similar".[86]
This will not do. Leo objects to Black Flame suggesting classical Marxism tends to economic reductionism, but one would struggle to find a better illustration of exactly that tendency than these alibis.
It is contradictory to proclaim that Bolshevik ideology was essential to the revolution's supposed success, yet insist that it had no impact on the revolution's outcome. It is contradictory to condemn all anarchist experiences (as in Spain) as due entirely to ideology, not context, but to exonerate all Marxist experiences (as in Russia) as due entirely to context, not ideology.
Unless Leo embraces the "no choice" determinism he claims to reject, he must concede some choice is still possible when fighting faceless forces like "imperialism". If he does, he cannot deny Bolshevik culpability in destroying the "democratic defence of working class power". If he does not, he can hardly condemn Stalin, who faced the "pressure of world capitalism".
Bolshevik choices led straight to one-party dictatorship, even before the Civil War started (May 1918) and long after it ended (November 1920). This was precisely because the Bolsheviks insisted (as Harman revealed) that they alone deserved power: all rivals were automatically counter-revolutionary.[87] Faced with popular repudiation—by peasants, and by the embarrassingly not actually "dissolved" proletariat through the soviets and strike waves in 1918, 1919 and 1921—the party clung to power at all costs.
Despite some genuinely democratic elements in Lenin's thought, its overall thrust was simple: substitutionism.[88] Even State and Revolution is silent on political contestation in soviets: the "workers' party" will be "directing and organising the new system".[89] Unlike Leo, who hopes for democracy, Lenin insisted that "the dictatorship of the proletariat cannot be exercised through an organisation embracing the whole of that class… It can be exercised only by a vanguard".[90] This was, said Trotsky, "entitled to assert its dictatorship even if that dictatorship temporarily clashed with the passing moods of the workers' democracy".[91]
As for socialism, it would be top-down: "To organise the whole economy on the lines of the postal service…all under the control and leadership of the armed proletariat" (see above: meaning the party), "that is our immediate aim".[92] The "working masses" must "be thrown here and there, appointed, commanded", "deserters" "formed into punitive battalions" or sent to "concentration camps".[93] Lenin and Trotsky unapologetically opposed self-management,[94] and Trotsky's Left Opposition advocated forced industrialisation long before Stalin.[95] Before anyone says I am picking quotations, note that the Bolsheviks acted on precisely the lines these quotes suggest; the State and Revolution's council system existed only as words in an incomplete pamphlet.
To which tradition should we look for resistance today?
To defend the Russian Revolution against liberal and conservative critiques is commendable. To conflate this with a defence of the Bolshevik regime that destroyed the revolution is a serious error.
To reclaim socialism, we must reclaim its participatory democratic and revolutionary traditions, suppressed by Leninist Marxism. This requires that sincere Marxists seriously engage with—rather than arrogantly lecture to—the black flame of anarchism and syndicalism, and its alternative vision of libertarian communism, revolutionary process and radical democracy.
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Malle, Silvana, 1985, The Economic Organisation of War Communism, 1918–1921 (Cambridge UP).
Marot, John Eric, 2006, "Trotsky, the Left Opposition and the Rise of Stalinism," Historical Materialism, 14/3.
Maura, J Romero, 1971, "The Spanish Case", in David Apter and James Joll (eds), Anarchism Today (Macmillan).
McKay, Iain, no date, The Anarchist FAQ.
McKay, Iain, 2007, "On the Bolshevik Myth", Anarcho-Syndicalist Review, 47.
Meyer, Gerald, 2003, "Anarchism, Marxism and the Collapse of the Soviet Union", Science and Society, 67/2.
Paz, Abel, 1987, Durruti: The People Armed (Black Rose).
Pirani, Simon, 2010a, "Socialism in the 21st Century and the Russian Revolution", International Socialism 128 (autumn).
Pirani, Simon, 2010b, "Detailed Response to Kevin Murphy".
Price, Wayne, 2007, The Abolition of the State: Anarchist and Marxist Perspectives (AuthorHouse).
Rabinowitch, Alexander, 2007, The Bolsheviks in Power: The First Year of Soviet Rule in Petrograd (Indiana University Press).
Rees, John, 1998, The Algebra of Revolution: The Dialectic and the Classical Marxist Tradition (Routledge).
Renton, David, 2002, Classical Marxism: Socialist Theory and the Second International (New Clarion Press).
Renton, David, 2004, Dissident Marxism: Past Voices for Present Times (Zed Books).
Rocker, R [1938] 1989, Anarcho-Syndicalism (Pluto).
Schapiro, Leonard, 1977, The Origin of the Communist Autocracy: Political Opposition in the Soviet State First Phase 1917–1922 (Harvard University Press).
Shukman, Harold (ed), 1994, The Blackwell Encyclopaedia of the Russian Revolution (Wiley-Blackwell).
Tabor, Ron, 1988, A Look at Leninism (Aspect Foundation).
Thorpe, Wayne, 1989, "The Workers Themselves": Revolutionary Syndicalism and International Labour 1913–23 (Kulwer Academic Publishers/ IISH).
Trotsky, Leon [1920], 1921, The Defence of Terrorism (The Labour Publishing Company/George Allen and Unwin).
van der Walt, Lucien, and Michael Schmidt, 2009, Black Flame: The Revolutionary Class Politics of Anarchism and Syndicalism (AK Press).
Zeilig, Leo, 2010, "Contesting the Revolutionary Tradition," International Socialism 127 (summer 2010).
[1] I develop these arguments more in a paper here. Thanks to Shawn Hattingh, Ian Bekker, Iain McKay and Wayne Price for feedback.
[2] Blackledge, 2010, p132.
[3] Birchall, 2010, p177.
[4] Zeilig, 2009 , pp221-2. I use the term "syndicalism" to refer to revolutionary trade unionism that combines daily struggles with the goal of seizing the means of production. It emerged from the anarchist wing of the First International; it is an anarchist strategy and all its forms are part of the "broad anarchist tradition".
[5] Blackledge, 2010, p132.
[6] Zeilig, 2009 , pp221-222.
[7] Bakunin (1870), pp185,189, emphasis in original.
[8] Bakunin, 1953, pp300,319,378.
[9] Kropotkin (1912), p188.
[10] Anderson, 2006, pp2,54.
[11] See the online article for full citations.
[12] Meyer, 2003, p218; Epstein, 2001.
[13] "Conférences Internationale Syndicales-107," here
[14] Goaman, 2004, pp173-174.
[15] Birchall, 2010 , pp179-180, referring to Draper, 1966, chapter 4.
[16] Keffer, 2005.
[17] Birchall, 2010, p178, notably Serge's Revolution in Danger.
[18] Thorpe, 1989, pp96,98,100,164,179,197,200.
[19] Blackledge, 2010, pp136,139,142.
[20] Zeilig, 2010, p222. See van der Walt and Schmidt, 2009, ch4, 6.
[21] For example, Chaplin (1933).
[22] Bakunin (1869), pp152-154; also Bakunin (1870), p190.
[23] Bakunin (1865), p137.
[24] Bakunin, (1870), p190.
[25] Engels (1873), 1972. See McKay, The Anarchist FAQ, section H 4.7.
[26] See online paper for references, and "Declaration of the Principles of Revolutionary Syndicalism": Thorpe, 1989, p324.
[27] Blackledge, 2010, p139.
[28] Holloway, 2005.
[29] Blackledge, 2010, p139.
[30] Maura, 1971, pp66,68, 72, 80–83.
[31] Gómez Casas, 1986, pp137, 144, 154–157.
[32] Gómez Casas, 1986, pp171, 173–175; CNT (1 May 1936), pp10-11.
[33] Paz, 1987, p247.
[34] Friends of Durruti (1938, 1978), p25.
[35] Friends of Durruti (1938, 1978), p25.
[36] Birchall, 2010, p175.
[37] Abad de Santillan (1937), p47.
[38] Blackledge, 2010 , pp133-134, 136, 143–144.
[39] Bakunin (1871b), p269.
[40] van der Walt and Schmidt, 2009, p109.
[41] Bakunin, 1990, p63.
[42] Price, 2007, pp172-173.
[43] Bakunin, 1953, p287.
[44] Price, 2007, p172, emphasis in original.
[45] Gordon, 2008, pp69-70.
[46] van der Walt and Schmidt, 2009 , pp70-71, 240–242, 244–247, 256–257.
[47] Blackledge, 2010, pp131-132, 148.
[48] Avrich, 1988, pp229-239.
[49] Bakunin [1870], pp184, 186–187, 189–192, 197, 204.
[50] Kropotkin [1880], pp123-124.
[51] Blackledge, 2010 , pp136, 139, 142.
[52] In Hodges, 1986, pp83-84.
[53] Bakunin (1865), p138; see van der Walt and Schmidt, 2009, chapter 8.
[54] Rocker (1938), pp64, 74, 77.
[55] Bakunin (1871a), pp249, 250–251.
[56] Zeilig, 2009, pp221-2.
[57] Blackledge, 2010, p133, note 15.
[58] Zeilig, 2010, p222.
[59] For example, Blackledge, 2006; Harman, 2004; Rees, 1998; Renton, 2002, 2004; Banaji, 2010, editor's introduction.
[60] Harman, 1987, p18.
[61] Blackledge, 2010, p132.
[62] Birchall, 1974.
[63] Zeilig, 2010, pp221-222.
[64] Castoriadis, 2001, p77.
[65] Blackledge, 2010, pp146-147.
[66] Zeilig, 2010 , pp221-222.
[67] Cliff, 2000 , pp66-67.
[68] All figures unless otherwise stated, from Shukman, 1994, pp29, 166, 175, 177, 182, 184, 187.
[69] Cliff [1964], pp30-34.
[70] Devinatz, 2003.
[71] Harman, 1987, p43.
[72] Pirani, 2010a.
[73] Cliff [1964], pp28, 34.
[74] For a summary see McKay, The Anarchist FAQ, section H 6.3.
[75] Kronstadt argued for new, open elections to soviets; it never called for "soviets without Bolsheviks": Avrich, 1991, p181.
[76] Avrich, 1967, pp. 184–185; Brovkin, 1991, p. 159; Farber, 1990, p22; Malle, 1985, pp240,366–367; Rabinowitch, 2007, pp. 248–252; Schapiro, 1977, p. 191.
[77] Quoted in Daniels, 1985, p90.
[78] Shukman, 1994, pp182-3.
[79] Avrich, 1984.
[80] Avrich, 1967, pp234-237; Brovkin, 1998, pp20-26, 44–46, 52–53,61–80,90–93; Bulletin[1923–1931]; Dubovic and Rublyov, 2009; Jansen, 1982; Pirani, 2010b.
[81] For a recent debate on the "Makhnovist" anarchist movement, see McKay, 2007, pp30-32, 39.
[82] Bakunin [1872], p284; Kropotkin [1912], pp170, 186.
[83] Blackledge, 2010 , pp133, 146–147.
[84] Compare Blackledge, 2010, p133.
[85] Harman, 1987, pp19-20.
[86] Cliff, 2000 , pp29-30.
[87] See, for example, Lenin [1918], p599.
[88] Price, 2007, pp128-129; Tabor, 1988, pp93-104.
[89] Lenin [1917], p255.
[90] Lenin, [1920], p21, my emphasis.
[91] Trotsky, 10th Party Congress, in Farber, 1990, p203.
[92] Lenin [1917], p273; also Lenin [1918], pp258, 269.
[93] Trotsky, 9th Party Congress, in Brinton, 1970, p61; also Trotsky [1920], pp150-151.
[94] Lenin [1918], pp258, 269; Trotsky [1920] 1921, pp150-151; also see Brinton, 1970.
[95] Marot, 2006.


text:
Starting early is the key to teaching your young ones the joys of bicycle life, and there's no better way to do so than with our Hotwalk. It's for kids 18 months to 4 years old*, and it's designed for less crashes and more smiles to make learning to ride a bike as easy as can be. With no pedals or gears, we made the Hotwalk to help your little ripper find their balance by making it as easy as possible to put their feet down. In fact, scooting around with their feet is how the bike moves (outside of gravity), so they'll get used to the feeling of riding without much of the risk. And with a redesigned frame, the new Hotwalk features a lower standover height to accommodate little riders, as well as a longer wheelbase for more stable scooting. And rather than sticking to a traditional kids' bike sizing style that uses age, we've based our sizes upon inseam. Different kiddos are different sizes at different ages, so inseam solves the ""this doesn't look like it'll fit"" problem. In other words, if your toddler has an inseam that's between 15 to 18 inches, they'll be able to comfortably ride the Hotwalk and still put both feet flat on the ground. Even better for you, there isn't much that can break should the bike hit the deck on the pump track, so there's less maintenance than with a ""traditional"" bike—like airless tires that'll never go flat and an assembly of only two bolts. That's right, you get parental hero status, and they have the time of their lives while learning to ride. Win-win. *Don't know their inseam (what parent really does)? *The Hotwalk is appropriate for toddlers 18 months to 4 years old. Of course, we recommend flexing some parental discretion on whether your kid has the motor skills necessary to operate a bike.
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What if you could send out all the information that your potential customers have requested without checking your email or answering a phone? While this may seem impossible, it is becoming more and more popular among the most successful Internet marketing gurus. This is all due to what is called an autoresponder. An autoresponder is an automatic method of responding to emails sent by existing or potential customers and is an must for any Internet business. Time is money and answering emails personally take a lot of valuable time for both you and the customer. Not only do autorespnders allow you to spend the time elsewhere in your business, but it gives the customer access to the information almost immediately.
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text:
No Nuclear Umbrella
PYONGYANG– The U.S., noisily advertising about its commitment to provision of nuclear umbrella, is stuffing its latest nuclear war equipment into south Korea.
Unaware of what a miserable fate is befalling on them, the south Korean puppets are running headlong into an adventure of attacking the DPRK on a nuke war chariot of the U.S.
Backed by outside forces, they are hell-bent on igniting a nuclear war against the DPRK.
Some time ago, the U.S. suddenly activated its nuclear strategic bomber B-2A to make a sortie to the air of the Korean Peninsula from the U.S. mainland to commit drills of striking a ground target and transferred stealth fighters F-22 Raptors to south Korea from the U.S. air force base at Kadena, Okinawa.
Prior to it, formation of the U.S. nuclear strategic bomber B-52 repeatedly flew to south Korea to stage DPRK-targeted actual nuclear strike drills and its nuclear-powered submarine Cheyenne that had carried out the task of preemptive attack in the 2003 Iraqi war staged joint sea drills with the south Korean puppets.
Of late, the U.S. dispatched interceptor missile-loaded Aegis destroyers John S. McCain, Decatur and the mobile sea radar for detection of ballistic missiles "SBX-1" to the waters around the Korean Peninsula, driving the situation close to a threshold of war.
In a din to provoke a nuclear war against the DPRK, the warmongers converted south Korea into an unprecedented showplace of the U.S. nuclear arms.
It is not a mere saber-rattling, but a prelude to war.
It is utterly silly for the south Korean puppets to want to evade from a shower of our nuclear strike under the nuclear umbrella of their U.S. master.
Now, the U.S. cannot afford to take care of its stooges.
The U.S. has so far swaggered that its existing missile defense system is strong enough to counter the missile threat from north Korea.
But, recently the U.S. gave up even a plan to deploy its MD system in Europe and additionally established its interceptor missile system to defend the mainland.
The south Korean puppets also know its reason well probably.
All has changed today.
Our nuclear deterrent has been boosted up in both quality and quantity. The character of confrontation between the DPRK and the U.S. changed fundamentally.
Of late, U.S. military experts sneered at the remarks of the U.S. Defense Secretary that the U.S. army can undoubtedly protect the U.S. and south Korea from the North's nuclear threat. They warned that in case the DPRK applies a more singular method, the counter of the U.S. and south Korea would become more miserable and the moment when the North decides to strike, the U.S. would spend very appalling hours.
They made really meaningful comments.
DPRK's nuclear shower will break the U.S. nuclear umbrella so mercilessly that the warmongers cannot even repent of anything.


text:
Dick Russell is back on the trail of the JFK case
Dick Russell's second book on the assassination of President John F. Kennedy, On the Trail of the JFK Assassins, is an important contribution to the subject's literature. Russell intertwines some of his previously published articles with chapters of never-before-published information, offering updated perspectives on previous revelations and adding new information to the case.
Russell's combination of talents is rare in the research community: he brings a reporter's process, a novelist's flair, and a researcher's deep curiosity to the case. The result is an eminently readable volume. It's far easier to tackle this series of articles than his 800+ page previous volume, The Man Who Knew Too Much, which Russell notes his friends have jokingly called The Book That GrewToo Much.
I must thank Lachy Hulme, an Australian friend of Russell's, for prompting Russell to resurface his previous articles originally published in The Village Voice, Harpers Weekly, Argosy Magazine, New Times, High Times, and other outlets. In retrospect, these pieces were remarkably insightful. For example, at a time when some of the leading voices in the community were desperately trying to pull the case away from the milieu New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison first discovered, the nexus between the intelligence community, the anti-Castro Cubans, and the CIA's Mob associates, Russell kept the focus on this crowd and added to the evidence with interviews of some of the case's most colorful characters.
Jim Garrison gets a fairer treatment here than in much of the literature, a welcome relief from the Garrison bashing most critics feel compelled to perpetrate. Indeed, much of what we have learned since the HSCA has served to bolster Garrison's position. The title of Russell's book is itself a nod to Garrison's earlier account of his own investigation into the case, On the Trail of the Assassins.
Russell shows his obvious fascination with intelligence agents, the "spooks" who inhabit that netherworld between observable reality and the covert world we civilians rarely encounter, who perform operations most Americans know nothing about, sometimes to their later chagrin. A character who called himself by the pseudonym "Captain Sam" quite aptly describes why pursuing the truth through the people closest to the crime can be a frustrating endeavor:
"[T]here's one thing you should know from the start. Half of what I'll tell you might be the truth, and the other half bullshit. But all of it is what I was told. That's part of the game in the intelligence business. You confuse your own operatives with false information; maybe nobody knows the full truth about a particular assignment."
And therein lies the rub of investigating covert operations. Even those who want to help can unintentionally mislead, despite the best of intentions. And then there are the others, who mislead on purpose. Russell appears to have walked a fine line between letting the spooks have their say without giving weight to statements that contradict provable facts about the case.
Ironically, I was just about to write up, for a presentation I was preparing, the story of Luis Castillo, who appeared to be a CIA asset hypnoprogrammed to assassinate a foreign leader and then kill himself afterwards. He was arrested in advance of his assignment by authorities, and his weapons were confiscated. Nonetheless, at the appointed time, he mimed shooting a gun at someone else, from within his prison walls, and then mimed killing himself. I had just pulled out the Turner/Christian book on the Robert Kennedy assassination, which contained a brief discussion of Castillo, when Russell's book arrived in my mail. I had no idea that Russell, along with Jeff Cohen, the founder of Fairness & Accuracy In Reporting (FAIR), had done extensive research on the Castillo case, and had talked to Victor Arcega, the man who was able to uncover, through hypnosis, some of Castillo's hypnotic programming. Russell's article on Castillo is, I believe, a must read, not the least for how Dr. Herbert Spiegel helped spike a book deal on Castillo. There's a reason such stories rarely reach the public, and it's not always because the story isn't true. It's because it isn't provably true, which is an unfortunately high standard. I'm grateful that Russell gives us the data and lets us make up our own minds.
One of the most interesting throughlines across the old and new articles is the focus on the CIA's mind control programs and possible connections between those programs and certain participants in the JFK assassination story. While I've never believed Oswald was under hypnosis at the time of the Kennedy assassination, the topic is endlessly fascinating, and, I believe, very important to understand the Robert Kennedy assassination, which is touched on in passing in this volume. I'm not at all convinced that Luis Castillo, for example, was in Dealey Plaza, as some of his memories suggest. But it seems obvious to me he was used in a CIA program involving an assassination plot against the leader of another country, albeit (and thankfully) an unsuccessful one.
One of my favorite articles in the book was "The Media, the CIA, and the Cover-Up." Russell recounts key points in the media history of the case, and shows the direct connections between key stories in the cover-up and the CIA assets behind those stories. I've longed to read just such an article for years. It was a pleasure to find the people behind the media cover-up and their connections to the Agency so clearly laid out here.
The book includes some fascinating interviews. Russell recounts a long interview with Senator Richard Schweiker (R-Pa.), who became increasingly concerned by the "fingerprints of intelligence" he found all over Lee Harvey Oswald during his work with the Church Committee.
Richard Sprague, who briefly headed the House Select Committee on Assassinations before the CIA's media assets started a drumbeat for his removal, noted in his interview with Russell that he had become more interested in the media's coverage of the case than the facts of the assassination itself, a sentiment I share. To me, one of the points of studying the history of the Kennedy assassination is to explore how someone gets away with such a crime, how the crime can be effectively covered up for years, and how the cover-up, in the end, when unraveled, presents some of the best evidence of conspiracy itself.
Speaking of cover-ups, there's an interesting little story in here regarding a favorite subject of mine, Gordon Novel. Most people who know Gordon know he can lie with the best of them. But few understand why he lies about this case. Russell shows no particular curiosity along those lines, which is a shame, since he has such a provocative tidbit to share that, with some additional context, could become a lot more interesting.
One of my favorite chapters had to do with Russell's hilarious, amateurish trip to KGB headquarters in Moscow, accompanied by an associate who—well, you just have to read his account. I could see the ending coming a mile away, and was bemused that Russell did not, at the time.
This book will appeal to a broad cross-section of readers. People with only a casual interest in the JFK case will find much to ponder here. Researchers who have been at this for years will learn some startling new information throughout, and especially at the end of the book in Russell's dynamite interview of Doug Horne, the ARRB's key medical evidence researcher. Those who enjoy spook tales will laugh at the various characters Russell interacts with throughout the 320-page volume. And because the book is a series of self-contained chapters and articles, it's easy to reach "closure" every few pages. I'm not fond of books that keep me up all night while I search for an appropriate stopping point. The truth about this case is, after all, disturbing enough.
Labels: assassination, book reivew, CIA, conspiracy, JFK, media, Russell