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To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:
In coming together, fellow-citizens, to enter again upon the discharge of the duties with which the people have charged us severally, we find great occasion to rejoice in the general prosperity of the country. We are in the enjoyment of all the blessings of civil and religious liberty, with unexampled means of education, knowledge, and improvement. Through the year which is now drawing to a close peace has been in our borders and plenty in our habitations, and although disease has visited some few portions of the land with distress and mortality, yet in general the health of the people has been preserved, and we are all called upon by the highest obligations of duty to renew our thanks and our devotion to our Heavenly Parent, who has continued to vouchsafe to us the eminent blessings which surround us and who has so signally crowned the year with His goodness. If we find ourselves increasing beyond example in numbers, in strength, in wealth, in knowledge, in everything which promotes human and social happiness, let us ever remember our dependence for all these on the protection and merciful dispensations of Divine Providence.
Since your last adjournment Alexander McLeod, a British subject who was indicted for the murder of an American citizen, and whose case has been the subject of a correspondence heretofore communicated to you, has been acquitted by the verdict of an impartial and intelligent jury, and has under the judgment of the court been regularly discharged.
Great Britain having made known to this Government that the expedition which was fitted out from Canada for the destruction of the steamboat Caroline in the winter of 1837, and which resulted in the destruction of said boat and in the death of an American citizen, was undertaken by orders emanating from the authorities of the British Government in Canada, and demanding the discharge of McLeod upon the ground that if engaged in that expedition he did but fulfill the orders of his Government, has thus been answered in the only way in which she could be answered by a government the powers of which are distributed among its several departments by the fundamental law. Happily for the people of Great Britain, as well as those of the United States, the only mode by which an individual arraigned for a criminal offense before the courts of either can obtain his discharge is by the independent action of the judiciary and by proceedings equally familiar to the courts of both countries.
If in Great Britain a power exists in the Crown to cause to be entered a nolle prosequi, which is not the case with the Executive power of the United States upon a prosecution pending in a State court, yet there no more than here can the chief executive power rescue a prisoner from custody without an order of the proper tribunal directing his discharge. The precise stage of the proceedings at which such order may be made is a matter of municipal regulation exclusively, and not to be complained of by any other government. In cases of this kind a government becomes politically responsible only when its tribunals of last resort are shown to have rendered unjust and injurious judgments in matters not doubtful. To the establishment and elucidation of this principle no nation has lent its authority more efficiently than Great Britain. Alexander McLeod, having his option either to prosecute a writ of error from the decision of the supreme court of New York, which had been rendered upon his application for a discharge, to the Supreme Court of the United States, or to submit his case to the decision of a jury, preferred the latter, deeming it the readiest mode of obtaining his liberation; and the result has fully sustained the wisdom of his choice. The manner in which the issue submitted was tried will satisfy the English Government that the principles of justice will never fail to govern the enlightened decision of an American tribunal. I can not fail, however, to suggest to Congress the propriety, and in some degree the necessity, of making such provisions by law, so far as they may constitutionally do so, for the removal at their commencement and at the option of the party of all such cases as may hereafter arise, and which may involve the faithful observance and execution of our international obligations, from the State to the Federal judiciary. This Government, by our institutions, is charged with the maintenance of peace and the preservation of amicable relations with the nations of the earth, and ought to possess without question all the reasonable and proper means of maintaining the one and preserving the other. While just confidence is felt in the judiciary of the States, yet this Government ought to be competent in itself for the fulfillment of the high duties which have been devolved upon it under the organic law by the States themselves.
In the month of September a party of armed men from Upper Canada invaded the territory of the United States and forcibly seized upon the person of one Grogan, and under circumstances of great harshness hurriedly carried him beyond the limits of the United States and delivered him np to the authorities of Upper Canada. His immediate discharge was ordered by those authorities upon the facts of the case being brought to their knowledge--a course of procedure which was to have been expected from a nation with whom we are at peace, and which was not more due to the rights of the United States than to its own regard for justice. The correspondence which passed between the Department of State and the British envoy, Mr. Fox, and with the governor of Vermont, as soon as the facts had been made known to this department, are herewith communicated.
I regret that it is not in my power to make known to you an equally satisfactory conclusion in the case of the Caroline steamer, with the circumstances connected with the destruction of which, in December, 1837, by an armed force fitted out in the Province of Upper Canada, you are already made acquainted. No such atonement as was due for the public wrong done to the United States by this invasion of her territory, so wholly irreconcilable with her rights as an independent power, has yet been made. In the view taken by this Government the inquiry whether the vessel was in the employment of those who were prosecuting an unauthorized war against that Province or was engaged by the owner in the business of transporting passengers to and from Navy Island in hopes of private gain, which was most probably the case, in no degree alters the real question at issue between the two Governments. This Government can never concede to any foreign government the power, except in a case of the most urgent and extreme necessity, of invading its territory, either to arrest the persons or destroy the property of those who may have violated the municipal laws of such foreign government or have disregarded their obligations arising under the law of nations. The territory of the United States must be regarded as sacredly secure against all such invasions until they shall voluntarily acknowledge their inability to acquit themselves of their duties to others. And in announcing this sentiment I do but affirm a principle which no nation on earth would be more ready to vindicate at all hazards than the people and Government of Great Britain. If upon a full investigation of all the facts it shall appear that the owner of the Caroline was governed by a hostile intent or had made common cause with those who were in the occupancy of Navy Island, then so far as he is concerned there can be no claim to indemnity for the destruction of his boat which this Government would feel itself bound to prosecute, since he would have acted not only in derogation of the rights of Great Britain, but in clear violation of the laws of the United States; but that is a question which, however settled, in no manner involves the higher consideration of the violation of territorial sovereignty and jurisdiction. To recognize it as an admissible practice that each Government in its turn, upon any sudden and unauthorized outbreak which, on a frontier the extent of which renders it impossible for either to have an efficient force on every mile of it, and which outbreak, therefore, neither may be able to suppress in a day, may take vengeance into its own hands, and without even a remonstrance, and in the absence of any pressing or overruling necessity may invade the territory of the other, would inevitably lead to results equally to be deplored by both. When border collisions come to receive the sanction or to be made on the authority of either Government general war must be the inevitable result. While it is the ardent desire of the United States to cultivate the relations of peace with all nations and to fulfill all the duties of good neighborhood toward those who possess territories adjoining their own, that very desire would lead them to deny the right of any foreign power to invade their boundary with an armed force. The correspondence between the two Governments on this subject will at a future day of your session be submitted to your consideration; and in the meantime I can not but indulge the hope that the British Government will see the propriety of renouncing as a rule of future action the precedent which has been set in the affair at Schlosser.
I herewith submit the correspondence which has recently taken place between the American minister at the Court of St. James, Mr. Stevenson, and the minister of foreign affairs of that Government on the right claimed by that Government to visit and detain vessels sailing under the American flag and engaged in prosecuting lawful commerce in the African seas. Our commercial interests in that region have experienced considerable increase and have become an object of much importance, and it is the duty of this Government to protect them against all improper and vexatious interruption. However desirous the United States may be for the suppression of the slave trade, they can not consent to interpolations into the maritime code at the mere will and pleasure of other governments. We deny the right of any such interpolation to any one or all the nations of the earth without our consent. We claim to have a voice in all amendments or alterations of that code, and when we are given to understand, as in this instance, by a foreign government that its treaties with other nations can not be executed without the establishment and enforcement of new principles of maritime police, to be applied without our consent, we must employ a language neither of equivocal import or susceptible of misconstruction. American citizens prosecuting a lawful commerce in the African seas under the flag of their country are not responsible for the abuse or unlawful use of that flag by others; nor can they rightfully on account of any such alleged abuses be interrupted, molested, or detained while on the ocean, and if thus molested and detained while pursuing honest voyages in the usual way and violating no law themselves they are unquestionably entitled to indemnity. This Government has manifested its repugnance to the slave trade in a manner which can not be misunderstood. By its fundamental law it prescribed limits in point of time to its continuance, and against its own citizens who might so far forget the rights of humanity as to engage in that wicked traffic it has long since by its municipal laws denounced the most condign punishment. Many of the States composing this Union had made appeals to the civilized world for its suppression long before the moral sense of other nations had become shocked by the iniquities of the traffic. Whether this Government should now enter into treaties containing mutual stipulations upon this subject is a question for its mature deliberation. Certain it is that if the right to detain American ships on the high seas can be justified on the plea of a necessity for such detention arising out of the existence of treaties between other nations, the same plea may, be extended and enlarged by the new stipulations of new treaties to which the United States may not be a party. This Government will not cease to urge upon that of Great Britain full and ample remuneration for all losses, whether arising from detention or otherwise, to which American citizens have heretofore been or may hereafter be subjected by the exercise of rights which this Government can not recognize as legitimate and proper. Nor will I indulge a doubt but that the sense of justice of Great Britain will constrain her to make retribution for any wrong or loss which any American citizen engaged in the prosecution of lawful commerce may have experienced at the hands of her cruisers or other public authorities. This Government, at the same time, will relax no effort to prevent its citizens, if there be any so disposed, from prosecuting a traffic so revolting to the feelings of humanity. It seeks to do no more than to protect the fair and honest trader from molestation and injury; but while the enterprising mariner engaged in the pursuit of an honorable trade is entitled to its protection, it will visit with condign punishment others of an opposite character.
I invite your attention to existing laws for the suppression of the African slave trade, and recommend all such alterations as may give to them greater force and efficacy. That the American flag is grossly abused by the abandoned and profligate of other nations is but too probable. Congress has not long since had this subject under its consideration, and its importance well justifies renewed and anxious attention.
I also communicate herewith the copy of a correspondence between Mr. Stevenson and Lord Palmerston upon the subject, so interesting to several of the Southern States, of the rice duties, which resulted honorably to the justice of Great Britain and advantageously to the United States.
At the opening of the last annual session the President informed Congress of the progress which had then been made in negotiating a convention between this Government and that of England with a view to the final settlement of the question of the boundary between the territorial limits of the two countries. I regret to say that little further advancement of the object has been accomplished since last year, but this is owing to circumstances no way indicative of any abatement of the desire of both parties to hasten the negotiation to its conclusion and to settle the question in dispute as early as possible. In the course of the session it is my hope to be able to announce some further degree of progress toward the accomplishment of this highly desirable end.
The commission appointed by this Government for the exploration and survey of the line of boundary separating the States of Maine and New Hampshire from the conterminous British Provinces is, it is believed, about to close its field labors and is expected soon to report the results of its examinations to the Department of State. The report, when received, will be laid before Congress.
The failure on the part of Spain to pay with punctuality the interest due under the convention of 1834 for the settlement of claims between the two countries has made it the duty of the Executive to call the particular attention of that Government to the subject. A disposition has been manifested by it, which is believed to be entirely sincere, to fulfill its obligations in this respect so soon as its internal condition and the state of its finances will permit. An arrangement is in progress from the result of which it is trusted that those of our citizens who have claims under the convention will at no distant day receive the stipulated payments.
A treaty of commerce and navigation with Belgium was concluded and signed at Washington on the 29th of March, 1840, and was duly sanctioned by the Senate of the United States. The treaty was ratified by His Belgian Majesty, but did not receive the approbation of the Belgian Chambers within the time limited by its terms, and has therefore become void.
This occurrence assumes the graver aspect from the consideration that in 1833 a treaty negotiated between the two Governments and ratified on the part of the United States failed to be ratified on the part of Belgium. The representative of that Government at Washington informs the Department of State that he has been instructed to give explanations of the causes which occasioned delay in the approval of the late treaty by the legislature, and to express the regret of the King at the occurrence.
The joint commission under the convention with Texas to ascertain the true boundary between the two countries has concluded its labors, but the final report of the commissioner of the United States has not been received. It is understood, however, that the meridian line as traced by the commission lies somewhat farther east than the position hitherto generally assigned to it, and consequently includes in Texas some part of the territory which had been considered as belonging to the States of Louisiana and Arkansas.
The United States can not but take a deep interest in whatever relates to this young but growing Republic. Settled principally by emigrants from the United States, we have the happiness to know that the great principles of civil liberty are there destined to flourish under wise institutions and wholesome laws, and that through its example another evidence is to be afforded of the capacity of popular institutions to advance the prosperity, happiness, and permanent glory of the human race. The great truth that government was made for the people and not the people for government has already been established in the practice and by the example of these United States, and we can do no other than contemplate its further exemplification by a sister republic with the deepest interest.
Our relations with the independent States of this hemisphere, formerly under the dominion of Spain, have not undergone any material change within the past year. The incessant sanguinary conflicts in or between those countries are to be greatly deplored as necessarily tending to disable them from performing their duty as members of the community of nations and rising to the destiny which the position and natural resources of many of them might lead them justly to anticipate, as constantly giving occasion also, directly or indirectly, for complaints on the part of our citizens who resort thither for purposes of commercial intercourse, and as retarding reparation for wrongs already committed, some of which are by no means of recent date.
The failure of the Congress of Ecuador to hold a session at the time appointed for that purpose, in January last, will probably render abortive a treaty of commerce with that Republic, which was signed at Quito on the 13th of June, 1839, and had been duly ratified on our part, but which required the approbation of that body prior to its ratification by the Ecuadorian Executive.
A convention which has been concluded with the Republic of Peru, providing for the settlement of certain claims of citizens of the United States upon the Government of that Republic, will be duly submitted to he Senate.
The claims of our citizens against the Brazilian Government originating from captures and other causes are still unsatisfied. The United States have, however, so uniformly shown a disposition to cultivate relations of amity with that Empire that it is hoped the unequivocal tokens of the same spirit toward us which an adjustment of the affairs referred to would afford will be given without further avoidable delay.
The war with the Indian tribes on the peninsula of Florida has during the last summer and fall been prosecuted with untiring activity and zeal. A summer campaign was resolved upon as the best mode of bringing it to a close. Our brave officers and men who have been engaged in that service have suffered toils and privations and exhibited an energy which in any other war would have won for them unfading laurels. In despite of the sickness incident to the climate, they have penetrated the fastnesses of the Indians, broken up their encampments, and harassed them unceasingly. Numbers have been captured, and still greater numbers have surrendered and have been transported to join their brethren on the lands elsewhere allotted to them by the Government, and a strong hope is entertained that under the conduct of the gallant officer at the head of the troops in Florida that troublesome and expensive war is destined to a speedy termination. With all the other Indian tribes we are enjoying the blessings of peace. Our duty as well as our best interests prompts us to observe in all our intercourse with them fidelity in fulfilling our engagements, the practice of strict justice, as well as the constant exercise of acts of benevolence and kindness. These are the great instruments of civilization, and through the use of them alone can the untutored child of the forest be induced to listen to its teachings.
The Secretary of State, on whom the acts of Congress have devolved the duty of directing the proceedings for the taking of the sixth census or enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States, will report to the two Houses the progress of that work. The enumeration of persons has been completed, and exhibits a grand total of 17,069,453, making an increase over the census of 1830 of 4,202,646 inhabitants, and showing a gain in a ratio exceeding 32 1/2 per cent for the last ten years.
From the report of the Secretary of the Treasury you will be informed of the condition of the finances. The balance in the Treasury on the 1st of January last, as stated in the report of the Secretary of the Treasury submitted to Congress at the extra session, was $987,345.03. The receipts into the Treasury during the first three quarters of this year from all sources amount to $23,467,072.52; the estimated receipts for the fourth quarter amount to $6,943,095.25, amounting to $30,410,167.77, and making with the balance in the Treasury on the 1st of January last $31,397,512.80. The expenditures for the first three quarters of this year amount to $24,734,346.97. The expenditures for the fourth quarter as estimated will amount to $7,290,723.73, thus making a total of $32,025,070.70, and leaving a deficit to be provided for on the 1st of January next of about $627,557.90.
Of the loan of $12,000,000 which was authorized by Congress at its late session only $5,432,726.88 have been negotiated. The shortness of time which it had to run has presented no inconsiderable impediment in the way of its being taken by capitalists at home, while the same cause would have operated with much greater force in the foreign market. For that reason the foreign market has not been resorted to; and it is now submitted whether it would not be advisable to amend the law by making what remains undisposed of payable at a more distant day.
Should it be necessary, in any view that Congress may take of the subject, to revise the existing tariff of duties, I beg leave to say that in the performance of that most delicate operation moderate counsels would seem to be the wisest. The Government under which it is our happiness to live owes its existence to the spirit of compromise which prevailed among its framers; jarring and discordant opinions could only have been reconciled by that noble spirit of patriotism which prompted conciliation and resulted in harmony. In the same spirit the compromise bill, as it is commonly called, was adopted at the session of 1833. While the people of no portion of the Union will ever hesitate to pay all necessary taxes for the support of Government, yet an innate repugnance exists to the imposition of burthens not really necessary for that object. In imposing duties, however, for the purposes of revenue a right to discriminate as to the articles on which the duty shall be laid, as well as the amount, necessarily and most properly exists; otherwise the Government would be placed in the condition of having to levy the same duties upon all articles, the productive as well as the unproductive. The slightest duty upon some might have the effect of causing their importation to cease, whereas others, entering extensively into the consumption of the country, might bear the heaviest without any sensible diminution in the amount imported. So also the Government may be justified in so discriminating by reference to other considerations of domestic policy connected with our manufactures. So long as the duties shall be laid with distinct reference to the wants of the Treasury no well-rounded objection can exist against them. It might be esteemed desirable that no such augmentation of the taxes should take place as would have the effect of annulling the land-proceeds distribution act of the last session, which act is declared to be inoperative the moment the duties are increased beyond 20 per cent, the maximum rate established by the compromise act. Some of the provisions of the compromise act, which will go into effect on the 30th day of June next, may, however, be found exceedingly inconvenient in practice under any regulations that Congress may adopt. I refer more particularly to that relating to the home valuation. A difference in value of the same articles to some extent will necessarily exist at different ports, but that is altogether insignificant when compared with the conflicts in valuation which are likely to arise from the differences of opinion among the numerous appraisers of merchandise. In many instances the estimates of value must be conjectural, and thus as many different rates of value may be established as there are appraisers. These differences in valuation may also be increased by the inclination which, without the slightest imputation on their honesty, may arise on the part of the appraisers in favor of their respective ports of entry. I recommend this whole subject to the consideration of Congress with a single additional remark. Certainty and permanency in any system of governmental policy are in all respects eminently desirable, but more particularly is this true in all that affects trade and commerce, the operations of which depend much more on the certainty of their returns and calculations which embrace distant periods of time than on high bounties or duties, which are liable to constant fluctuations.
At your late session I invited your attention to the condition of the currency and exchanges and urged the necessity of adopting such measures as were consistent with the constitutional competency of the Government in order to correct the unsoundness of the one and, as far as practicable, the inequalities of the other. No country can be in the enjoyment of its full measure of prosperity without the presence of a medium of exchange approximating to uniformity of value. What is necessary as between the different nations of the earth is also important as between the inhabitants of different parts of the same country. With the first the precious metals constitute the chief medium of circulation, and such also would be the case as to the last but for inventions comparatively modern, which have furnished in place of gold and silver a paper circulation. I do not propose to enter into a comparative analysis of the merits of the two systems. Such belonged more properly to the period of the introduction of the paper system. The speculative philosopher might find inducements to prosecute the inquiry, but his researches could only lead him to conclude that the paper system had probably better never have been introduced and that society might have been much happier without it. The practical statesman has a very different task to perform. He has to look at things as they are, to take them as he finds them, to supply deficiencies and to prune excesses as far as in him lies. The task of furnishing a corrective for derangements of the paper medium with us is almost inexpressibly great. The power exerted by the States to charter banking corporations, and which, having been carried to a great excess, has filled the country with, in most of the States, an irredeemable paper medium, is an evil which in some way or other requires a corrective. The rates at which bills of exchange are negotiated between different parts of the country furnish an index of the value of the local substitute for gold and silver, which is in many parts so far depreciated as not to be received except at a large discount in payment of debts or in the purchase of produce. It could earnestly be desired that every bank not possessing the means of resumption should follow the example of the late United States Bank of Pennsylvania and go into liquidation rather than by refusing to do so to continue embarrassments in the way of solvent institutions, thereby augmenting the difficulties incident to the present condition of things. Whether this Government, with due regard to the rights of the States, has any power to constrain the banks either to resume specie payments or to force them into liquidation, is an inquiry which will not fail to claim your consideration. In view of the great advantages which are allowed the corporators, not among the least of which is the authority contained in most of their charters to make loans to three times the amount of their capital, thereby often deriving three times as much interest on the same amount of money as any individual is permitted by law to receive, no sufficient apology can be urged for a long-continued suspension of specie payments. Such suspension is productive of the greatest detriment to the public by expelling from circulation the precious metals and seriously hazarding the success of any effort that this Government can make to increase commercial facilities and to advance the public interests.
This is the more to be regretted and the indispensable necessity for a sound currency becomes the more manifest when we reflect on the vast amount of the internal commerce of the country. Of this we have no statistics nor just data for forming adequate opinions. But there can be no doubt but that the amount of transportation coastwise by sea, and the transportation inland by railroads and canals, and by steamboats and other modes of conveyance over the surface of our vast rivers and immense lakes, and the value of property carried and interchanged by these means form a general aggregate to which the foreign commerce of the country, large as it is, makes but a distant approach.
In the absence of any controlling power over this subject, which, by forcing a general resumption of specie payments, would at once have the effect of restoring a sound medium of exchange and would leave to the country but little to desire, what measure of relief falling within the limits of our constitutional competency does it become this Government to adopt? It was my painful duty at your last session, under the weight of most solemn obligations, to differ with Congress on the measures which it proposed for my approval, and which it doubtless regarded as corrective of existing evils. Subsequent reflection and events since occurring have only served to confirm me in the opinions then entertained and frankly expressed. I must be permitted to add that no scheme of governmental policy unaided by individual exertions can be available for ameliorating the present condition of things. Commercial modes of exchange and a good currency are but the necessary means of commerce and intercourse, not the direct productive sources of wealth. Wealth can only be accumulated by the earnings of industry and the savings of frugality, and nothing can be more ill judged than to look to facilities in borrowing or to a redundant circulation for the power of discharging pecuniary obligations. The country is full of resources and the people fall of energy, and the great and permanent remedy for present embarrassments must be sought in industry, economy, the observance of good faith, and the favorable influence of time. In pursuance of a pledge given to you in my last message to Congress, which pledge I urge as an apology for adventuring to present you the details of any plan, the Secretary of the Treasury will be ready to submit to you, should you require it, a plan of finance which, while it throws around the public treasure reasonable guards for its protection and rests on powers acknowledged in practice to exist from the origin of the Government, will at the same time furnish to the country a sound paper medium and afford all reasonable facilities for regulating the exchanges. When submitted, you will perceive in it a plan amendatory of the existing laws in relation to the Treasury Department, subordinate in all respects to the will of Congress directly and the will of the people indirectly, self-sustaining should it be found in practice to realize its promises in theory, and repealable at the pleasure of Congress. It proposes by effectual restraints and by invoking the true spirit of our institutions to separate the purse from the sword, or, more properly to speak, denies any other control to the President over the agents who may be selected to carry it into execution but what may be indispensably necessary to secure the fidelity of such agents, and by wise regulations keeps plainly apart from each other private and public funds. It contemplates the establishment of a board of control at the seat of government, with agencies at prominent commercial points or wherever else Congress shall direct, for the safe-keeping and disbursement of the public moneys and a substitution at the option of the public creditor of Treasury notes in lieu of gold and silver. It proposes to limit the issues to an amount not to exceed $15,000,000 without the express sanction of the legislative power. It also authorizes the receipt of individual deposits of gold and silver to a limited amount, and the granting certificates of deposit divided into such sums as may be called for by the depositors. It proceeds a step further and authorizes the purchase and sale of domestic bills and drafts resting on a real and substantial basis, payable at sight or having but a short time to run, and drawn on places not less than 100 miles apart, which authority, except in so far as may be necessary for Government purposes exclusively, is only to be exerted upon the express condition that its exercise shall not be prohibited by the State in which the agency is situated. In order to cover the expenses incident to the plan, it will be authorized to receive moderate premiums for certificates issued on deposits and on bills bought and sold, and thus, as far as its dealings extend, to furnish facilities to commercial intercourse at the lowest possible rates and to subduct from the earnings of industry the least possible sum. It uses the State banks at a distance from the agencies as auxiliaries without imparting any power to trade in its name. It is subjected to such guards and restraints as have appeared to be necessary. It is the creature of law and exists only at the pleasure of the Legislature. It is made to rest on an actual specie basis in order to redeem the notes at the places of issue, produces no dangerous redundancy of circulation, affords no temptation to speculation, is attended by no inflation of prices, is equable in its operation, makes the Treasury notes (which it may use along with the certificates of deposit and the notes of specie-paying banks) convertible at the place where collected, receivable in payment of Government dues, and without violating any principle of the Constitution affords the Government and the people such facilities as are called for by the wants of both. Such, it has appeared to me, are its recommendations, and in view of them it will be submitted, whenever you may require it, to your consideration.
I am not able to perceive that any fair and candid objection can be urged against the plan, the principal outlines of which I have thus presented. I can not doubt but that the notes which it proposes to furnish at the voluntary option of the public creditor, issued in lieu of the revenue and its certificates of deposit, will be maintained at an equality with gold and silver everywhere. They are redeemable in gold and silver on demand at the places of issue. They are receivable everywhere in payment of Government dues. The Treasury notes are limited to an amount of one-fourth less than the estimated annual receipts of the Treasury, and in addition they rest upon the faith of the Government for their redemption. If all these assurances are not sufficient to make them available, then the idea, as it seems to me, of furnishing a sound paper medium of exchange may be entirely abandoned.
If a fear be indulged that the Government may be tempted to run into excess in its issues at any future day, it seems to me that no such apprehension can reasonably be entertained until all confidence in the representatives of the States and of the people, as well as of the people themselves, shall be lost. The weightiest considerations of policy require that the restraints now proposed to be thrown around the measure should not for light causes be removed. To argue against any proposed plan its liability to possible abuse is to reject every expedient, since everything dependent on human action is liable to abuse. Fifteen millions of Treasury notes may be issued as the maximum, but a discretionary power is to be given to the board of control under that sum, and every consideration will unite in leading them to feel their way with caution. For the first eight years of the existence of the late Bank of the United States its circulation barely exceeded $4,000,000, and for five of its most prosperous years it was about equal to $16,000,000; furthermore, the authority given to receive private deposits to a limited amount and to issue certificates in such sums as may be called for by the depositors may so far fill up the channels of circulation as greatly to diminish the necessity of any considerable issue of Treasury notes. A restraint upon the amount of private deposits has seemed to be indispensably necessary from an apprehension, thought to be well founded, that in any emergency of trade confidence might be so far shaken in the banks as to induce a withdrawal from them of private deposits with a view to insure their unquestionable safety when deposited with the Government, which might prove eminently disastrous to the State banks. Is it objected that it is proposed to authorize the agencies to deal in bills of exchange? It is answered that such dealings are to be carried on at the lowest possible premium, are made to rest on an unquestionably sound basis, are designed to reimburse merely the expenses which would otherwise devolve upon the Treasury, and are in strict subordination to the decision of the Supreme Court in the case of the Bank of Augusta against Earle, and other reported cases, and thereby avoids all conflict with State jurisdiction, which I hold to be indispensably requisite. It leaves the banking privileges of the States without interference, looks to the Treasury and the Union, and while furnishing every facility to the first is careful of the interests of the last. But above all, it is created by law, is amendable by law, and is repealable by law, and, wedded as I am to no theory, but looking solely to the advancement of the public good, I shall be among the very first to urge its repeal if it be found not to subserve the purposes and objects for which it may be created. Nor will the plan be submitted in any overweening confidence in the sufficiency of my own judgment, but with much greater reliance on the wisdom and patriotism of Congress. I can not abandon this subject without urging upon you in the most emphatic manner, whatever may be your action on the suggestions which I have felt it to be my duty to submit, to relieve the Chief Executive Magistrate, by any and all constitutional means, from a controlling power over the public Treasury. If in the plan proposed, should you deem it worthy of your consideration, that separation is not as complete as you may desire, you will doubtless amend it in that particular. For myself, I disclaim all desire to have any control over the public moneys other than what is indispensably necessary to execute the laws which you may pass.
Nor can I fail to advert in this connection to the debts which many of the States of the Union have contracted abroad and under which they continue to labor. That indebtedness amounts to a sum not less than $200,000,000, and which has been retributed to them for the most part in works of internal improvement which are destined to prove of vast importance in ultimately advancing their prosperity and wealth. For the debts thus contracted the States are alone responsible. I can do not more than express the belief that each State will feel itself bound by every consideration of honor as well as of interest to meet its engagements with punctuality. The failure, however, of any one State to do so should in no degree affect the credit of the rest, and the foreign capitalist will have no just cause to experience alarm as to all other State stocks because any one or more of the States may neglect to provide with punctuality the means of redeeming their engagements. Even such States, should there be any, considering the great rapidity with which their resources are developing themselves, will not fail to have the means at no very distant day to redeem their obligations to the uttermost farthing; nor will I doubt but that, in view of that honorable conduct which has evermore governed the States and the people of the Union, they will each and all resort to every legitimate expedient before they will forego a faithful compliance with their obligations.
From the report of the Secretary of War and other reports accompanying it you will be informed of the progress which has been made in the fortifications designed for the protection of our principal cities, roadsteads, and inland frontier during the present year, together with their true state and condition. They will be prosecuted to completion with all the expedition which the means placed by Congress at the disposal of the Executive will allow.
I recommend particularly to your consideration that portion of the Secretary's report which proposes the establishment of a chain of military posts from Council Bluffs to some point on the Pacific Ocean within our limits. The benefit thereby destined to accrue to our citizens engaged in the fur trade over that wilderness region, added to the importance of cultivating friendly relations with savage tribes inhabiting it, and at the same time of giving protection to our frontier settlements and of establishing the means of safe intercourse between the American settlements at the mouth of the Columbia River and those on this side of the Rocky Mountains, would seem to suggest the importance of carrying into effect the recommendations upon this head with as little delay as may be practicable.
The report of the Secretary of the Navy will place you in possession of the present condition of that important arm of the national defense. Every effort will be made to add to its efficiency, and I can not too strongly urge upon you liberal appropriations to that branch of the public service. Inducements of the weightiest character exist for the adoption of this course of policy. Our extended and otherwise exposed maritime frontier calls for protection, to the furnishing of which an efficient naval force is indispensable. We look to no foreign conquests, nor do we propose to enter into competition with any other nation for supremacy on the ocean; but it is due not only to the honor but to the security of the people of the United States that no nation should be permitted to invade our waters at pleasure and subject our towns and villages to conflagration or pillage. Economy in all branches of the public service is due from all the public agents to the people, but parsimony alone would suggest the withholding of the necessary means for the protection of our domestic firesides from invasion and our national honor from disgrace. I would most earnestly recommend to Congress to abstain from all appropriations for objects not absolutely necessary; but I take upon myself, without a moment of hesitancy, all the responsibility of recommending the increase and prompt equipment of that gallant Navy which has lighted up every sea with its victories and spread an imperishable glory over the country.
The report of the Postmaster-General will claim your particular attention, not only because of the valuable suggestions which it contains, but because of the great importance which at all times attaches to that interesting branch of the public service. The increased expense of transporting the mail along the principal routes necessarily claims the public attention, and has awakened a corresponding solicitude on the part of the Government. The transmission of the mail must keep pace with those facilities of intercommunication which are every day becoming greater through the building of railroads and the application of steam power, but it can not be disguised that in order to do so the Post-Office Department is subjected to heavy exactions. The lines of communication between distant parts of the Union are to a great extent occupied by railroads, which, in the nature of things, possess a complete monopoly, and the Department is therefore liable to heavy and unreasonable charges. This evil is destined to great increase in future, and some timely measure may become necessary to guard against it.
I feel it my duty to bring under your consideration a practice which has grown up in the administration of the Government, and which, I am deeply convinced, ought to be corrected. I allude to the exercise of the power which usage rather than reason has vested in the Presidents of removing incumbents from office in order to substitute others more in favor with the dominant party. My own conduct in this respect has been governed by a conscientious purpose to exercise the removing power only in cases of unfaithfulness or inability, or in those in which its exercise appeared necessary in order to discountenance and suppress that spirit of active partisanship on the part of holders of office which not only withdraws them from the steady and impartial discharge of their official duties, but exerts an undue and injurious influence over elections and degrades the character of the Government itself, inasmuch as it exhibits the Chief Magistrate as being a party through his agents in the secret plots or open workings of political parties.
In respect to the exercise of this power nothing should be left to discretion which may safely be regulated by law, and it is of high importance to restrain as far as possible the stimulus of personal interests in public elections. Considering the great increase which has been made in public offices in the last quarter of a century and the probability of further increase, we incur the hazard of witnessing violent political contests, directed too often to the single object of retaining office by those who are in or obtaining it by those who are out. Under the influence of these convictions I shall cordially concur in any constitutional measure for regulating and, by regulating, restraining the power of removal.
I suggest for your consideration the propriety of making without further delay some specific application of the funds derived under the will of Mr. Smithson, of England, for the diffusion of knowledge, and which have heretofore been vested in public stocks until such time as Congress should think proper to give them a specific direction. Nor will you, I feel confident, permit any abatement of the principal of the legacy to be made should it turn out that the stocks in which the investments have been made have undergone a depreciation.
In conclusion I commend to your care the interests of this District, for which you are the exclusive legislators. Considering that this city is the residence of the Government and for a large part of the year of Congress, and considering also the great cost of the public buildings and the propriety of affording them at all times careful protection, it seems not unreasonable that Congress should contribute toward the expense of an efficient police.
John Tyler, First Annual Message Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/node/200524


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Willie Nelson Is Now Making CBD Coffee
Willie Nelson is continuing to expand his line of weed-related products while helping small farms. The country icon and his wife, Annie, have introduced the first product of Willie's Remedy, a new line of hemp-based products, with Willie's Remedy Whole Bean Coffee.
The coffee beans are derived from small farms in Columbia, while the non-intoxicating, organic CBD oil is sourced from Colorado. The flavor is described as a medium-dark blend with aromas of cacao and cherry. An 8 oz. cup of coffee contains 7 milligrams of CBD oil. The icon prides himself on using products infused with organically grown hemp oil made by farmers across the U.S.
"Hemp production in America was stifled for so long, but it could now make all the difference for small independent farmers. Hemp isn't just good for our farmers and our economy, it's good for our soil, our environment-and our health," Nelson says in a press release. CBD oil is believed to help with anxiety and pain, among other ailments.
Hemp-infused coffee is the latest venture for the country legend, whose initial marijuana brand, Willie's Reserve, includes a range of products like cannabis flowers, vape juice, edibles and chocolates. He's also teamed up with revered singer Margo Price to develop a new line of marijuana.
"The Willie's Remedy line is a purposeful departure from Willie's Reserve, it's not about getting high, but it's still all about Willie and the benefits we believe cannabis has to offer," Annie Nelson expresses. "Willie and I are proud to offer quality, American-sourced hemp wellness options for people of his generation, our kids' generation, and everyone in between."
The country star announced the launch of Willie's Remedy in summer of 2018. Willie's Remedy Whole Bean Coffee is available for purchase now at $36 per bag.
Country Artists Who Have Smoked Pot and Told Us About It:

subset: commoncrawl


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Amnesty International Press Release
For Immediate Release
Thursday, January 27, 2011
Amnesty International Reveals Security Forces in Tunisia Shot at Protesters from Behind as They Fled
Doctors Testimony Show Others Killed by Single Shots Suggesting Deliberate Intent to Kill
(London) — Amnesty International today revealed disturbing new evidence of the brutal methods used by Tunisian security forces to stop anti-government protests, including doctors' testimonies that demonstrators were shot from behind and others felled by single shots suggesting deliberate intent to kill.
An Amnesty International research team returning from Tunisia found that security forces used disproportionate force to disperse protesters and in some cases fired on fleeing protesters and bystanders.
Doctors' testimonies seen by the Amnesty International research team show that some protesters in Kasserine and Thala were shot from behind, indicating that they were fleeing. Others in Kasserine, Thala, Tunis and Regueb were killed by single shots to the chest or head, suggesting deliberate intent to kill.
"This shocking evidence confirms that the Tunisian security forces were using lethal methods to quell discontent and to deter protesters," said Hassiba Hadj Sahraoui, deputy director of Amnesty International's Middle East North Africa Program.
"The fact that some of those killed were clearly running away shows flagrant disregard for the people's lives. It must be an urgent priority for the authorities to ensure that those under their command show restraint and respect for public safety."
The organization also found evidence that many of those arrested in connection with the unrest were tortured or otherwise ill-treated in custody. Detainees were beaten with batons or kicked, while others were forced to kneel facing walls for hours.
The research team found that while some protesters acted violently, security forces used disproportionate force to disperse protesters and resorted to lethal force when it was not strictly necessary. Tear gas, rubber bullets and live ammunition were widely used even when protesters were peaceful, and protesters were beaten with batons.
Witnesses told Amnesty International that some of those killed could not have possibly posed a threat to the lives of security forces. Other victims were not involved in the protests at all.
Manal Bou'alagi, 26, the mother of two, was shot in the chest on January 9 in the city of Regueb in central Tunisia as she returned home from visiting her mother. A doctor who examined her told Amnesty International that the angle of her bullet wounds suggested she was shot by a sniper from a nearby building.
Manal's mother, Chadia, is determined to see justice: "I have lost a daughter and my grandchildren have been orphaned. I want the people responsible for Manal's killing to face real justice for what they have done to us."
A 21-year-old man who wished to remain anonymous told Amnesty International that after he was arrested in Tunis on January 14, he was detained in the Ministry of Interior with 30 others, including 10 young women.
He told an Amnesty International researcher that security forces beat him with batons all over his body. He was eventually released without charge but was warned not to take part in any more protests. Former president Ben Ali had by this time already left the country.
Amnesty International has welcomed the caretaker government's announcement of an independent commission to investigate human rights violations committed by the security forces during recent weeks.
But the organizationcalled this week in a "Human Rights Agenda for Change" document for other urgent and far-reaching action by the authorities, including fundamentally overhauling the country's repressive security apparatus and justice system.
"The families of those killed must have access to justice, which can only be achieved by a proper investigation with the power to compel officials to testify," said Sahraoui.
"In the meantime, any official reasonably suspected of human rights violations should be suspended from duties. Tunisians need to see that the culture of abuse is a thing of the past."
An Amnesty International delegation visited Tunisia from January 14-22, meeting with families of those killed in the unrest, individuals injured during protests, other witnesses, and former detainees, as well as lawyers, human rights defenders, unionists and medical professionals. Researchers travelled to Hammamat, Bizerte, Regueb, Thala and Kasserine. The majority of the cases documented in this report took place between January 8 and 13. The full report detailing their mission will be released in February.
Amnesty International on January 24 released its Tunisia: Human Rights Agenda for Change, calling on the Tunisian authorities to make fundamental and lasting reforms and to break with Ben Ali's legacy of decades of abuse.
Amnesty International is a Nobel Peace Prize-winning grassroots activist organization with 3 million supporters, activists and volunteers in more than 150 countries campaigning for human rights worldwide. The organization investigates and exposes abuses, educates and mobilizes the public, and works to protect people wherever justice, freedom, truth and dignity are denied.
# # #
For more information, please visit: www.amnestyusa.org
Whether in a high-profile conflict or a forgotten corner of the globe, Amnesty International, winner of the Nobel Peace Prize, campaigns for justice, freedom and dignity for all and seeks to mobilize public support to build a better world.


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"Effective data protection is vital for our democracies and underpins other fundamental rights and freedoms." - Viviane Reding, Vice-President of the European Commission and Commissioner for Justice, Fundamental Rights and Citizenship.
Last Friday, privacy advocates and government officials in countries across the world celebrated the 5th annual International Privacy Day — even as individual privacy is threatened by surveillance proposals and security breaches worldwide. This day commemorates the first legally binding international agreement on data protection – the Council of Europe's Convention 108- which was opened for signature on January 28th, 1981. Last week's celebration marked the 30th anniversary of Convention 108, which has served as a foundation for many countries' national data protection laws. It is an opportunity to raise public awareness about privacy threats and to urge governments to protect citizen's privacy rights.
In Europe, the celebration highlighted citizens' rights with respect to collection and processing of their personal data. Several events organized by governmental and privacy advocates drew attention to the value of privacy in our societies. The European Court of Human Rights joined the celebration by compiling some of its key judgments protecting citizens' privacy rights. The European Data Protection Supervisor, an independent authority tasked with ensuring that EU authorities and bodies comply with EU rules on data protection and privacy, celebrated the occasion by calling attention to the need for governments to set the right balance between security and the protection of fundamental rights. It emphasized that "authorities should only collect information for specific purposes," and criticized attempts to create enormous databases of personal information "just in case" of a crime, promoting instead the concept of targeted data collection. This comes even as the European Commission is revising their Mandatory Data Retention Directive, a framework that allows blanket surveillance of traffic data on private citizens' online activities.
In the U.S., the Senate expressed support for the designation of January 28, 2011 as U.S. National Data Privacy Day for the third year in a row. It is a welcome gesture, if no somewhat ironic, given that the U.S. Congress is discussing legislation that undercuts the fundamental principles of individual privacy they purport to celebrate. (If you need a refresher, see CALEA II, USA PATRIOT Act renewal, data retention mandates and the much-discussed cybersecurity bill).
Celebrations were also held in Canada, Mexico, UK, Nepal, among others. In Nepal, Privacy Nepal urged the Nepalese government to pass the Data Protection Act to safeguard the privacy of Nepalese citizens. They further raised their concerns about the national ID card, and the dangers posed to citizens' privacy rights.
Much of International Privacy Day rightly focuses on the advances established by critical moments in history, but it is clear that all governments around the world must move quickly and more aggressively to truly improve privacy as we move into the future. Despite the high degree of theoretical protection for privacy and private communications in international law and national Constitutions, in recent times we have seen an increase of legal exceptions, lack of enforcement of privacy laws while the threats to citizens' privacy multiply.
For example, increasingly ubiquitous online surveillance technologies undermine the legal protections for privacy. While there has been a significant expansion in the volume of personal data that is being collected and stored by third party providers, mechanisms to ensure that law enforcement agencies are only granted access to that data in appropriate circumstances have not kept pace. Mandatory data retention regimes to force ISPs and telecom providers to log information about users' online activities and communications are an overwhelmingly invasive and costly mandate with serious privacy and free expression implications. And hard lessons about the cost of the failure to protect privacy are already being learned, as we've seen in Iran and Tunisia. Political activists in authoritarian regimes have used social networking tools to rejuvenate and empower democratic participation, collaboration, and freedom of expression, but those same tools also give authoritarian governments new ways to identify and track political activists that they wish to silence.
For these reasons, we believe that governments around the world need to take urgent action to give real meaning to the right to privacy and to protect citizens' personal data from these new threats.
EFF calls upon governments worldwide to:
Repeal the EU Data Retention Directive, and any mandatory data retention regime that requires ISP to preemptively record traffic data about the online activities of millions of citizens who haven't committed any crime.
Provide strong safeguards against government intrusion of individuals' information stored in third party providers, especially cloud service providers.
Provide strong safeguards against government intrusion of individuals' transactional data such as the location of your cell phone, click stream data revealing the web sites you visit, and search logs indicating what you searched when using search engines. Monitoring of this information is just as invasive as reading your email or listening to your phone calls.
These long-overdue reforms would be a first attempt to bring privacy protection back in line with the strong policies and traditions first established by International Human Rights Law. We look forward to continuing our work with privacy advocates on these issues, and hope to see governments and industries live up to the promise of better privacy and greater freedom.


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Parts of the agricultural industry are lobbying the government to adopt US-style laws that make it a criminal offence to film battery farms and slaughter houses. I hope there doesn't come a day where we are required to defend a person who's only crime was to expose an act of cruelty against an animal.
Date: May 1, 2014
Will Potter
When Amy Meyer saw a sick cow being pushed by a bulldozer outside a slaughterhouse, she did what any of us would in this age of iPhones and Instagram – she filmed it.
Meyer, 25, knew it was not only cruel, it was a public safety risk.
Similar video footage had resulted in the largest meat recall in US history, when it was revealed that cows too sick to walk were being fed to school children as part of the national school lunch program.
Instead of being praised for exposing this, Meyer was prosecuted.
Even though she stood on public property, she was charged with violating a new law in Utah that makes it illegal to photograph or videotape factory farms and slaughterhouses.
This was the first prosecution of its kind in the United States, but if the agriculture industry has its way, it won't be the last.
"Ag-gag" laws have spread rapidly, and today half a dozen states have made it illegal to film factory farms.
Now, the agriculture industry wants to bring ag-gag to Australia.
This legislation is a direct response to undercover investigations by animal welfare groups, which have exposed horrific animal cruelty.
For example, in Idaho this year, an undercover investigator with Mercy For Animals exposed workers beating, kicking and sexually abusing cows at Bettencourt dairy.
In response, the dairy industry supported SB 1337, an ag-gag bill that prohibits any "audio or video recording" at a farm facility.
It punishes those who expose animal abuse more harshly than those who commit the violence. The bill passed into law just weeks ago.
Time and again, wherever undercover investigators expose cruelty, the industry fights back with attempts to keep consumers in the dark.
Why? Because when people see the reality of factory farming, they demand change. For instance, one of the nation's largest egg producers testified during an ag-gag hearing that, after an undercover video was posted online, 50 businesses quickly called and stopped buying their eggs.
And, according to the first study of its kind, published in the Journal of Agricultural Economics, when animal welfare issues are reported in the news, consumers respond by eating less meat.
Factory farmers have been so desperate to silence their critics that they have even called investigators "terrorists".
Senator David Hinkins, the sponsor of Utah's ag-gag bill, said it was needed to stop "terrorists" such as "the vegetarian people" who "are trying to kill the animal industry".
This terrorism rhetoric has worked its way to the top levels of government.
FBI files have revealed that the government has even considered prosecuting those who film animal cruelty as "terrorists".
Now, this is spreading to Australia.
New South Wales Minister for Primary Industries Katrina Hodgkinson has said undercover investigators are "akin to terrorists".
West Australian Liberal Senator Chris Back, and a number Australian federal politicians, have voiced support for US-style ag-gag laws.
Ag-gag is coming to Australia because animal advocates have been incredibly effective.
There is a long history of open rescues and undercover investigations here, and activists such as Patty Mark and Animal Liberation Victoria are known internationally for their pioneering work.
Meanwhile, national media exposes such as Four Corners' "A Bloody Business" have outraged the public and created a national dialogue about live exports.
Australians have an opportunity that we lacked in the United States: you can stop these dangerous proposals before they ever become law.
If there is one thing I have learnt in my reporting on ag-gag laws, it is the power of an informed public to create change.
Amy Meyer stands as an example of that power. Just 24 hours after I broke the story of her prosecution, it had created such an uproar that prosecutors announced they were simply dropping all charges.
Meyer had never intended to face prosecution, or to lead by example, but she rose to the occasion. Australia has the power to do the same.
Will Potter is a journalist and TED Fellow based in Washington, DC. He is the author of Green Is the New Red. He is on a speaking tour for Voiceless, the animal protection institute, at Australian universities and law firms. For more information.


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Sunday, June 14, 2009 |
Scioscia Not Sending Messages?
Howie Kendrick's demotion to triple-A Salt Lake after Friday night's game did not come with a produce-or-else edict for the rest of the Angels, Manager Mike Scioscia insisted.Thursday: "Scioscia Vents After Halos Get Handled":"No message needed to be sent to the clubhouse," Scioscia said. "These guys understand the expectations. This move was about trying to get Howie back on track."
The only meaningful statement made by a member of the Angels' cast at Tropicana Field on Thursday was delivered by manager Mike Scioscia when he vented in the wake of an 11-1 demolition at the hands of the scorching Rays.Those of you in the reading audience looking for the arrow of causality might be wondering whether Scioscia took a look at the schedule before his venting took place, with an eye to strength of opponent... Howard Kendrick's demotion not being part of a message, though, doesn't frankly make much sense in light of the week's earlier commentary. Backpedaling now isn't going to make much difference either way."Well-deserved," Torii Hunter said in reference to the tongue-lashing that followed another kind of lashing fueled by homers from Evan Longoria, Carl Crawford, Dioner Navarro and Carlos Pena.
"That's a bad game," Scioscia said. "None of us are happy about how we went after it tonight, and we need to get better and play with a consistency.
"If guys in that room aren't going to do it, then we're going to have to look at some changes."
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Super Speeder Law
State 'Super Speeder Law' Gets Tough On Illegal Speeders
Since January 1st, 2010 the 'Super Speeder Law' has been in effect in Georgia. And any high-risk drivers who make a habit of ignoring posted speed limits will be the first to feel the pinch of higher state fines (called fees) on their wallets.
How much higher? The law tacks-on another two-hundred-dollar state-fee for any driver convicted of speeding at 75-or-more on any two-lane roads…OR convicted of speeding at 85-and-over anywhere in Georgia. Those fees will be in addition to any local fines already in effect in the jurisdiction where the speeding offense occurs.
Who is a SuperSpeeder? Under the provisions of this law, any driver convicted of a violation will now be classified by the state as a 'Super Speeder' and subject to the above-mentioned fee. The law is designed to get tough on high-risk drivers who endanger other motorists and ignore warnings to slow down. On average, there's a speed-related death-a-day in Georgia!
The 'Super Speeder Law' established the new state fees to help police put the brakes on Georgia's dangerous and illegal speeders. Failure to pay the 'SuperSpeeder' fee results in an additional $50.00 fee and the suspension of the offender's driving privileges and license. 'Super Speeder' is a highway safety law designed to save lives on our roads by changing the way illegal speeders drive in Georgia… by slowing them down within legal limits.
Fees collected under the new 'Super Speeder Law' will be used to help fund Georgia's trauma care hospital system where approximately sixty-percent of all trauma-care-patients are crash-related. Now, 'Super Speeders' will help pay for the hospital beds where their crash-victims are being treated.
Drivers need to remember…there are safety reasons for posted speed limits. Any time motorists drive at illegal speeds they put themselves, their passengers and others at tremendous risk. Crash forces double on impact with every 10mph increase in speed above fifty. Speed reduces the amount of available time needed to avoid a crash. Georgia's 'Super Speeder Law' and fees went into effect January 1st, 2010.
Source: Georgia Highway Safety – https://www.gahighwaysafety.org/campaigns/super-speeder-law/
If you or someone you know has been injured by someone who was a "superspeeder", give us a call for a consultation (678-909-0770) or email us at email@example.com.


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The privacy of our visitors to freefireplaces.com is important to us.
Our website and app would like your location to find restaurants and bars with fireplaces nearby. We do not share this information with any 3rd parties.
At freefireplaces.com, we recognize that privacy of your personal information is important. Here is information on what types of personal information we receive and collect when you use and visit freefireplaces.com, and how we safeguard your information. We never sell your personal information to third parties.
Log Files
As with most other websites, we collect and use the data contained in log files. The information in the log files include your IP (internet protocol) address, your ISP (internet service provider, such as AOL or Shaw Cable), the browser you used to visit our site (such as Internet Explorer or Firefox), the time you visited our site and which pages you visited throughout our site.
Cookies and Web Beacons
We do use cookies to store information, such as your personal preferences when you visit our site. This could include only showing you a popup once in your visit, or the ability to login to some of our features, such as forums.
We also use third party advertisements on freefireplaces.com to support our site. Some of these advertisers may use technology such as cookies and web beacons when they advertise on our site, which will also send these advertisers (such as Google through the Google AdSense program) information including your IP address, your ISP , the browser you used to visit our site, and in some cases, whether you have Flash installed. This is generally used for geotargeting purposes (showing New York real estate ads to someone in New York, for example) or showing certain ads based on specific sites visited (such as showing cooking ads to someone who frequents cooking sites).
DoubleClick DART cookies
We also may use DART cookies for ad serving through Google's DoubleClick, which places a cookie on your computer when you are browsing the web and visit a site using DoubleClick advertising (including some Google AdSense advertisements). This cookie is used to serve ads specific to you and your interests ("interest based targeting").
The ads served will be targeted based on your previous browsing history (For example, if you have been viewing sites about visiting Las Vegas, you may see Las Vegas hotel advertisements when viewing a non-related site, such as on a site about hockey). DART uses "non personally identifiable information". It does NOT track personal information about you, such as your name, email address, physical address, telephone number, social security numbers, bank account numbers or credit card numbers.
You can opt-out of this ad serving on all sites using this advertising by visiting http://www.doubleclick.com/privacy/dart_adserving.aspx
You can choose to disable or selectively turn off our cookies or third-party cookies in your browser settings, or by managing preferences in programs such as Norton Internet Security. However, this can affect how you are able to interact with our site as well as other websites. This could include the inability to login to services or programs, such as logging into forums or accounts.
Deleting cookies does not mean you are permanently opted out of any advertising program. Unless you have settings that disallow cookies, the next time you visit a site running the advertisements, a new cookie will be added.
If you require any more information or have any questions about our site's disclaimer, please feel free to contact us by email at Contact.
All the information on this website is published in good faith and for general information purpose only. freefireplaces.com does not make any warranties about the completeness, reliability and accuracy of this information. Any action you take upon the information you find on this website (freefireplaces.com), is strictly at your own risk. freefireplaces.com will not be liable for any losses and/or damages in connection with the use of our website.
From our website, you can visit other websites by following hyperlinks to such external sites. While we strive to provide only quality links to useful and ethical websites, we have no control over the content and nature of these sites. These links to other websites do not imply a recommendation for all the content found on these sites. Site owners and content may change without notice and may occur before we have the opportunity to remove a link which may have gone 'bad'.
Please be also aware that when you leave our website, other sites may have different privacy policies and terms which are beyond our control. Please be sure to check the Privacy Policies of these sites as well as their "Terms of Service" before engaging in any business or uploading any information.
By using our website, you hereby consent to our disclaimer and agree to its terms.
This site disclaimer was last updated on: Monday, January 2nd, 2017
· Should we update, amend or make any changes to this document, those changes will be prominently posted here.
This website and app use Google Adsense & Admob, a Web-advertising-service of Google Inc., United States ("Google"). Google Adsense uses "cookies" (text files) that are stored on your computer and allows an analysis of the use of thiswebsite by you.
Google Adsense also uses so-called "Web Beacons" (small invisible images) to gather information. Through the use of Web beacons simple actions such as the visitor traffic to the website can be recorded and collected. The information generated by the cookie and/or Web Beacon is information about your use of this site (Url), including your IP address and will be transferred to a Google server in the U.S. and stored there.
Google will use this information to evaluate your use of the site in order to show and compile reports on website activity and ads for website operators and providing other services with website and internet related services. Google may also transfer this information to third parties where this is required by law, or where such third parties process the information on Google's behalf.
Google will not associate your IP address with any other data held by Google. You canavoid storing cookies on your hard drive and the display of Web Beacons by choosing to accept in your browser settings, "cookies" (in MS Internet Explorer under "Tools> Internet Options> Privacy> Settings", in Firefox under Tools> Settings> Privacy> Cookies), we would point out however that this may prevent you from using all the features of this website.
By using this site you agree to the processing of data about you by Google in the manner described, and agree to the aforementioned purpose.
freefireplaces.com PRIVACY POLICY FOR APP USERS
freefireplaces.com Inc. ("freefireplaces.com") knows that you care about how your personal information is used and shared, and we take your privacy seriously. Please read the following to learn more about our privacy practices ("Privacy Policy"). By using a mobile application that incorporates or utilizes freefireplaces.com' services (collectively, the "Services") you accept the practices outlined in this Privacy Policy.
This Privacy Policy covers freefireplaces.com' treatment of personally identifiable information ("Personal Information") that freefireplaces.com gathers when you access or use the Services. As part of our Services, we provide mobile application developers ("Developers") with access to a development platform that they use to create mobile applications ("Apps"). Developers may optionally elect to collect certain information from you through their Apps using various features of the Service. When you use one of these Apps, we may collect certain Personal Information from you as part of this process, as further set forth in this Privacy Policy. This Privacy Policy does not cover (i) use of information by third parties we do not control (including Developers), or (ii) our collection or use of Personal Information collected other than through Apps (e.g., through use of our websites at freefireplaces.com). Our collection and use of information via our Website is covered in our Website Privacy Policy.
WHAT PERSONAL INFORMATION DOES freefireplaces.com COLLECT?
We collect the following types of information from you when you use one of our Developer's Apps: your IP address (including country of origin), App version, device operating system (including version), device make and model, UDID or other unique device identifier (only in anonymized form—i.e., not associated with any other personally identifiable information), and the current time each time you launch an App. In addition, while you are using an App, we collect information regarding the various actions and paths you take when using that App ("Events"), including a timestamp associated with each Event.
Cookies/SessionIDs – Although the Services do not place cookies on your device when you use an App, each time you launch an App, we assign a unique session ID (a "Session ID") to that launch of the App which we associate with the other information that we collect during your use of the App during that launch session. We do not associate Session IDs with Personal Information.
HOW DOES freefireplaces.com USE PERSONAL INFORMATION?
We only use your Personal Information (i) in aggregate, anonymized form for marketing purposes (e.g., to describe the total number of users who are using Apps which use the Service), (ii) to provide the Service to Developers and (iii) to further develop and improve our Services.
WILL freefireplaces.com SHARE ANY OF THE PERSONAL INFORMATION IT RECEIVES?
Personal Information about our end users is an integral part of our business. We do not rent, sell or disclose your Personal Information to anyone (including Developers) – except for the following limited purposes: Developers: all information (including Personal Information) which is collected through an App as part of the Services is made available to the Developer of that App.
Agents: We may employ other companies and people to perform tasks on our behalf – meaning they are helping us provide our Services. We may share your Personal Information with such companies/persons solely as necessary for them to help us provide the Services. Unless we tell you differently, freefireplaces.com' agents do not have any right to use Personal Information we share with them beyond what is necessary to assist us.
Business Transfers: In some cases, we may choose to buy or sell assets. In these types of transactions, customer information is typically one of the business assets that are transferred. Moreover, if freefireplaces.com, or substantially all of its assets were acquired, or in the unlikely event that freefireplaces.com goes out of business or enters bankruptcy, customer information would be one of the assets that is transferred or acquired by a third party.
Protection of freefireplaces.com and Others: We may release Personal Information when we believe in good faith that release is necessary to comply with the law; enforce or apply our conditions of use and other agreements; or protect the rights, property, or safety of freefireplaces.com, our employees, our users, or others.
With Your Consent: Except as set forth above, you will be notified when your Personal Information may be shared with third parties, and will be able to prevent the sharing of this information.
If you decide to access or use the Services, any possible dispute over privacy is subject to this Privacy Policy and our Terms of Use, including limitations on damages, arbitration of disputes, and application of North Carolina state law.
You may request deletion of your Personal Information by sending an e-mail to [email protected]. Please note that some information may remain in our records after deletion of your account.
freefireplaces.com may amend this Privacy Policy from time to time. Use of information we collect now is subject to the Privacy Policy in effect at the time such information is used. If we make changes in the way we use Personal Information, we will notify you by changing this document and posting on our website. Users are bound by any changes to the Privacy Policy when he or she uses the Services (including through any App) after such notice has been provided.
If you have any questions or concerns regarding privacy in connection with the Services, please send us a detailed message at [email protected]. We will make every effort to resolve your concerns.


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Australian Studies Institute KUCCPS Admission Letter 2023 | See how to DownloAUSIad
Did KUCCPS Offer you Admission into the Australian Studies Institute (AUSI) for the 2023/2024 Academic year yet? This post is for you because it will guide you on how to obtain the Australian Studies Institute Admission Letter.
The KUCCPS Admission Letter: The official Australian Studies Institute Admission Letter is a document that indicates that you have been offered provisional admission into any degree program at the University.
In order to be certified as a formal student of any tertiary institution in Kenya, you will be issued an admission letter from your institution.
How to Check AUSI KUCCPS Admission Letter 2023/2024
AUSI Admission Letters contain information about the school offered admission, the faculty/school/college, department, the degree you are pursuing, and the duration of the course, basically everything you need to know about your admission.
How to Check Australian Studies Institute (AUSI) KUCCPS Admission Letter 2023/2024
Before you proceed to Download your Australian Studies Institute Admission Letter, it's recommended to check your KUCCPS admission status on the portal
- Visit: KUCCPS Admission Letters
- Enter Your Index Number for example 0000000000/2023 and Click Login
- Download your admission Letter and Joining admission Instructions
- The admission letter will be password protected. To open it enter your index number as a password for example 00000000000/2023
- Print it
- Go to the Australian Studies Institute Admission Portal via https://ausi.anu.edu.au/
- Log in with your Application Details, i.e Your username, and password or index number.
- Navigate to the Admission Letter section to download and print your KUCCPS admission letter.
NOTE: Admission Letters will be available for download on the institution's Portal.


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June 13, 2011
Annual adjustment of fee-based trigger for additional mortgage loan disclosures
For immediate release
The Federal Reserve Board on Monday published its annual adjustment to the amount of fees that triggers additional disclosure requirements under the Truth in Lending Act and the Home Ownership and Equity Protection Act of 1994 for home mortgage loans that bear rates or fees above a certain amount.
The dollar amount of the fee-based trigger has been adjusted to $611 for 2012 based on the annual percentage change reflected in the consumer price index that was in effect as of June 1, 2011.
The adjustment is required by statute and is effective January 1, 2012. The adjustment does not affect the rules for "higher-priced mortgage loans" adopted by the Board in July 2008. Coverage of mortgage loans under the July 2008 rules is determined using a different rate-based trigger.
The Home Ownership and Equity Protection Act restricts credit terms such as balloon payments and requires additional disclosures when total points and fees payable by the consumer exceed the fee-based trigger or 8 percent of the total loan amount, whichever is larger.
For media inquiries, call 202-452-2955.


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Mouse Sock – Oops a Daisy
5.23 € alv 0% - 6.49 € alv 24%
A treat for your feet, this wonderful pair of socks features an adorable mouse stitched onto super soft bamboo material. As well as being naturally anti-bacterial, moisture wicking, super soft, warm and breathable, our socks are kind to the environment too. One size (women's) 100% Oeko-Tex Bamboo with nylon stitching. Each pair of socks comes with a beautifully illustrated gift bag making a wonderful gift.


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Please visit our Open House at 504 1171 JERVIS ST in Vancouver.
Open House on Sunday, March 10, 2019 2:00PM - 4:00PM
A gorgeous two bedroom corner home with huge outdoor living space perched to view the beautiful treed west end and Stanley Park. Intelligent space planning maximizes natural light, creating a smooth transition between indoor & outdoor living. Inside, the home offers some of the finest finishing available in Vancouver luxury living with a premium line of Gaggenau appliances, dual millwork wardrobes & bathrooms wrapped in marble. Outside is a generous living area that is plumbed with gas for BBQs warm fire features. The Jervis is a collection of 58 modern, design focused homes developed by Vancouver's premier developer, Intracorp in partnership with Inform Interiors. Measurements are approx. & taken from strata plan.


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