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Last Updated on January 16, 2022 by Constitutional Militia
On April 19, 1775, the battles of Lexington and Concord on the outskirts of Boston ignited the conflict that led to the most momentous political event of man's history – the Declaration of Independence and the birth of America. In the early morning hours of that day, a command of British troops was dispatched from Boston to search out and confiscate stores of militia weapons and supplies at Concord. On the way they confronted a small and unimposing band of armed American militia at Lexington. The British Major John Pitcairn shouted out, "Ye villains, ye Rebels, disperse; damn you, disperse! Lay down your arms!"
The American militia were under the command of Captain John Parker; and their orders were to remain non-antagonistic to the British. They were outnumbered by almost ten to one. So why didn't they lay down their arms when ordered to do so? "Because," says constitutional scholar Edwin Vieira, "free men with a duty to keep and bear arms never willingly lay down their arms. And at Lexington, none of them did." The heroic militia Captain John Parker warned his men, "If they mean to have a war let it begin here." And begin it did.
Importance of the State Militias
With his newest book, The Sword and Sovereignty, Edwin Vieira, Jr., has given us a magisterial work that meticulously documents the history of the early American militias and why similar units must be revitalized today if we are to adequately confront our disintegration as a society and restore the republic that the Founders gave us. It is a book that will profoundly shock 98 percent of Americans. It is so overpowering in its legal logic and constitutional veracity that the intellectuality of Cicero and Plutarch comes to mind as one reads the prose. It is not a book that can be read lightly; it demands a tolerance for legal thought and abstract conceptualization. But for those "men of the mind" who understand the importance of ideas in the unfolding of history, the effort will be most rewarding. You will be shown an entirely new way of seeing things regarding guns, militia, the Second Amendment, homeland security, how they intertwine and how they have been grossly misrepresented by quisling, pseudo-experts of the establishment.
For the first 125 years of our history, the "Militia of the several States" was a highly honored institution that played a vital role in preserving the concept of federalism upon which our system of freedom depends. This ended with the Militia Act of 1903, which shifted the "Militia of the several States" into National Guard units under the auspices of the national military. State and local control was eliminated.
In addition, as Vieira tells us, over the past century decades "of disuse, misuse, and abuse have so thoroughly muddled the meaning of 'Militia' in contemporary American political discourse that the word is hardly ever encountered except as invective, usually well-freighted with vituperative adjectives such as 'extremist' and 'violent', broadcast by the enemies of constitutional government (and their dupes and other 'useful idiots') for the purpose of intimidating into silence the people they intend to oppress as soon as the vast majority of Americans has been thoroughly disarmed through one form of 'gun control' or another."
Anybody today with a modicum of brains can see that our nation is being transformed into a "first-class police state." Homeland Security and Washington's outrageous "Patriot Acts" are Alice in Wonderland institutions that have taken us a giant step down the path to Orwell's nightmare. Our military-industrial complex grows exponentially. The Federal Government has become a Godzilla of ugliness and menace. Our congressmen are Machiavellian schemers wallowing in sophistic mazes and treason to truth.
Vieira's answer to this pernicious evolution is startling. As with all big thinkers in history, he asks us (like Steve Jobs did to his comrades at Apple) to "Think Different!" He maintains that America cannot be saved unless she revitalizes her original concept of the "Militia of the several States." The Sword and Sovereignty explains – in 1,945 pages of text and 305 pages of appendixes, tables, and notes – why this must be done and how to constitutionally do it. Magisterial scholarship is putting it mildly.
History and Restoration of the Militias
The book explores the legal history of the pre-constitutional Militia statutes of colonial times to demonstrate that armed and well-regulated Militias formed on the state level are what the Founders intended for the provision of "homeland security." The monstrosity of today's centralized Homeland Security Department in Washington is not needed; a revival of the "Militia of the several States" and unequivocal acknowledgement of the people's right to bear arms will give us everything we require. This will decentralize "security" in the country and help greatly to check the ominous peril of the military-industrial complex.
Many Americans will perceive this as a quixotic attempt to turn back the clock and revive a hopeless anachronism that prevailed in the era of flintlock muskets and tri-cornered caps. Not so. Vieira demonstrates his points legally with the same overpowering logic that Ludwig von Mises puts forth economically in Human Action. Mises was relentless in rational destructions of the socialists' sinister fallacies. So too is Vieira in his dismantling of the arguments of today's collectivist control freaks.
After he traces the legal history of pre-constitutional Militia and gun statutes, he then lays out seventeen fundamental principles (in seventeen chapters) to define how the constitutional structure and service of a revitalized "Militia of the several States" would be validated. When one is done reading these seventeen chapters, he sees clearly that a revitalization of the state Militias is constitutionally legitimate and workable in the modern day. Whether or not they can be revived is, of course, an open question. There is huge opposition in all establishment schools, bureaucracies, and courts to such a radical restructuring of society's power relationships. But Vieira demonstrates in compelling fashion why and how it can be done if Americans still have the will.
One of the most profound parts of the book is its explanation in Chapter One of the present day fallacy of "judicial supremacy," showing how the Supreme Court is not the ultimate judge of "what the law is." Congress stands above the Court and may stipulate how the Judges are to interpret the laws. But most importantly, the People stand above Congress, for they are the creators of Congress via the Constitution. WE THE PEOPLE rule in America, not congressional despots and judicial oligarchs.
As the famous eighteenth century jurist, Sir William Blackstone, stated in Commentaries on the Laws of England, "whenever a question arises between the society at large and any magistrate vested with powers originally delegated by that society, it must be decided by the voice of the society itself: there is not upon earth any other tribunal to resort to."
Thus the salvation of America must come with reassertion of the citizens' fundamental right to decide the ultimate issues of their lives. Through political techniques such as nullification on the part of juries and state governments the overweening excesses of today's Federal Government and its bureaucratic thugs can be brought to heel.
It is important to understand that Vieira is NOT proposing "private" Militias, the likes of which we have seen in recent years from racial supremacy groups and neo-Nazi extremists. What Vieira is proposing is the revitalization of governmentally created and legitimized Militia units among the states that our Constitution calls irrevocably for. These will be legislated and regulated by the state governments. They will be official government bodies in all the towns and cities of the land, not rogue factions that operate from wilderness hideouts. The leftist establishment media will, no doubt, attempt to portray Vieira's plan as the promotion of wilderness wackos reveling in burning crosses and white sheets; but hopefully learned Americans will recognize such smear tactics as the inexcusable liberal vacuity that it is.
Benefits of Militia Restoration
There are so many benefits to such a revitalization. As Vieira writes, "Today, at every level of the federal system, America is woefully unprepared to deal effectively with hurricanes, tornados, floods, earthquakes, and other natural disasters; with major industrial accidents, such as leakages from offshore oil-drilling rigs or meltdowns of nuclear power plants; with epidemics and pandemics; with crop failures and possibly attendant famines; with invasions through the Volkerwanderung of illegal immigration; with economic breakdowns, and in particular a collapse of this country's monetary and banking systems; and with the myriad threats posed by real terrorism. '[W]ell regulated Militia', however, not only could deal with the consequences of such events, but also could forefend many of them."
In addition, the Militia can be used to investigate the constitutionality of the laws that they execute, they can supervise honest elections, they can help to repel a foreign power invasion, they can help local police, they can be very instrumental in defeating the machinations of globalism, etc.
Another crucial point to grasp is that the revitalized Militia will not be in any way a part of the regular military, nor will they be under the thumb of Congress. This is the way the Constitution established them in the beginning, and this is the way they must be revived. They will be institutions of unity and defense at the state government level. Their revival will begin the vital process of restoring "federalism."
Owning Guns Not Enough
Vieira explains that the individual right to bear arms as a defense against tyranny will not suffice in and of itself. "For, confronted by usurpers and tyrants deploying 'standing armies' and para-militarized police forces, or by hordes of foreign invaders, armed individuals in isolation or in small groups would likely prove feckless."
Thus we need the establishment of collective, coordinated state Militias, which is why the Second Amendment says, "A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed."
Revitalized Militias will build a protective wall between ourselves and all tyrants. "Because 'the Militia of the several States' are State governmental institutions," says Vieira, "no contemporary form of 'gun control' can be applied to them or their members by either Congress or the States' legislatures. Rather, it is the duty of Congress and the States' legislatures to see that all members of the Militia are properly armed, not to any degree disarmed." Thus the gun controllers will be stopped dead in their tracks.
The pre-constitutional colonial and state statutes during the 150 years leading up to 1787, demonstrate irrefutably that Militias organized on the state and local levels were held by the patriots of the era to be vital for the defense of freedom and order in the republic. The modern day is no different; in fact, such institutions are even more vital. Upon this right of individual and local self-defense, there can be no compromise.
Most libertarians and conservatives are aware of the recent testimony in front of Congress by Suzanna Hupp regarding our right to bear arms. She was one of the victims of the tragic Luby's massacre in Killeen, Texas in 1991 and lost both her parents to the gun-toting madman. She testified to our Washington solons that if she had been allowed to carry the gun she owned in her purse, she would have been able to kill the madman and would have saved numerous lives including her parents.
Then she topped off her heroic testimony with these searing words as she stared Senator Charles Schumer and his imperious cronies right in the eyes: "I am sitting here getting more and more fed up with all of this talk about these pieces of machinery having no legitimate sporting purpose, no legitimate hunting purpose. People, that is not the point of the Second Amendment. The Second Amendment is not about duck hunting….It is about our rights, all of our rights to be able to protect ourselves from all of you guys up there."
How to Bring About the Revitalization
The Militias of early America in both pre and post Constitution eras were basically compulsory institutions. The states mandated that all able-bodied men were subject to membership and duty. In other words the states had the right to impress citizens into the Militia. This, of course, will not be acceptable to the libertarian community of the modern day. So if the Militias are to be revived, they will have to be voluntarily joined as Independent Militia Companies formed by the state governments. And this is the procedure that Vieira advocates. Independent Militia Companies must spring up under the auspices of the state governments via volunteers.
Vieira goes into detail, however, explaining how the early American viewpoint was that membership in the Militias had to be compulsory, and that eventually they should be formed into such units as Americans are educated in this upcoming century toward their duties as well as their rights in maintaining a free republic. He makes a very passionate case for regaining the "all for one and one for all" spirit that animated early Americans' willingness to tolerate compulsory membership in their local Militias. Being a political libertarian, I would disagree on this point and rely permanently on voluntary units as the undergirding structure to revitalization. The Militias might not work as efficiently, and their memberships might not be spread as evenly among all citizens, but they will be a lot safer units of government under volunteer recruitment policies.
The Founders understood the power lusting nature of man and the necessity for citizens to be armed and organized at all times as protection from their rulers. Suzanna Hupp understands this. Edwin Vieira understands it. And now we as a people must come to realize it. Our right to bear arms has nothing to do with duck hunting. State Militias have nothing to do with wilderness wackos.
"The struggle that has been thrust upon Americans," writes Vieira, "is not one to preserve the uniquely American way of life, but to restore it." The plague of factions and collectivist usurpers has decimated the republic. "Today, the true America exists only as fleeting, dissipating shadows of her former self."
The Sword and Sovereignty's message will go a long way toward restoring that resplendent America we lost. It is a profoundly patriotic work of powerful impact that can direct our intelligentsia toward a rediscovery of our real roots. Any thinking man or woman today who fears for America's survival needs to tackle this book. It is available in CD format at Amazon.
Editor's note: The Daily Bell published an extensive interview with Edwin Vieira on Sunday, February 10th, available here, discussing key topics of his book, The Sword and Sovereignty.

subset: commoncrawl


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CAIRO – A moderate Islamist campaigning to be Egypt's next president has won the support of some unlikely allies — the country's most conservative religious groups, including former militant jihadists.
Their backing reflects the growing mistrust by many Islamists of the powerful Muslim Brotherhood, the would-be flagbearer for the religious vote. And it has made Abdel-Moneim Abolfotoh a front-runner with an unusual coalition that includes secular liberals and even some Christians along with hard-line Islamists.
"He (Abolfotoh) will be a president for all Egyptians," Wael Ghonim, an icon of the youthful revolutionaries behind the uprising that toppled Hosni Mubarak last year, wrote on his Twitter account Monday.
"He will bring us together, not divide us."
Before he was thrown out last year, Abolfotoh was a senior leader of the Muslim Brotherhood — now Egypt's most powerful political force. He earned the reputation as a moderate reformer within the Islamic fundamentalist group.
But the bearded, 60-year-old former dissident eventually fell out with the group after publicly slamming it for not being transparent about its financing and irking his fellow Brothers by saying he would rather have a good Christian than a bad Muslim as president — contradicting the movement's line that majority Muslim Egypt should not be ruled by a Christian.
Now he is one of the few candidates with crossover appeal for both religious conservatives and liberals.
The endorsements and other key developments over recent days dramatically shifted the fortunes of Abolfotoh from a promising underdog to a real contender. The biggest change came when the election commission disqualified three strong candidates — Hosni Mubarak's former spy chief and vice president, Omar Suleiman, the Brotherhood's first choice candidate Khairat el-Shater and ultraconservative lawyer-turned-preacher Hazem Salah Abu Ismail.
Abolfotoh's newfound support comes from the ultraconservative Islamists known as Salafis. They adhere to an interpretation of Islam partly inspired by Saudi Arabia's puritanical Wahhabi doctrine and want to see Islamic law strictly applied in Egypt.
Their backing eats into the chances of Mohammed Morsi, the second choice candidate of the Muslim Brotherhood, which won just under half of all seats in parliamentary elections around the start of this year. Abolfotoh's growing strength also provides Amr Moussa, Mubarak's longtime foreign minister and a front-runner himself, with a formidable competitor for the land's highest office.
"Our top priority was: Who has the biggest chance to win? And we found that Abolfotoh has that chance," said Sheik Abdel-Akhar Hamad, a top leader of the Gamaa Islamiya, the jihadist group that endorsed Abolfotoh on Monday.
The group was partially motivated by its fear of the Brotherhood's "desire to monopolize power," Hamad said.
In many ways, the May 23-24 presidential election will answer the persistent question of whether the popular uprising that toppled Mubarak has actually transformed Egypt from autocratic rule to a functioning democracy or whether it just removed the head, Mubarak, but left the regime intact, as many of the liberal youth groups claim.
That someone like Abolfotoh has a realistic shot at being president also speaks to the stunningly swift empowerment of Islamists in post-Mubarak Egypt and their emergence as a the nation's most powerful group after years of persecution. The candidate was imprisoned multiple times under the Mubarak regime, once for five years.
Abolfotoh, according to an opinion poll conducted by the state-funded Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies, has the support of 27 percent of voters, well behind Moussa who has 41 percent. The poll surveyed 1,200 participants in most of Egypt's 28 provinces and has a 3 percent margin of error. It was conducted in mid-April.
The poll indicates Abolfotoh is likely to face Moussa in a June 16-17 runoff. The winner will be announced June 21, the last stop in a bumpy transitional process led by the generals who took over from Mubarak last year and promised to step down by July 1.
Official campaigning kicked off Monday.
Abolfotoh has been cagey about the state of his relations with the Brotherhood, leaving the exact nature of current ties to the group ambiguous.
That may be motivated in part by his hopes of wooing the votes of young Brotherhood members who are at odds with the group's leaders over policy, particularly the reversal of initial insistence that they would not field a presidential candidate.
However, his views on core Islamic issues set him apart from the fundamentalist Brotherhood on questions such as the role of women and Christians in mainly Muslim Egypt and whether there is a need to implement Islamic Shariah laws, such as forcing women to respect a strict Islamic dress code in public.
"The greatest thing in Shariah is freedom and justice," Abolfotoh told a television interviewer recently. "Some people think that you can force people to pray or punish them for not praying. Forcing people against their individual rights create a hypocrite person. When women wear hijab (Islamic headscarf) because they fear punishment, this is religious hypocrisy."
Such moderate views raise the question of what Abolfotoh offered in return for the endorsements he received.
For example, the Gamaa Islamiya took part in the planning and execution of President Anwar Sadat's 1981 assassination and fought a low intensity insurgency against Mubarak's regime for the rest of the 1980s and most of the 1990s to create a purist Islamic state.
The Gamaa's nod to Abolfotoh followed a more important endorsement over the weekend from a group that is just as radical — the ultraconservative Dawa Salafiya and its political arm Al-Nour party, which leads a bloc that controls nearly 20 percent of parliament's seats. Al-Nour, like the Gamaa, advocates the implementation of a strict interpretation of Shariah laws that many view as unfair to women, minority Christians and secularists.
"We felt that it is too much for the Muslim Brotherhood to have it all: parliament with its two chambers, the presidency and the Cabinet," senior Gamaa official Assem Abdel-Maged said. "This is harmful to the whole Islamist movement."
Yasser Bourhami, an influential ultraconservative cleric from the Dawa Salafia, said Abolfotoh pledged to the group that, if elected, he would allow the Islamist bloc in parliament, the chamber's largest, form the government and allow the Salafis a free rein to preach in mosques and religious schools.
"He (Abolfotoh) is the most accepted by the people. He is the most balanced," he said in videotaped comments posted on social networks. "This is what we think is the best for this phase."


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Robert Heron Bork
Further Readings
Robert Heron Bork, conservative legal scholar, author, and former federal appellate judge, was one of President Ronald Reagan's most controversial nominees for the U.S. Supreme Court.
When Bork was nominated to the Supreme Court in July 1987 his opponents ridiculed him as an archconservative who wanted to take away the rights and freedoms enjoyed by the political mainstream. They may have been surprised to learn that Bork began his career at the other end of the political spectrum. Born March 1, 1927, in Pittsburgh, Bork spent his high school and college years as a socialist. He attended the University of Chicago, where he received his bachelor's degree in 1948. In 1952, as a University of Chicago law student, Bork was a NEW DEAL liberal supporting ADLAI STEVENSON for president. Eventually, however, his political philosophy changed to embrace free-market LIBERTARIANISM: the law and economics program at the University of Chicago, a bastion of free enterprise research and laissez-faire economic theory, convinced Bork that government should not intervene in the economy.
Bork received his law degree in 1953. After serving two hitches in the U.S. Marine Corps he practiced for a large law firm in Chicago, where he specialized in ANTITRUST LAW. In 1962, Bork accepted a position teaching antitrust and CONSTITUTIONAL LAW at Yale University. At Yale, he developed his doctrine of "original intent and judicial restraint," which stated that courts can protect only the rights that are guaranteed in the Constitution; all other rights are subject to limitation by Congress and the legislatures. In deciding which rights are to be afforded constitutional protection, courts must be guided by the ORIGINAL INTENT of the Constitution's Framers. For example, the FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT was intended to grant EQUAL PROTECTION under the laws to black citizens; therefore, Bork argued, it cannot be used to approve or mandate AFFIRMATIVE ACTION for women.
President RICHARD M. NIXON appointed Bork SOLICITOR GENERAL in 1973. Later that year, by order of Nixon and at the request of the attorney general, who had resigned in protest against the order, Bork fired Special Prosecutor ARCHIBALD COX at a crucial stage of the WATERGATE investigation.
Those events came to be known as the Saturday Night Massacre. In 1977 Bork returned to Yale, and in 1981 he left Yale for private practice in Washington, D.C. The following year President Reagan appointed him to the U.S. Court of Appeals, District of Columbia Circuit. On July 1, 1987, Bork was nominated to the Supreme Court to replace retiring associate justice LEWIS F. POWELL JR.
Over the years, Bork criticized many Supreme Court decisions. In a 1963 article in The New Republic, Bork attacked the proposed Public Accommodations Act—which became title II of the CIVIL RIGHTS ACT OF 1964 (78 Stat. 2441, 42 U.S.C.A. § 2000a)—as an infringement of the right of free association. Eight years later, in an article in the Indiana Law Journal, Bork summarized his view of the Constitution and pointed out Court decisions that, in his opinion, were unconstitutional. He declared that the Constitution provided no unwritten protections and therefore guaranteed no right to privacy, contrary to what the Court had established in GRISWOLD V. CONNECTICUT, 381 U.S. 479, 85 S. Ct. 1678, 14 L. Ed. 2d 510 (1965). Privacy, Bork said, was a free-floating right not derived in a principled fashion from the Constitution. If no right of privacy existed in Griswold, then, according to Bork, the landmark ABORTION case ROE V. WADE 410 U.S. 113, 93 S. Ct. 705, 35 L. Ed. 2d 147 (1973) was wrongly decided.
Similarly unprincipled, said Bork, were the decisions of the WARREN COURT that affected voting practices and established the principle of "one person, one vote." Bork also said POLL TAXES (devices often used to keep poor blacks from voting in the South) were not necessarily unconstitutional. In addition, according to Bork, the FIRST AMENDMENT should protect only political speech. When he was solicitor general, Bork criticized Shelley v. Kraemer, 334 U.S. 1, 68 S. Ct. 836, 92 L. Ed. 1161 (1948), a landmark CIVIL RIGHTS decision that outlawed the enforcement of restrictive covenants in the courts. Finally, Bork publicly expressed his belief that it would be healthy to reintroduce religion into the public schools.
In the summer of 1987 the United States witnessed the most contentious Supreme Court confirmation battle in the 200-year history of the Constitution. The battle over Bork's confirmation turned into a fight-to-the-finish for ideological
control of the Court and in a very real sense for the Constitution itself. Bork was a prolific legal scholar who had left a vast "paper trail" for his opponents to pore over in the search for ammunition to block his appointment to the Court. While leaders of the political right such as the Reverend Jerry L. Falwell and Pat Robertson praised Bork as a savior for a "morally misguided" Court, a coalition of prominent civil rights and other organizations, including the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), Common Cause, People for the American Way, the NATIONAL ORGANIZATION FOR WOMEN, the National Abortion Rights Action League, and the AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION, came together quickly to fight the nomination. LOBBYING efforts on both sides of the struggle were aggressive. Clearly, both liberals and conservatives saw the Bork nomination as the culmination of all previous showdowns between the left and the right throughout the Reagan administration. Liberals were particularly determined to stop the nomination. Despite evidence to the contrary, the White House continued to insist that Bork was a moderate conservative like Justice Powell and a model practitioner of judicial restraint.
Bork's confirmation hearing before the SENATE JUDICIARY COMMITTEE in September 1987 seemed to hurt his appointment more than any criticisms since the announcement of his nomination. His testimony further stirred his critics to label Bork as much further to the right on the political and legal spectrum than many Americans. In addition, during the hearings, Bork revised or backed down from some of his previous positions, which seemed to indicate that he was willing to change his mind in order to gain the nomination. Commentators believe that this helped convince many undecided senators to vote against him. On October 6 the Senate Judiciary Committee rejected Bork's nomination by a vote of 9–5. In a vote by the full Senate on October 23, Bork's nomination to the Supreme Court was rejected by a margin of 58 to 42.
Critics of original intent saw Bork's rejection as a victory for the perception of the Constitution as a "living" instrument, to be adapted to human needs by a judiciary with sufficient discretion to decide what public values are important enough to protect from majority rule. Bork's supporters called him a victim of liberal attacks.
Bork resigned from the court of appeals in 1988 and joined the American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, a prominent Washington-based think tank. As a senior fellow at the Institute, Bork continued to write and comment on U.S. law and society. Bork published numerous articles and has been a frequent legal commentator on various television shows.
In books such as The Tempting of America: The Political Seduction of the Law (1989), The Antitrust Paradox: A Policy at War with Itself (2d ed. 1993), and Slouching Toward Gomorrah: Modern Liberalism and American Decline (1996), Bork espoused his strongly conservative views. He advocated CENSORSHIP of certain rap lyrics as well as explicit sexual material found on the INTERNET. He has written that liberals and feminists have helped to destroy the morality of the United States and that there is a relationship between illegitimate births and crime rates.
Additional topics
Law Library - American Law and Legal InformationFree Legal Encyclopedia: Bill of Particulars to William Benson Bryant


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Para la traducción al español, haga clic aquí.
The increase in fires burning in Brazil set off a storm of international outrage last week. Celebrities, environmentalists, and political leaders blame Brazilian president, Jair Bolsonaro, for destroying the world's largest rainforest, the Amazon, which they say is the "lungs of the world."
Singers and actors including Madonna and Jaden Smith shared photos on social media that were seen by tens of millions of people. "The lungs of the Earth are in flames," said actor Leonardo DiCaprio. "The Amazon Rainforest produces more than 20% of the world's oxygen," tweeted soccer star Cristiano Ronaldo. "The Amazon rain forest — the lungs which produce 20% of our planet's oxygen — is on fire," tweeted French President Emanuel Macron.
And yet the photos weren't actually of the fires and many weren't even of the Amazon. The photo Ronaldo shared was taken in southern Brazil, far from the Amazon, in 2013. The photo that DiCaprio and Macron shared is over 20 years old. The photo Madonna and Smith shared is over 30. Some celebrities shared photos from Montana, India, and Sweden.
To their credit, CNN and New York Times debunked the photos and other misinformation about the fires. "Deforestation is neither new nor limited to one nation," explained CNN. "These fires were not caused by climate change," noted The Times.
But both publications repeated the claim that the Amazon is the "lungs" of the world. "The Amazon remains a net source of oxygen today," said CNN. "The Amazon is often referred to as Earth's 'lungs,' because its vast forests release oxygen and store carbon dioxide, a heat-trapping gas that is a major cause of global warming," claimed The New York Times.
I was curious to hear what one of the world's leading Amazon forest experts, Dan Nepstad, had to say about the "lungs" claim.
"It's bullshit," he said. "There's no science behind that. The Amazon produces a lot of oxygen but it uses the same amount of oxygen through respiration so it's a wash."
Plants use respiration to convert nutrients from the soil into energy. They use photosynthesis to convert light into chemical energy, which can later be used in respiration.
What about The New York Times claim that "If enough rain forest is lost and can't be restored, the area will become savanna, which doesn't store as much carbon, meaning a reduction in the planet's 'lung capacity'"?
Also not true, said Nepstad, who was a lead author of the most recent Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change report. "The Amazon produces a lot of oxygen, but so do soy farms and [cattle] pastures."
Some people will no doubt wave away the "lungs" myth as nit-picking. The broader point is that there is an increase in fires in Brazil and something should be done about it.
But the "lungs" myth is just the tip of the iceberg. Consider that CNN ran a long segment with the banner, "Fires Burning at Record Rate in Amazon Forest" while a leading climate reporter claimed, "The current fires are without precedent in the past 20,000 years."
While the number of fires in 2019 is indeed 80% higher than in 2018, it's just 7% higher than the average over the last 10 years ago, Nepstad said.
One of Brazil's leading environmental journalists agrees that media coverage of the fires has been misleading. "It was under [Workers Party President] Lula and [Environment Secretary] Marina Silva (2003-2008) that Brazil had the highest incidence of burning," Leonardo Coutinho told me over email. "But neither Lula nor Marina was accused of putting the Amazon at risk."
Coutinho's perspective was shaped by reporting on the ground in the Amazon for Veja, Brazil's leading news magazine, for nearly a decade. By contrast, many of the correspondents reporting on the fires have been doing so from the cosmopolitan cities of São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, which are 2,500 miles and four hours by jet plane away.
"What is happening in the Amazon is not exceptional," said Coutinho. "Take a look at Google web searches search for 'Amazon' and 'Amazon Forest' over time. Global public opinion was not as interested in the 'Amazon tragedy' when the situation was undeniably worse. The present moment does not justify global hysteria."
And while fires in Brazil have increased, there is no evidence that Amazon forest fires have.
"What hurts me most is the bare idea of the millions of Notre-Dames, high cathedrals of terrestrial biodiversity, burning to the ground," a Brazilian journalist wrote in the New York Times.
But the Amazon forest's high cathedrals aren't doing that. "I saw the photo Macron and Di Caprio tweeted," said Nepstad, "but you don't see forests burning like that in the Amazon."
Amazon forest fires are hidden by the tree canopy and only increase during drought years. "We don't know if there are any more forest fires this year than in past years, which tells me there probably isn't," Nepstad said. "I've been working on studying those fires for 25 years and our [on-the-ground] networks are tracking this."
What increased by 7% in 2019 are the fires of dry scrub and trees cut down for cattle ranching as a strategy to gain ownership of land.
Against the picture painted of an Amazon forest on the verge of disappearing, a full 80% remains standing. Half of the Amazon is protected against deforestation under federal law.
"Few stories in the first wave of media coverage mentioned the dramatic drop in deforestation in Brazil in the 2000s," noted former New York Times reporter Andrew Revkin, who wrote a 1990 book, The Burning Season, about the Amazon, and is now Founding Director, Initiative on Communication & Sustainability at The Earth Institute at Columbia University.
Deforestation declined a whopping 70% from 2004 to 2012. It has risen modestly since then but remains at one-quarter its 2004 peak. And just 3% of the Amazon is suitable for soy farming.
Both Nepstad and Coutinho say the real threat is from accidental forest fires in drought years, which climate change could worsen. "The most serious threat to the Amazon forest is the severe events that make the forests vulnerable to fire. That's where we can get a downward spiral between fire and drought and more fire."
Today, 18 - 20% of the Amazon forest remains at risk of being deforested.
"I don't like the international narrative right now because it's polarizing and divisive," said Nepstad. "Bolsonaro has said some ridiculous things and none of them are excusable but there's also a big consensus against accidental fire and we have to tap into that."
"Imagine you are told [under the federal Forest Code] that you can only use half of your land and then being told you can only use 20%," Nepstad said. "There was a bait and switch and the farmers are really frustrated. These are people who love to hunt and fish and be on land and should be allies but we lost them."
Nepstad said that the restrictions cost farmers $10 billion in foregone profits and forest restoration. "There was an Amazon Fund set up in 2010 with $1 billion from Norwegian and German governments but none of it ever made its way to the large and medium-sized farmers," says Nepstad.
Both the international pressure and the government's over-reaction is increasing resentment among the very people in Brazil environmentalists need to win over in order to save the Amazon: forests and ranchers.
"Macron's tweet had the same impact on Bolsonaro's base as Hillary calling Trump's base deplorable," said Nepstad. "There's outrage at Macron in Brazil. The Brazilians want to know why California gets all this sympathy for its forest fires and while Brazil gets all this finger-pointing."
"I don't mind the media frenzy as long as it leaves something positive," said Nepstad, but it has instead forced the Brazilian government to over-react. "Sending in the army is not the way to go because it's not all illegal actors. People forget that there are legitimate reasons for small farmers to use controlled burns to knock back insects and pests."
The reaction from foreign media, global celebrities, and NGOs in Brazil stems from a romantic anti-capitalism common among urban elites, say Nepstad and Coutinho. "There's a lot of hatred of agribusiness," said Nepstad. "I've had colleagues say, 'Soy beans aren't food.' I said, 'What does your kid eat? Milk, chicken, eggs? That's all soy protein fed to poultry.'"
Others may have political motives. "Brazilian farmers want to extend [the free trade agreement] EU-Mercosur but Macron is inclined to shut it down because the French farm sector doesn't want more Brazilian food products coming into the country," Nepstad explained.
Despite climate change, deforestation, and widespread and misleading coverage of the situation, Nepstad hasn't given up hope. The Amazon emergency should lead the conservation community to repair its relationship with farmers and seek more pragmatic solutions, he said.
"Agribusiness is 25% of Brazil's GDP and it's what got the country through the recession," said Nepstad. "When soy farming comes into a landscape, the number of fires goes down. Little towns get money for schools, GDP rises, and inequality declines. This is not a sector to beat up on, it's one to find common ground with."
Nepstad argued that it would be a no-brainer for governments around the world to support Aliança da Terra, a fire detection and prevention network he co-founded which is comprised of 600 volunteers, mostly indigenous people, and farmers.
"For $2 million a year we could control the fires and stop the Amazon die-back," said Nepstad. "We have 600 people who have received top-notch training by US fire jumpers but now need trucks with the right gear so they can clear fire breaks through the forest and start a backfire to burn up the fuel in the pathway of the fire."
For such pragmatism to take hold among divergent interests, the news media will need to improve its future coverage of the issue.
"One of the grand challenges facing newsrooms covering complicated emergent, enduring issues like tropical deforestation," said journalist Revkin, "is finding ways to engage readers without histrionics. The alternative is ever more whiplash journalism — which is the recipe for reader disengagement."
Read more on this topic at Forbes:


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Program Courses
CSS Fundamentals
HTML Fundamentals
Introduction to Coding
Other Online Certificates and Courses
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After taking this course in "Introduction to Coding", you will be introduced to the basics of computer programing and various programing languages. New technologies allow people outside of the computer science field to be able to create their own web pages using code. Students will learn the basics of HTML, CSS, and Java Script in this course, as well as the practical uses for each.
One month, Jeff Kritzer, instructor.
Unit 1: Introduction to Programming
Types of programming languages
Practical Uses of Programing
Text Editors
Unit 2: Basic HTML/CSS
Introduction to HTML
Introduction to CSS
Making a Simple Web Page
Unit 3: Drawing and Coloring using Code
Elements of Java Script
Basic Drawing Using Code
Basic Coloring Using Code
Unit 4: Basic Animation using Code
Uses of Animation
Animation Basics
Making a Simple Animation
About online learning
Online learning is a fun, enjoyable and very productive way to learn. Millions of people are learning online each year. You will engage with the instructor and other participants. You will get to know your instructor and other participants. You may make friends. It's easy. It's fun.
How the Course Works
It is easy to participate in your online course. After you register, you will be given a web address to go to get into your online classroom. You will have a password and use your email address and password to gain access.
Once inside the online classroom, here's what you can expect.
Participate when you want
You can participate any time of day or evening. The online classroom is open 24 hours a day, 7 days a week.
There are no live real-time requirements or meetings. You decide when you participate.
For the best learning, participants should log into the course on 2-3 different days of the week.
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For each Unit, you will:
Read the print readings (about 20 pages a week)
Have the option of accessing the online readings
Listen to the audio presentation for the Unit and view the slides
Have the option of taking a self-quiz to see how much you have learned
Engage in written online discussion with your instructor and other participants
For best learning, you should make one or more comments at 2-3 different times each week.
The content (readings, audio lectures, slides) and self quizzes are accessible for the entire course, so you can work ahead, or go back and review again, at your convenience.
CSS Fundamentals
August 5 -
November 4 -
HTML Fundamentals
October 7 -
November 1
Introduction to Coding
September 3 -
Jeff Kritzer has many years of experience in online instructional technology. He recently completed the "Advanced Online Instructor" certificate with the Online Learning Consortium. He has a Ph.D in Education and is currently a Professor in Teacher Education at a leading Midwestern University.
Course Objectives
The objectives of this course are as follows:
- To introduce students to computer programing.
- To teach the basics of HTML & CSS Code.
- To teach the basics of Java Script
- To teach students how to make a simple web page.
- To teach how to draw and color using code
- To teach how to make simple animation using code.
Course Outcomes
After successfully completing the course you will:
- be able to write simple HTML code.
- be able to make a simple webpage.
- be able to draw and color using code
- be able to make a simple animation.


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Earlier this year, guitarist Ernie Jackson — a 1987 music graduate of Wagner college — got a call from the Metropolitan Museum of Art for a most unusual gig: Would he play the Met's 1860s-era Martin guitar for a video series featuring all the playable guitars in the Met's collection?
In August, he made the recording, surrounded by marble Renaissance statuary from the Castle of Vélez Blanco.
His rendition of the "Rochester Schottisch," a 19th-century piece composed by W. H. Rulister and arranged by Justin Holland, was released this week on YouTube. (You'll find the video at the end of this story, below.)
How did this gig come about? There's a little history behind it.
Jackson first heard the "Rochester Schottisch" when he was a freshman music major at Wagner. His classmate, John Salvaggio '87, played it in a concert of the Wagner College Guitar and Lute Ensemble, under the leadership of instructor Ed Brown. The year was 1983, the centennial year of Wagner College, and to mark the occasion Brown had organized a concert of "Popular Song Hits of Wagner College's First Year, 1883."
The piece stuck with Jackson — as did the story of Justin Holland, one of America's first guitar virtuosos, a prominent teacher, composer and arranger who, like Jackson, was African American.
After finishing at Wagner, Jackson continued his studies in classical guitar at the Manhattan School of Music under David Starobin. It was there, in a studio full of top-notch guitarists from around the world, that Jackson decided that he wanted to make his mark as the rare African-American man in the world of classical guitar.
"I'm the black guy from Brooklyn. I felt out of my league," Jackson told me. "I'm just a funky guy who can do it."
In 1995, his book came out: "The Music of Justin Holland, 1817–1887: Ten Solo Pieces Arranged by the Prominent 19th-Century African-American Classical Guitarist." Jackson had spent a year doing archival research, transcribing manuscripts and studying with Ed Brown again before completing recordings of the pieces.
In 2004, he performed Holland's dazzlingly virtuosic arrangement of "Home, Sweet Home" with the Richmond County Orchestra.
But Jackson is a man with many musical irons in the fire — he has taught guitar, music production and audio engineering at Wagner College and at Queensborough Community College, where he is now a tenured professor and leads the jazz ensemble. He's also the man behind Jamsire Ernoir, who "delivers more than a few jaw-droppers and knuckle-busters" in the instructional video series "Fingerstyle Funk." He felt like he was basically "done with classical guitar" — until he got the call from the Met this summer. A former student of Jackson's and current member of the Metropolitan Museum's Visiting Committee for Musical Instruments, Stephen Griesgraber, thought of Jackson to play the Martin guitar because he knew of Jackson's peerless expertise in the music of Justin Holland.
The Met's musical video series features guitarists including Jackson's old teacher, David Starobin, as well as the young virtuosos Jorge Caballero and Vladimir Gorbach. The recordings are available on the Met's website and in display kiosks in the museum.
— Story by Wagner Magazine editor Laura Barlament


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I am trying to reconcile data that I have found in one publication (Allen 1969) with data that I found in another publication (George 2003) that synthesized this data. The data is root respiration rate, it was originally measured at $27\ ^\circ C$.
I am trying to convert a rate of oxygen consumed as volume per mass of root per time to carbon dioxide produced as mass per unit mass per time.
In the appendix table, George 2003 reports the range of root respiration rates, converted to $15\ ^\circ C$ and standard units:
$$[11.26, 22.52] \frac{\mathrm{nmol CO}_2}{\mathrm{g}\ \mathrm{s}}$$
In the original publication Allen (1969), root respiration was measured at $27\ ^\circ $C. The values can be found in table 3 and figure 2. The data include a minimum (Group 2 Brunswick, NJ plants) and a maximum (Group 3 Newbery, South Carolina), which I assume are the ones used by George 2003:
$$[27.2, 56.2] \frac{\mu\mathrm{L}\ \mathrm{O}_2}{10\mathrm{mg}\ \mathrm{h}}$$
Step 1
Transformed George 2003 measurements back to the measurement temperature using a rearrangement of equation 1 from George, the standardized temperature of $15\ ^\circ $C stated in the Georgeh table legend, and Q$_{10} = 2.075$ from George 2003, and the measurement temperature of $27\ ^\circ $C reported by Allen 1969:
$$R_T = R_{15}[\exp(\ln(Q_{10})(T- 15))/10]$$
$$[11.26, 22.52] * exp(log(2.075)*(27 - 15)/10)$$
Now we have the values that we would have expected to find in the Allen paper, except that the units need to be converted back to the original:
$$[27.03,54.07] \mathrm{nmol CO}_2\ \mathrm{g}^{-1}\mathrm{s}^{-1}$$
Step 2: convert the units
Required constants:
- inverse density of $\mathrm{O}_2$ at $27^\circ C$: $\frac{7.69 \times 10^5\ \mu\mathrm{L}\ \mathrm{O}_2}{\mathrm{g}\ \mathrm{O}_2}$ first assume that Allen converted to sea level pressure (101 kPa), although maybe they were measured at elevation (Allen may have worked at \~{} 900 kPa near Brevard, NC)
- molar mass of $\mathrm{O}_2$: $\frac{32\mathrm{g}\ \mathrm{O}_2}{\mathrm{mol}}$
- treat 10mg, which is in the unit of root mass used by Allen, as a unit of measurement for simplicity
Now convert $$[27.03,54.07] \mathrm{nmol CO}_2\ \mathrm{g}^{-1}\mathrm{s}^{-1}$$ to units of $\frac{\mu\mathrm{L}\ \textrm{O}_2}{10\mathrm{mg}\ \mathrm{root}\ \mathrm{h}}$. The expected result is the original values reported by Allen: $[27.2, 56.2] \frac{\mu\mathrm{L}\ \mathrm{O}_2}{10\mathrm{mg}\ \mathrm{h}}$
$$[27.03, 54.07]\ \frac{\mathrm{nmol}\ \mathrm{CO}_2}{\mathrm{g}\ \mathrm{root}\ \mathrm{s}} \times \frac{1\ \mathrm{g}}{100\times10\mathrm{mg}} \times \frac{3600\ \mathrm{s}}{\mathrm{h}} \times \frac{3.2 \times 10^{-8}\ \mathrm{g}\ \mathrm{O}_2}{\mathrm{nmol}\ \mathrm{O}_2}\times \frac{7.69\times10^5\ \mu\mathrm{L}\ \mathrm{O}_2}{\mathrm{g}\ \mathrm{O}_2}$$
$$[23.8, 47.8] \frac{\mu\mathrm{L}\ \textrm{O}_2}{10\mathrm{mg}\ \mathrm{h}}$$
These are the units reported in the Allen paper, but they appear to be underestimates . Since the ratio of observed:expected values are different, it is not likely that Q$_{10}$ or the atmospheric pressure at time of measurement would explain this error.
Am I doing something wrong?
- Reference 1: Allen, 1969, Racial variation in physiological characteristics of shortleaf pine roots., Silvics Genetics 18:40-43
- Reference 2: George et al 2003, Fine-Root Respiration in a Loblolly Pine and Sweetgum Forest Growing in Elevated CO2. New Phytologist, 160:511-522
Footnote 1: The values from reference 2 are adjusted from the $15^\circ C$ reference temperature to the $27^\circ C$ in reference 1 using the Ahhrenius equation, but I am off by an order of magnitude so I do not think that this is relevant:
$$R_T = R_{15}[\exp(\ln(Q_{10})(T- 15))/10]$$
$$[26.9, 54.0] = [11.2, 22.5] * exp(log(2.075)*(27 - 15)/10)$$
note: I have been updating the equation based errors pointed out by Mark and rcollyer, but the problem remains


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Retail - Peach Skin - PS01
Retail - Peach Skin - PS01
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Unit price
Price is per half metre.
Please remember this when adding to cart; 1 = 50cm / 2 = 1 metre etc.
Fabric Bases and Care Instructions
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Shipping & Returns
We currently ship our items Australia Wide & Internationally, upon request.
We also offer the option for pick up, for any of our customers who are local to the South East Region of Victoria, Officer.
We currently ship using Australia Post and our prices align with all Australia Post - Tracked Parcel rates.
All items come with a tracking number to ensure timely delivery of your package.
For any special requests, please email Jamie at: email@example.com
Digital Printing Disclaimer
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Draft Waste Incidental to Reprocessing Evaluation for Test Bed Initiative Demonstration, also known as Low-Level Waste Offsite Disposal Project at the Hanford Site, Washington
The U.S. Department of Energy is holding a 90-day public comment period on its Draft Waste Incidental to Reprocessing (WIR) Evaluation for the Test Bed Initiative (TBI). The Draft WIR Evaluation assesses whether approximately 2,000 gallons of separated, pretreated, and solidified low-activity waste from Tank SY-101 at the Hanford Site is incidental to the reprocessing of spent nuclear fuel, is not high-level radioactive waste, and may be managed as low-level radioactive waste, under the criteria in Section II.B.(2)(a) of the U.S. Department of Energy (DOE) Manual 435.1-1, Radioactive Waste Management Manual.
The comment period runs from Nov. 5, 2021 to Feb. 2, 2022. A virtual public meeting will be held on Nov. 18, 2021, from 1 to 4 p.m. PT. To participate via Microsoft Teams, please follow the instructions below:
Join on your computer or mobile app Click here to join the meeting Video Conference ID: 119 939 149 6 Or call in (audio only) +1 509-931-1284 United States, Spokane (833) 633-0875 United States (Toll-free) Phone Conference ID: 803 557 595#
DOE won't be collecting comments at the public meeting. All comments should be submitted electronically by Feb. 2, 2022, to firstname.lastname@example.com (preferred), or via mail to:
U.S. Department Energy Attn: Jennifer Colborn P.O. Box 450, MSIN H6-60 Richland, WA 99354
More information, including the Draft WIR Evaluation and supporting technical document, is available electronically on the Hanford website. The summary fact sheet is attached to this message.
Questions? Please contact Jennifer Colborn, at firstname.lastname@example.com.
To request disability accommodation, please contact Jennifer Colborn, email@example.com, prior to the event.
Fact Sheet
Nov. 18, 2021 Virtual Public Meeting:


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Honda will voluntarily recall approximately 554,000 model-year 2002-2004 CR-V and model-year 2003 Pilot vehicles in the United States to inspect and replace components of the headlight wiring system. There is a potential failure with the wiring of the headlight switch which may cause the low beam headlights to become inoperative. The loss of the low beam headlights may increase the risk of a crash. No crashes or injuries have been reported related to this issue.
Honda is announcing this recall to encourage owners of all affected vehicles to take their vehicles to an authorized dealer as soon as they receive notification of this recall from Honda. Mailed notification to customers will begin in late-April 2012. In addition to contacting customers by mail, in late-April, owners of these vehicles will be able to determine if their vehicles require repair by going on-line to www.recalls.honda.com or by calling (800) 999-1009, and selecting option 4.


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We've all heard the expression, "you are what you eat." But how much do you actually know about your food? We turn to expert Nigel van der Horst for some advice on how to create a healthy plate of food for ultimate nourishment.
Take a look at your plate. What do you see?
I'll tell you what I see—I see nutrients. We should all start looking at what we eat a bit differently. But we can only do that if we have the basic knowledge about what's in our food. That's why I'd like to share some of this knowledge with you, so you can start making healthier decisions right away.
Carbohydrates: fuel for the body
Carbohydrates contain 4 kilocalories per gram and are mainly used by the body as fuel—including your brain and central nervous system. Carbohydrates are sometimes called sugars that we divide into two types: simple (monosaccharides or disaccharides) or complex (polysaccharides). Milk and milk products, fruit, candy, baked goods and white sugar are some examples of simple carbohydrates. Complex carbohydrates can be found in bread, grains, potatoes, legumes and vegetables.
Proteins: building blocks
Just like carbohydrates, proteins contain 4 kilocalories per gram and are very important for the body. They are the building blocks, necessary for building cell structure, muscle mass and for maintaining the muscular system. They're also integral to hormone production, enzymes and neurotransmitters and cause a satiating effect. The amount and quality of proteins differs widely per product. Proteins mainly exist in animal products, such as meat, fish, milk, cheese and eggs. Plant-based products can also contain (relatively) a lot of protein: breed, (wholegrain) cereals, nuts, seeds and legumes (like soy).
Fat: it's not all bad for you
Unlike carbohydrates or proteins, fat contains 9 kilocalories per gram. Fats give us energy, protect our internal organs against the cold and assist cell growth. Fats are categorized as saturated, unsaturated and essential fatty acids. Essential fatty acids are unsaturated fatty acids that the body cannot produce on its own, such as omega 3 (the fatty acid found in fish) and linoleic acid. Saturated fats are generally bad for your health because they elevate your cholesterol level. Unsaturated fat, however, actually has a positive effect on the circulatory system. You can find the most saturated fats in animal products as well as in cake, cookies and snacks. Unsaturated fatty acids are mostly in organic products like olive oil, nuts, seeds and pips, along with liquid baking and cooking products, fatty fish and avocado.
Fibres: the digestive system's best friend
Fibres are plant-based nutrients that belong in the carbohydrate group but are not absorbed or digested by the small intestine. Fibres have a positive effect on the bowels as well as a satiating effect. Fibres are mostly found in vegetables, fruit, potatoes, bread, wholegrain cereals, legumes and nuts.
Vitamins and minerals and trace elements: health boosters
Unlike carbohydrates, proteins and fat, vitamins and minerals are not converted to energy. They are, however, essential for your health. They're needed in micro amounts, but if you have a deficiency, this can cause lots of health issues: chronic tiredness, insomnia and concentration problems, just to name a few. In extreme cases, not ingesting enough can cause bone disorders and neurological issues. Vitamins, minerals and trace elements are present in all kinds of food, which is why dieticians used the word "variation" so much when they're discussing them.
Your guidelines for a healthy plate
Now that you know a bit about all the nutrients that are present in your food, you can start thinking about building a healthy plate. Here are some basic guidelines:
- Carbohydrates: 3-4 grams per kg of body weight
- Protein: 1-1.5 grams per kg of body weight
- Fat: 0.8-1 gram of fat per kg of body weight
- Vegetables: 375-500 grams per day
- Fruit: 300 grams per day
This is what the body needs to maintain a healthy weight.
How to lose weight
A lot of people take the wrong approach when it comes to losing weight. They reduce their food intake severely and work out more, which produces an "energy hole" where you're burning much more than you're eating—this is impossible to do over a long period of time.
Instead, you should start by eating 300-500 fewer calories per day. Or, work out for an hour to burn those 300-500 calories. I don't recommend doing both at the same time, as it becomes very difficult to maintain and the chance that you'll revert back to your old ways out of frustration is big. You need to learn how to deal with it gradually: for example, for the first 2-3 weeks, try eating a ½ meal less. See how this goes and let your body adjust. Replace a high-calorie meal with a low-calorie one, eat earlier in the day and eat less at night. If you eat out a lot, remember that the portions you get at a restaurant are typically larger than what you have at home, so take that into account and eat a bit less the rest of the day or workout a bit more. It's all about balance.
These aren't huge adjustments—it's about being conscious of what you're doing and why you're doing it. If you incorporate thee tips into your daily life, you'll feel more comfortable in your own skin, make healthier choices and attain that perfect balance in your eating patterns.


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WASHINGTON, Nov. 4, 2011 — Defense Secretary Leon E. Panetta today provided a personal recap of his recent trip to Indonesia, Japan and South Korea in a message to the men and women of the Defense Department.
Here is the secretary's message:
Last week, I traveled to the Asia-Pacific region for the first time as Secretary of Defense. I took this opportunity to reassure our many allies and partners there of the continued U.S. commitment to Asia-Pacific security. The message I conveyed at all my stops was that the U.S. is and will remain a Pacific power, that we are rebalancing to focus on the Asia-Pacific as a strategic priority, and that we are committed to sustaining and enhancing our military presence in the region.
The first stop on my trip was Bali, Indonesia, where we arrived after a 22 hour non-stop flight from Washington, DC aboard the "Doomsday Plane." After that long flight, I was certainly in need of spiritual rejuvenation, and was pleased to begin my first day by attending mass with Indonesian Defense Minister Purnomo. Amid the busy pace of these trips, it feels good to stop and offer a few prayers for our troops and their families.
Over the course of two days in Bali, I had excellent meetings with Indonesia's President Yudhoyono and Defense Minister Purnomo during which I sought to strengthen our growing defense ties with this key partner. This year alone, the U.S. is conducting more than 150 activities, exchanges, and visits with the Indonesian military. My warm discussions with these leaders emphasized ways to further cooperation between our militaries in three key areas � humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, maritime security, and peacekeeping. I also commended Indonesia's leadership in the region, emphasized our commitment to assisting Indonesian efforts on defense reform and modernization, underscored the importance of military adherence to human rights standards, and listened to their views on regional security.
Indonesia has emerged as a key supporter of regional multilateral organizations, and the centerpiece of my trip to Bali was a meeting with the Association of Southeast Asian Nation (ASEAN) Defense Ministers. This was the first time a U.S. Secretary of Defense has met with ten ASEAN counterparts in what is called a "10+1" setting. In my session with the ASEAN Defense Ministers, I stressed the United States' enduring commitment to freedom of navigation, and I underscored our support for a common approach to maritime security that is consistent with international law and norms.
I also reinforced our enduring commitment to the region's emerging multilateral security architecture, and our support for the ASEAN Security Community. This gathering of Southeast Asia defense ministers was also an ideal setting in which to deliver my key message: that the U.S. is rebalancing to focus on the Asia-Pacific as a strategic priority. The ministers conveyed their appreciation, noting that my presence demonstrated tangible evidence of the renewed U.S. commitment to the region.
I then traveled to Tokyo, where I met with Japanese Prime Minister Noda, Foreign Minister Gemba, and Defense Minister Ichikawa. While I've had the opportunity to visit Japan in other capacities, this was my first trip to Japan as Secretary of Defense. The historic Alliance between our two countries serves not only the defense of Japan, but has proven a cornerstone of peace and stability in the Asia Pacific region for more than fifty years. My meeting with Minister Ichikawa afforded us the chance to build a stronger working relationship and to discuss a range of issues relating the security and stability of the region � including North Korea's provocative behavior, China's growing military capabilities, and the realignment of U.S. forces in Japan.
Regarding the realignment of U.S. forces in Japan, Minister Ichikawa assured me of the Government of Japan's intention to move forward with the steps necessary for the Futenma Replacement Facility, a critical initiative in our effort to maintain a strong forward deployed presence in the Asia-Pacific region, to realign our forces in Japan, and reduce the impact of our bases in Okinawa. We also confirmed our commitment to the establishment of an operational Marine presence on Guam.
I also held two town hall gatherings with hundreds of U.S. and Japanese Self Defense Force service members. The first was on Yokota Air Base with U.S. and Japanese forces that participated in relief operations following the March 2011 earthquake and tsunami. The event provided an excellent opportunity to not only show my appreciation for the troops, but to point out that the speed and effectiveness with which they responded resulted directly from sustained U.S.-Japan investments over the years in readiness and capability. Working closely together for these many years, our militaries have forged close bonds that proved their enormous value when disaster struck.
The second event took place on board USS Blue Ridge, the 7th Fleet command ship, and included sailors from several ships forward-deployed to Yokosuka Naval Base, all of which supported the disaster response operation, Operation Tomodachi. On Blue Ridge, I was briefed on the extraordinary efforts of the entire 7th Fleet during Tomodachi: some 22 ships, over 150 aircraft and more than 19,000 personnel mobilized, working non-stop, for twenty seven days delivering supplies, conducting search and rescue, and evacuating injured. It was truly an impressive feat. We helped Japan, a true friend, stand back up after they'd been knocked down. Our Japanese friends are still standing, and because of their impressive resilience, and the fantastic efforts of our remarkable men and women in uniform, they will come back stronger than ever.
My final stop on our whirlwind trip through Asia was the Republic of Korea (ROK). Earlier in October, I had the opportunity to host ROK President Lee and Defense Minister Kim at the Pentagon as part of President Lee's state visit. So it was a great opportunity to be able to visit them in their own country, and continue to deepen and strengthen our working relationship. The U.S.-ROK alliance has existed for more than 60 years, yet it remains as strong today as the day it was formed.
The main reason I stopped in Korea was to conduct the 43rd annual Security Consultative Meeting (SCM) with Defense Minister Kim. But I also took the opportunity to meet with the ROK Foreign Minister and President Lee to convey the U.S. commitment to ROK security and our continued presence and purpose in Asia. In all of these office calls, my central message was to reaffirm the strength of the U.S.-ROK Alliance and our continued commitment to deterring North Korean aggression. General Marty Dempsey, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, was also present for these meetings; it meant a lot to convey these reassurances with him there, and he added his valuable military perspective to these discussions. Perhaps most importantly, we provided a path forward to reassure and gain ROK agreement that we will deal with future North Korean provocations as an Alliance.
I told my Korean counterpart that I can vividly recall the moment when, as a boy, I heard the news that the United States was fighting on the Korean peninsula. It was shortly after World War II, and I remember the concern that my parents had, and that I felt myself, that America was now entering another world war. The minister told me that he was a baby at the time of the invasion, and his mother was carrying him when a plane flew overhead, and she put an umbrella over him to try and protect him as they ran for cover in a cave. Now, both of us are leaders charged with the responsibility to maintain the strong alliance between the United States and Korea, to ensure that, hopefully that kind of war never happens again.
One of my final events in South Korea was a town hall meeting with U.S. service members � and their Korean Augmentee partners � at Yongsan Post. This was a great opportunity to thank these brave men and women who serve literally on the frontlines of one of the world's critical hotpots. I thanked them, and their families � both those on the peninsula and those at home awaiting their loved ones' return, for the sacrifices they've made. I truly believe that the support and sacrifice provided by our military families is central to the strength of our military � they quietly serve as the critical foundation for our nation's security. Questions from the troops focused on benefits and retirement � a reminder that the budget debates in Washington, DC, are very closely followed by all of our troops around the world. I returned inspired to do everything I can to fight for them and their quality of life.
In summary, this trip covered a lot of ground � both in terms of policy and actual travel � over seven days in meetings with counterparts from 12 different nations. I was able to get our messages out that we remain engaged in Asia, that we are working with our Allies to broaden our traditional partnerships, that we are supportive of regional multilateral architectures, and that we seek a constructive relationship with a responsible China.
Ultimately, the strength of these partnerships rests on our standing as the strongest military in the world, and the strength of that force rests in you, the men and women of the Department, who work every day to defend our country, and advance our interests in the world.
U.S. Department of Defense
Office of the Assistant Secretary of Defense (Public Affairs)