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Last modified: 2012-07-18 by klaus-michael schneider
Keywords: hamburg | coat of arms (castle: white) |
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Lesser Arms Kleines Landeswappen |
Middle Arms Mittleres Landeswappen |
Greater Arms Großes Landeswappen |
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Translated from Hamburger Wappen:
The oldest coat of arms of Hamburg has been retained on a city seal of 1241. It probably existed long before that: a castle with three towers. Over the middle tower there was a cross even then, indicating certain church in the city. The towers and the walls with their pinnacles and the closed gate symbolized the determination of the town to defend itself. The so-called Stars of Mary (Mariensterne) on top of the two side-towers recalls the fact that Hamburg used to be an archbishopric. During the centuries the towers, walls, pinnacles and symbols of the coat of arms of Hamburg changed several times, without changing in character. The use of city seals with the coat of arms was in olden times a privilege of the City Council; the city elders had to watch its maintenance. Even now the coat of arms is protected and can only be used under specific circumstances.
Jarig Bakker, 30 March 1999
Three variants of the arms are used in Hamburg:
Sources: Hesmer 1992, Schurdel 1995, Laitenberger and Bassier 2000 and Gaedechens 1855.
Marcus Schmöger, 30 May 2001
back to Hamburg index page click here.


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Translating our client's ideas into beautiful custom jewelry to celebrate the iconic moments in life since 1996.
The Seattle shop was our first large scale facility with room for 50+ artists. It includes a state of the art casting and production shop, all visible to the public. The design studio has 14 design stations, private meeting rooms and a full scale coffee and wine bar.
Green Lake Jewelry Works opened its doors on Seattle's Green Lake Drive in 1996. Since then, its craftspeople have grown to win national recognition for excellence in the art of fine jewelry making with two distinct workshops where each piece is made by hand.
Custom jewelry at Green Lake always begins with ideas, inspirations, and a sketch, where the many design elements that make for the perfect ring are discovered through ideation.
Oftentimes, a ring will go through many iterations and changes along the way before the final look is achieved.
GIA Graduate Gemologist, GIA AJP. Sophia combines a flair for artistic design and technical expertise in jewelry creation, as well as client vision and taste to produce stunningly beautiful, unique pieces that will light up the room. Sophia has examined and sourced thousands of gemstones, and her experience can both articulate exactly what clients are looking for in a gemstone as well as assess qualities often missed by the naked eye. Throughout her studies in fine arts and metalsmithing at the University of Washington, she developed creative and professional skills that make her an invaluable asset to Green Lake—and a trusted designer to our clients. Sophia is a Graduate Gemologist through the Gemological Institute of America (GIA). Sophia is Green Lake's most prolific designer with over 2000 completed custom pieces and literally hundreds of named 5 star reviews from these satisfied clients.
Engineering the X, Y, and Z coordinates of a design is not only a way to inform sophisticated milling and growing machines to create a model; they're also a powerful way to communicate the vision for a ring.
Realistic renderings and physical models help transform sketched ideas into reality in an interplay between the client, the designer and the CAD team, all of whose input and ideas help create something that both looks right and fits perfectly.
The entire Green Lake project team collaborates on each piece, adding nuanced details and subtle improvements to the design, all while making sure that design cohesiveness, stability on the finger, and stone security are perfected.
Each ring in a small casting batch shares a common vein of gold or platinum, from where it's cut and prepared for setting. Rough castings first need to be carefully cleaned and polished before more bench work can be done. Even the inner surfaces are carefully detailed.
Green Lake's use of gold and platinum comes from 100% recycled or certified Fairmined sources. We are one of the nation's first adopters of recycled casting grain certified by SCS Global Services. Today we return all scrap and unused noble metals for refining in a transparent supply chain.
All areas of old-world jewelry making are completed in a single workshop. Master gold and platinumsmiths receive rings from casting and set to care for each pieces as a one-of-kind, collaborating with designers to ensure each detail is included.
It required steady hands and confident mastery to set your gemstone for a lifetime of confident wear. Gems can be especially small and terribly rare, so the responsibility for this final stage in crafting a ring falls to our most experienced professionals.
Each custom made item in the Green Lake workshop receives a final polish before it's carefully inspected and reviewed for standards of excellence. Each project is at last stamped with the Green Lake leaf quality mark before delivery.

subset: commoncrawl


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According to TWICE, the U.S. Department of Energy (DOE) has approved plans and awarded funding to 50 states and territories for rebates on Energy Star-qualified appliances under its State Energy Efficient Appliance Rebate Program (SEEARP).
The appliance equivalent of "cash for clunkers" has been allocated $300 million in stimulus funds, which will provide consumers with rebates of between $50 and $200 on energy-efficient refrigerators, dishwashers, clothes washers, air conditioners and water heaters.
The stimulus effort is expected to boost white-goods sales by as much as 20 percent, industry executives have said.
Unlike the auto industry program, trade-ins are not federally mandated under the "Cash for Appliances" effort, although the DOE is encouraging states to incorporate recycling into their programs in an effort to rid the energy grid of old "clunker" appliances.
But the biggest — and most problematic — difference is the state-level implementation, which has resulted in a nationwide patchwork of rules, stipulations and start dates, and an administrative challenge for manufacturers and national and multiregional chains.
For example, several states are limiting their programs to low-income or rural applicants, while others are restricting their rebates to heating and cooling appliances. And many states, such as California and Ohio, require recycling of "clunker" appliances, and others like Florida and Illinois will provide an additional rebate for consumers who dispose of their old appliances in a responsible manner.
To help consumers navigate the maze of varying requirements, dealers are bringing sales associates up to speed on their respective state's plans, and both retailers and vendors have created dedicated Web sites, such as Sears.com/energystar, that provide program details, tracking tools and links to DOE's informational site, www.energysavers.gov/rebates.
Specifically, Sears' sales associates and Web site will:
send email notifications to registered customers when state programs go "live";
offer details on the individual state rebate programs, including when and how much will be available, and any guidelines that may apply; and
assist consumers with the responsible removal and disposal of their old appliances, as needed.
Similarly, Bosch, the premium majap manufacturer, has created a Bosch Rebate Resource Center site at www.boschappliancerebates.com.
The Energy Department is expected to approve SEEARP plans submitted by all 56 U.S. states and territories, with the first major marketing campaign likely to launch by Presidents Day weekend.
Consumers will be able to receive existent Energy Star rebates in addition to the Cash for Appliance subsidies.
States receiving the most majap stimulus funding include California ($35.3 million), New York ($18.7 million) and Florida ($17.6 million).


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Tag: Henry Paulson
Larry Summers collected $5.2 million last year from his part-time job with a hedge fund.
$5.2 million for a part-time job!
One day per week!
"And just in case you ever get a big job in Washington, Larry, remember who your friends are!"
(2 comments, 342 words in story) There's More :: Permalink :: Comments
Our "establishment" is corrupt, and public outrage about the AIG bonuses is a very good thing, because it scares the corrupt "elite," and fear is the only force that can control those monsters.
This is only half right, as far as it goes, but it doesn't go quite far enough, and stops at a politically safe distance from the Oval Office, which is exactly where the buck is supposed to stop, and where Barack Obama continues to enable and support the most corrupt financial "establishment" since exactly the same corrupt "establishment" produced the Great Depression.
(6 comments, 592 words in story) There's More :: Permalink :: Comments


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Event Series:
Group Workout Session
Group Workout Session 5:15-6:15
April 15, 2026 @ 5:15 pm - 6:15 pm
Colette Reichert, an ACE certified cancer exercise specialist, leads participants in a group workout focusing on cardio, strength, flexibility and balance.
All physical abilities are welcome to attend and chairs will be available for those who prefer.
Cost: Free for cancer survivors


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Introduction and Summary
After a year marked by riots over cartoon portrayals of Muhammad, a major terrorist attack in London, and continuing wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, most Muslims and Westerners are convinced that relations between them are generally bad these days. Many in the West see Muslims as fanatical, violent, and as lacking tolerance. Meanwhile, Muslims in the Middle East and Asia generally see Westerners as selfish, immoral and greedy – as well as violent and fanatical.
A rare point of agreement between Westerners and Muslims is that both believe that Muslim nations should be more economically prosperous than they are today. But they gauge the problem quite differently. Muslim publics have an aggrieved view of the West – they are much more likely than Americans or Western Europeans to blame Western policies for their own lack of prosperity. For their part, Western publics instead point to government corruption, lack of education and Islamic fundamentalism as the biggest obstacles to Muslim prosperity.
Nothing highlights the divide between Muslims and the West more clearly than their responses to the uproar this past winter over cartoon depictions of Muhammad. Most people in Jordan, Egypt, Indonesia and Turkey blame the controversy on Western nations' disrespect for the Islamic religion. In contrast, majorities of Americans and Western Europeans who have heard of the controversy say Muslims' intolerance to different points of view is more to blame.
The chasm between Muslims and the West is also seen in judgments about how the other civilization treats women. Western publics, by lopsided margins, do not think of Muslims as "respectful of women." But half or more in four of the five Muslim publics surveyed say the same thing about people in the West.
Yet despite the deep attitudinal divide between Western and Muslim publics, the latest Pew Global Attitudes survey also finds that the views of each toward the other are far from uniformly negative. For example, even in the wake of the tumultuous events of the past year, solid majorities in France, Great Britain and the U.S. retain overall favorable opinions of Muslims. However, positive opinions of Muslims have declined sharply in Spain over the past year (from 46% to 29%), and more modestly in Great Britain (from 72% to 63%).
For the most part, Muslim publics feel more embittered toward the West and its people than vice versa. Muslim opinions about the West and its people have worsened over the past year and by overwhelming margins, Muslims blame Westerners for the strained relationship between the two sides. But there are some positive indicators as well, including the fact that in most Muslim countries surveyed there has been a decline in support for terrorism.
The survey by the Pew Global Attitudes Project was conducted in 13 countries, including the United States, from March 31-May 14, 2006. It includes special oversamples of Muslim minorities living in Great Britain, France, Germany and Spain. In many ways, the views of Europe's Muslims represent a middle ground between the way Western publics and Muslims in the Middle East and Asia view each other.
While Europe's Muslim minorities are about as likely as Muslims elsewhere to see relations between Westerners and Muslims as generally bad, they more often associate positive attributes to Westerners – including tolerance, generosity, and respect for women. And in a number of respects Muslims in Europe are less inclined to see a clash of civilizations than are some of the general publics surveyed in Europe. Notably, they are less likely than non-Muslims in Europe to believe that there is a conflict between modernity and being a devout Muslim.
Solid majorities of the general publics in Germany and Spain say that there is a natural conflict between being a devout Muslim and living in a modern society. But most Muslims in both of those countries disagree. And in France, the scene of recent riots in heavily Muslim areas, large percentages of both the general public and the Muslim minority population feel there is no conflict in being a devout Muslim and living in a modern society.
The survey shows both hopeful and troubling signs with respect to Muslim support for terrorism and the viability of democracy in Muslim countries. In Jordan, Pakistan and Indonesia, there have been substantial declines in the percentages saying suicide bombings and other forms of violence against civilian targets can be justified to defend Islam against its enemies. The shift has been especially dramatic in Jordan, likely in response to the devastating terrorist attack in Amman last year; 29% of Jordanians view suicide attacks as often or sometimes justified, down from 57% in May 2005.
Confidence in Osama bin Laden also has fallen in most Muslim countries in recent years. This is especially the case in Jordan, where just 24% express at least some confidence in bin Laden now, compared with 60% a year ago. A sizable number of Pakistanis (38%) continue to say they have at least some confidence in the al Qaeda leader to do the right thing regarding world affairs, but significantly fewer do so now than in May 2005 (51%). However, Nigeria's Muslims represent a conspicuous exception to this trend; 61% of Nigeria's Muslims say they have at least some confidence in bin Laden, up from 44% in 2003.
The belief that terrorism is justifiable in the defense of Islam, while less extensive than in previous surveys, still has a sizable number of adherents. Among Nigeria's Muslim population, for instance, nearly half (46%) feel that suicide bombings can be justified often or sometimes in the defense of Islam. Even among Europe's Muslim minorities, roughly one-in-seven in France, Spain, and Great Britain feel that suicide bombings against civilian targets can at least sometimes be justified to defend Islam against its enemies.
Anti-Jewish sentiment remains overwhelming in predominantly Muslim countries. There also is considerable support for the Hamas Party, which recently was victorious in the Palestinian elections. Majorities in most Muslim countries say that the Hamas Party's victory will be helpful to a fair settlement between Israel and the Palestinians – a view that is roundly rejected by Western publics (see "America's Image Slips, But Allies Share U.S. Concerns over Iran, Hamas," June 13, 2006).
In one of the survey's most striking findings, majorities in Indonesia, Turkey, Egypt, and Jordan say that they do not believe groups of Arabs carried out the Sept. 11, 2001 terrorist attacks. The percentage of Turks expressing disbelief that Arabs carried out the 9/11 attacks has increased from 43% in a 2002 Gallup survey to 59% currently. And this attitude is not limited to Muslims in predominantly Muslim countries – 56% of British Muslims say they do not believe Arabs carried out the terror attacks against the U.S., compared with just 17% who do.
But Muslim opinion on most issues is not monolithic, and there are some apparent anomalies in Muslims' views of the West and its people. While large percentages in nearly every Muslim country attribute several negative traits to Westerners – including violence, immorality and selfishness – solid majorities in Indonesia, Jordan and Nigeria express favorable opinions of Christians.
Moreover, there is enduring belief in democracy among Muslim publics, which contrasts sharply with the skepticism many Westerners express about whether democracy can take root in the Muslim world. Pluralities or majorities in every Muslim country surveyed say that democracy is not just for the West and can work in their countries. But Western publics are divided – majorities in Germany and Spain say democracy is a Western way of doing things that would not work in most Muslim countries. Most of the French and British, and about half of Americans, say democracy can work in Muslim countries.
Overall, the Germans and Spanish express much more negative views of both Muslims and Arabs than do the French, British or Americans. Just 36% in Germany, and 29% in Spain, express favorable opinions of Muslims; comparable numbers in the two countries have positive impressions of Arabs (39% and 33%, respectively). In France, Great Britain and the U.S., solid majorities say they have favorable opinions of Muslims, and about the same numbers have positive views of Arabs.
These differences are reflected as well in opinions about negative traits associated with Muslims. Roughly eight-in-ten Spanish (83%) and Germans (78%) say they associate Muslims with being fanatical. But that view is less prevalent in France (50%), Great Britain (48%) and the U.S. (43%).
In many ways, the views of Europe's Muslims are distinct from those of both Western publics and Muslims in the Middle East and Asia. Most European Muslims express favorable opinions of Christians, and while their views of Jews are less positive than those of Western publics, they are far more positive than those of Muslim publics. And in France, a large majority of Muslims (71%) say they have favorable opinions of Jews.
Moreover, while publics in largely Muslim countries generally view Westerners as violent and immoral, this view is not nearly as prevalent among Muslims in France, Spain and Germany. British Muslims however, are the most critical of the four minority publics studied – and they come closer to views of Muslims around the world in their opinions of Westerners.
Other Major Findings
- Concerns over Islamic extremism are widely shared in Western publics and Muslim publics alike. But an exception is China, where 59% express little or no concern over Islamic extremism.
- Muslims differ over whether there is a struggle in their country between Islamic fundamentalists and groups wanting to modernize society. But solid majorities of those who perceive such a struggle side with the modernizers.
- Fully 41% of the general public in Spain says most or many Muslims in their country support Islamic extremists. But just 12% of Spain's Muslims say most or many of the country's Muslims support extremists like al Qaeda.
- Nearly four-in-ten Germans (37%), and 29% of Americans, say there is a natural conflict between being a devout Christian and living in a modern society.
Roadmap to the Report
The first section of the report analyzes how people in predominantly Muslim countries and non-Muslim countries view each other. This section examines the positive and negative characteristics Muslims associate with Westerners – including Muslim minorities in four Western European countries – and the traits that non-Muslims associate with Muslims. Section II focuses on opinions about the state of relations between the West and Muslims. It also explores reasons people give for Muslim nations' lack of prosperity, attitudes to the recent controversy over cartoon depictions of Muhammad, and Muslim opinions on whether Arabs carried out the Sept. 11, 2001 terrorist attacks. Section III deals with the opinions of Muslim publics as to whether they see a struggle in their countries between modernizers and Islamic fundamentalists, the concerns that Muslims and non-Muslims alike share over the rise of Islamic extremism, and Muslim views on terrorism and Osama bin Laden.
The report includes excerpts from interviews conducted by the International Herald Tribune in selected countries to illustrate some of the themes covered by the survey. These interviews were conducted separately from the Pew Global Attitudes Project. The bulk of the interviews are with Muslims.
A description of the Pew Global Attitudes Project immediately follows. A summary of the methodology can be found at the end of this report, along with economic and demographic data on the countries surveyed, and complete topline results.
About the Pew Global Attitudes Project
The Pew Global Attitudes Project is a series of worldwide public opinion surveys encompassing a broad array of subjects ranging from people's assessments of their own lives to their views about the current state of the world and important issues of the day. The Pew Global Attitudes Project is co-chaired by former U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright, currently principal, the Albright Group LLC, and by former Senator John C. Danforth, currently partner, Bryan Cave LLP. The project is directed by Andrew Kohut, president of the Pew Research Center, a nonpartisan "fact tank" in Washington, DC, that provides information on the issues, attitudes, and trends shaping America and the world. The Pew Global Attitudes Project is principally funded by The Pew Charitable Trusts. The surveys of European Muslims were conducted in partnership with the Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life, another project of the Pew Research Center, which works to promote a deeper understanding of issues at the intersection of religion and public affairs.
Since its inception in 2001, the Pew Global Attitudes Project has released 14 major reports, as well as numerous commentaries and other releases, on topics including attitudes towards the U.S. and American foreign policy, globalization, terrorism, and democratization.
Findings from the project are also analyzed in America Against the World: How We Are Different and Why We Are Disliked, a recent book by Andrew Kohut and Bruce Stokes, a Pew Global Attitudes Project team member and international economics columnist at the >National Journal.
Pew Global Attitudes Project team members also include Mary McIntosh, president of Princeton Survey Research Associates International, and Wendy Sherman, principal at The Albright Group LLC. Contributors to the report and to the Pew Global Attitudes Project include Richard Wike, Carroll Doherty, Paul Taylor, Michael Dimock, Elizabeth Mueller Gross, Jodie T. Allen, and others of the Pew Research Center. The International Herald Tribune is the project's international newspaper partner. For this survey, the Pew Global Attitudes Project team consulted with survey and policy experts, regional and academic experts, and policymakers. Their expertise provided tremendous guidance in shaping the survey.
Following each release, the project also produces a series of in-depth analyses on specific topics covered in the survey, which will be found at pewresearch.org/pewresearch-org/global. The data are also made available on our website within two years of publication.


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Enlisted below are some Gamentio Poker rules to help you understand the game better :-
Buy-In: In Poker, players play based on what kind of stake they want to bet in a game. So, a Buy-In is the total value of stakes a player chooses to bet in each hand of Poker he/she plays. The total buy-in in Gamentio Poker is 100 times the value of the Big Blind.
All-In: This feature allows a player to bet all his available chips at any point during a hand being Played.
This feature allows players to Call a bet by using their remainder chips even when they don't have sufficient chips to match the bet being placed. The player is declared ''All-inâ and continues to participate in the game as though they have âCalledâ the bet normally. However, they can't win more money than the amount of their own bet from other players at the table.
Value of bets: The minimum bet a player can place is the same as the Big Blind. A player who chooses to Raise, adds an additional bet to the previous bet that has already been placed.
Sharing of the Pot: If two or more players have winning hands, the Pot then gets shared equally between the players.
Since the game requires a player to make the best 5 card hand possible. A Player can choose to do that by,
- Using both his hole cards and three community cards or,
- Using one hole card and four community cards or,
- Using all five community cards (this is called playing the board).
If all the players are playing the board then the Pot gets divided equally amongst all the active players.
Example: The community cards during a hand
- Player X has
- Player Y has
- Player Z has
This is a three-way tie, since all three players have Q-Q-9-9-A as their best hand. The pot will be split equally between X, Y and Z.
For the purpose of comparing hands all suits are equal.
Each player gets 15 seconds to make a move.
In the game of Poker each betting round comes to an end when, contribution to the Pot of each active player (player who has not folded) at the table is equal. This implies that either a player raises a bet (Raise), or, matches the bet being placed (Call or Check), or, Folds (leaves the game).
Gamentio deducts Rake at the rate of 4% on each hand played.
10 Unlocked Points will be deducted if a player fails to act in the stipulated time or abandons a game after the cards are dealt.
Ranking order of Poker hands
Rank of cards in ascending order :
Poker Glossary :
- Active Player : A player who has not folded and is still involved in the Pot.
- All-in : It's a special feature in Poker where, you can bet all your available chips in a single bet. A player can do this at any time during a hand.
- Ante : A fixed amount of forced bet that players are required to contribute before a hand is dealt.
- Bet : The first player to act on the Flop has the choice to place a Bet. The players that follow after, either Call or Raise.
- Big Blind : Compulsory bet made by the player sitting next to the Small Blind. The value of Big Blind is double that of the Small Blind.
- Buy-in : The total amount of Chips a player chooses to take to the table before he/ she starts playing.
- Call : To match a bet that has already been placed.
- Check : When a person who's chance it is to place a bet, chooses not to do so, he may ''check''. Herein, no money is bet. If other players also don't want to raise a bet they may do the same.
- Community Cards : Cards that are dealt face-up by the Dealer and can be used by all players.
- Dealer : The person who deals the cards, or, the person who has the dealer button while someone else physically deals the cards.
- Flop : The first three community cards are dealt together and are known as the Flop. This is the second round of betting in a Poker game.
- Flush : Five random cards of the same suit.
- Fold : If a player doesn't want to play further they Fold and exit the hand being played. Further betting has no effect on their chips.
- Four of a Kind : Four out of five cards are of the same rank.
- Fullhouse : Three of and kind with a pair.
- High Card : When no particular hand is being formed the player with the highest card(s) wins.
- Hole cards : Two individual cards dealt to each player, face down.
- One Pair : Two out of five cards belong to the same rank.
- Pot : It is the total value of bets placed during the hand. At the end of the hand the Pot amount is awarded to the winner.
- Pre-Flop : Name of betting round that takes place after Hole Cards are dealt but before the Community Cards are dealt. This is the first round of betting in a Poker hand.
- Raise : When a player wants to put in an additional bet its called a Raise. In no-limit versions (like Gamentio's) a player is free to raise a bet of any value.
- Rake : A small, fixed percentage of the Pot amount taken by the house as fees for conducting the game and providing other services.
- River : Also known as the Fifth, is the term used for the last community card dealt. This is the final betting round in a poker hand.
- Royal Flush : 10, Jack, Queen, King and Ace of the same suit.
- Showdown : The end of a hand when the cards of all the active players are revealed to evaluate the winner.
- Side Pot : This is a special situation in which two Pots run simultaneously, as, one player goes all-in and other players continue to bet.
- Small Blind : Small value of compulsory bet made by the person sitting next to the Dealer.
- Straight : Five consecutive cards belonging to different suits.
- Straight Flush : Five consecutive cards of the same suit.
- Three of a kind : Three out of five cards are of the same rank.
- Turn : Also known as the Fourth, is the term used for the fourth community card dealt. It's the third round of betting.
- Two Pairs : Four out of five cards are two different pairs.


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Ginger Carrot Cake
Michael is always on the quest for the perfect slice of Carrot Cake. The best yet is at Mario's Bohemian Cigar Store in North Beach served with a glass of their house-made Campari. However, not everyone can make the trek to San Francisco for a heaping slice, so he came up with this recipe. Make sure you serve the Cake to friends and family at room temperature.
Yields: 12-16 slices Time: About 3 hrs
Pecan Filling
- 1 ½ cup granulated cane sugar
- ¼ cup unbleached all-purpose flour
- ¾ teaspoon kosher salt
- 1 ½ cups heavy whipping cream
- ¾ cup unsalted butter
- 1 ½ cups pecans, toasted and coarsely chopped
- 2 teaspoons pure vanilla extract, preferably Madagascar Bourbon
- 8 ounces cream cheese, at room temperature
- 8 ounces unsalted butter, at room temperature
- 1 cup powdered cane sugar
- 1 teaspoon pure vanilla extract, preferably Madagascar
- 1 ½ cups shredded coconut, toasted
- 1 ¼ cups vegetable oil
- 2 cups granulated cane sugar
- 2 cups unbleached all-purpose flour
- 1 ½ teaspoons ground cinnamon
- ¼ teaspoon ground ginger
- 2 teaspoons baking powder
- 1 teaspoon baking soda
- 1 teaspoon kosher salt
- 4 extra-large eggs
- 4 cups grated carrot (about 8 large)
- 1 cup pecans, toasted and coarsely chopped
- ½ cup crystallized ginger, finely chopped
Preheat the oven to 300°F. Butter and flour one 9-inch cake pan.
Sift the flour, baking soda, cinnamon, ginger, baking powder, baking soda and salt into a medium bowl. Set aside.
In a large bowl whisk together the vegetable oil and sugar. Add half of the dry ingredients and stir to combine. Add the remaining dry ingredients in four parts, adding an egg between each addition.
Fold in the pecans, crystallized ginger and carrots.
Pour into the prepared pan, filling the pan ⅔ of the way high. Bake on the middle shelf of the oven for 70 to 75 minutes until a toothpick comes out clean. Let cool completely on a wire rack.
In a heavy saucepan combine the sugar, flour and salt. Gradually add the cream, stirring until blended.
Place the saucepan over low heat and add the butter. Stir until the butter has melted and then let simmer for 25 minutes. Remove from heat and cool to lukewarm before stirring in nuts and vanilla. Let cool completely until needed.
Cream the butter with cream cheese and beat until blended. Sift in the powdered sugar. Add the vanilla.
The frosting must be firm enough to spread without running. Refrigerate to firm as needed.
Loosen the cake from pan and invert on to a plate. Split the cake into two horizontal layers using a serrated knife. Spread the pecan cream filling between the layers of the cake and then cover the top and sides with the cream cheese frosting. Finish by pressing the toasted coconut around the side of the cake. Serve at room temperature.


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A society so riven that the spirit of moderation is gone, no court can save; . . . a society where that spirit flourishes, no court need save; . . . in a society which evades its responsibility by thrusting upon the courts the nurture of that spirit, that spirit in the end will perish.
-Judge Learned Hand
During the past three decades, a vision of the federal judiciary as the moral tutor appointed for a recalcitrant society has become dominant in the American legal academy and increasingly within the courts themselves. Most legal scholars, in one form or another, have embraced constitutional litigation as the ideal forum for moral evaluation of public policy. Rather than merely being the occasion for enforcement of a legal text by interpretation according to standards of law, the Supreme Court's exercise of judicial power to review the constitutionality of government decisions has become an opportunity for exploration of public virtue and national aspirations.
Michael J. Perry, a leading legal scholar, argues that judicial review should serve the role of "prophecy," calling us to a deeper understanding of ourselves through moral exhortation by the Supreme Court. Stanley Ingber, another prominent academic, envisions the Supreme Court as the "mediator" of a public dialogue, which he hopes will expand throughout society, but in which the Court holds the preeminent position in initiating and structuring a national discussion of fundamental values. Owen Fiss urges judges to avoid an "arid and artificial" focus upon the words and original meaning of constitutional provisions by instead reading "the moral as well as the legal text" of the Constitution. In sum, for most teachers in American law schools, constitutional law is seen as intertwined with moral philosophy, and court adjudication as the preferred venue for molding the American character.
In more recent years, the Supreme Court has lowered its profile and declined to encompass ever larger areas of public and private life within the realm of constitutional imperatives imagined and imposed by the courts. Most in the legal academy have decried this change in judicial attitude, arguing that the Court is abdicating its responsibility to reshape society and forge a national community based upon aspirational ideals.
Assuming the current trend in constitutional jurisprudence holds, we must ask whether such a course really is bad or whether it is a healthy development, reflecting a shift from a fixation on rights and judicial governance to democratic dialogue, political compromise, and discussion of values in a moral-cultural context. Should our society's dialogue about values proceed in the context of the Constitution, and more particularly, in the arena of constitutional litigation with primacy given to the courts as moral tutors?
In any event, it is far from clear that the Court truly has abandoned its arrogated role of national guidance counselor. The legal academy and its followers in the media appear to have a powerful influence upon the Court, especially given the apparent desire of the Court's justices to secure the praise of academic scholars and national reporters. Indeed, three justices in a deciding opinion recently asserted rather imperial authority, suggesting that the Court properly may instruct the public to defer to its resolution of a divisive issue and to follow loyally the path it has marked.
The Constitution is the framework of our national government and a guarantor of fundamental rights. But it is not the sole source of values or principles for us as a nation or as a people. A dialogue about fundamental constitutional values attendant to constitutional adjudication must be focused upon the Constitution as a legal text, and, because it is a legal text, the debate must be grounded in legal sources and legal analysis. We ask too much of the Constitution, and too little of ourselves, when we view it as the wellspring from which to draw comprehensive notions of public virtue or when we project onto it our aspirations as a national community.
The Supreme Court lacks the moral competence to promote a certain vision of American moral aspiration, rather than dutifully enforcing particular values already incorporated into our national charter. The judiciary lacks competence both in the sense of its authority to assume such an elevated role and in its qualification for and ability to carry out such a mission. As Michael Stokes Paulsen reminds us, "The legitimacy of the Supreme Court in our constitutional system rests not on its ability to fashion social and political compromises but on its ability to render decisions that the public readily can recognize as straightforward interpretations of a constitutional or statutory text." We do not choose the members of our judiciary because of their eminence as philosophers or their insight as moralists. Although each member of the bench properly dons the black robe of the judge, the white robe of the prophet ought to rest uneasily upon his shoulders.
Moreover, judicial adjudication skews moral discourse in a particular legalistic direction and suppresses the value of deliberation in other settings. Because constitutional debate is primarily the preserve of lawyers, dialogue in academic literature or constitutional litigation is conducted in a legal dialect that both distorts discussion of values and makes it inaccessible to the general public. While judicial review is vital to safeguard our constitutional freedoms, a degree of moral and philosophical discussion flowing from constitutional litigation cannot justify the costs that overreaching judicial rights declaration has for public debate and democratic governance.
Finally, moral discourse is too important to be captive to constitutional litigation or, for that matter, to governmental institutions, whether political or judicial. Our values as a people should not be constrained within the straitjacket of the Constitution. The Constitution serves the discrete purposes of establishing the framework for a limited government and for ensuring certain basic rights for individuals. It has little to say about most of the matters that should be important to us as individuals and as a community. Notwithstanding the growth of government and the proliferation of litigation, the center of life for most Americans remains with family, friends, and private groups-not political and legal institutions. Many of our social problems today demand a resurrection of values in a manner that cannot be compelled by constitutional command or legislative enactment.
A theory of constitutional law that may be out of fashion in today's legal academy, but that fits comfortably within the modern conservative and the traditional liberal views of the courts, begins with certain basic premises: the existence of law and the possibility of meaningful rules of law. It must recognize the Constitution as a legal text subject to legal interpretation by judges who derive their authority to render a judicial decree from the existence of the Constitution as a source of law. Whether one views constitutional interpretation as grounded in a theory of original meaning or the traditional liberal theory of judicial restraint and neutral principles, the distinctive nature of this approach is that it is legal in nature. One need not retreat into formalism, ignore the importance of practical wisdom, or deny the creative element in judging to insist that constitutional decision making be carefully bounded by the text, historical understandings, legal doctrine, and a modest view of the role of the judiciary.
A constitutional decision, both in outcome and reasoning, must be justified by reference to legal authority. John Hart Ely writes that the Supreme Court "is under an obligation to trace its premises to the charter from which it derives its authority" before it may make any constitutional pronouncement. The values espoused in a constitutional decree must be rooted in the Constitution, not in our hopes and aspirations for a better society. Judicial decision making calls for wise employment of that singular form of human thought known as legal reasoning. We do not ask our Courts to engage in capacious moral or philosophical inquiry. As Judge Learned Hand once observed, we have not anointed the Justices of the Supreme Court to rule us as a "bevy of Platonic Guardians."
There is no reason to assume that judges possess sufficient knowledge and virtue to undertake a mission of moral evaluation through the episodic venues of cases and controversies. The democratic process of political institutions accountable to the people is not so hopelessly imperfect that the preceptorship of the courts is preferable. The perception of the average American, however simplistic or formalistic the legal academy may regard it, remains that the judge's vocation is the neutral application of established rules of law. Americans would not long respect or tolerate a Court that forthrightly assumed the position of national moral guidance counselor. If the Court were truly to undertake the charge of serving as our national conscience, then the Court would simultaneously lose its legitimacy as a court of law.
What then is the purpose of constitutional review? When the constitutional mandate is sufficiently clear from the text, the understanding of the framers, or the structure of constitutional government, it removes certain matters from popular control and majoritarian rule. The Constitution is designed to be a trump card. When the Constitution speaks, the Court should amplify that sound loudly and with a commanding voice. When the Constitution is silent, the Court likewise should remain silent. If we free the Supreme Court from its bondage to a strict legal interpretation of the Constitution and those values articulated in that document, then the Court has lost its lawful authority to speak and we have lost our legal obligation to listen. Reasonable judges, legal scholars, and lawyers will hear the voice of the Constitution differently. But we must be listening with legal attention-not with the expectation of hearing the answer to our hopes and aspirations.
The role of the judiciary in constitutional review is to determine the substantive principles incorporated in the document for application to concrete individual controversies, while avoiding as far as possible an evaluation of the wisdom or desirability of the government policies at issue. Opposing views of right and wrong are best addressed and accommodated in a democratic political debate, with the judiciary serving the vital but secondary role of ensuring that basic rights are protected to prevent oppression of minorities by majoritarian rule. The absence of a constitutional right, and thus of a judicial remedy, does not dictate a narrow or limited vision of a moral society. Rather, it means that recourse must be made to the political process-or beyond to the moral and cultural realm of our community.
There is, after all, one other individual right too often neglected by modern constitutional scholarship-the right of democratic self-government. Our revolutionary founders fought for the right to elect their own representatives to make laws by democratic means. This right of democratic choice and the responsibility of democratic governance is not promoted by judicial imperialism, even if justified as showing some responsiveness to popular sentiments or public virtues.
Critics in the legal academy find democratic government inattentive to their view of fundamental values and failing in the mission of national community building. In contending for the preeminent position of the judiciary, they provide a troubling inventory of the imperfections of democracy, defects that we should soberly consider whenever looking to political institutions for answers to difficult moral questions. Nevertheless, as John Hart Ely concludes, "We may grant until we're blue in the face that legislatures aren't wholly democratic, but that isn't going to make courts more democratic than legislatures." Reciting the imperfections of democracy does not lead ineluctably to the conclusion that the least accountable branch of the federal government is the better forum for our national debate about public values. The political branches are forthrightly empowered to reconstitute society; the courts are limited to adjudication of discrete cases or controversies. The political branches are intended to be accountable; the judiciary is not. The members of the political branches are subject to electoral removal; the judiciary is not.
James Bradley Thayer warned nearly a century ago that "common and easy resort" to judicial review would tend "to dwarf the political capacity of the people, and to deaden its sense of moral responsibility." An ambitious vision of the Supreme Court and constitutional judicial review as serving the ends of public virtue is without legal justification, except as bound tightly to the values incorporated into our national charter. Even if legitimate, moreover, judicial supremacy inhibits, rather than promotes, general moral discourse about community values and aspirations.
Alexander M. Bickel once described Supreme Court decisions as "the beginnings of conversations between the Court and the people and their representatives." He acknowledged that they were "never, at the start, conversations between equals," given that the "Court has an edge" because it initiates the discussion with "some immediate action." Nevertheless, he insisted, "conversations they are."
To say that the Court has an edge in the conversation is an understatement. The "immediate action" to which Bickel refers is, of course, the judicial decree . We may embrace the Court's pronouncement as the articulation of public virtue and accept its declaration into our public conscience, or we may express abhorrence at the Court's edict and seek to avoid and overturn its decision as wrong and unacceptable. But, for the moment, we must live with it. A judicial decree is not a suggestion or an invitation to a conversation, as every litigator soon discovers. Moreover, the Supreme Court's declaration of constitutional law is binding upon the entire polity. As Judge Frank H. Easterbrook says, "Everyone must dance to the judges' tune whether party to the litigation or not."
By its decisions, an imperial Supreme Court may choose which values to elevate and commend to public approval and which values to denigrate as unworthy of further consideration. The clearest example of a deliberate adoption of one value at the expense of another, a judicial resolution that continues to distort public choice and moral discourse, may be found in the 1973 abortion decision of Roe v. Wade . This decision announced a generalized and fundamental right to privacy, encompassing the power to undertake conduct with significant social and moral ramifications. The Roe decision created an absolute right to abortion during the first trimester of pregnancy and allowed only for very limited regulation of abortion even late in pregnancy. Although the Court purported to avoid "the difficult question of when life begins," the nature of the decision effectively answers that question. The Court's aggressive withdrawal of protection from fetal life appears to resolve the question of when human life begins. Justice Byron White wrote in dissent that the Court elevated the value of individual autonomy over the value of the "continued existence of . . . life or potential life," while simultaneously pretending not to make such a choice and failing to demonstrate a constitutional warrant for preferring one value over the other.
By transforming abortion from a controversial and complex moral and political question into a constitutional entitlement, Roe v. Wade bestowed upon abortion the status of a positive good. It withdrew from the supporters of liberal abortion laws the obligation to frame an ethical justification, beyond absolute claims of personal control and an extremely isolated view of individual autonomy. As a fundamental right, abortion is inherently justified. For many years following Roe , most of those who supported liberal access to abortion would simply cite the Supreme Court's ruling and regard that reference as obviating any need to discuss the morality of abortion or consider the social impact of hundreds of thousands of abortions performed annually. Only when the pro-life movement appeared to be succeeding did the pro-choice movement become energized and outspoken in defending the right to an abortion on political grounds, although even now it tends to avoid discussing the ethical dilemma underlying abortion.
Most Americans seem uncomfortable with a climate in which, as Jo McGowan puts it, "the destruction of unborn children is acceptable." They regret the moral side-effects of a regime of abortion-on-demand: irresponsibility in sexual conduct, evasion of obligations by putative fathers, devaluation of children, and intolerance for the dependent, "inconvenient" members of our society. By framing abortion as a nearly unqualified constitutional right, without fully considering the claims of fetal life, we have not taken a stride to a more virtuous society. Instead, we have done great harm to our sense of community and responsibility and respect for human life. Mary Ann Glendon asks us to consider "what a set of legal arrangements that places individual liberty or mere lifestyle over innocent life says about, and may do to, the people and the society that produces them."
The Supreme Court, by loosening the rigid structure of Roe in recent decisions and approving legislative attempts to ensure informed consent and familial participation, has restored some measure of democratic dialogue to the abortion debate. Nevertheless, the Court continues to adhere to the core holding of Roe establishing a fundamental right to elective abortion prior to viability. Indeed, in the 1992 decision of Planned Parenthood v. Casey , three justices in the majority characterized their decision to preserve Roe v. Wade as a principled refusal "to surrender to political pressure," arguing that "to overrule under fire" would threaten the continued legitimacy of the Court. Thus, the very attempt of the people to engage in moral disputation with the Court and to challenge the legitimacy of an earlier decision was taken as proof of the need to maintain cloture on debate. The Court held onto the basic Roe formulation for the express reason that to do otherwise would suggest that they listen to and could be moved by moral dialogue.
In a particularly disturbing passage in the Casey opinion, the three deciding justices deliberately adopted the role of moral prophecy for a stubborn and recalcitrant people. They proclaimed that the loyalty of the American people to constitutional ideas would be "tested" by following the Court's resolution of the abortion controversy. The urgings of the legal academy to assume an exalted position as national moral tutor appear to have been heeded, even by a purportedly conservative Supreme Court.
If the right to abortion announced by the Supreme Court in Roe and adhered to in Casey were truly grounded in the text or history of the Constitution rather than reflecting what Justice White termed an "exercise of raw judicial power," moral qualms would provide no basis for avoiding the constitutional directive. I do not expect to find my moral philosophy codified in the Constitution, and others may find the moral claim of fetal life outweighed by compelling interests of equality and individual autonomy. But if we are to have a lively and fully textured exploration of matters of moral seriousness, both sides of the debate must figure in the calculation. By pointedly neglecting one side of the issue, Roe v. Wade stands as an obstacle to meaningful moral deliberation. Moreover, this was an occasion upon which the Constitution was silent. The Court thus lacked any warrant for projecting its commanding voice into the moral discourse about abortion.
Litigation is not a friendly forum for a balanced discussion of the wide range of values and concerns relevant to disposition of a public issue. Constitutional litigation and adjudication force communication along a narrow path, for the focus of legal advocacy is upon rights and wrongs. The values of responsibility, respect for others, and moral character are largely missing from what Professor Glendon calls the "rights talk" of the courtroom. The adversarial process encourages a winner-take-all attitude and suppresses compromise and accommodation.
The Supreme Court itself has hardly been immune to the centrifugal tendency to adopt extreme characterizations of opposing positions, as evidenced by the readiness to label legislative decisions with which the Court disagrees as "irrational," "prejudiced," "invidious," "suppressive," and "defiant." Robert F. Nagel remarks that we "legal academics have been so busy applauding the judiciary's theoretical capacity for elevated dialogue and sensitive moral decision making that we have not much noticed the tenor of much of what the judges have actually had to say." By moving beyond legal reasoning to resolving questions of moral and political values, the Court loses the characteristics of impartiality and independence from politics that are fundamental to its legitimacy.
Moreover, the forum of the courtroom and the language of the law are alien and alienating to the average person. By granting preeminence to the courts, we close the door on those who do not have access to the legal process and, in a practical sense, to those who do not possess a degree in law. Constitutional litigation by its nature is exclusionary. To participate effectively in a constitutive dialogue carried on in the venue of the courts, one must be a member of the priestly class of our civil religion: a lawyer or someone with a large measure of legal knowledge.
"Just as legal language is different in kind from ordinary language," Frederick Schauer suggests, "constitutional language may be different in kind from other legal language." The dialogue of constitutional litigation is thus twice removed from the ordinary discourse of the people. Granting the Supreme Court supremacy in conducting discourse about values through the mechanism of judicial review disempowers the people from full participation in their government and their communities.
The authentic voice of the people may be heard in their homes, neighborhoods, churches, synagogues, and voluntary organizations. The people do not speak in the language of the law; they do not talk of texts, precedents, doctrine, multi-pronged tests, or the balancing of factors. Instead, they speak of affection, moral duty, and commitment, as well as of needs and rights. We need to encourage and strengthen their voice, not by more and better Court decisions or laws, but by removing the impediments to involvement in the community. The neighborhood picnic and the school meeting are more important than the test case. The democratic vision offers, Robert A. Dahl writes, the hope "that by engaging in governing themselves, all people, and not merely a few, may learn to act as morally responsible human beings."
The Constitution is an inspired and inspiring document. The framers and ratifiers intended it to be a permanent text, establishing fundamental and immutable principles for republican government. Even this sacred blueprint of national values, however, sketches only a part of the cathedral of moral discourse in America. Stephen L. Carter warns that we must not fall into the error of speaking "as though the Constitution and the decisions explicating it constitute the whole of public morality."
More important, the question is not only whether to choose between the legislature and the judiciary in making value choices, but also whether law and politics-particularly law and politics emanating from the national centers of government-should play such a predominant role in moral discourse. The heart and soul of American life remains in what Professor Glendon calls the "law-free spaces, where social life is left to the regulation of norms other than those of state-guaranteed law."
The preeminent role that leading legal scholars would grant to the courts-and thus to the state-to define social values would undermine the value-constitutive role of intermediary institutions. As often as it has been a friend, government has been an adversary of mediating structures. Law and politics have expanded to fill every nook and cranny of society, crowding out the moral-cultural realm of our lives and displacing associational and family initiative. Public assistance programs discourage individual and familial responsibility while simultaneously shielding self-destructive behavior from the sanction of economic consequences. Busing of school children to promote racial balance in classrooms removes children from their neighborhood schools and destroys a sense of community. Officious social engineers of both the right and the left abuse the public schools to promote parochial agendas, whether by sanctioning the recitation of prayers over the school loudspeaker or by the distribution of contraceptives despite parental objections, thereby undermining parental authority and impairing the ability of parents to form their own family values. When government then attempts to respond to the social problems caused by the breakdown of private intermediary institutions, its new programs invariably weaken traditional structures further and make matters in some important respects worse. Government social policies, according to Nathan Glazer, are "making no steady headway against a sea of misery."
Family and community may be experiencing a revival today-despite, not because of, government policy. The yearning for community may be reflected in the revival of cities in the American heartland, where neighborhoods survive and private society thrives. A sense of community has been restored when residents of urban neighborhoods have been given responsibility for improving their own lives and a voice about decisions in their communities. As members of the baby boom generation become parents, they have returned to church with their children. Significantly, however, the liberal mainline Protestant churches, which had grown to resemble and imitate the surrounding secular society, have declined in membership while growth continues in the evangelical and Catholic churches that have created communities of deeply shared meaning. There is an increasing consensus about the value of intact two-parent families, together with an understanding of the social risks posed by increases in births outside of marriage. Although family planning experts still scoff, abstinence programs sponsored by private organizations and churches have successfully reached hundreds of thousands of teenagers, who are learning the reward of postponing sex and avoiding pregnancy.
This revitalization of values and community is not proceeding from a creative and exciting new program devised by the best and brightest in the federal government or from a judicial edict issued by the Supreme Court. Rather, at the grassroots level, we are seeing new strength in and appreciation of local communities and private intermediary institutions.
The Constitution begins with the words, "We the People of the United States." We, the People, still grow up in families, live in neighborhoods, attend local schools, and belong to churches, synagogues, and voluntary organizations. It is here, in our local communities, that we must nourish values and a sense of belonging. It is here, where the moral bonds of voluntary attachment have not yet been stretched beyond the breaking point, that true moral discourse can be maintained, especially, as Michael W. McConnell says, "over the highest things-matters of ultimate truth and value." It is here that we must seek and realize our aspirations for the future.
Gregory C. Sisk is Associate Professor of Law at the Drake University Law School.


text:
American Horizons U.S. History in a Global Context, Volume II: Since 1865, with Sources
by Schaller, Michael; Schulzinger, Robert; Bezis-Selfa, John; Greenwood, Janette Thomas; Kirk, Andrew; Purcell, Sarah J.; Sheehan-Dean, Aaron-
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Presented in two volumes for maximum flexibility, American Horizons, Second Edition, illustrates the relevance of U.S. history to American students by centering on the matrix of issues that dominate their lives. These touchstone themes include population movements and growth, the evolving definition of citizenship, cultural change and continuity, people's relationship to and impact upon the environment, political and ideological contests and their consequences, and Americans' five centuries of engagement with regional, national, and global institutions, forces, and events. In addition, this beautifully designed, full-color book features hundreds of photos and images and more than 100 maps.
Author Biography
Michael Schaller, University of Arizona
Robert Schulzinger, University of Colorado Boulder
John Bezís-Selfa, Wheaton College
Janette Thomas Greenwood, Clark University
Andrew Kirk, University of Nevada Las Vegas
Sarah J. Purcell, Grinnell College
Aaron Sheehan-Dean, Louisiana State University
Table of Contents
About the Authors
Chapter 1: North America Encounters the Atlantic World, Prehistory-1565
North America to 1500
The Three Waves of Migration
Farmers, Hunters, and Gatherers
The Rise and Decline of Urban Indian North America
Indian North America in the Century before Contact
Making an Atlantic World, 1400-1513
Western Europe in the 15th Century
Iberians, Africans, and the Creation of an Eastern Atlantic World
Columbus and the First Encounter
The Atlantic World Invades the Caribbean
The Atlantic World Enters North America, 1513-1565
The Fall of the Mexica
Invasions of North America and the Rise of Imperial Competition
Religious Reformation, Imperial Rivalries, and Piracy
The Founding of Florida
Global Passages: Cod
with Sources
U.S. History in Context: Primary Sources
1.1. Acoma, Excerpts from "The Emergence of the Acoma into the Upper World" (1930 and Undated Oral Traditions)
1.2. Fernando and Juana, Monarchs of Castile and Aragon (Spain), Excerpts from "Instructions Given by the Monarchs to Rodrigo de Alburquerque and to Licentiate Ibarra to be Carried Out During the General Distribution of the Indians in the Island of Hispaniola" (1513)
1.3. Pedro Menéndez de Áviles, Memorandum to Philip II, King of Spain (1565)
1.4. Visual Document: Texas Fragment, "Arrival of Cortés and Malintzín in Atlihuetzyan" (1530s or 1540s)
Chapter 2: Colonists on the Margins, 1565-1640
Conquest Begins and Trade Expands, 1565-1607
Spain Stakes Claim to Florida
New Spain into the Southwest
England Enters Eastern North America
Imports and a Changing Indian Northeast
European Islands in an Algonquian Ocean, 1607-1625
Tsenacommacah and Virginia
New France, New Netherland, New Indian Northeast
Pilgrims and Algonquians
Seeking God, Seizing Land, Reaping Conflict, 1625-1640
Missionaries and Indians in New France and New Mexico
Migration and the Expansion of Dutch and English North America
Dissent in the City upon a Hill
Colonist-Algonquian Wars
Global Passages: Angela's Ordeal, the Atlantic Slave Trade, and the Creation of African North American Cultures
with Sources
U.S. History in Context: Primary Sources
2.1. Fray Alonso de Benavides, Excerpts from "Petition to Restrict Indian Tribute and Personal Service" (c. 1630)
2.2. William Simmonds, Excerpts from The Proceedings of the English Colonie in Virginia (1612)
2.3. John Winthrop, Excerpts from "A Modell of Christian Charity" (1630)
2.4. Visual Document: Simon Van de Passe and Compton Holland, Portrait of Pocahontas (1616)
Chapter 3: Forging Tighter Bonds, 1640-1700
Uncivil Wars, 1640-1660
Smallpox and War Plague the Great Lakes
English Civil Wars and the Remaking of English America
Planters and Slaves of the Caribbean
Church and Indians in the Southeast and Southwest
New Imperial Orders, 1660-1680
The English Colonial Empire and the Conquest of New Netherland
Quebec and the Expansion of French America
Chesapeake Servitude, Mainland Slavery
The Creation of South Carolina
Metacom and the Algonquian Battle for New England
Victorious Pueblos, a New Mid-Atlantic, and "Glorious" Revolutions, 1680-1700
The Pueblo War for Independence
Royal Charters for New Jersey and Pennsylvania
English North America's "Glorious" Revolutions
North America's Hundred Years' War Begins
Global Passages: Global Catholicism, Indian Christianity, and Catherine/Kateri Tekakwitha
with Sources
U.S. History in Context: Primary Sources
3.1."The Trappan'd Maiden" (c. 1600s)
3.2. Committee of the Massachusetts Bay General Court, "A Memorandum of Indian Children Put Forth into Service to the English" (1676)
3.3. Germantown Quaker Meeting, "Reasons Why We are Against the Traffic of Men-Body" (1688)
3.4. Visual Document: Richard Ford, A New Map of the Island of Barbadoes (1674)
Chapter 4: Accelerating the Pace of Change, c. 1690-1730
Turmoil in Indian North America
Horses and Violence on the Northern Plains
Spanish Missions in Texas
Indians, the French, and the Making of Louisiana
Slaving Raids, Expansion, and War in the Carolinas
Iroquois, Hegemony and Concessions in the Northeast
Migration, Religion, and Empires
The Africanization of North America
The "Naturalization" of Slavery and Racism
European Immigrants and Imperial Expansion
Pietism and Atlantic Protestantism
Imperial Authority and Colonial Resistance
Laying Foundations in British North America
An Industrious Revolution
A Creole Elite Pursues Gentility
The Anglo-Atlantic's Communications Revolution
Global Passages: New York, Madagascar, and Indian Ocean Piracy
with Sources
U.S. History in Context: Primary Sources
4.1. Excerpts from Saukamappee's Account of the Advent of Horses and Guns to the Blackfeet, as told to David Thompson (1787-1788)
4.2. Superior Council of Louisiana, Excerpts from Debates on Whether to Intervene in a Choctaw-Chickasaw War (1723)
4.3. Boston News-Letter, Editorial Favoring Indentured Servitude over Slavery (1706)
4.4. Reverend James Mcgregor, Petition to Samuel Shute, Governor of Massachusetts and New Hampshire (1720)
Chapter 5: Battling for Souls, Minds, and the Heart of North America, 1730-1763
Immigrants and Indians
The Arrival of Immigrants in Chains
The Impact of Irish and German Immigrants
Indian Displacement and the Rise of the Sioux, Osage, and Comanche
Slave Resistance and the Creation of Georgia
Minds, Souls, and Wallets
North Americans Engage the Enlightenment
Becoming a Consumer Society
Revivals and the Rise of Evangelical Christianity
African, African American and Indian Awakenings
The French and Indian War, 1754-1763
The Struggle for the Ohio Valley
War in North America and Europe
Britain Gains Control of Eastern North America
Global Passages: The Birth of Methodism
with Sources
U.S. History in Context: Primary Sources
5.1. Future Residents of Gracia Real de Mose, Florida, Letter to Philip V, King of Spain (1738)
5.2. Canassatego (Onondaga), Excerpts from His Response to a Delaware Complaint Concerning the Walking Purchase (1742)
5.3. Benjamin Franklin, Excerpts from "Observations on the Increase of Mankind" (1751)
5.4. Diary of Hannah Heaton, Excerpts from Her Recollections of the Great Awakening (1750s)
Chapter 6: Empire and Resistance, 1763-1776
English and Spanish Imperial Reform
Transatlantic Trade as Engine of Conflict
Grenville's Program
Pontiac's Rebellion
Bourbon Reforms
The Enlightenment and Colonial Identity
Stamp Act and Resistance
Parliamentary Action
Protest and Repeal
Empire and Authority
Consumer Resistance
Townshend Duties
The Non-Importation Movement
Men and Women: Tea and Politics
The Boston Massacre
Resistance Becomes Revolution
Boston Tea Party and Coercive Acts
Empire, Control, and the Language of Slavery
War Begins
Declaring Independence
The World's First Declaration of Independence
Spanish Imperial Consolidation
Ideology and Resistance
Taking Stock of Empire
Global Passages: Independence: Transatlantic Roots, Global Influence
with Sources
U.S. History in Context: Primary Sources6.1. Charles III, King of Spain, Appointment of José de Gálvez as Visitor General to New Spain (1765)
6.2. Thomas Hutchinson, Excerpts from Letters to Great Britain Describing Popular Unrest (1768, 1769)
6.3. John Dickinson, "The Liberty Song" (1768)
6.4. Abigail Adams, Excerpts from Letters to John Adams about the Battle of Bunker Hill and Conditions in Boston (1775)
Chapter 7: A Revolutionary Nation, 1776-1789
The Revolution Takes Root
Ideology and Transatlantic Politics
Trying Times: War Continues
Alliance with France
The Structure of Authority
State Governments
Articles of Confederation
Military Organization
Diplomacy and International Finance
Securing Independence
War at Sea
War in the South
Loyalists: Resistance and Migration
Indian Warfare
African Americans at War
Peace and Shifting Empires
Restructuring Political and Social Authority
Power in the States
Economic Change
Women and Revolution
Racial Ideology and Questioning Slavery
A Federal Nation
Debt and Discontent
Constitutional Convention
Global Passages: International Officers in the American Revolutionary Military
with Sources
U.S. History in Context: Primary Sources
7.1. Visual Document: Pierre le Beau, Portrait of Benjamin Franklin (1780s)
7.2. Diary of Surgeon Albigence Waldo, Excerpts describing the Continental Army's Encampment at Valley Forge (1777)
7.3. Boston King, Excerpts from "Memoirs of the Life of Boston King: a Black Preacher" (1798)
7.4. James Madison, Excerpts from "Federalist No. 51" (1788)
Chapter 8: A New Nation Facing a Revolutionary World, 1789-1815
The United States in the Age of the French Revolution
The New Nation and the New Revolution
The Rise of Party Tensions
Neutrality and Jay's Treaty
The Popular Politics of Rebellion
Indian Warfare and European Power
Party Conflict Intensifies
Adams in Power
Quasi-War with France
Alien and Sedition Acts
Slave Rebellions: Saint Domingue and Virginia
The "Revolution" of 1800 and the Revolution of 1804
Jefferson Elected
Democracy: Limits and Conflicts
Haitian Revolution
The Louisiana Purchase
Trade, Conflict, Warfare
Transatlantic and Caribbean Trade
Mediterranean Trade: Barbary Wars
Western Discontents
European Wars and Commercial Sanctions
The War of 1812
War Declared
U.S. Offensives in Canada
Tecumseh and Pan-Indian Resistance
Naval War
British Offensive
The War Ends
Global Passages: Revolutionary Migrations
with Sources
U.S. History in Context: Primary Sources
8.1. Greenleaf's New York Journal, Anonymous Letters Reporting on Crowd Protests against the Jay Treaty in Philadelphia (1795)
8.2. Visual Document: Anonymous Cartoonist, The Providential Detection (c. 1797-1800)
8.3. James Bayard, Excerpts from a Letter to Alexander Hamilton Describing His Dilemma in the Disputed Presidential Election of 1800 (January 7, 1801)
8.4. James Mather and William Claiborne, Excerpts from Letters regarding Caribbean Migrants in New Orleans (1809)
Chapter 9: American Peoples on the Move, 1789-1824
Exploration and Encounter
Lewis and Clark Expedition
Zebulon Pike
Plains Indian Peoples
Astor and the Fur Trade
Asian Trade
Shifting Borders
Jeffersonian Agrarianism
Northwest, Southwest, and New States
The Missouri Compromise
African-American Migration and Colonization
Spanish Expansion in California
Social and Cultural Shifts
Indian Acculturation
Gender in Early Republican Society
Literature and Popular Culture
African-American Culture: Slaves and Free People
Roots of the Second Great Awakening
Financial Expansion
Banks and Panics
Corporations and the Supreme Court
Politics and Hemispheric Change
First Seminole War
Transcontinental (Adams Onís) Treaty
The United States and Latin American Revolutions
The Monroe Doctrine
Global Passages: Francisco de Miranda, the U.S., and Latin American Independence
with Sources
U.S. History in Context: Primary Sources
9.1. Eli Whitney and Thomas Jefferson, Letters on the Patenting of the Cotton Gin (1793)
9.2. Journal of Benjamin Carpenter, Reflections on the India Trade (1790)
9.3. Susannah Rowson, Preface to Charlotte Temple (1794)
9.4. Anne Royall, Excerpts from Letters from Alabama (1818)
Chapter 10: Market Revolutions and the Rise of Democracy, 1789-1832
The Market System
Internal and External Markets
Technology: Domestic Invention and Global Appropriation
Water and Steam Power
Transportation and Communication
Markets and Social Relationships
Manufacturing and the Factory System
Slavery and Markets
Urban and Rural Life
Democracy and the Public Sphere
Voting and Politics
Election of 1824
John Quincy Adams
Andrew Jackson, "The People," and the Election of 1828
Jackson and the Veto
Economic Opportunity and Territorial Expansion
Texas Colonization
Santa Fe Trail
The Black Hawk War
Expanding Markets
The Legal Structures of Capitalism
The Inland Empire
The Industrial Revolution
Global Passages: Whaling
with Sources
U.S. History in Context: Primary Sources
10.1. Editor of The Eastern Argus, Excerpts from Coverage of Fourth of July Celebrations in Portland, Maine (July 9, 1830)
10.2. William Sampson, Excerpts from People v. Melvin in Defense of the New York Journeymen Shoemakers (1809)
10.3. Basil Hall, Excerpts from Travels in North America in the Years 1827 and 1828 (1829)
10.4. Andrew Jackson, Veto of the Bank of the United States (July 10, 1832)
Chapter 11: New Boundaries, New Roles, 1820-1856
An Expanding Nation
Andrew Jackson and the Trail of Tears
Re-Peopling the West
Latin American Filibustering and the Texas Independence Movement
Pacific Explorations
The New Challenge of Labor
White Workers, Unions, and Class Consciousness
Foreign-born Workers
The New Middle Class
The Expansion of Slavery and Slaves as Workers
Men and Women in Antebellum America
Gender and Economic Change
Ladies, Women, and Working Girls
Masculinity on the Trail, in the Cities, and on the Farm
Freedom for Some
The Nature of Democracy in the Atlantic World
The Second Party System
Democracy in the South
Conflicts over Slavery
Global Passages: Middlemen Abroad
with Sources
U.S. History in Context: Primary Sources
11.1. John Ross, Excerpts from "Memorial and Protest of the Cherokee Nation" (June 21, 1836)
11.2. The Phalanx, Excerpts from "The Strike for Wages" (November 4, 1843) and "The Ten Hour System" (May 18, 1844)
11.3. Visual Document: Fan with View of Foreign Factories at Canton (1790-1800)
11.4. Amy Melenda Galusha, letter to Aaron Leland Galusha (April 3, 1849)
Chapter 12: Religion and Reform, 1820-1850
The Second Great Awakening
Spreading the Word
Building a Christian Nation
Interpreting the Message
Northern Reform
The Temperance Crusade
The Rising Power of American Abolition
Women's Rights
Making a Moral Society
Southern Reform
Sin, Salvation, and Honor
Pro-Slavery Reform
Nat Turner and Afro-Christianity
Southern Anti-slavery Reformers
Challenges to the Spirit of the Age
Emerson, Thoreau, and the American Soul
The First Mass Culture
The American Renaissance
Politics as Gospel
Global Passages: Celebrating the Black Atlantic
with Sources
U.S. History in Context: Primary Sources
12.1. Margaret Fuller, "Undaunted Rome," Excerpt from a Letter to Her Brother, K. F. Fuller (1849)
12.2. Charles G. Finney, Excerpts from "What a Revival of Religion Is" (1835)
12.3. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, "Declaration of Sentiments" (1848)
12.4. Visual Document: Woodcut, "A Horrid Massacre" (1831)
Chapter 13: A House Dividing, 1844-1860
The Expansion of America
The American Invasion and Conquest of Mexico
The Emergence of the New American WestConestogas, Commanches, and Californios
Contested Citizenship
The Patterns of Migration
New Immigrants and the Invention of Americanism
The Know-Nothing Movement
Slavery and Antebellum Life
The Paradox of Slavery and Modernity
The West Indies, Brazil, and the Future of Slavery
Inside the Quarter
The Creation of African America
The Rise of the Republicans
Free Soil and Free Labor
The Politics of Slave Catching
Western Expansion and the Kansas-Nebraska Act
Rising Sectionalism
Global Passages: Global Gold
with Sources
U.S. History in Context: Primary Sources
13.1. Visual Document: Carl Nebel, Genl. Scott's Entrance into Mexico City (1847)
13.2. Governor James Henry Hammond, Excerpts from a Letter to Thomas Clarkson (1845)
13.3. Republican Party Platform (1856)
13.4. Victor Hugo, Excerpts from a Letter to the London News Regarding John Brown (December 2, 1859)
Chapter 14: The Civil War, 1860-1865
Secession, 1860-1861
The Secession of the Lower South
Fort Sumter and the Secession of the Upper South
Mobilization for War
From the Ballot to the Bullet
War in Earnest, 1862-1863
The North Advances
Stalemate in the East
Southern and Northern Home Fronts
A New Birth of Freedom
Slaves Take Flight
From Confiscation to Emancipation
Government Centralization in Wartime
The Hard War, 1863-1864
Invasion and Occupation
Black Soldiers, Black Flags
The Campaigns of Grant and Sherman
Victory and Defeat, 1865
American Nationalism, Southern Nationalism
The New Challenge of Race
Environmental and Economic Scars of War
The Last Best Hope of Man?
Global Passages: Learning From the War
with Sources
U.S. History in Context: Primary Sources
14.1. Corporal Wilbur Fisk, Excerpts from Letters to the Green Mountain Freeman (May 20, 1862, and April 7, 1864)
14.2. Kate Stone, Excerpts from Journal (April 21, 1863)
14.3. Spotswood Rice, Letters Written from Hospital (September 3, 1864)
14.4. Visual Document: Albany Evening Journal, "General Lee and His Army Have Surrendered" (April 10, 1865)
[Volume II: Since 1865 begins]
Chapter 15 :Reconstructing America, 1865-1877
The Year of Jubilee, 1865
African American Families
Southern Whites and the Problem of Defeat
Emancipation in Comparative Perspective
Shaping Reconstruction, 1865-1868
Andrew Johnson's Reconstruction
The Fight over Reconstruction
The Civil War Amendments and American Citizenship
Congressional Reconstruction
Reconstruction in the South, 1866-1876
African American Life in the Postwar South
Republican Governments in the Postwar South
Cotton, Merchants, and the Lien
The End of Reconstruction, 1877
The Ku Klux Klan and Reconstruction Violence
Northern Weariness and Northern Conservatism
Legacies of Reconstruction
Global Passages: Irish-Americans and the Fenian Struggle
with Sources
U.S. History in Context: Primary Sources
15.1. Jourdon Anderson, Letter to P. H. Anderson (August 7, 1865)
15.2. Visual Document: Thomas Nast, Andrew Johnson's Reconstruction in Harper's Weekly (September 1, 1866)
15.3. José Inácio Barros Cobra, Excerpts from "Slave Property is as Sacred as Any Other" (July 21, 1871)
15.4. Ku Klux Klan, Letter to Mrs. I. A. Baldwin (1868)
[Volume I: To 1877 ends]
Chapter 16: Forging a Transcontinental Nation, 1877-1900
Meeting Ground of Many Peoples
Changing Patterns of Migration
Mexican Borders
Chinese Exclusion
Mapping the West
The Federal Frontier
Promotion and Memory
The Culture of Collective Violence
Extractive Economies and Global Commodities
Mining and Labor
Business Travelers
Railroads, Time, and Space
Industrial Ranching
Corporate Cowboys
Clearing the Land and Cleansing the Wilderness
Conflict and Resistance
Education for Assimilation
The Destruction of the Buffalo
The Dawes Act and Survival
Tourism, Parks, and Forests
Global Passages: Settler Societies and Indigenous Peoples
with Sources
U.S. History in Context: Primary Sources
16.1. Frederick Jackson Turner, Excerpts from the "Turner Thesis" (July 12, 1893)
16.2. John Wesley Powell, Excerpts from Report on the Lands of the Arid Region (1879)
16.3. Southern Workman and Hampton School Record and Edna Dean Proctor, "Columbia's Roll Call" (June 1892) and "The Indians' Appeal" (January 1892)
16.4. Frank H. Mayer with Charles B. Roth, "The Buffalo Harvest"
Chapter 17: A New Industrial and Labor Order, 1877-1900
Global Webs of Industrial Capitalism
The New Industrial Order
U.S. Industrial Growth in Global Context
Combinations and Concentrations of Wealth
Markets and Consumerism
Work and the Workplace
Global Migrations
Blue Collar and White Collar Workers
Regimentation and Scientific Management
Working Conditions and Wages
Economic Convulsions and Hard Times
Women and Children in the Workplace
Workers Fight Back
The Great Railroad Strike of 1877
Organizing Strategies and Labor Violence
The Farmers Organize
The Labor Movement in Global Context
The New Industrial Order: Defense and Dissent
Defending the New Order
Critiquing the New Order
Global Passage: Titled Americans
with Sources
U.S. History in Context: Primary Sources
17.1. Visual Document: Singer Sewing Machine Advertisement (c. 1890)
17.2. Emma E. Brown, Excerpts from "Children's Labor: A Problem" (December 1880)
17.3. John Brophy, Excerpts from A Miner's Life (1964)
17.4. Two Views of the Homestead Lockout: Excerpts from The Manufacturer and Builder (August 1892) and New England Magazine (September 1892)
Chapter 18: Cities, Immigrants, Culture, and Politics, 1877-1900
The Growth of Cities
The Peopling of American Cities
Types of Cities
Cities Transformed and "Sorted Out"
Global Migrations
A Worldwide Migration
"America Fever" and the "New" Immigration
The "Immigrant Problem"
The Round-Trip to America
Streets Paved with Gold?
Surviving in "The Land of Bosses and Clocks"
Creating Community
Becoming American
The Promise and Peril of City Life
A World of Opportunity
A World of Crises
Tackling Urban Problems
City Missions and Charity Organizations
The Settlement House Movement
Creating Healthy Urban Environments
Challenges to the Politics of Stalemate
Key Issues
Ethnicity, Gender, and Political Culture
The Populist Challenge
The Election of 1896
Global Passage: Immigrants Who Returned
with Sources
U.S. History in Context: Primary Sources
18.1. Wiktorya and Antoni Osinski, Excerpts from Letters from Poland to Children Who Migrated to the United States (1902-1908)
18.2. Visual Document: F. Victor Gillam, The Inevitable Result to the American Workingman of Indiscriminate Immigration, in Judge (December 24, 1892)
18.3. Dillingham Commission, Excerpt from Reports of the Immigration Commission: Emigration Conditions in Europe (1911)
18.4. Visual Document: Thomas Nast, The Chinese Question, in Harper's Weekly (February 18, 1871)
Chapter 19: The United States Expands Its Reach, 1892-1912
The New Imperialism
A Global Grab for Colonies
Race, Empire, Bibles, and Businessmen
Precedent for American Empire
The Crises of the 1890s
The United States Flexes Its Muscles
Latin America
The Cuban Crisis
"A Splendid Little War"
The Complications of Empire
Cuba and Puerto Rico
The Philippines
The Debate over Empire
The American-Philippine War
The United States on the World Stage: Roosevelt and Taft
Roosevelt's "Big Stick"
Taft's Dollar Diplomacy
Global Passages: African Americans and International Affairs, 1898-1912
with Sources
U.S. History in Context: Primary Sources
19.1. Mary Elizabeth Lame, "Awake United States" Sheet Music and Lyrics (1898)
19.2. Excerpts from Andrew Carnegie, "Distant Possessions" (August 1898) and Albert Beveridge, "The March of the Flag" (September 16, 1898)
19.3. Richmond Planet and Wisconsin Weekly Advocate, Excerpts from Letters from African American Soldiers in the Philippines (1899-1900)
Chapter 20: An Age of Progressive Reform, 1890-1920
Progressivism as a Global Movement
Nodes of Progressivism
The Global Exchange of Progressive Ideas
Urban Reform
The "Good Government" Movement
The Housing Dilemma
Municipal Housekeeping
Segregation and the Racial Limits of Reform
Progressivism at the State and National Levels
Electoral Reforms
Mediating the Labor Problem
Regulating Business: Trust Busting and Consumer Protection
Conservation v. Preservation of Nature
Progressivism and World War I
A Progressive War?
Uniting and Disuniting the Nation
Votes for Women
Progressivism in International Context
Global Passage: Helen Keller: "I Do Not Like This World as It Is"
with Sources
U.S. History in Context: Primary Sources
20.1. Congressman George H. White, Excerpts from Farewell Address to Congress (January 29, 1901)
20.2. Visual Document: Progressive "Bull Moose" Party Campaign Poster (1912)
20.3. Helen Keller, Excerpts from "Strike Against War" (January 5, 1916)
20.4. Jane Addams, Excerpts from "Women and Internationalism" (1915)
Chapter 21: America and the Great War, 1914-1920
The Shock of War
The Colonial Origins of the Conflict
A War of Attrition
America's Response to War
The U.S. Path to War, 1914-1917
National Security and the Push Toward Americanization
Social Reform, the Election of 1916, and Challenges to Neutrality
Intervention in Latin America
Decision for War
America at War
Mobilizing People and Ideas
Controlling Dissent
Mobilizing the Economy
Women Suffragists
The Great Migration
Over There
Building an Army
Joining the Fight
Political and Military Complications
Influenza Pandemic
Making Peace Abroad and at Home
Making Peace and Fighting Communism
Red Scare
The Fight for the Treaty
Global Passages: Post-War Colonialism
with Sources
U.S. History in Context: Primary Sources
21.1. Visual Documents: Propaganda Posters (1914-1918)
21.2. Committee on Public Information, "General Suggestions to Speakers" (May 22, 1917) and "Speech by a Four Minute Man" (October 8, 1917)
21.3. U.S. Army, Intelligence Test, Alpha (1921)
21.4. Theodore Roosevelt, "The Hun Within Our Gates" (1917)
21.5. Ho Chi Minh (Nguyen Ai Quoc), Petition to Woodrow Wilson (1919)
Chapter 22: A New Era, 1920-1930
A New Economy for a New Era
Wireless America
Car Culture
Advertising for Mass Consumption
Ethnic and Racial Divides
Immigration Restriction
The Ku Klux Klan
African American Renaissance and Repression
Black International Movements
A National Culture: At Home and Abroad
Popular Entertainment: Movies, Sports, and Celebrity
The New Skepticism
The New Woman of the 1920s
Religion and Society
Post World War I Politics and Foreign Policy
Government and Business in the 1920s
Coolidge Prosperity
The Election of 1928
Independent Internationalism in the 1920s
The United States and Instability in the Western Hemisphere
The Crash
The End of the Boom
The Great Depression
Global Passages: Fordlandia: Small Town America in the Amazon
with Sources
U.S. History in Context: Primary Sources
22.1. Henry Ford, Excerpts from My Life and Work (1922)
22.2. Ellison Durant Smith, Excerpts from "'Shut the Door': A Senator Speaks for Immigration Restriction" (April 9, 1924)
22.3. Ku Klux Klan, Excerpts from the Klan Manual (1925)
22.4. Visual Document: Flesh and the Devil Movie Poster (1926)
Chapter 23: A New Deal for Americans, 1931-1939
The New Deal
From Prosperity to Global Depression
Spiral of Decline, 1931-1933
Suffering in the Land
The Failure of the Old Deal
The Coming of the New Deal
Reconstructing Capitalism
The Hundred Days
Voices of Protest
The Second New Deal
Social Security
Labor Activism
The 1936 Election
Society, Law, and Culture in the 1930s
Popular Entertainment
Women and the New Deal
A New Deal for Blacks
Hispanics and the New Deal
The Indian New Deal
Nature's New Deal
The Twilight of Reform
The New Deal and Judicial Change
Political Setbacks
Global Passages: European Refugees
with Sources
U.S. History in Context: Primary Sources
23.1. Mr. and Mrs. W. L. Hannon, "Letter to Mrs. Roosevelt" (1939)
23.2. U.S. Congress, Excerpts from the National Labor Relations Act (1935)
23.3. Visual Document: Social Security Board, "A Monthly Check to You" Poster (1936)
23.4. Visual Documents: Dorothea Lange, Photographs of Migratory Workers in California (1936-1939)
Chapter 24: Arsenal of Democracy: The World at War, 1931-1945
The Long Fuse
Isolationist Impulse
Disengagement from Europe
Disengagement in Asia
America at the Brink of War, 1939-1941
Day of Infamy
A Grand Alliance
War in the Pacific
The War in Europe
The Holocaust
Battle for Production
War Economy
A Government-Sponsored Technology Revolution
The Draft
On the Move: Wartime Mobility
Wartime Women
Mexicans Migrants, Mexican Americans, and American Indians in Wartime
African Americans in Wartime
Japanese American Internment
Wartime Politics and Postwar Issues
Right Turn
The 1944 Election and the Threshold of Victory
Victory in Europe
Victory in the Pacific
Global Passages: Bretton Woods and the United Nations
with Sources
U.S. History in Context: Primary Sources
24.1. Western Defense Command, "Instructions to All Persons of Japanese Ancestry Living in the Following Area" (April 30, 1942)
24.2. Eleanor Roosevelt, Excerpt from "Race, Religion, and Prejudice" (May 11, 1942)
24.3. Visual Document: J. Howard Miller, We Can Do It ("Rosie the Riveter") Poster (1942)
24.4. Franklin D. Roosevelt, Excerpt from "An Economic Bill of Rights" (January 11, 1944)
Chapter 25: Prosperity and Liberty Under the Shadow of the Bomb, 1945-1952
The Cold War
The Roots of Conflict
Managing Postwar Europe in Potsdam
The Defeat of Japan
Dividing the Postwar Globe
A Policy for Containment
The Red Scare
War in Korea
NSC-68 - A Cold War Containment Policy
The Color of Difference Is Red
Hollywood and the Pumpkin Papers
A New Affluence
The Fair Deal
The GI Bill
Working Women
Postwar Migrations
Military-Industrial West and South
Hispanics Move North
Mobile Leisure
Laying the Foundations for Civil Rights
First Steps
Jack Roosevelt Robinson
The Influence of African American Veterans
Black Migration and the Nationalization of Race
Global Passages: Rebuilding the World
with Sources
U.S. History in Context: Primary Sources
25.1. Exhibiting the Enola Gay
25.2. Frieda S. Miller, "What's Become of Rosie the Riveter?" (May 5, 1946)
25.3. Franklin D. Roosevelt, Excerpts from Statement on Signing the G.I. Bill (June 22, 1944)
25.4. W. E. B. Du Bois, Excerpts from "An Appeal to the World" (1947)
Chapter 26: The Dynamic 1950s
The Eisenhower Era
The End of the Korean War
The New Look
The Rise of the Developing World
Hungary and the Suez, 1956
France's Vietnam War
McCarthyism and the Red Scare
A Dynamic Decade
The Baby Boom
Suburban Migrations-Urban Decline
Consumer Nation
Corporate Order and Industrial Labor
The Future is Now
Auto Mania
Oil Culture
Conformity and Rebellion
Old Time Religion
Women in the 1950s
Organization Men
Teens, Rebels, and Beats
Laying the Foundation for Civil Rights
Brown and the Legal Assault
Showdown in Little Rock
Boots on the Ground
MLK and the Philosophy of Nonviolence
Global Passages: Cold War Media: Cultural Diplomacy
with Sources
U.S. History in Context: Primary Sources
26.1. Visual Documents: Time Magazine, "Man of the Year" (January 6, 1958) and Herblock, Mr. Atom--Island Footprint in The Washington Post (September 24, 1949)
26.2. Visual Documents: March of Dimes Fundraising Poster and Image of Iron Lungs in Gym (1950s)
26.3. Dwight D. Eisenhower, Address to Congress on the Interstate Highway System (February 22, 1955)
26.4. Billy Graham, Excerpts from A Re-Envisioning of Jonathan Edwards' "Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God" for the Cold War Generation (1949)
Chapter 27: The Optimism and the Anguish of the 1960s
The New Frontier
JFK's New Frontier
The Challenge of Racial Justice
Cold War Tensions
Kennedy Assassination
The Great Society
Civil Rights Laws
Great Society Programs
The Supreme Court and Rights and Liberties
The United States and the World beyond Vietnam
A Robust Economy
Technological Change, Science, and Space Exploration
The Rise of the Sunbelt
Race, Gender, Youth, and the Challenge to the Establishment
Urban Uprisings and Black Power
Latinos and Indians Struggle for Rights
The New Feminism
The New Environmentalism
Youth and the Counterculture
Global Passages: The Republic of Rock
with Sources
U.S. History in Context: Primary Sources
27.1. Ho Chi Minh, Excerpts from Declaration of Independence (1945)
27.2. Visual Document: David Levine, "Vietnam: The Turning Point" (May 12, 1966)
27.3. Senator Sam Ervin, Comments on Watergate (1973)
27.4. Visual Document: Herblock, Nixon Hanging Between the Tapes in The Washington Post (May 24, 1974)
Chapter 28: The Vietnam Era, 1961-1975
Background to a War, 1945-1963
Vietnam and the Cold War
American Commitments to South Vietnam
The 1963 Turning Point
An American War, 1964-1967
Decisions for Escalation, 1964-1965
Ground and Air War, 1966-1967
The War at Home
1968: Turmoil and Turning Points
The Tet Offensive
The Agony of 1968
Nixon and the World
From Vietnamization to the Paris
The End of the Vietnam War
Reduction of Cold War Tensions
Domestic Policy and the Abuse of Power
Curtailing the Great Society
Global Passages: Global Antiwar Movement
with Sources
U.S. History in Context: Primary Sources
28.1 Students for a Democratic Society, The Port Huron Statement (1962) and An Appeal to Students (1964)
28.2. Visual Document: Tomi Ungerer, Black Power White Power (1967)
28.3. Visual Document: Associated Press, Black Power Protest at the 1968 Mexico City Olympics (1968)
Chapter 29: Conservatism Resurgent, 1974-1989
An Accidental President
The Politics of Limits and Malaise
A Dangerous World, 1974-1980
America Held Hostage
Democratic Decline and the Rising Tide on the Right
The Crisis of the Democrats
Rising Tide on the Right
The Religious Right and Neoconservatism
"It's Morning Again in America"
The Rise of Reagan
Economic Realities
Conservative Justice
Social Transformation and the Technology Revolution
The Rise of the Non-Traditional Family
Gay Rights and the AIDS Epidemic
A Health Conscious America
High Technology
Challenging the "Evil Empire"
A New Arms Race
Cold War Thaw
Global Passages: Iran Contra
with Sources
U.S. History in Context: Primary Sources
29.1. Phyllis Schlafly, Excerpts from "What's Wrong with 'Equal Rights' for Women?" (February 1972)
29.2. Paul Weyrich, Excerpt from "Building the Moral Majority" (August 1979)
29.3. Visual Documents: Ronald Reagan Imagery
29.4. Ronald Reagan, Excerpts from Speech to the National Association of Evangelicals (March 1983)
Chapter 30: After the Cold War, 1988-2000
George H. W. Bush and the End of the Cold War
The Election of 1988
The Bush Presidency at Home
The New World Order
The Election of 1992
The Good Times
Innovation and New Technology
Bill Clinton and the New Democrats
An Awkward Start
Clinton's Recovery
Clinton's Second Term
A Post-Cold War Foreign Policy
Intervention and Mediation
International Terrorism
The Disputed Election of 2000
Bush versus Gore
The Election in Florida and a Supreme Court Decision
Global Passages: Global Transportation Revolution: The Big Box
with Sources
U.S. History in Context: Primary Sources
30.1. Apple Computer Company and Computerworld, "Introducing Macintosh" Advertisement (1984) and Excerpts from "Steve Jobs: Oral History" (April 20, 1995)
30.2. Joseph Perkins, "Op-Ed" (October 21, 1994) and The New York Times, "Why Proposition 187 Won't Work" (November 20, 1994)
30.3. President Clinton, Excerpts from "The Era of Big Government is Over" (January 23, 1996)
30.4. The Economist, "The End?"
Chapter 31: 21st-Century Dangers and Promises, 2000-Present
The Age of Sacred Terror
The United States and Terrorism before September 11, 2001
September 11 and Al Qaeda
The War in Afghanistan
The Iraq War
Policing Terrorism
Conservatism in the Bush Years
Culture Wars
Compassionate Conservatism
The Election of 2004
Privatizing Social Security
Hurricane Katrina
The Election of 2006
Economic Turmoil
The Dot-Com Bust, Financial Scandals, and the Middle-Class Squeeze
The Obama Years
The Election of 2008
Economic Recovery
Iraqi Withdrawal and the Afghan War
Battles in the Legislature
Protests on the Right and Left
The 2012 Election
Going over the Fiscal Cliff
Justice in the 21st Century
Civil Rights for Gay Americans
Global Passages: The Arab Spring
with Sources
U.S. History in Context: Primary Sources
31.1. Al Qaeda, Fatwa Against the United States (February 23, 1998)
31.2. Justice John Paul Stevens, Excerpts from Hamdan v. Rumsfeld (June 29, 2006)
31.3. Pope John Paul II, Robert and Mary Schindler, Judge George Greer, and the Florida Court of Appeals: Opinions on Terri Schiavo and the Right to Die (2000s)
31.4. Richmond Times-Dispatch, Excerpts from "Young Voters Concerned about Issues" (April 20, 2008) and New York Amsterdam News, Excerpts from"Youth Politicking" (September 18, 2008)
Appendix A: Historical Documents
Appendix B: Historical Facts and Data
Photo Credits
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