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The Confusing Conflation of Islamic and Muslim
One reason for this is the conflation between 'Islamic' and 'Muslim.' Islam is the religion or faith (the way of Allah), while Muslims are those who believe in Islam and attempt to practice it. Islam is an issue of theology. However, what Muslims (human fallible people) make of Islam is an arena open to social scientific inquiry. In other words how human beings understand and apply Islam in their contemporary realities and daily lives can be seen to be often contentious (or a the least an area of debate). This is so not only in the present but throughout the past history of Muslim communities. The recognition that Islamic and Muslim are not synonyms is important because it helps avoid essentialising Islam and reifying it as an a-historic, unembodied ideal which is more-or-less imperfectly actualised in this or that community. It also refuses to privilege the dominant discourses of one particular Muslim community at one particular time over all others hence avoiding essentialising the histories of Muslim communities (see Shaheed 1994).
Muslim societies do, of course, have commonalities. An acceptance of the Qu'ran as the holy book of Islam and of the hadith[1] as exemplary sources of knowledge of Islam is one.[2] As a direct revelation, the text of the Qu'ran is not questioned. Nonetheless, interpretations of what the message of the Qu'ran means in the daily life of Muslims are - and always have been. There are debates about how particular verses should be understood and what their implications are for contemporary life. Furthermore, there are debates on the reliability of particular hadith themselves, as well as on their implications for the everyday lives of Muslims. Similarly the development of various schools of sharia[3] testify that there are diverse understandings about how Islam should be practiced. The Hanafi, Hambali, Maliki and Sha'afi schools of Sunni Sharia as well as the Shi'a school provide differing understandings of Islamic legal opinion, all of which are Muslim. They vary, for instance, in their opinions about the permissibility of the use of contraceptives and abortion. (See, amongst others, Mernissi 1993, Ahmed 1992.)
Essentialising 'Islamic societies' ignores the real existence of a multiplicity of ways of being Muslim. Amongst all the possibilities who can authorise the 'the essential Islam'? This question hence directs attention to the power relations in Muslim communities - who has the power to define and enforce particular ways of being good Muslims - including dealing with the sexualities of Muslims?
Muslim and Islam are not synonymous with Arab and Middle East
A second common conflation is to make Muslim and Islam synonymous with Arab and Middle East. Despite its historical origin in Arabia and the honourable status accorded the Arabic language, there are far more non-Arab and non-Arabic speaking Muslims than there are Arabs or Arabic speakers. This is evident in Asia. Indonesia is, after all, the largest Muslim country with a population of nearly two hundred million, which alone outnumbers Arab Muslim populations. Similarly Pakistan and Bangladesh between them account for around another hundred million or so Muslims.
It is also the case in Africa, where it is less obviously evident for a number of reasons. First, there is the habit of referring to much of North and East Central Africa, (all the way from Morocco on the far north west coast of the continent, to Sudan and Somalia on the east of the continent down as far as the equator), as pan of "the Middle East." Second there has in these countries been a series of processes of Arabisation. These began with the early Muslim expansions in the first two centuries of Islam (i.e. the seventh and eighth centuries of the Gregorian calendar), during which time, for example, the indigenous languages of lower Egypt disappeared They move on, more recently, to the periods of nationalist independence in the 1960s - as in Algeria, where state policy deliberately ignored other Algerian languages, like Berber, in favour of Arabic. They also include the increasing influence of fundamentalist movements in the 1990s, as in contemporary Sudan.
However even in less Arabised areas, there have been many Muslim communities for a long time. Parts of East Africa have been Muslim influenced since the seventh century, and particularly since the eleventh century. In some areas of West Africa Islam has been recognised as a state religion since the eleventh century. In fact, there are almost as many Muslims in West Africa as in the whole of the 'Middle East' (Nigeria alone has about 50 million) and Islam remains the largest growing religion in Africa.
This recognition of the geographical variability and historical spread of Islam points to the fact that the practice of Islam in Muslim communities is neither identical nor static. Each community has its own history - and hence there is the need also to periodise Muslim discourses in specific locations as well as referring to broad similarities. The actual lives of women and men in Muslim societies show not only similarities, but also enormous differences from one time period to another, between different communities, and within the same societies at any point in time. For instance, in very many countries in Africa and Asia (as in Egypt and in Nigeria), the past shows elite women recognised and esteemed as scholars (Badran and Cooke [eds.] 1992, Boyd 1982, Keddie and Baron [eds.] 1991). However, often in the contemporary world, schooling for girls is resisted on the grounds that Muslim girls should marry early and not waste time studying.
Divorce and polygyny are very common and unremarkable in Muslim communities in Nigeria (Smith 198l, Pittin 1979), but uncommon and currently regarded as shamefully embarrassing in India and Bangladesh (Rehnuma?). Similarly, women's seclusion[4] practices are generalised in Bangladesh, in northern Nigeria, in Mombassa, Kenya and in northern Sudan, where they are regarded as intrinsic to Islam (see Papanek and Minault 1982, amongst others). Yet seclusion is virtually unpracticed in Indonesia, Senegal, the Gambia, Burkina Faso and Niger. Further, the very forms of seclusion and the strata of women and men implicated in seclusion practices in both northern Nigeria and in Bangladesh have changed in the last fifty or sixty years - but for different reasons and in different ways (compare Feldman and McCarthy 1983 and Imam 1994, for instance). Evidently the simple reference to 'Islamic seclusion' in discussions of sexuality may obscure more than it clarifies.
Muslim Discourses of Sexuality
The issues of divorce, seclusion and even access to education all have implications for considerations of sexuality. Thus, evidence of their variability points to the need to recognise and distinguish different Muslim discourses of sexuality. There is a dominant discourse and stereotype about 'Islamic sexuality' which presents Muslim women as always both submissive to and tightly controlled by men who have the capacity to marry four wives. Sexuality in this discourse is, of itself, neither good nor bad, but an elemental and natural force that should however be suitably channelled in society. Both men's and women's sexuality are seen as naturally active, and while men's arousal pattern is faster, 'foreplay' is enjoined as a religious duty on men as women also have a desire for and right to sexual pleasure and satisfaction. Women are thought to have a greater potential for sexual desire and pleasure, nine times that of men. However, it is women's passive exudation of sexuality to which men are vulnerable which provokes men who then deliberately arouse and fulfil desire in women. Thus women's sexuality is seen as naturally both greater and more passive than that of men. The idea of natural sexuality here is not solely reproductive, but it is definitely heterosexual with masturbation, homosexuality and bestiality condemned as unnatural (see Boudhiba 1975, Mernissi 1975, Al-Hibri 1982, Sabbah 1984 for this and opposing views).
Muslim patriarchs conspire with the salacious 'other' gaze of the West to present this as a single monolithic discourse of sexuality in Muslim societies - but realities are very different. The infamous honor-shame complex, where a man's honor lies in the control of the bodies and sexual practices of women in the same family, is widespread in the Mediterranean area,[5] Arabia and parts of South Asia (see Antoun 1968, for example). However, it is virtually unknown in sub-Saharan Africa and much of South East Asia. For instance, in Hausaland 'honor' killings are unknown, even as a bad joke. Men marry prostitutes eagerly and women may be known to be prostitutes by their families. It is not a favoured profession but women are not killed for it either - much less for suspicions of non- or extra- marital affairs (Imam 1994).
Similarly, the view of women's sexuality as threatening to the social order, overwhelming, impossible for women to control themselves and/or impure and therefore needing purification and control lo protect women's virtue which is behind the practice of clitoral amputation[6] is commonly practiced in some countries (like Egypt, Sudan, Mali, the Gambia). Clitoral and labial amputation and labial closure makes sexual intercourse painful and difficult for women - sometimes necessitating re-opening with a knife, razor blade or other sharp instrument (see El Saadawi 1980, Toubia and An-Na'im 1993). In all these countries, it is defended as a requirement of Islam. Yet, in other countries with Muslim communities it is wholly unknown (e.g. Algeria, Tunisia, Pakistan, Singapore) or (as in northern Nigeria) not common among Muslims and considered to be a pagan practice (Dorkenoo and Ellsworthy 1992, Mandara 1995). In fact, by contrast, in northern Nigeria a baby girl may be made to undergo hymenectomy[7] in order to ensure she can be easily penetrated, although this is apparently a disappearing practice (Mandara 1995).
Muslim discourses of sexuality vary not only by community, but also over time. For example, northern Nigeria has been dominantly Muslim at least since the eighteenth century, some argue the fourteenth century. But, even in the last sixty or seventy years there have been changes in the discourse of sexuality such that tsarance (Hausa - institutionalised pre-marital lovemaking or sexual play that stops short of actual penetration) which used to be a common and unremarkable practice up to the 1940s and 1950s (Smith 1981) is now considered to be unislamic and 'rural.' To the other extreme, girls are frequently now not being allowed even to dance at the kalangu (Hausa - drumming and dancing held each market day - Imam 1994).
The Nature of Sexuality and Subjectivity
The analysis of different discourses of Muslim sexuality - their conditions of possibility, their histories, their implications in daily life - depends, of course, on our understanding of the nature of sexuality. In general terms one needs to have an understanding of the processes by which selves (always gendered, always sexual) are formed, in order to investigate the ways in which people realise themselves in, resist, or support particular ideologies and practices of sexuality. This historical and comparative approach to sexualities clearly rules out biologistic premises. But what is sexuality? A fundamental component of identity is our sense of being not simp1y human, but male or female in sex and with particular gender formations. Juliet Mitchell (1980 argues that this is a relational difference, based on the necessity of heterosexual reproduction. However, she, along with many others, stresses that the 'contents' of sexuality are social, rather than a matter of reproductive biology, since what masculinity or femininity entail is not the same universally.
Although we may feel our sexuality as emanating from and personal to each of us, it is constructed and regulated publicly in many different ways. These include in customs or laws defining who may marry or engage in sexual practices with whom, in which ways and in what circumstances. They also include policies (formal or informal) about the control of fertility and so forth. Sexuality is not restricted to physical sensual gratification either, but informs, for instance, senses of self-worth (indicated in statements like "I'm only a woman") and modes of self-fulfilment (such as that Hausa men may feel their virility is bound up in economic control of their households but not in carrying out domestic labour, or Arab men that their manhood is expressed in controlling the sexual conduct of wives and sisters). Sexuality also has to do with how one relates to people of one's own or other genders, regardless of any intention of seeking sensual gratification with them (for instance, with avoidance, contempt, deference, competition, bonding...). Finally it is structured also into the organisation of social space and relations of production (e.g. gender divisions of labour in agrarian societies, and occupational sex segregation and the 'woman's wage' virtually world vide). See Weeks 1985 and 1986, Coward 1980 and 1983, Burniston et al 1978, Milchell and Rose 1982.
Subjectivity (including sexual, gender identity) should be seen as constructed not through entry into one symbolic order but possibly through a number of discourses (Coward 1983, Mama 1987, Imam 1988). In so doing, one moves toward seeing the subject as constituted through taking subject positions in a number of (often intersecting) discourses. Thus subjectivity entails sexual identity, but also positioning in ethnic, religious and other forms of identity.
Foucault suggests the importance of looking at the constitution of the subject "at the level of those continuous and uninterrupted processes which subject our bodies, govern our gestures, dictate our behaviours etc." (1986:233), regarding subjugation to the 'how' of power operations as itself constituting the subject. That is to say that our subjectivities and sexualities are themselves partly constituted in the ways in which we daily act in the discourses which govern gender divisions of labour, daily dress, behaviour towards spouses and so on.
Discourses are themselves historical products however. The conditions of their existence and the historical terrains they construct are not static. However, new ideological terrains are not so much completely new fields but the reordering, dis-articulation and re-articulation of ideological elements in new ways, as well as to new elements (Gramsci 1971, Laclau 1979, Hall 1988). And, I might add, so that they intersect other ideological terrains at different points or in new ways. Further some ideological elements are more crucial and stable than others in the constitution of the fractured and unsecured subjectivity - not around the Phallus alone, as Lacan suggests - but certainly around key questions of sexual, ethnic, class and other forms of identity. The work of Gramscian intellectuals can be seen as transforming subjectivities to the extent they are able to keep a resonance with these key elements while forging new articulations of other ideological elements with them.[8] And this is where we can begin to consider the discourses of sexuality being (re-)constructed and (re-)invented by contemporary religious and other movements and their implications for changing ideas about and practices implicated by sexuality.
Here, I wish to enter a caveat on the term 'fundamentalism' which has come into use to describe all sorts of conservative right-wing movements, and particularly on the phrase Muslim or Islamic fundamentalism. First, it is a term which derives from Christian history, and is not particularly appropriate to other religions. The common usage also causes political difficulties as many Muslims have no objection to being termed those who are concerned with the fundamentals or the roots of the faith. Many of these are not otherwise supporters of the types of movement referred to as 'fundamentalist,' but who then have declared an affinity with them through acceptance of the nomenclature. In addition, it is a misnomer as what the fundamentals of a faith are depend very much on who is doing the defining - they are not a simple or uncontested issue. Furthermore, it is necessary to distinguish between general moves to increased religiosity and cultural assertions - such as Muslim renaissance or revivalism - and what many of us prefer to term the 'religious right' or 'religious conservatives' who are only one strand of a broader phenomenon.
Muslim religious right movements share a number of characteristics - which are shared with all religious right movements (see ROAPE 1991, Sahgal and Yuval Davis 1992, WLUML 1992, Yuval Davis 1980). First, they claim a return to the fundamentals of faith and to a tradition unsullied by modern excesses. Subjected to inspection this is actually a creative vision (re/construction) of 'Islamic society' and not a return to any known historical past nor actual literal interpretation of surahs. There is selection and interpretation always. Second, there is the claim to the only true vision and an intolerance of all other views, whether or not also Muslim. Muslim dissenters are denied with the argument that Islam is danger, therefore all protesters against their views are traitors to Islam - hence giving the excuse for forcible suppression (Helie-Lucas 1993). Third, there is the seeking of power to impose their own vision forcibly on others. Fourth, the community of identity focused upon is the Umma, the community of Muslim believers, and all other forms of identity (national, ethnic, occupational) are considered irrelevant. Fifth, they excoriate 'western feminism' and attempt to brand all forms of women's assertions to autonomy as foreign, western and anti-lslamic. Finally, there is the objective of the control of women (including women's sexuality) by men and the wish to legislate what women can or cannot do and to punish non-conformers. It is this view of sexuality that is discussed below.
Commonalities of Muslim Religious Right Views on Sexuality in keeping with their vision of a boundary-less Umma, Muslim religious right movements - from Afghanistan to South Africa, and Iran to Bangladesh, and including in Muslim minority communities in countries like Britain and France - have a remarkable consistency of vision regarding gender relations and sexuality. Commonalities include the centrality of concern with women, an asceticism about the body, a focus on (in particular) women's sexuality as a source of immorality, the increase in means for men to satisfy hetero-sexual desires, and, the reconstruction of patriarchal control over women and their sexuality.
At the heart - so to speak - of Muslim religious right groups is their concern with women (see Helie-Lucas 1995). Where logically one might expect a focus on the (gender neutral) five pillars of Islam - the profession of belief in Allah and the prophet, the five daily prayers, the annual month-long fast, the giving of a tenth of one's goods for charity each year, and the pilgrimage to Mecca - there is instead a preoccupation with women. It is women's dress and behaviour which is frequently made a symbol of new 'Islamic' orders from Iran to Sudan and now in Afghanistan. When women refuse to conform, by wearing other than the movements' prescribed dress code or continuing to go to work or to school, they are threatened and violent attacks made on them (see Benoune 1995, WLUML 1995, for instance). As a huge literature has pointed out with regard to nationalism also, women are made the repositories of culture, as opposed to participants and co-creators (see Yuval-Davis 1980). Thence interests in the control of women's reproductive powers and their influence in social transmission to children to ensure a proper next generation becomes stronger. And 'authentic' Muslim culture becomes the (re)invention of customs which lower women's autonomy - such as in Algeria empowering men to vote for their wives and daughters - while delegitimating or ignoring all other practices. The objective is the increased domesticity of women, their identities and sexualities tamed into a restriction to women's "primary roles as wife and mother."
Asceticism (one hesitates to say "Puritanism") about the body, particularly for women, is another characteristic of religious right movements, where it is generally referred to as the requirement of 'modesty.' In Muslim religious right groups modesty is expressed through the imposition of dress codes - most particularly for women, though the Taliban in Afghanistan is requiring presently that men grow beards. Muslim women's dress codes are often misleading referred to generically as veiling or the hijab. This obscures both historical changes in modes of dress and cultural contexts - and thus the fact that people may be talking of quite different modes of dressing when they refer to increased veiling or women's hijab. The black loose cloak covering head to ankles known as the chador in Iran is not the same as the loose swathe of sometimes diaphanous cloth draped around the body called the tobe in Sudan. Both are unlike the headscarf and maiyafi (cloth covering head and shoulders) of 'modest' women in Nigeria. Nor are any of these identical with the headscarf (sometimes worn with jeans) that is acceptable in South Africa. All however signify a control of women's sexuality, indicating that women need to be covered in some way to prevent their exudation of sexuality. Increasingly Muslim right groups are taking the most restrictive dress codes, homogenising them and imposing them on varied Muslim communities. The Bashir regime in Sudan, for instance, attempted to impose the Iranian chador on Sudanese women in the early 1990s.
In addition to increasing restrictive dress codes 'modesty' is often also seen as requiring a denial of sensuality or openness in body care. The wearing of make-up, jewellery, or perfume is frowned at in many places. Hammans (even for single sex use) and massages, despite the long historical and cultural traditions of their use and enjoyment, are now not licit or at least questionable in Iran and Turkey. It has been suggested that this unwillingness to see or touch the unclothed body is resulting in unease in touching oneself and thence in lower standards of personal hygiene in Iran, particularly where households do not have private bathrooms (Homa Hoodfar - personal communication). It certainly has implications concerning the control of sexuality and the permissibility or not of open enjoyment of bodily sensations.
Muslim religious right groups focus on sexuality as a source of immorality. There is the commonly stated assumption that if un-related women and men are together they must be engaging in (illicit) sexual acts. This unrestrained sexuality is dangerous to morality and social order. However, it is women's sexuality that is peculiarly responsible and culpable. It is women who must abide by restrictive dress codes that signify asexuality. It is women who must be segregated or secluded so as not to tempt men. Thus it is women's very presence that is so powerfully sexual that men's restraint falls. And, it is women who are most at fault in any situation suggesting possible 'immorality' because they should have avoided it. Thus this discourse both finds women's sexuality to be naturally and unconsciously powerful, and, simultaneously, blameworthy. Female sexuality must therefore be constrained, controlled and punished in Muslim religious right practices.
Thence, in Nigeria local state decrees penalise girls engaging in street hawking of goods, rather than the men who harass and molest them (Pittin 1991, Imam 1991). Thence too, in areas where the honor-shame complex is found, women are killed by fathers and brothers, sometimes on mere suspicion of having engaged in non-marital sex. However, neither female nor male relatives of the men who are suspected of immorality find it incumbent upon them to kill their sons or brothers. 'Honor' killings of women are condoned by the communities in which they occur (in the Arab- speaking Middle East, for instance). Often enough 'honor' killings are also condoned by the state (for example, Iraq and Israel - see Al-Fanar 1995, WLUML Dossiers, Shirkat Gah Newsheets), who accept suspicion of immorality as a defense precluding murder charges. While. in Bangladesh, there has in the past few years been a surge of completely extra-legal decisions by village salishes or councils to stone and burn women they charge with immorality (see the award-winning documentary Eclipse made by Ain-o-Salish Kendra). Or, in Sudan since the 1990s, a woman can be legally stopped and questioned by any man who feels she is not wearing appropriate attire. Or she can be harassed, picked up and held by the police until her husband, father or brother arrives to guarantee her suitable dress in the future (Sudan Women and Law Project 1996).
This control of women's sexuality is particularly clear in the stances concerning women's fertility management. Most typically the whole range of practices which relate to managing fertility are removed from women's control to that of men and the state. This ranges from decisions over whether or when to have intercourse, to decisions over knowledge of and access to different types of contraception, to permissibility or not of pregnancy termination. Neither women nor men are expected to have intercourse before marriage - although, as mentioned above, the penalties for women are far more severe. However, as wives, women may never refuse to have sexual intercourse - it is their husbands who have the right to decide. Muslim religious right groups also frequently initially refuse any form of birth prevention (whether pregnancy prevention or abortion). This often ignores the fact that there are different positions on this permissibility within Sharia over fertility management. Even with abortion this often hinges on when the soul is infused into the foetus and hence at what stage of development abortion is permissible. Instead, the most restrictive formulations are postulated - a complete ban or the only defense that it is to save the mother's life. New restrictions may also be instituted in Sharia, such as that the woman must have been raped as well as in the first trimester of pregnancy (e.g. Sudan in the 1990s), before it is defensible to carry out an abortion. Attitudes to pregnancy avoidance can, nonetheless vary. In the early days of the Iranian revolution use of contraception was considered antithetical for good Muslims. Of recent however, the Iranian religious right (still in state power) have started to encourage family planning and list acceptable forms of contraception. Even so, in either case it is not women themselves who may judge and decide whether and how to manage their fertility.
Men's sexuality is also channelled, but in a way that gives them more control. The religious right discourse gives men more means and avenues of satisfying desires - if heterosexual. Polygyny frequently becomes an unbridled right of Muslim men - in some cases (like Nigeria) almost an obligation. The right to marry girl children is defended and promoted as men's right and the prevention of immorality. There is increasingly a lack of concern for the consent of the bride to marriage. Women's right to choice of marriage partner is increasingly whittled down or removed altogether, as in Sudan where there has been a shift from allowing women to make the choice to enabling her waliyi (guardian, always male) to enforce his choice on her. Mut'a (temporary marriage permitted in Shiite Sharia)[9] is on the increase, including in Sunni communities where it was previously unknown or condemned as Shiite apostasy, such as Algeria and Sudan (WLUML 1995, Sudan Woman and Law Project 1996). The treatment of rape militates against women. It not only refuses categorically to recognise rape within marriage, but also poses such severe conditions (such as the eye witness testimony of four upright men) that a woman charging rape or pregnant as a result of rape may well find herself, rather than her rapist, punished on the grounds of 'self-confessed immorality' or 'unfounded charges' as has happened in Pakistan (see Shirkat Gah Newsheets).
In general terms, one might say that the Muslim religious right (like Christian and Hindu religious right groups - see WAF Journals) have been reconstructing patriarchal control over women and their sexuality. The locus of control has been shifting from the patriarch proper (father as household or family head) with control over women and men of his household/family) to state control of women (and men), to state-sanctioned control of all women by all men (i.e. any individual man in street or house). Thus, any man may enforce his idea of women's appropriate dress on any woman he sees in Sudan. There is the use of salishes to condemn women for adultery or bigamy etc., in Bangladesh even when the act in question is done with her father's permission. There has been tacit state toleration of acid-throwing when a woman refuses intercourse with a man, even if that refusal was in the name of modesty and chastity in Algeria, or of women's abduction for being in public spaces in Nigeria. There has been increasing violence against women who refuse to conform in Algeria, Sudan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan amongst others.
Finally, there is the issue of same-sex relations, about which there is still rather little literature or research. Muslim establishments converge with religious right groups in condemning 'unnatural deviations' (homosexual relations of men or women, transvestitism, transsexuals and so on). There seems always to have been a loud silence on women's same-sex relations. However, in many Muslim communities in the Middle East, in east coast Kenya or in Northern Nigeria for example, there has been a centuries long history of quiet toleration of male same-sex relations (including sexual intercourse and forms of cross dressing). The condemnations of these practices, often now explicitly including women's same-sex relations, have become increasingly strident. They are denounced as not only unnatural, but also anti-Islam and due to the corrupting influence of the West and/or feminism (which is itself viewed as a solely Western construct).
Specificities of Muslim Religious Right Discourses of Sexuality
However, the ideal of a boundary-less Umma is just that - an ideal. Despite the many commonalities of rhetoric there is a need to periodise and contextualise religious right discourses also, and not to assume that they are all the same. There are many links and the internationalising of the Muslim religious right (in political links, money circulation and donations, printed, audio and visual matter, scholarships) is an important topic not yet well researched (but see ROAPE 1991). Where and how the ideologies and programmes are decided, passed on and shared, what the links are between religious right groups in different communities are issues yet to be elucidated. Even so, how ideologies are reconstructed, transformed, influenced and construed in the practices of specific communities is extremely important. It does make a real and crucial difference if exhortations for women's modesty are couched in terms of men's lack of culpability in killing women on 'honor' grounds (Iraq) or relatively lightly in terms of wearing a headscarf outside one's home (South Africa). There is a substantive divergence in effects on women's and men's lives and sexuality between the religious right saying in one place that any form of contraception is anti-lslamic (immediate post- revolution Iran), and in another place or at another time that Allah has provided certain safe and legitimate means for spacing births (contemporary Iran).
Despite the commonalities and the similar rhetorical flourishes, Muslim religious right groups are not identical to each other. The appendix to this paper is a table of differing principles and claims of the religious right in different countries. It is incomplete, but it serves to illustrate the point. Nor are the contexts in which Muslim religious rights groups operate, the ideological-political state and content of hegemony in each community, or the arrangement and power of groups who are not part of the religious right, and/or non-Muslim groups all the same. In addition, it behoves us to remember that Muslim is not the only identity that groups (even religious right groups) may choose to inflect in particular circumstances. Other identities - post-colonial, ethnic or regional, professional, gender... - may be also drawn upon. In every community these and probably other issues have a recursive effect on discursive practices at ideological levels and in behaviours.
There is, furthermore, a need to look at the varying impacts of religious right discourse by social relations in communities. In Pakistan, for instance, the hudood ordinance affects mostly poorer women who have not the social and economic resources to avoid being entangled in it. Restrictions on formal sector work affect mostly middle class women (for instance in Algeria, Sudan, Nigeria). Segregation and seclusion, and the lack of work outside the home affects poorer women the most in Bangladesh and in Sudan, where women street food sellers are being picked up, harassed and fined. There are reports that female genital mutilation is on the increase in refugee camps, which affect the poor and displaced of both Somalia and Sudan.
Finally, women's and men's relations with religious right discourses of sexuality (or other) are likewise diverse. As mentioned 'modesty' may lead lo a dislike of undressing or touching one's body. But dress codes may also be rejected even in the face of death threats as in Algeria and Sudan, or resisted in favour of a modesty of demeanour demanded from both women and men (northern Nigeria), or adopted for a whole parade of different rationales. These could include acceptance of the view that women's sexuality must be hidden and controlled, as a symbol of one's faith in minority communities, as a means of protection from harassment, as a means of asserting mobility outside one's home (i.e. achieving some freedom of movement), or fear of the consequences if it is not worn. Restrictive dress codes have also been adopted in ways which subvert any hope of making women socially invisible or diminishing their sexuality - there are women's magazines which advise on how to wear hijab in an attractive manner, as well as fashion parades and designer chadors in countries as varied as Egypt and Nigeria, at least.
Similarly, the adoption of seclusion or acceptance of segregation may be the expression of a view of sexuality as uncontrollable in the presence of non-related women and men. Or, it may also be a result of the renegotiation of the patriarchal bargain (see Kandiyoti) so that men take the responsibility of household maintenance (Imam 1994), or because there is no option of work outside the home, or because of social pressure - or a mixture of all of these. Obviously each of these situations has different implications for sexuality. Conforming behaviour alone is not sufficient to establish conforming realities.
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1988 The Toad in the Garden: Thatcherism Among the Theorists in Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grosberg (eds.) Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture University of Illinois Press Urbana/Chicago pp. 35-57
Helie-Lucas, Marieme 1994 The Preferential Symbol for Islamic Identity: Women in Muslim Personal Laws in Valentine Moghadam (ed.) Identity Politics and Women: Cultural Reassertion and Feminisms in International Perspective Westview Press, Boulder, Colorado pp. 391 407
Imam, Ayesha M (forthcoming) 'Women and Religion - Islam' Workshop on African Women and Tradition, Culture and Religion Newsletter of the African Centre for Democracy and Human Rights Studies, Banjul, The Gambia
1994 If You Won't Do These Things For Me, I Won't Do Seclusion For You': Local and Regional Constructions of Seclusion Ideologies and Practices in Kano, Norhern Nigeria D.Phil. Thesis, Social Anthropology, University of Sussex at Brighton) 1991 Women and Fundamentalism Women Living Under Muslim Laws Dossier 11/12/13 pp. 13-15 1991
The Development of Women's Seclusion in Hausaland, Northern Nigeria Women Living Under Muslim Laws Dossier 9/10:4-18 1988 Subjectivity and Sexuality Unpublished Paper, Division of Anthropology, School of African and Asian Studies, University of Sussex, Brighton
Kandiyoti, Deniz Bargaining with Patriarchy Gender and Society (ed.) 1991 Women, Islam and the State MacMillan London
Keddie, Nikki and Beth Baron (eds.) 1991 Women in Middle Eastern History: Shifting Boundaries In Sex and Gender Yale University Press New Haven and London
Laclau, Ernesto 1979 Politics and Ideology in Marxist Theory Verso London
Lalif, Shahida 1990 Muslim Women in India: Political and Private Realities Zed Books London
Mama, Amina (forthcoming 1996) Shedding the Masks and Tearing the Veils: Towards a Gender Approach to African Culture in Engendering African Social Sciences Ayesha M. Imam, Fatou Sow and Amina Mama (eds.) CODESRIA Dakar 1987 Race and Subjectivity Ph.D. Thesis University of London
Mandara, Mairo l995 Prevalence of Female Genital Mutilation in Zaria: A Critical Appraisal Paper to IRRRAG Workshop, Benin City May 1.
Mandelbaum, David G 1988 Women's Seclusion and Men's Honor University of Arizona Press Tucson
Mernissi, Fatima 1991 Women and Islam: An Historical and Theological Enquiry Basil Blackwell Oxford 1975 Beyond the Veil: Male-Female Dynamics in a Modern Muslim Country Schenkman Publishing Company Cambridge, Massachusetts
Mir-Hossaini, Ziba 1994 Strategies of Selection: Differing Notions of Marriage in Iran and Morocco in Camilla Fawzi El-Solh and Judy Mabro (eds.) Muslim Women's Choice: Religious Belief and Social Reality Berg Providence and Oxford pp. 55-72
Mitchell, Juliet 1980 On the Differences Between men and Women New Society p.234-235
Mitchell, Juliet and Jacqueline Rose (eds.) 1982 Feminine Sexuality. Jaques Lacan and the ecole freudienne MacMillan London
Najmabadi, Afshamah 1991 Hazards of Modernity and Morality in Women, Islam and the State Denis Kandiyoti (ed.) MacMillan London
Papanek, Hanna and Gail Minault (eds.) 1982 Separate Worlds: Studies of Purdah in South Asia Chanakya Publications Delhi
Pittin, Renee 1991 Women, Work and Ideology in Nigeria Review of African Political Economy 52:38-52 1979 Marriage and Alternative Strategies: Career Patterns of Hatsa Women in Katsina City Ph.D. Thesis University of London
ROAPE 1991 Review of African Political Economy No. 52 Special Issue on Fundamentalism in Africa: Religion and Politics November
Sabbah, F. A., Woman in the Muslim Unconscious Pergamon Press New York and Oxford
Sahgal, Gita and Nira Yuval-Davis (eds.) 1992 Refusing Holy Orders: Women and Fundamentalism in Britain Virago London
Schneider, Jane 1971 Of Vigilance and Virgins: Honor, Shame and Access to Resources in Mediterranean Societies Ethnology 10(1):1-24 10
Shaheed, Farida 1994 Controlled or Autonomous: Identity and the Experience of the Network Women Living Under Muslim Laws Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 19(4):997-1019
Shirkat Gah Newsheet 1992-1995, Lahore
Smith, Mary F 1981 (first published in 1954) Baba of Karo: A Woman of the Muslim Hausa Faber Yale
Sudan Women and Law Project 1996 Interim Report (mimeo)
Toubia, Nahid and Abdullahi An-Na'im 1993 Legal Dimensions of the Health of Women in Arab and Muslim Countries. Concept paper for the "Legal Dimensions of Women's Health" Population Council Meeting West Asia and North Africa Region.
Weeks, Jeffery 1985 Sexuality and it Discontents. Meanings, Myths and Modern Sexualities Routledge and Kegan Paul London 1986 Sexuality Ellis Horwood/Tavistock Chichester/London
WAF Women against Fundamentalism Journal 1-6 London
WLUML Women Living Under Muslim Laws Dossiers Nos. 1-15 Grabels
1995 Dossier d'information sur la situation en Algérie. Resistance de femmes et solidarité internationale/Compilation of information on the situation in Algeria. Women's resistance and solidarity around the world. Grabels
1992 Special Bulletin on Fundamentalism and Secularism in South Asia
Yuval-Davis, Nira 1980 The Bearers of the Collective: Women and Religious Fundamentalism in Israel Feminist Review No. 4
Appendix: Table of Various Practices/Claims of Religious Right in Different Countries
Iran<?xml:namespace prefix = o ns =
"urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" /> |
Nigeria |
Bangladesh |
Pakistan |
Religious right in state
power |
Religious right in state
power |
Religious right in not power,
but increasingly vocal and influential |
Religious right not in state
power, but very vocal and influential |
Religious right in power, but
access to influence on state |
legal imposition of dress
code |
legal imposition of dress
code but won battle ref tobe. However non-compliance is grounds for sack
or lack of promotion |
social imposition of dress
code - but affects also non-Muslim women in multi-religious
state |
women-Islamic dress but men
national dress |
Iranian women may not marry
non-lranian men Rafsanjani now talking of more open relations between
women and men |
(1994 revival of 1959 law)
Sudanese men students abroad may
not marry non-Sudanese women
(unless Egyptian) without diplomatic
permission |
in principle women should not
marry non-Muslim men but is done and accepted |
cannot give self in
marriage |
rejection of Hanafi law that
woman can give self in marriage in favour of Maliki where it is more
difficult |
both women and men have
waliyi -often consent sought but father has right to compel
virgins |
women first eliminated from
urban work outside home (especially formal sector). gradual return in some
areas |
women being eliminated from
urban work (especially public sector, and in judicial
system) |
increasing pressure for dress
code, calls for gender segregated work, failed attempt to ban women from
civil service |
attacks on NGOs working on
issues of women's economic autonomy (tree-planting now unlslamic') or
education |
contraceptive use/abortion
unIslamic first-now regarded as permissible. Both positions with fatwas to
support |
abortion legal only if in
first trimester and woman was raped |
abortion - defense that
mother's life threatened dislike of contraceptive use - coitus interuptus
and safe period OK |
development of extra judicial
practices of salishes accusing women of adultery,
bigamy |
Jamaati-Islami resolve that
family planning unlslamic. abortion illegal (10
years) |
mut'a on increase polygyny on
increase |
mut'a introduced 1990s 'house
of obedience' legalised 1992 |
stress on men's right to
polygyny and to child brides |
hudood ordinance not
distinguish non-marital sex from rape. evidence rules favour men, but
punishment is same |
first women's sports
discouraged - now females do
sports covered up and swimming not televised or open to men
spectators |
girls not encouraged to do
sports. dancing now increasingly considered as not
licit |
music + dance banned in
girls' schools |
[1] Sayings of the Prophet Mohammed or anecdotes concerning his life. as recounted by those who were his contemporaries and passed on to others in a traceable line of transmission.
[2] The historical experience of colonisation and presently of being post-colonial subjects is probably another.
[3] Formally systematised bodies of Muslim laws - combining jurisprudence, law and theology.
[4] By seclusion I refer specifically to the restriction of women's freedom of movement to domestic space - rather than the whole panoply of dress codes, sexual segregation and avoidance/deference behaviour that is frequently collectively referred to as purdah. See Imam 1994.
[5] Including in non-Muslim communities, as in Greece (see Schneider 1971).
[6] The amputation of the clitoris - in some areas including also the amputation of the vaginal lips and/or sewing up of what remains - is often erroneously referred to as female circumcision. Circumcision in males excises only the foreskin of the penis, rather than the whole organ. The amputation of the prepuce of the clitoris, commonly referred to as Sunna circumcision is the equivalent. It has been noted to occur, but the frequency with which attempted Sunna circumcision actually results in whole or partial clitoral amputation is still a question to be researched.
[7] The removal of a 'too large' hymen, done usually 7 days after birth.
[8] See Coward 1983, Mama 1987 and forthcoming, Imam 1988 and 1994 for further expositions of this type of theorisation of the construction of subjectivity and sexuality.
[9] Some consider mut'a to enable women to exercise more rights and autonomy and expression of sexuality than standard marriage forms (see Haeri 1989). Others (Mir-Hosseini 1994) argue that it is women with social disabilities who are forced to accept such unions, and who would prefer standard marriages. I suggest that mut'a could be either potentially autonomy-giving or less advantageous depending on the general social, economic and politic conditions of women as a group and as individuals. Where women have high status and autonomy then mut'a is a choice that may be advantageous and vice versa.


text:
SHILOH, Ill. — After a health insurance change forced Bernard Macon to cut ties with his black doctor, he struggled to find another African American physician online. Then, he realized two health advocates were hiding in plain sight.
At a nearby drugstore here in the suburbs outside of St. Louis, a pair of pharmacists became the unexpected allies of Macon and his wife, Brandy. Much like the Macons, the pharmacists were energetic young parents who were married — and unapologetically black.
Vincent and Lekeisha Williams, owners of LV Health and Wellness Pharmacy, didn't hesitate to help when Brandy had a hard time getting the medicine she needed before and after sinus surgery last year. The Williamses made calls when Brandy, a physician assistant who has worked in the medical field for 15 years, didn't feel heard by her doctor's office.
"They completely went above and beyond," said Bernard Macon, 36, a computer programmer and father of two. "They turned what could have been a bad experience into a good experience."
Now more than ever, the Macons are betting on black medical professionals to give their family better care. The Macon children see a black pediatrician. A black dentist takes care of their teeth. Brandy Macon relies on a black gynecologist. And now the two black pharmacists fill the gap for Bernard Macon while he searches for a primary care doctor in his network, giving him trusted confidants that chain pharmacies likely wouldn't.
Black Americans continue to face persistent health care disparities. Compared with their white counterparts, black men and women are more likely to die of heart disease, stroke, cancer, asthma, influenza, pneumonia, diabetes and AIDS, according to the Office of Minority Health.
But medical providers who give patients culturally competent care — the act of acknowledging a patient's heritage, beliefs and values during treatment — often see improved patient outcomes, according to multiple studies. Part of it is trust and understanding, and part of it can be more nuanced knowledge of the medical conditions that may be more prevalent in those populations.
For patients, finding a way to identify with their pharmacist can pay off big time. Cutting pills in half, skipping doses or not taking medication altogether can be damaging to one's health — even deadly. And many patients see their pharmacists monthly, far more often than annual visits to their medical doctors, creating more opportunities for supportive care.
That's why some black pharmacists are finding ways to connect with customers in and outside of their stores. Inspirational music, counseling, accessibility and transparency have turned some minority-owned pharmacies into hubs for culturally competent care.
"We understand the community because we are a part of the community," Lekeisha Williams said. "We are visible in our area doing outreach, attending events and promoting health and wellness."
To be sure, such care is not just relevant to African Americans. But mistrust of the medical profession is especially a hurdle to overcome when treating black Americans.
Many are still shaken by the history of Henrietta Lacks, whose cells were used in research worldwide without her family's knowledge; the Tuskegee Project, which failed to treat black men with syphilis; and other projects that used African Americans unethically for research.
Filling More Than Prescriptions
At black-owned Premier Pharmacy and Wellness Center near Grier Heights, a historically black neighborhood in Charlotte, N.C., the playlist is almost as important as the acute care clinic attached to the drugstore. Owner Martez Prince watches his customers shimmy down the aisles as they make their way through the store listening to Jay-Z, Beyoncé, Kirk Franklin, Whitney Houston and other black artists.
Prince said the music helps him in his goal of making health care more accessible and providing medical advice patients can trust.
In rural Georgia, Teresa Mitchell, a black woman with 25 years of pharmacy experience, connects her customers with home health aides, shows them how to access insurance services online and even makes house calls. Her Total Care Pharmacy is the only health care provider in Baconton, where roughly half the town's 900 residents are black.
"We do more than just dispense," Mitchell said.
Iradean Bradley, 72, became a customer soon after Total Care Pharmacy opened in 2016. She struggled to pick up prescriptions before Mitchell came to town.
"It was so hectic because I didn't have transportation of my own," Bradley said. "It's so convenient for us older people, who have to pay someone to go out of town and get our medicine."
Lakesha M. Butler, president of the National Pharmaceutical Association, advocates for such culturally competent care through the professional organization representing minorities in the pharmacy industry and studies it in her academic work at the Edwardsville campus of Southern Illinois University. She also feels its impact directly, she said, when she sees patients at clinics two days a week in St. Charles, Mo., and East St. Louis, Ill.
"It's just amazing to me when I'm practicing in a clinic setting and an African American patient sees me," Butler said. "It's a pure joy that comes over their face, a sigh of relief. It's like 'OK, I'm glad that you're here because I can be honest with you and I know you will be honest with me.'"
She often finds herself educating her black patients about diabetes, high blood pressure, high cholesterol and other common conditions.
"Unfortunately, there's still a lack of knowledge in those areas," Butler said. "That's why those conditions can be so prevalent."
Avoiding Medical Microaggressions
For Macon, his experiences with medical professionals of backgrounds different from his own left him repeatedly disappointed and hesitant to open up.
After his wife had a miscarriage, Macon said, the couple didn't receive the compassion they longed for while grieving the loss. A few years later, a bad experience with their children's pediatrician when their oldest child had a painful ear infection sparked a move to a different provider.
"My daughter needed attention right away, but we couldn't get through to anybody," Macon recalled. "That's when my wife said, 'We aren't doing this anymore!'"
Today, Macon's idea of good health care isn't colorblind. If a doctor can't provide empathetic and expert treatment, he's ready to move, even if a replacement is hard to find.
Kimberly Wilson, 31, will soon launch an app for consumers like Macon who are seeking culturally competent care. Therapists, doulas, dentists, specialists and even pharmacists of color will be invited to list their services on HUED. Beta testing is expected to start this summer in New York City and Washington, D.C., and the app will be free for consumers.
"Black Americans are more conscious of their health from a lot of different perspectives," Wilson said. "We've begun to put ourselves forward."
But even after the introduction of HUED, such health care could be hard to find. While about 13 percent of the U.S. population is black, only about 6 percent of the country's doctors and surgeons are black, according to Data USA. Black pharmacists make up about 7 percent of the professionals in their field, and, though the demand is high, black students accounted for about 9 percent of all students enrolled in pharmacy school in 2018.
For Macon, though, the Williamses' LV Health and Wellness Pharmacy in Shiloh provides some of the support he has been seeking.
"I still remember the very first day I went there. It was almost like a barbershop feel," Macon said, likening it to the community hubs where customers can chitchat about sports, family and faith while getting their hair cut. "I could relate to who was behind the counter."
Kaiser Health News, a non-profit health newsroom, is an editorially independent part of the Kaiser Family Foundation.

subset: commoncrawl


text:
& pisses herself. Drunk Bitch drops her drink in the lap
of a slightly less drunk body & is sure she's found love
in his smiling shrug: Easy, Tiger. Drunk Bitch finds love
in the staggered English of a gyrating Italian man but loses
her keys & coat ticket while trying to find the beat.
Drunk Bitch's hips lie about her age & relationship status.
Drunk Bitch sees every park bench as a balance beam.
Drunk Bitch says she used to be a gymnast & isn't lying
but wasn't ever very good. Drunk Bitch is limber
but bruises easily. Drunk Bitch has never broken a bone
but has broken five cellphones, three necklace clasps
& the hearts of a squadron of decent & indecent men.
Drunk Bitch's stagger summons lust from the loins
of unimaginative men. Drunk Bitch sips the future
& burns the past. Drunk Bitch ladles rum punch, spills red
rumors across her blouse, & swears she's not drunk
tonight, just clumsy. Rumor is Drunk Bitch swallowed
the salt of a man in the bar bathroom. Drunk Bitch sloppy
paints her toenails pink until she feels pretty enough
to text old drunk lusts. Drunk Bitch is as Drunk Bitch does.
Drunk Bitch kisses like a vacuum mated with a wet sponge.
These days Drunk Bitch stretches her luck till it pulls.
Drunk Bitch causes a commotion, leaves a house
party on a stretcher. Drunk Bitch gets up to get drowned.
Drunk Bitch floods the life of the party in Drunk Bitch tears.
Drunk Bitch clicks her heels three times & wakes in a new
home with no clothes or cab money. Drunk Bitch watches
strangers in their underwear make coffee, eggs, sometimes
banana waffles. Drunk Bitch still has this one good trick:
she lies down like a corpse four days with drawn drapes
& the knife.


text:
Guest Rating N.116: Casa Prosecco Apartment Gravedona, Lake Como
Your opinion about your holiday accommodation 116
We place great value on your judgement. How did you like your holiday?
We would appreciate if you answered a few questions.
Simply judge by grading 1 (poor) to 5 (recommended).
Accommodation name: | Prosecco |
Guest: | Beuer Bernd |
Period of booking: | 2014-05-24 - 2014-05-31 |
How do you rate the position of the house? | |
What is your rating of the tidiness in general? | |
How did you like the furnishing in general and the overall impression? | |
What is your rating of the price-performance ratio? | |
What do you think about the kitchen equipment? | |
What is your opinion about the bathroom/bathrooms? | |
What about the beds? | |
Was it easy for you to find your holiday house? | |
Have you had any problems in the house? | NO |
If so, who/what has helped you resolving them? | |
Internet portal through which you booked? | Ok |
Suggestions, proposals, requests: | der Brötchen Service ist Prima! |
Answer: |


text:
Works of art made by women in rural India and prints from post-war Japan will be featured in two exhibitions presented by the University of Alabama at BirminghamDepartment of Art and Art History from June 5-July 17.
Each exhibition will be on show in the UAB Abroms-Engel Institute for the Visual Arts, 1221 10th Ave. South. A free opening reception is planned for 5-7:30 p.m. Friday, June 6.
"Objects of Authority: Embroideries and Other Contemporary Arts from Western India," curated by UAB Assistant Professor of Art History Cathleen Cummings and co-curated by UAB Associate Professor of English Cynthia Ryan, will feature approximately 40 works of art produced in rural contexts in India over the past 50 years. Older, heirloom embroideries from Gujarat will be juxtaposed with those produced in the last few years under the aegis of Indian nongovernmental organizations to highlight the effects of commodification on artistic production and the aesthetic results.
Cummings and Ryan together have traveled to India to research how social change and tourism have affected the traditional domestic textiles made by women. The exhibition reflects the reinvention of the notion of art versus craft and of art and authenticity, and the context of lower-class village women who create the textiles but are not traditionally considered artists. The exhibition also will feature paintings and textiles from Madhya Pradesh and Bihar, where aesthetic modifications similar to those in Gujarat have occurred, to draw attention to the intersections of market needs and artistic invention that have resulted in new aesthetic traditions cropping up across these regions.
"After Sōsaku Hanga: Creativity and Modernity in Japanese Prints of the 1960s and 1970s," also curated by Cummings, explores the works of sōsaku hanga printmakers of post-war Japan. The works have been selected to explore the growing influence of the West on traditional Japanese print aesthetics. All prints are from the permanent collection of the Birmingham Museum of Art.
Unlike traditional Japanese prints of the ukiyo-e tradition, which were made through a collaboration between artist, block-carver, printer and publisher, artists of the sōsaku hanga tradition sought individual and highly personalized expression in their works, and executed all stages of the print-production process themselves. Their works blended established Japanese aesthetics with the influence of modern and contemporary art of the West. The exhibition features many of the movement's most important artists, including Watanabe Sadao, Umetaro Azechi and Mori Yoshitoshi, working in the 1960s and 1970s — a time of great cultural flux in Japan.
"After Sōsaku Hanga" will be a companion exhibition to the BMA's exhibition, "Shin Hanga: Japanese Prints from the 1920s and 1930s." The sōsaku hanga movement ran counter to the shin hanga movement, the prints of which were aimed largely at Western audiences and promoted a nostalgic view of traditional Japanese subjects, such as beautiful women and landscapes. The tensions between these movements reflect the stresses within Japan and the Japanese art world during the 20th century, Cummings says.
Admission to the exhibitions is free. The AEIVA is open to the public 10 a.m.-6 p.m. Monday-Friday and 12-6 p.m. Saturday and is closed Sundays and holidays. For more information, contact Cummings at email@example.com or visit the UAB Department of Art and Art History online or the AEIVA online.
Several students from Cummings' recent graduate seminar have participated in curating the Indian exhibition. Contemporary production of textiles in rural India reveals a trend of increasing female autonomy, say students Megan Moore and Amy Williamson.
"I have been studying the India NGOs that help women generate income by employing them to do embroidery work in their homes," Williamson said. "Women who are part of one of these organizations not only have a means to support their families but have received social benefits, from increased respect in the family setting to women being elected city officials."


text:
To Zante
Fair isle, that from the fairest of all flowers, Thy gentlest of all gentle names dost take How many memories of what radiant hours At sight of thee and thine at once awake! How many scenes of what departed bliss! How many thoughts of what entombed hopes! How many visions of a maiden that is No more—no more upon thy verdant slopes! No more! alas, that magical sad sound Transfomring all! Thy charms shall please no more— Thy memory no more! Accursed ground Henceforth I hold thy flower-enamelled shore, O hyacinthine isle! O purple Zante! "Isoa d'oro! Fior di Levante!"
This poem is in the public domain.
About this Poem
From The Works of Edgar Allan Poe in Five Volumes: The Raven Edition (P.F. Collier, 1902)
Date Published


text:
Watch Rami Malek Perform as Freddie Mercury at Live Aid From Upcoming Queen Movie
The first video of actor Rami Malek as late Queen singer Freddie Mercury from the upcoming biopic has surfaced.
The minute-and-a-half fan-shot clip from the set of the Bohemian Rhapsody movie captures a pivotal moment for the band: their comeback set at Live Aid in 1985. The video also includes Joseph Mazzello as bassist John Deacon, Gwilym Lee as guitarist Brian May and Ben Hardy as drummer Roger Taylor.
The clip, which includes a backing track of the song "Bohemian Rhapsody," shows the film's stars running onto the Wembley Stadium stage, where Malek -- as Mercury sporting a sleeveless white T-shirt, faded jeans and that mustache -- sits at the piano to sing the song's opening lines.
You can watch the clip above.
The first official photo of Mr. Robot star Malek as Mercury came out a couple weeks ago, not long after the starring cast was announced.
After a few false starts over the past few years -- including a fallout with Borat star Sacha Baron Cohen, who was at one time lined up to play Mercury onscreen -- it looks like Bohemian Rhapsody is finally getting underway. In addition to the casting of the band members, the movie recently added Lucy Boynton as Mercury's longtime companion Mary Austin and is considering Mike Myers, who has his own history with the 1975 Queen hit that gives the movie its title, for a role.
Bohemian Rhapsody, which is being directed by Bryan Singer from a script by Justin Haythe, is scheduled to arrive in theaters on Dec. 25, 2018.
Everything You Need to Know About the Queen Movie 'Bohemian Rhapsody'


text:
Family and friends are mourning Shaun Nugent, a Langley Minor Football coach who died just a day after rescuing a woman from drowning in a lake near Mission.
Nugent, a local contractor, was enjoying himself with his family at Mission's Hayward Lake on Saturday, July 27, when a woman got into trouble out on the water.
According to an account posted later that day by Shaun's wife, Lianne ,on Facebook, a woman had drifted out onto the lake on her floaty.
When she realized how far she was from shore, she tried to paddle back, but the current was too much for her, and she lost hold of her floaty.
She kept swimming for shore, but grew tired as the current was against her.
"Her friend on shore noticed her struggle and began screaming for help," Lianne wrote.
"Before I could even see what she was yelling about, Shaun was already in the water doing the fastest swim of his life."
Shaun swam out to the woman and helped her back to shore.
"By the time he got to her, she was about a football field length away from shore and just giving up," Lianne wrote.
"He brought her almost all the way [back] and was physically exhausted."
Lianne swam out to help, and then someone on shore threw a life ring and pulled them the last few yards.
"We didn't get her name," Lianne said.
She estimated there had to have been "20 people standing in the sand" and none reacted.
"Even after it was obvious this was an emergency situation, no help came to us" Lianne related.
On Monday morning, Shaun suddenly and unexpectedly passed away.
The cause of death has not been definitively determined, Lianne told the Langley Advance Times.
"There definitely was overstress on the heart," she said.
There has been a huge outpouring of support from people who knew him, she said.
"An all-around fabulous guy," she said.
Shaun had been a Peewee football coach for the Cowboys, a Langley Minor Football team since the couple's youngest son – they have three children – took up the sport three years ago at the age of eight.
He had just turned 43 on May 31st.
READ ALSO: VIDEO: Cowboys grapple with Raiders
Family friend Leanne Burns described Shaun Nugent as an "amazing member of our community. "
"He was a coach and mentor for the Langley Minor Football, an amazing husband, father of three, a cherished friend and neighbor," Burns related in an online post.
"[He was] always the first to lend a hand and help whenever he could."
A private, invitation-only fundraiser is being planned for Saturday, Aug. 10 to help the family, Burns advised.
Organizers are looking for donations to a a silent auction to be submitted by Wednesday so they have time to make a list and write up descriptions. Interested businesses are asked to email email@example.com.
Anyone who wishes to make a monetary donation is asked to send an email transfer to email@example.com.
There is also a gofundme campaign to aid the family at https://www.gofundme.com/f/shaun-nugent-memorial-fund with a goal of $250,000.
Organizer Amanda Campbell wrote "Shaun was a loving father to his three children, Mikayla (21), Matthew (18), and Ethan (11). He was a beloved son, brother, uncle, cousin, and a dear friend to many."
A memorial service has been tentatively scheduled for Saturday, Aug. 24.
Is there more to this story?
Email: email@example.com
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text:
Virtual reality helps veterans with PTSD
ORLANDO, Fla. (WOFL FOX 35) - Veterans and active duty military members are using virtual reality to relive the worst moments of their life in an innovative counseling program being offered for free at the University of Central Florida's PTSD Clinic.
"It's a very intense program but the advantage is that we can really take care of this disorder and treat this disorder thoroughly and effectively in a short period of time," said Dr. Deborah Beidel, the founder of UCF Restores, a program that uses a combination of counseling and exposure therapy to treat Post Traumatic Stress Disorder.
Iraq War veteran Bruce Chambers was one of the first patients to go through the therapy.
"It changed my life and if it can change my life it can change another soldier's life," Chambers said.
The UCF Restores program takes just three weeks. Beidel and her team guide patients through group therapy and virtual reality therapy, putting them back in to the traumatic experiences that changed their lives.
"We're not going to erase that from someone's memory. They're always going to have that image. What we want to do-- and every treatment tries to do-- is eliminate that stress that goes along with that," Beidel explained.
Her research shows 66 percent of patients find success with the program. That can mean fewer nightmares and less anxiety.
"We're talking about they're not able to drive on I4 because they're afraid everything is an IED on the side of the road...to they're able to drive where ever they please with minimal or no distress," Beidel said.
The experience that changed Chambers' life happened in the middle of a 15-month tour in Iraq. He was driving down a road with his unit.
"I hit a 400 pound IED. I was knocked unconscious and then we were ambushed," he said.
When he came to, things got worse.
"I visually saw my buddies run over an IUD and their Bradley go boom, gone," he recalled.
In Beidel's lab, virtual reality goggles put Chambers back in the battle vehicle. Headphones allowed him to again hear gunshots ringing out around him.
He sat in a chair on a platform that shook as his therapist's computer recreated the moment of impact. Smells--such as car exhaust and burning flesh—were piped in. Chambers relived it all over and over again until it no longer bothered him.
"It was upsetting. I cried a lot," he said.
The Department of Defense originally funded Beidel's program 4 years ago so that she could treat men and women returning from battle in Iraq and Afghanistan.
The program has grown. Now an endowment allows the university to treat soldiers and veterans of all ages to be treated for free. Room and board are covered for the duration of the three-week program. Patients are responsible for their transportation to the Orlando area.
"I think other people need to hear about this because it's changing lives," Chambers said.
PTSD no longer affects him and his family the way it once did.
"He was paranoid a lot. Had paranoia towards law enforcement," said his fiancée, Beth Rodriguez.
The paranoia caused him to run from a police officer during a traffic stop several years ago. After that—the court said: get therapy or go to jail.
"My mind thinks differently now from what it did," Chambers said.
And the live he shares with Rodriguez and their kids is different, too.
"I think I became a better father. And a better partner in my relationship. And I think family. Family relationships are better," he said.
More information about the UCF Restores program can be found here.
The program treats adults who have PTSD—including first-responders and survivors of the Pulse nightclub shooting in Orlando-- and children who have Selective Mutism, or Social Anxiety Disorder.


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To reduce the need for these second surgeries, four Johns Hopkins graduate students have designed a device to allow pathologists to quickly inspect excised breast tissue within 20 minutes, while the patient is still in the operating room. If this inspection indicates that the tumor was not fully removed, additional tissue can then be removed during the same operation. Eliminating the need for a second operation could also curb some of the additional anxiety these patients face.
The device is still in its prototype stage, but the students say their goal is to give breast cancer patients the same rapid review that commonly occurs when tumors are removed from elsewhere in the body. The students learned about the second-surgery dilemma while observing medical procedures last summer as part of a year-long biomedical engineering master's degree program. In this program, students learn to design new medical tools and products that address urgent healthcare needs.
"We spoke to breast cancer surgeons," said Hector Neira of Silver Spring, Md., one of the student inventors. "They told us that they are desperate for something that will allow them to remove the tumor in its entirety the first time, so that the patient doesn't have to come back for a second surgery."
So far, the team's system has been tested on animal tissue and human breast samples from a tissue bank, but it has not yet been used on patients. Over the past year, however, the students' device design and market analysis have earned them more than $40,000 in college business plan prize money. In the recent Design Day event for Johns Hopkins biomedical engineering students, the team received the top People's Choice award. And, although all of the student inventors received their master's diplomas in May, two have received funding to remain at Johns Hopkins and continue refining the project over the coming year.
Although the financial support and recognition is helpful, "that's not our ultimate goal," said Anjana Sinha of Princeton, N.J., another one of the student inventors. "We're not doing it for the money. We want to improve healthcare practices and raise the standard of care for these breast cancer patients. Why can't they get the same type of quick results that people with other types of cancer receive?"
When most tumors, such as those in the liver, are removed, the pathology staff can quickly flash-freeze the tissue and slice off paper-thin samples for microscopic examination. If the pathologist sees that cancer cells extend to the outer edge or margin of a sample, the surgeon is advised to remove more tissue from the patient. But breast tissue poses a problem: it possesses a high fat content and does not freeze well, causing the samples to smear, form gaps and become unsuitable for a quick review. Instead, breast tissue must be preserved and analyzed in a more time-consuming process that requires the patient to return to the operating room if the first surgery appears to have left cancer cells behind.
To solve this problem, the graduate students brainstormed for an engineering solution. Their most promising and practical idea was a device that applies an adhesive film to the breast tissue before it is sliced. The film holds the delicate tissue together, preventing damage to the samples during the slicing process. The result, the students said, is a sample that can be clearly reviewed by a pathologist within 20 minutes of its removal, potentially eliminating the need for a second operation on another day.
The low-cost system includes a reusable applicator and a proprietary disposable film. The students said the need for their product is significant, citing the estimated 330,000 lumpectomies that are performed annually in the United States alone.
"I think the students have been incredibly creative in their development of this concept, and they are addressing a very real need in the field of breast cancer surgery," said Melissa Camp, a Johns Hopkins assistant professor of surgery who worked with the team. "Accurate assessment of margin status during the initial operation will lead to fewer re-operations, and this will be beneficial for patients in many respects. I look forward to their continued work!"
At Johns Hopkins, the pathology device was developed under the supervision of the university's Center for Bioengineering Innovation and Design. The center teams students with faculty researchers, physicians and others who help them understand healthcare needs and guide them as they propose solutions, then build and test prototypes. CBID operates within the Department of Biomedical Engineering, which is shared by the university's School of Medicine and its Whiting School of Engineering.
Along with Neira and Sinha, the student inventors of the breast cancer device were Qing Xiang Yee of Singapore and Vaishakhi Mayya of India. Sinha and Mayya will remain at Johns Hopkins during the coming year to continue working on the project with David Shin of Seattle, another recent graduate of the CBID master's program. The students also will continue collaborating with advisers from the School of Medicine, including Ashley Cimino-Mathews, an assistant professor of surgical pathology, and James Shin, a surgical pathology research specialist. Jason Benkoski, a senior materials scientist from the Johns Hopkins Applied Physics Laboratory, will serve as a technical adviser to the team. The Wallace H. Coulter Foundation is providing funding for these students to continue working on the project this year.
source : http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2013/06/130625161900.htm


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Friday, August 8 2014
Friday, August 8th
KEXP 90.3, Seattle Center and Decibel Festival proudly present…
Decibel Festival Night at Concerts at the Mural
YPPAH feat. ANOMIE BELLE : live
Ninja Tune
KATIE KATE : live
Red Bull Sound Select
IG88 : live
Nueva Forma / Hush Hush
With DJs
KID HOPS (KEXP) & NORDIC SOUL (Decibel / Studio 4/4)
Music begins at 5:30pm / FREE / all-ages
For additional information, listen to KEXP 90.3FM, or visit http://KEXP.org
Brought together by a shared commitment to innovative and culturally diverse programming, KEXP 90.3FM and Seattle Center have teamed up to present Concerts at the Mural, a series of eclectic concerts on some of the summer's sultriest weekends.
Take advantage of the warm summer nights and take in the tunes from some of KEXP's favorite artists. The four FREE all-ages shows are tailored to the culturally curious who seek to discover the best of the area's independent music scene. Come early to get your seats, enjoy the beer/wine garden, and visit our sponsor booths.
What is the cost to attend?
Admission to the concerts is FREE, all ages and open to the public
What are the seating arrangements?
"Seating" is first-come, first-served, limited to the capacity of the Mural Amphitheatre lawn. You may bring folding chairs or blankets, but please be aware that some people will stand during the concerts.
What if it rains?
For cancellation information/updates, call Seattle Center Customer Service at 684-7200 or go to seattlecenter.com after 2 PM on day of show.
Can I bring my pet?
Due to the potential crowd size and the abundance of food in the area, we would prefer that concert-goers leave pets at home (except for legal guidance animals).
What is not allowed?
NO large coolers/ice chests, video or audio recorders.
Will food & beverages be available?
Food and beverage will be available throughout the series along with a beer/wine garden for people 21+ years of age with a valid photo ID starting at 4:30pm.


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When most people think about foot deformities they most often think about bunions; however, hammertoes are just as common. This unassuming deformity comes about gradually, so you may not even notice it until it's too late. "What is a hammertoe?" You might be wondering. A hammertoe affects the middle joint of a toe (often the smaller toes), causing the toe to bend downward. In severe cases, a hammertoe will look almost claw-like.
There are two kinds of hammertoes: flexible and rigid. As you might imagine, a flexible hammertoe is one in which you can still straighten the toe out. If you aren't able to straighten the affected toe then this is a rigid hammertoe. A flexible hammertoe isn't as serious as a rigid one; however, it's important that you take care of your hammertoe to make sure that it doesn't get worse.
While there is no way to cure a hammertoe there are simple measures you can take to prevent it from progressing. First and foremost, you need to take a look at the shoes you are wearing and make sure that they aren't too tight. When you slip your feet into your shoes, does it cause your toes to bunch up against one another? If so then this could make your hammertoe worse.
Instead, opt for shoes with an ample toe box, which will allow your toes to wiggle and move around freely. If you have a structural imbalance within the foot this can leave you prone to foot problems such as hammertoes and bunions. To correct this imbalance, talk to your foot doctor about getting custom orthotics (shoe inserts), which can be placed into your shoes to help provide cushioning, support, and shock absorption for your feet.
If pain or stiffness does rear its ugly head you can choose to take an over-the-counter pain reliever like ibuprofen, which can tackle both pain and inflammation in one fell swoop, or you can place a towel-wrapped ice pack (never put ice directly on the skin, as it can cause severe burns) over the area for several minutes.
Just as you can buy pads to cover a bunion or callus, you can also buy a non-medicated protective pad to cover over a hammertoe. Since the deformed toe joint juts out this can leave the toe prone to calluses, which can cause pain when wearing shoes. To prevent a callus from forming, you can apply a protective pad over the deformed toe joint before putting on shoes.
Of course, if you are dealing with significant or frequent pain, or if the hammertoe is rigid, then you will want to turn to a podiatric specialist. In severe cases, surgery may be recommended to correct the disfigured joint.


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Maid Services in Lake Elmo
You have better things to do with your free time than spending it cleaning—leave it to the house cleaners from Premier Maids INC instead. Our maid services include everything you need to maintain a perfect property without lifting a finger. Give us a call at (651) 756-7950 to speak with one of our experts about how we can accommodate your cleaning needs.
Get In TouchEverything You Need to Know About Our Maid Company
If you have been searching for a maid for hire but want to make sure you are hiring the right company, we are here to help. We have been in the industry for quite some time and have acquired the skills needed to clean your property from top to bottom. Should you want to request any information on our services, such as a cost estimate or scheduling availabilities, all you need to do is reach out and we will be happy to oblige.
Our House Cleaning Services Include:
- Dusting
- Mopping floors
- Vacuuming
- Window washing
- Emptying trash
- Making beds
- Kitchen and bathroom cleaning
- And much, much more
Our goal is to be the only cleaning company you need to keep your home looking immaculate, so if you don't see the services you need here, don't hesitate to inquire with us on how we can help.
A Cleaning Maid That You Can Rely On
We plan carefully and never crowd our schedule, which helps us ensure that we always arrive at the designated time and are prepared to provide our phenomenal cleaning. Join the many people who already consider us their go-to cleaning company and put your trust in our qualified crew today.
Maid Services That Won't Break the Bank
Everybody could use an extra hand with their cleaning routine, but that doesn't mean it is always the best use of your budget. That being said, we hope to make your choice easier with our reasonable rates on certified house cleaning. We are always willing to discuss our pricing options and help you find an option that suits your needs, so get in touch with our staff to learn more.
Free Up Your Schedule with a Maid for Hire
If keeping your home clean is eating up too much of your free time, Premier Maids INC is here to help. Thanks to our complete range of affordable cleaning services, you can turn your attention elsewhere while we take care of your housework. Whether you are looking to catch up on work or get some much-needed relaxation time, our maid services are guaranteed to be a welcome addition to your routine.
Your Home Is in Good Hands with Our Maid Company
Call Us Today
Make sure you always come home to a tidy, sparkling property with the dependable house cleaning services from Premier Maids INC. We promise to treat you and your home with the utmost respect from start to finish and deliver amazing cleaning along the way. Phone (651) 756-7950 to speak with us today. The only regret you'll have is that you didn't call us sooner.


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3D Notebook Bulldog 1
These beautiful 3D Notebooks have amazingly realistic pictures of your favourite dog on the front. You will just love the high quality and depth of our 3D Designs.
Hard covers front and back, along with the spiral binding, make them easy to use whilst out and about.
50 ruled leaves per book.
Size: 105mm x 145mm.


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December 31, 2012 - (Sponsor Announcement) - Online retailer BigBadToyStore.com has several items of interest to collectors:
Hi - here are some new preorders for today:
NECA 1/4 Scale Predator - Series 02
Reformatted R-1 Terminus Hexatron - Mastermind Collectibles
PP05P Patrol Specialist Exclusive (LE 500) - this is a PP05W reissue with less weapons, lower price, and a bonus alternate head.
Hot Toys - Hall of Armor Sets
Pac-Man & Tetris Retro Gear
Deadpool X-Force Previews Exclusive Pencil Cup Desk Accessory
Marvel Select's Rhino Charges Towards Stores This Month!
December 31, 2012 - Watch out, Spider-Man fans! One of the web-slinger's pointiest and most unstoppable foes is heading your way! The leather-skinned Rhino will arrive in comic shops and specialty stores in January, packaged in Diamond Select's familiar Select-style packaging, suitable for shelf and wall display. Designed and sculpted by Gentle Giant, the Rhino nearly 8.5 inches tall with 16 points of articulation, and is ready to tear through your Marvel Select collection like tissue paper. Reserve one today at your local comic shop or your favorite online toy store, and look for him to hit stores in early 2013!
Star Wars: The Clone Wars Marks its Milestone 100th Episode
Saturday January 5, 2013 on Cartoon Network
December 31, 2012 - Star Wars: The Clone Wars celebrates 100 episodes with a new installment that uncovers an elite Republic clone commando who has gone "Missing in Action," airing Saturday, January 5th at 9:30am ET/PT on Cartoon Network.
Given the series' title and its backdrop of galactic warfare, Star Wars: The Clone Wars often focuses on the valiant and tireless clone troopers tasked to defend the Republic from darkness. The vivid personalities of these soldiers often challenge many assumptions about the nature of clones, and has created a roster of individual heroes. This tradition continues in the 100th broadcast episode, "Missing in Action," with the intriguing addition of Gregor, a Republic clone commando suffering from amnesia who has seemingly forgotten his true nature.
(RTM note: we are over the moon for Adrian, and couldn't be more proud of him if we had sat in the room with him while he was writing!)
December 2012 - In 2009, Adrian Faulkner took an important decision and stepped down from Action-Figure. Every day for over a decade, he'd been bringing news and reviews to the toy collecting community.
"My passion had always been fiction," Adrian explains, "and the plan was that one day I would go back to that. I'd spend all day talking about other people's creations and then never get any time to spent creating my own. The day I stepped down, I felt I'd made the worst mistake of my life. I felt literally sick. Then out the blue, I got a phone call and the most amazing pep talk from Hugo Stevenson of Stevenson Toys telling me why I was going to succeed. It was just what I needed."
In Stores January 2, 2013: The Hulk, The Walking Dead, Alice: Madness Returns and Street Fighter X Tekken!
December 30, 2012 - We survived 2012! This calls for a celebration! Diamond Select Toys will kick off 2013 with one of their biggest New Toy Days in a while, including action figures, Minimates, statues and bottle openers based on Marvel Comics, The Walking Dead, Alice: Madness Returns and Street Fighter X Tekken! Check out the long list of what's coming to comic shops and specialty stores on January 2nd!
Walking Dead Minimates Series 2 Asst.
December 28, 2012 - (Sponsor Announcement) - Online retailer BigBadToyStore.com has several items of interest to collectors:
Iron Man 2 - Hot Toys - Hall of Armor - Single, 4-Pack, 7-Pack
iGear PP05P Patrol Specialist (LE 500)
Baroness Classic Version 22.5" Premium Format Figure
December 27, 2012 - Listed below are the toy (and child-related) recalls from this week; these links go to the official announcements on the Consumer Product Safety Commission web site.
- Meijer Recalls Falls Creek Kids Denim Jeans Due to Choking Hazard
- Bethlehem Lights Recalls Christmas Trees Sold Exclusively by QVC Due to Fire Hazard
December 27, 2012 - (Sponsor Announcement) - Online retailer BigBadToyStore.com has several items of interest to collectors:
Enterbay has announced a new version of their 1/4 Scale Terminator figure. This version comes from "T2: Judgment Day" and includes a battle-damaged head sculpt with light-up red eye, regular and battle-damaged left forearms, loads of weapons and a display stand. This item is listed at $499.99 currently, although that price is subject to change, as we are waiting on further information.
Round 2 of Street Fighter X Tekken Minimates is About to Commence!
December 2012 - The second series of Street Fighter X Tekken Minimates is fighting its way to stores as we speak, featuring some of the biggest names in both franchises! Each mixed two-pack includes two Minimates, one from the Street Fighter universe and one from Tekken, each standing 2 inches tall with 14 points of articulation. Look for them in comic shops and specialty stores on January 2nd, and at Toys "R" Us soon afterwards, with exclusive characters at both locations! Check out the pics of the final product below, and double-check the line-up to see who will show up where!
Comic and specialty shops will get:
Ryu vs. Yoshimitsu
Abel vs. Kazuya
Hugo vs. Heihachi (exclusive)
Rolento vs. Kuma (exclusive)
Toys "R" Us and toysrus.com will receive:
Ryu vs. Yoshimitsu
Abel vs. Kazuya
Rufus vs. Julia (exclusive)
Chun Li vs. Hwoarang (exclusive)
Iron Man 3 to Get Top-Secret Marvel Select Figures and Minimates in 2013
December 2012 - The third Iron Man movie is almost upon us, and the trailers are promising plenty of action and drama. Well, Diamond Select is promising toys! Not only will there be two new movie-based figures coming to the popular 7-inch-scale Marvel Select toy line, there will also be an assortment of Marvel Minimates, the 2-inch mini-figure line that's celebrating its 10th anniversary in 2013!


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Welcome to ParliamentaryPro.com!
This web site is intended to be both an introduction to my services, as well as a resource for those interested in learning more about parliamentary procedure. I hope you will find it both useful and informative.
My name is Bruce Bergman, and I am an experienced Parliamentarian, and credentialed Registered Parliamentarian (RP) with the National Association of Parliamentarians (NAP). I have been involved in parliamentary procedure circles since the 1980's, when I first joined a "parli pro" debate team during my high school years. Since that time, I have coached many organizations and individuals on parliamentary topics such as proper use of Robert's Rules of Order, making motions, elections, board of director operations, bylaws creation and interpretation and more. I enjoy helping organizations get the most from parliamentary procedure, making their meetings more productive, better utilizing everyone's time and resources, and seeing the benefits that come from that.
To help you navigate this web site, I have divided it into four main areas:
- A list of roles and services that I can perform for you or your organization
- My own personal educational postings, such as my Thought Blog, formal opinions I've written, and brainteasers
- The key concepts of parliamentary procedure and parliamentary practices
- Resources for further information, including useful links, an online bookstore and articles from other Parliamentarians and experts in the field.
As you browse through the web site, I hope you will find the information presented here to be well organized and helpful for your needs. If you have any comments or suggestions, or would like clarification on any item, please contact me — I am always looking to improve this web site and your input is valued.
Thank you for dropping by and I hope to hear from you soon!
Bruce Bergman


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President Biden gave the order last Thursday to send U.S. troops into Afghanistan as it became clear that the Taliban were overrunning Afghan government forces on their way to taking Kabul.
White House national security adviser Jake Sullivan told reporters Tuesday that as administration officials watched the situation unfold, the decision was made to supplement the first contingent of some 3,000 troops with some 3,000 more. Sullivan's briefing was the first from the White House since Kabul, Afghanistan's capital, fell to the Taliban on Sunday.
Critics have charged the president was cloistered in Camp David as the situation in Afghanistan quickly deteriorated, but Sullivan said Biden "has been deeply engaged in this." Biden returned briefly to the White House on Monday to address the nation about Afghanistan, and he plans to leave Camp David again for Washington on Tuesday evening.
Sullivan said the president met with his national security team the night of Aug. 11, posing the question "as to whether we had to flow more forces in" as well as to draw down personnel at the U.S. Embassy in Kabul and secure the evacuation; Biden ordered the action the following morning.
Military cargo planes will leave Afghanistan holding 300 passengers each
Sullivan said that while some early evacuation flights have left Kabul with empty seats, he said that "we will be putting 300 passengers on your average military cargo plane" in subsequent flights.
He said there have been reports of some people being turned away from the Kabul airport and that the U.S. has taken that issue up in talks with the Taliban officials. He said that people have been getting through the airport gate and placed on planes but that it's "an hour-by-hour issue."
Meanwhile, the U.S. Air Force is looking into a situation Monday at the Kabul airport that resulted in the death of multiple Afghan civilians, according to The Associated Press. Hundreds of civilians, desperate to leave the country, surrounded a C-17 cargo plane that was taxiing after landing. It then quickly took off again. Videos on social media showed people falling off the plane as it gained altitude.
Biden faced a tough choice over Blackhawk military helicopters
Sullivan said the Taliban's capture of U.S.-made Blackhawk military helicopters was an example of the difficult choices Biden faced "in the context of the end of a 20-year war." Then-Afghan President Ashraf Ghani had requested additional air capability for Afghan forces at a White House meeting with Biden on June 25.
Sullivan outlined what Biden was facing. "He could not give it to them [with] the risk that it could fall into the Taliban's hands eventually. Or he could give it to them with the hope that they could deploy it in service of defending their country."
Sullivan said both options had risks. "He had to choose," Sullivan said of Biden, "and he made a choice." And Biden, he said, made the right decision.
Sullivan acknowledged that other U.S.-supplied weaponry was also now in the Taliban's control.
"We don't have a complete picture, obviously, of where every article of defense materials has gone, but certainly a fair amount of it has fallen into the hands of the Taliban," he said, adding, "We don't have a sense that they are going to readily hand it over to us at the airport."
Under repeated questioning, Sullivan refused to guarantee that all Americans who wish to leave Afghanistan will be able to do so by the Aug. 31 deadline the administration set for ending the evacuation mission.
The administration is planning a "hot wash" review of what happened
Sullivan said that at some point the administration will conduct a so-called hot wash review of what happened. It won't be a "what went wrong review."
"We'll look at everything that happened in this entire operation from start to finish, and the areas of improvement, where we could do better," he said. He pledged to make the results public, but that for now he said officials are focused on the mission at hand of "getting these people out."
Sullivan did not directly respond to a question of whether the U.S. considered the Taliban the legitimate governing power in Afghanistan.
"Right now, there is a chaotic situation in Kabul where we don't even have the establishment of a governing authority," he said. Ultimately, Sullivan said, "it's going to be up to the Taliban to show the rest of the world who they are and how they intend to proceed. The track record has not been good."
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