text:
Effective May 26th, 2018
1. Introduction
This privacy notice provides you with details of how we collect and process your personal data through your use of our websites at barbend.com.
By providing us with your data, you warrant to us that you are over 13 years of age.
Contact Details
Our full details are:
Full name of legal entity: BarBend, Inc. ("BarBend," "we," "us," or "our")
Email address: firstname.lastname@example.com
Postal address: PO Box 22389, PMB 73432, Nashville, Tennessee 37202-2389 US
It is very important that the information we hold about you is accurate and up to date. Please let us know if at any time your personal information changes by emailing us at email@example.com
We may change this privacy policy from time to time. If we make changes, we will update the "Effective Date" at the top of the page. If we make a material change in the way we use your personal information, we will prominently note the change through email or notification on our website.
We may process the following categories of personal data about you:
* Communication Data that includes any communication that you send to us whether that be through the contact form on our website, through email, social media messaging, social media posting or any other communication that you send us. We process this data for the purposes of communicating with you, for record keeping and for the establishment, pursuance or defense of legal claims. Our lawful ground for this processing is our legitimate interests which in this case are to reply to communications sent to us, to keep records and to establish, pursue or defend legal claims.
Some examples include:
Blogs and Forums: We may provide an opportunity for you to post information to blogs, forums or other public areas on the Services. By doing so, you consent to the posting of any Personal Information that you provide. You should be aware that such Personal Information can be read, collected, or used by other visitors to these public areas. We have no control over how these visitors use your Personal Information.
Inquiries: If you send us a comment or question or make an inquiry to customer support, we will retain the information that you provide to us for the purpose of responding to you, as well as for improving the Services and our customers' use of our services.
* Customer Data that includes data relating to any purchases of goods and/or services such as your name, title, billing address, delivery address email address, phone number, contact details, purchase details and your card details. We process this data to supply the goods and/or services you have purchased and to keep records of such transactions. Our lawful ground for this processing is the performance of a contract between you and us and/or taking steps at your request to enter into such a contract.
Some examples include:
Registration: When you register on the Services, such as to subscribe to a newsletter, request information or participate in a giveaway, you will be asked to provide certain Personal Information, which we will use to fulfill your request.
Surveys: We may ask you to complete surveys or opinion polls from time to time. We only use the information that we collect from surveys in an aggregate manner, not in individually identifiable form. We may use specific comments shared on surveys, in an anonymized way. We may also reach out for for more clarification on survey responses and potentially request more and permission to share. But we will never share anything personally identifiable shared on a survey unless given consent.
User Data that includes data about how you use our website and any online services together with any data that you post for publication on our website or through other online services. We process this data to operate our website and ensure relevant content is provided to you, to ensure the security of our website, to maintain back- ups of our website and/or databases and to enable publication and administration of our website, other online services and business. Our lawful ground for this processing is our legitimate interests which in this case are to enable us to properly administer our website and our business.
Technical Data that includes data about your use of our website and online services such as your IP address, your login data, details about your browser, length of visit to pages on our website, page views and navigation paths, details about the number of times you use our website, time zone settings and other technology on the devices you use to access our website. The source of this data is from our analytics tracking system. We process this data to analyze your use of our website and other online services, to administer and protect our business and website, to deliver relevant website content and advertisements to you and to understand the effectiveness of our advertising. Our lawful ground for this processing is our legitimate interests which in this case are to enable us to properly administer our website and our business and to grow our business and to decide our marketing strategy.
Some examples include:
Web Logs: We maintain web logs that automatically record basic information about everyone who visits the Services. We use web log information to help us design our website, to identify popular features, to improve our services, and for other managerial and analytic purposes. We may also use web logs to help identify any person who may be misusing the Services. These logs contain:
• The Internet domain from which you access the Services.
• Your IP address.
• The type of browser and operating system that you use.
• The date and time you visited the Services.
• The pages that you visited on the Services.
• The address of the website you linked from to get to the Services.
Marketing Data that includes data about your preferences in receiving marketing from us and our third parties and your communication preferences. We process this data to enable you to partake in our promotions such as competitions, prize draws and free give-aways, to deliver relevant website content and advertisements to you and measure or understand the effectiveness of this advertising. Our lawful ground for this processing is our legitimate interests which in this case are to study how customers use our products/services, to develop them, to grow our business and to decide our marketing strategy.
More specifically, here are some examples:
Linking from Emails. If you click a link to any of our Sites from an email message from us, we will be able to identify your email address and associate that email address with the manner in which you use the Sites (e.g., which pages you visit).
Visitors: If you are just visiting the Sites and not registering, requesting information, contacting us, or posting to a public area of the Services, and you did not access the Sites from a link contained in one of our email communications, we will not ordinarily collect any Personal Information about you except through web logs, as described below. In that case, we obtain the information that you provided and will use it to respond to your inquiry or fulfill your request if we can. We do not share any of this information with anyone else, except to respond to your request, if you consent, or as otherwise described in this privacy policy.
Web Logs: We maintain web logs that automatically record basic information about everyone who visits the Services. We use web log information to help us design our website, to identify popular features, to improve our services, and for other managerial and analytic purposes. We may also use web logs to help identify any person who may be misusing the Services. These logs contain:
• The Internet domain from which you access the Services.
• Your IP address.
• The type of browser and operating system that you use.
• The date and time you visited the Services.
• The pages that you visited on the Services.
• The address of the website you linked from to get to the
Cookies: We use cookies, web beacons and similar technology to help you navigate the Services, to allow us to learn how you use the Services, and to improve the Services. Cookies are text files we place in your computer's browser to store your preferences. Cookies, by themselves, do not reveal any Personal Information unless you choose to provide this information to us by, for example, registering at our Site. However, once you choose to provide Personal Information to the Services, this information may be linked to the data stored in the cookie. If you decide not to permit cookies on your computer, this may affect your ability to use the Services.
* We may use Customer Data, User Data, Technical Data and Marketing Data to deliver relevant website content and advertisements to you (including Facebook adverts or other display advertisements) and to measure or understand the effectiveness of the advertising we serve you. Our lawful ground for this processing is legitimate interests which is to grow our business. We may also use such data to send other marketing communications to you. Our lawful ground for this processing is either consent or legitimate interests (namely to grow our business).
Sensitive Data
We do not collect any Sensitive Data about you. Sensitive data refers to data that includes details about your race or ethnicity, religious or philosophical beliefs, sex life, sexual orientation, political opinions, trade union membership, information about your health and genetic and biometric data. We do not collect any information about criminal convictions and offenses.
Where we are required to collect personal data by law, or under the terms of the contract between us and you do not provide us with that data when requested, we may not be able to perform the contract (for example, to deliver goods or services to you). If you don't provide us with the requested data, we may have to cancel a product or service you have ordered but if we do, we will notify you at the time.
We will only use your personal data for a purpose it was collected for or a reasonably compatible purpose if necessary. For more information on this please email us at firstname.lastname@example.com and please use the subject line: "Data Request." In case we need to use your details for an unrelated new purpose we will let you know and explain the legal grounds for processing.
We may process your personal data without your knowledge or consent where this is required or permitted by law.
We do not carry out automated decision making or any type of automated profiling.
We may collect data about you by you providing the data directly to us (for example by filling in forms on our site, by entering a giveaway or by sending us emails). We may automatically collect certain data from you as you use our website by using cookies and similar technologies.
We may receive data from third parties such as analytics providers such as Google based outside the EU, advertising networks such as Facebook based outside the EU, such as search information providers such as Google based outside the EU, providers of technical, payment and delivery services, such as data brokers or aggregators.
We may also receive data from publicly availably sources such as Companies House and the Electoral Register based inside the EU.
Our lawful ground of processing your personal data to send you marketing communications is either your consent or our legitimate interests (namely to grow our business).
Before we share your personal data with any third party for their own marketing purposes we will get your express consent.
You can ask us or third parties to stop sending you marketing messages at any time by clicking the unsubscribe button at the bottom of our emails or by sending us an email at firstname.lastname@example.com.
If you opt out of receiving marketing communications this opt-out does not apply to personal data provided as a result of other transactions, such as purchases, warranty registrations etc.
Browser notifications
Browser notifications are managed by a third party software. If you have opted in for browser notifications (pop-up on your device when an article is published), you may opt out of these by following the general instructions below. Note these instructions may vary between browser versions and devices:
In Chrome, navigate to Settings, then navigate to Advanced. Select Content Settings under Privacy and Security. Select Notifications, where you can manage specific site notifications under "Block" and "Allow". If you would like to turn off notifications for the Site, select the Site's listing, then check "Block."
In Firefox, navigate to the menu and select Options. Navigate to Privacy & Security. Navigate to Permissions and then click Notifications Settings, where you can turn off notifications for individual sites.
In Safari, navigate to Preferences, then Websites and then Notifications, where you can pick which sites are able to send you notifications.
On Android Mobile Devices, open the Chrome browser and navigate to Menu, then navigate to Settings. Navigate to Site Settings and then Notifications, where you can determine which sites you'd like to allow notifications for. On the following screen, select clear & reset, then click your preferred options.
How We Use Your Information
Here is how we may use your information and data:
Communicating with You. We may use information that we collect from you for the purpose of communicating with you and responding to your inquiries. Those communications could, for example, take the form of service updates, promotions for products or services that we or one of our marketing partners provide, or e-newsletters.
Service Providers: We at times contract with third party service providers to perform functions for us. These service providers may be given access to the information we collect for the purpose of performing those functions, but they will be contractually bound to maintain the confidentiality of the information and not to use it for any other purpose.
Social Media. The Sites may include social media features, such as Facebook "Like" button and a "Share" button. These features may collect your IP address and which page you are visiting on the Site; and they may set a cookie to enable the feature to function properly. Your interactions with these features are governed by the privacy policy of the company that provides the feature.
Business Transfers: If we were to transfer all or substantially all of our assets to another company, one of the assets we would likely include in the transfer is our database of Personal Information.
Disclosures for Legal Reasons: We will disclose Personal Information when we are required to do so by law, regulation or securities exchange requirement, for example, in response to a court order or subpoena. We also may disclose such information in response to a law enforcement agency's request or when we believe such disclosure is appropriate to protect our legal rights or to safeguard anyone's property or safety.
How We Share Information – And Why
We may have to share your personal data with the parties set out below:
* Other companies in our group who provide services to us.
* Other companies in our group who provide services to us.
* Professional advisers including lawyers, bankers, auditors and insurers
* Government bodies that require us to report processing activities
* With third party advertising platforms so that we can create marketing campaign advertising (e.g. using your email address to create a Facebook targeting audience).
* When you participate in interactive area of our website, service, and products, and your information may be displayed to other users: such information may include, your name, photo, the comment, and other information you chose to provide at the time of submission. In the case of Surveys, we will never share personally identifiable information without express consent.
* In response to a request for information if we believe disclosure is in accordance with, or required by, any applicable law, regulation or legal process;
* If we believe your actions are inconsistent with our user agreements or policies, or to protect the rights, property and safety of Company or others;
* Third parties to whom we sell, transfer, or merge parts of our business or our assets.
* With your consent or at your direction.
We require all third parties to whom we transfer your data to respect the security of your personal data and to treat it in accordance with the law. We only allow such third parties to process your personal data for specified purposes and in accordance with our instructions.
We are subject to the provisions of the General Data Protection Regulations that protect your personal data. Where we transfer your data to third parties outside of the EEA, we will ensure that certain safeguards are in place to ensure a similar degree of security for your personal data. As such:
* We may transfer your personal data to countries that the European Commission have approved as providing an adequate level of protection for personal data by; or
* If we use US-based providers that are part of EU-US Privacy Shield, we may transfer data to them, as they have equivalent safeguards in place; or
* Where we use certain service providers who are established outside of the EEA, we may use specific contracts or codes of conduct or certification mechanisms approved by the European Commission which give personal data the same protection it has in Europe.
If none of the above safeguards is available, we may request your explicit consent to the specific transfer. You will have the right to withdraw this consent at any time.
We have put in place security measures to prevent your personal data from being accidentally lost, used, altered, disclosed, or accessed without authorisation. We also allow access to your personal data only to those employees and partners who have a business need to know such data. They will only process your personal data on our instructions and they must keep it confidential.
We have procedures in place to deal with any suspected personal data breach and will notify you and any applicable regulator of a breach if we are legally required to.
We will only retain your personal data for as long as necessary to fulfil the purposes we collected it for, including for the purposes of satisfying any legal, accounting, or reporting requirements.
When deciding what the correct time is to keep the data for we look at its amount, nature and sensitivity, potential risk of harm from unauthorised use or disclosure, the processing purposes, if these can be achieved by other means and legal requirements.
For tax purposes the law requires us to keep basic information about our customers (including Contact, Identity, Financial and Transaction Data) for six years after they stop being customers.
In some circumstances we may anonymise your personal data for research or statistical purposes in which case we may use this information indefinitely without further notice to you.
Under data protection laws you have rights in relation to your personal data that include the right to request access, correction, erasure, restriction, transfer, to object to processing, to portability of data and (where the lawful ground of processing is consent) to withdraw consent.
You can see more about these rights at:
If you wish to exercise any of the rights set out above, please email us at email@example.com
You will not have to pay a fee to access your personal data (or to exercise any of the other rights). However, we may charge a reasonable fee if your request is clearly unfounded, repetitive or excessive or refuse to comply with your request in these circumstances.
We may need to request specific information from you to help us confirm your identity and ensure your right to access your personal data (or to exercise any of your other rights). This is a security measure to ensure that personal data is not disclosed to any person who has no right to receive it. We may also contact you to ask you for further information in relation to your request to speed up our response.
We try to respond to all legitimate requests within one month. Occasionally it may take us longer than a month if your request is particularly complex or you have made a number of requests. In this case, we will notify you.
If you are not happy with any aspect of how we collect and use your data, you have the right to complain to the Information Commissioner's Office (ICO), the UK supervisory authority for data protection issues (www.ico.org.uk). We should be grateful if you would contact us first if you do have a complaint so that we can try to resolve it for you.
This website may include links to third-party websites, plug-ins and applications. Clicking on those links or enabling those connections may allow third parties to collect or share data about you. We do not control these third-party websites and are not responsible for their privacy statements. When you leave our website, we encourage you to read the privacy notice of every website you visit.
You can set your browser to refuse all or some browser cookies, or to alert you when websites set or access cookies. If you disable or refuse cookies, please note that some parts of this website may become inaccessible or not function properly.
Mediavine Programmatic Advertising (Ver 1.1)
The Website works with Mediavine to manage third-party interest-based advertising appearing on the Website. Mediavine serves content and advertisements when you visit the Website, which may use first and third-party cookies. A cookie is a small text file which is sent to your computer or mobile device (referred to in this policy as a "device") by the web server so that a website can remember some information about your browsing activity on the Website.
First party cookies are created by the website that you are visiting. A third-party cookie is frequently used in behavioral advertising and analytics and is created by a domain other than the website you are visiting. Third-party cookies, tags, pixels, beacons and other similar technologies (collectively, "Tags") may be placed on the Website to monitor interaction with advertising content and to target and optimize advertising. Each internet browser has functionality so that you can block both first and third-party cookies and clear your browser's cache. The "help" feature of the menu bar on most browsers will tell you how to stop accepting new cookies, how to receive notification of new cookies, how to disable existing cookies and how to clear your browser's cache. For more information about cookies and how to disable them, you can consult the information at All About Cookies.
Without cookies you may not be able to take full advantage of the Website content and features. Please note that rejecting cookies does not mean that you will no longer see ads when you visit our Site. In the event you opt-out, you will still see non-personalized advertisements on the Website.
The Website collects the following data using a cookie when serving personalized ads:
- IP Address
- Operating System type
- Operating System version
- Device Type
- Language of the website
- Web browser type
- Email (in hashed form)
Mediavine Partners (companies listed below with whom Mediavine shares data) may also use this data to link to other end user information the partner has independently collected to deliver targeted advertisements. Mediavine Partners may also separately collect data about end users from other sources, such as advertising IDs or pixels, and link that data to data collected from Mediavine publishers in order to provide interest-based advertising across your online experience, including devices, browsers and apps. This data includes usage data, cookie information, device information, information about interactions between users and advertisements and websites, geolocation data, traffic data, and information about a visitor's referral source to a particular website. Mediavine Partners may also create unique IDs to create audience segments, which are used to provide targeted advertising.
If you would like more information about this practice and to know your choices to opt-in or opt-out of this data collection, please visit National Advertising Initiative opt out page. You may also visit Digital Advertising Alliance website and Network Advertising Initiative website to learn more information about interest-based advertising. You may download the AppChoices app at Digital Advertising Alliance's AppChoices app to opt out in connection with mobile apps, or use the platform controls on your mobile device to opt out.
For specific information about Mediavine Partners, the data each collects and their data collection and privacy policies, please visit Mediavine Partners.
We may use a third-party advertising company to serve ads when you visit our Site. If we do so, this company may use information (not including your name, address, email address or telephone number) about your visit to the Services in order to provide advertisements about goods and services that may be of interest to you. In the course of serving advertisements to the Services, the advertiser might place or recognize a unique "cookie" on your browser.
We may offer you the opportunity to contact other companies, such as advertisers, marketing affiliates and content providers, to obtain information or to buy products or services. You decide when and whether to give your Personal Information to these companies. If you provide information, its use and security is governed by the policies and practices of those companies and not by this privacy policy.
We make no representations or warranties about any of these other companies or their privacy or security policies. Once you click through to an unaffiliated website, this privacy policy no longer applies. We strongly urge you to read the applicable policies of these other companies and their websites.
If you would like us to stop sending you email or other communications or would like to access your Personal Information to correct or delete it, you may send us a request at our email or postal addresses indicated below. We will endeavor to satisfy such requests within a reasonable time.
PO Box 22389
Nashville, Tennessee 37202-2389 US
There will be no difference in how we collect or use data if you set your web browser to send a "Do not track" or similar request when you visit this Site.
Our Site includes links to other websites whose privacy practices differ from ours. If you submit personal information to any of those websites, your information will be subject to their practices and policies.
We maintain all Personal Information with physical, electronic, and managerial safeguards to help ensure the security and confidentiality of the data against reasonably foreseeable risks. Security is designed to prevent unauthorized use, access, disclosure, destruction, and changes of data.
This Site is intended for use by adults. We do not target, or knowingly collect any Personal Information from, children under the age of 13.
We are committed to adhering to our privacy policy and applicable laws and to making your online experience secure and valuable. If you have a question, request, complaint, dispute or concern related to this privacy policy, you may send a message by email to email@example.com or in writing to BarBend, Inc., Attn: Privacy, PO Box 22389, PMB 73432, Nashville, Tennessee 37202-2389 US. We will work with you to obtain a prompt resolution of any issues you may have.
If you have any questions about this Privacy Policy, please contact us.
10. Sale of Business
Should we sell this site or our business, your personal information will be an asset transferred to the new owner.
11. More Information
Please also reference our cookies policy, terms and conditions, and disclosure pages for more related information.
Contacting Us
If there are any questions regarding this privacy policy, you may contact us using the information below.
PO Box 22389
Nashville, Tennessee 37202-2389 US
United States
Last Edited on 2022-2-18


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Toad-in-the-hole is the name of a traditional British dish in which sausages are put into Yorkshire pudding batter and baked right into the popover-like pastry. Since it's origination, the name has been expanded to include many other dishes, including the simple breakfast dish of eggs in toast. At least, I've always heard eggs-in-toast called toad-in-the-hole. It can also be called Eggs in a Basket, Eggs in the Hole, or Frog in a Hole. The dish is very easy to make and doesn't take much more prep time than any other style of breakfast eggs. All you need to do is fry an egg inside a piece of toast. It comes out in one piece, so it's easy to serve. I'm opting with the most generic name for this dish, although I will continue to call it "toad in the hole" for better or worse, since that is what I've always called it.
Usually, this dish is made by using a round biscuit cutter to remove a circle from the center of the toast. I gave this version a Valentine's Day twist by cutting a big heart out. You can use a knife and cut the heart free-hand (which is what I did), or use a heart-shaped cookie cutter if you have one that is about 4-inches in diameter. The bread should be very lightly toasted before cracking the egg into it, and it helps the egg not to stick to the pan if you give your bread a very light coating of butter before putting it down to be toasted.
Get up a little bit early on Valentine's Day and make this a cute breakfast for your valentine – or make it with them, if you both want to get up early.
Valentine's Day Toad in the Hole
(recipe is per serving)
1 large egg
1 slice of bread
salt and pepper, to taste
Place a frying pan on the stove over medium-high heat. Lightly butter both sides of bread (this can be skipped if you really prefer yours w/o butter) and place in frying pan.
Very lightly toast one side of the bread; bread should be slightly crisp, but not colored. Use a heart-shaped cookie cutter or a butter knife to cut a large heart out from the center of the toast. Eat or discard removed heart.
Return bread to pan, untoasted side down. Crack egg directly into the heart-shaped hole, sprinkle with salt and pepper and cook for 2-3 minutes, until egg is beginning to set. Flip once to continue cooking until desired doneness is achieved (I like mine a bit soft to be soaked up by the toast, although you can keep cooking it until the yolk is totally firm, if you wish).
Serve immediately.
Makes 1. If you have a large frying pan or griddle, make 2 or 3 at a time.

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Looking for a project to do [Jason Clark] thought it might be fun to integrate a spare wireless Qi charger into his HP Chromebook 14.
He started by cracking open the Qi charger — it's held together by adhesive and four phillips screws hiding under the feet pads — all in all, not that difficult to do. Once the plastic is off, the circuit and coil are actually quite small making it an ideal choice for hacking into various things. We've seen them stuffed into Nook's, a heart, salvaged for a phone hack…
Anyway, the next step was opening up the Chromebook. The Qi charger requires 5V at 2A to work, which luckily, is the USB 3.0 spec — of which he has two ports in the Chromebook. He identified the 5V supply on the board and soldered in the wires directly — Let there be power!
While the coil and board are fairly small, there's not that much space underneath the Chromebook's skin, so [Jason] lengthened the coil wires and located it separately, just below the keyboard. He closed everything up, crossed his fingers and turned the power on. Success!
It'd be cool to do something similar with an RFID reader — then you could have your laptop locked unless you have your RFID ring with you!


text:
Douglas Rayner Hartree
Quick Info
Cambridge, England
Cambridge, England
Douglas Hartree's parents were Eva Rayner, who played a major role in public life being president of the National Council of Women and mayor of Cambridge, and William Hartree who taught in the engineering laboratory a the University of Cambridge. Eva and William had three sons; Douglas was the oldest and both of his two younger brothers died before reaching adulthood.Douglas's school education was in Cambridge and Petersfield. It was at Bedales school that he first became interested in mathematics and this was due to the excellent teaching of the subject at that school. He entered St John's College Cambridge in 1915 but World War I interrupted his studies and he joined a team studying anti-aircraft gunnery.
He returned to Cambridge after the war and graduated in 1921 but, perhaps because of his interrupted studies, he only obtained a Second Class degree in Natural Sciences. However he went on to obtain a doctorate in 1926 and, after being a Fellow of St John's College (1924-27) and Christ's College (1928-29), he was appointed professor of applied mathematics at the University of Manchester. During his studies at Cambridge he married Elaine Charlton of Keswick in 1923. They had one daughter and two sons.
Hartree held the chair at Manchester from 1929 to 1937 when he moved to the chair of theoretical physics. After undertaking work with the Ministry of Supply during World War II, he was appointed Plummer Professor of Mathematical Physics at Cambridge in 1946. He held this post until his death.
Hartree was basically a theoretical physicist, and he developed powerful methods in numerical analysis. His initial interest in numerical methods arose from his work on anti-aircraft gunnery in 1916-18. However Niels Bohr gave a lecture course in Cambridge in 1921 and Hartree was much influenced, working on applications of numerical methods for integrating differential equations to calculate atomic wave functions.
Hartree learnt of a differential analyzer being developed by Vannevar Bush in the USA. This machine, first proposed by Lord Kelvin (William Thomson), performs integration with a wheel rolling on a rotating disk. Hartree visited Boston to learn about the workings of the differential analyzer, then returned to Manchester and built his own.
The differential analyzer was soon to be replaced by electronic computers and when John Eckert set up ENIAC, Hartree was asked to go to the USA to advise on its use. He showed how to use ENIAC to calculate trajectories of projectiles. In his inaugural address on his appointment to the chair in Cambridge in 1946 he said:-
It may well be that the high-speed digital computer will have as great an influence on civilization as the advent of nuclear power.In addition to applying numerical methods to ballistics, Hartree applied them to the physics of the atmosphere and to hydrodynamics. He wrote a number of important books including Numerical analysis in 1952 which became a classic of the subject. In this book he writes:-
Anyone intending to undertake a serious piece of calculation should realise that adequate checking against mistakes is an essential part of any satisfactory numerical process. No one, and no machine, is infallible, and it may fairly be said that the ideal to aim at is not to avoid mistakes entirely, but to find all mistakes that are made, and so free the work from any unidentified mistakes.One of Hartree's strengths was in the breadth of his research knowledge. He was also an outstanding lecturer, able to sum up the level of his audience with his intuition, and brilliantly pitch his explanations for maximum effect. He had many interests outside mathematics, especially music with both his piano playing and conducting an amateur orchestra. Another interest, which he had from boyhood, was railways, particularly in the problems of signalling. He put his mathematical skills to good use in this hobby later in his life when he advised railway companies on their traffic problems.
He is described in [2] as follows:-
The kindest of men, he set up or recognised no barriers between himself and others; differences in age, in particular, meant nothing to him and men a fraction of his age felt at ease in his presence.
References (show)
- R B Lindsay, Biography in Dictionary of Scientific Biography (New York 1970-1990). See THIS LINK.
- Obituary in The Times
See THIS LINK - C F Fischer, Douglas Rayner Hartree: His Life in Science and Computing (2003)
- C G Darwin, Douglas Rayner Hartree, Biographical Memoirs of Fellows of the Royal Society of London 4 (1958), 103-116.
- C G Darwin, Obituary: Douglas Rayner Hartree, J. London Math. Soc. 34 (1959), 118-128.
Additional Resources (show)
Other pages about Douglas Hartree:
Other websites about Douglas Hartree:
Honours (show)
Honours awarded to Douglas Hartree
Cross-references (show)
Written by J J O'Connor and E F Robertson
Last Update October 2003
Last Update October 2003


text:
Publisher's Synopsis
Winner of the Edgar Award
The #1 New York Times Bestseller
Publishers Weekly and USA Today Bestseller
Millions of Copies Sold
Quentin Jacobsen has spent a lifetime loving the magnificent Margo Roth Spiegelman from afar. So when she cracks open a window and climbs back into his life-summoning him for an ingenious campaign of revenge-he follows. When their all-nighter ends and a new day breaks, Margo has disappeared. But Q soon learns that there are clues-and they're for him. Embarking on an exhilarating adventure to find her, the closer Q gets, the less he sees the girl he thought he knew.
#1 Bestselling author of The Fault in Our Stars John Green crafts a brilliantly funny and moving coming-of-age journey about true friendship and true love.


text:
As covid-19 raged, roughly 4,000 highly skilled epidemiologists, communication specialists, and public health nurses were hired by a nonprofit tied to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention to plug the holes at battered public health departments on the front lines.
But over the past few months, the majority of the CDC Foundation's contracts for those public health workers at local and state departments have ended as the group has spent nearly all of its almost $289 million in covid relief funding. The CDC Foundation, an independent nonprofit that supports the CDC's work, anticipates that no more than about 800 of its 4,000 hires will ultimately staff those jurisdictions, spokesperson Pierce Nelson said.
That has left many local and state health departments facing staffing shortages as the nation eyes a possible winter uptick in covid cases and grapples with the ongoing threat of monkeypox, exploding caseloads of sexually transmitted infections, and other public health issues.
The public health workforce in the U.S. has been underfunded for decades — just before the start of the pandemic, only 28% of local health departments had an epidemiologist or statistician, a 2020 Associated Press-KHN investigation found. Then, after the pandemic began, public health officials left in droves as they were lambasted for instituting covid rules, blamed for the economic downturn, and grappled with burnout.
And even if funding were available to retain all 4,000 foundation employees, that would not have met public health staffing needs, according to new research in the Journal of Public Health Management and Practice. The research says at least 80,000 new employees are required for state and local public health departments to implement the minimum package of public health services.
However, the funding for the foundation jobs was always time-limited because it was intended to help the emergency response to covid. And although the American public's covid concerns have waned, public health experts warn this is yet another example of the failure to properly fund the public health sector with annual, guaranteed money — leaving the country unable to prevent and properly fight outbreaks.
"So the boom-and-the-bust cycle continues despite losing a million American lives to covid," said Brian Castrucci, who co-authored the report and heads the de Beaumont Foundation, which advocates for increasing support for the nation's public health. "How many American deaths is it going to take until we fix this problem?"
Unlike the thousands of inexperienced contact tracers hired to follow up with covid patients to stem the spread amid the surge, this CDC Foundation workforce typically had public health expertise that also could fill preexisting gaps. The foundation's head, Dr. Judy Monroe, said local and state officials loved the foundation's ability to cut through hiring red tape, telling her "it was like the cavalry showed up."
In Chicago, CDC Foundation employees made up about as much as a tenth of the city's public health workforce, said Dr. Allison Arwady, commissioner of the city's public health department. Although she got 26 of those 66 employees extended into December, she said it'll hurt to lose the rest. They've contributed to everything from public health nursing to communicating the latest guidance about the pandemic to Chicagoans.
Cayenne Levorse, a CDC Foundation leader who helped organize the foundation's response in Ohio until her contract ended in October, said her 20 employees had to set down not only covid projects but also helping local health departments track cancer clusters, rural health disparities, and environmental health problems.
"Those jobs are just sitting there, all that work left unfinished," she said.
Five people hired for CDC Foundation covid contracts told KHN they were under the impression their contracts would likely be extended or they would be hired by local or state governments receiving a flood of covid dollars. Only one of them had a contract as of Nov. 8.
Senior epidemiologist Katie Schenk, who has a doctorate in public health, did covid surveillance for the CDC Foundation at the Illinois and Washington, D.C., health departments. Both contracts ran out, and she was left without a job this summer.
"How do you explain that there is no funding for employment in our field when there is clearly so much work to be done?" she asked. "It's to the detriment of the public health system, which is shedding staff like there's no tomorrow."
Sometime in November, state and local health officials are expecting $3 billion in covid relief money targeted at buttressing the public health workforce. But that funding is coming after most of the CDC Foundation contracts have expired and those employees have moved on with their lives.
Although that sum is substantial and will help close the 80,000-worker gap, many public health officials and experts stressed that the cash is short-term and slated to last five years — which can make positions harder to fill as candidates seek job stability. It also is divided among 50 states, U.S. territories, and multiple large health departments. And some state and local officials, such as those in Missouri and Michigan, have refused to spend covid dollars on public health departments amid the backlash against the pandemic response.
State and local governments sometimes have caps on hiring full-time employees even if federal money is available to do so, Monroe said. Some localities have pay freezes or are not willing to spend more on health officials than on other government employees, making highly skilled workers such as epidemiologists harder to hire, she said. And the CDC Foundation salaries and benefits were sometimes better than what is available at local and state-level jobs, Monroe said. Many of the foundation workers could face a pay cut if they wanted to stay on with the local departments.
"You certainly don't go into public health to get rich," said epidemiologist Susan Knoll, who took a private-sector job as a health consultant after working for the CDC Foundation in Ohio. "You get a grant-funded job. And then you're always looking for another job."
That's "the reality of how we fund public health in this country," said Chrissie Juliano, executive director of the Big Cities Health Coalition.
"We ramp up, and we ramp down, and we don't think about routine work," she said. "We should not as a field be losing qualified people who are committed to working in public health. Those are the people who need to be saved."
At least 38,000 public health jobs at the state and local level were lost from the 2008 recession through 2019. Then covid hit, and 1 in 5 Americans lost a local public health leader amid the political backlash of the first years of the pandemic, a 2021 AP–KHN investigation found.
Some of the remaining workforce is eyeing the door. The director of North Carolina's Granville Vance Public Health department, Lisa Macon Harrison, said that even after instituting flexible benefits, she's seeing 15% to 20% turnover, which she blames on burnout.
Levorse noted that epidemiologists and other staffers with advanced degrees have student loans to pay off and worry about losing health insurance each time a grant runs out.
The lack of a steady source of money from year to year is jeopardizing health department programs, Chicago's Arwady said. She estimates the city will lose 86% of its current grant funding in two years, putting wastewater tracking, some of her department's IT staff, and community-based outreach on the possible chopping block.
"We're not going to be able to do half a dozen things that the city of Chicago clearly expects we should be able to do. Forget 'Can I bring vaccine to your house?' It's 'Can I even stand up, like, a vaccine clinic in your neighborhood?'" she said. "It's that level of how far backwards I'm afraid we're going to slide."
Harrison said she's seen this all before: A flood of funding for pandemic preparedness came after 9/11, and then the money for staffing went away, leaving departments flat-footed for covid.
Castrucci, of the de Beaumont Foundation, rued how the current funding structure ensures that the public health sector, which exists to prevent outbreaks and disease, won't be given the staff to do so until an emergency arrives.
"You're basically saying, 'We will wait for the fire to burn until we hire the firefighters,'" he said.


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KILBURN & THE HIGH ROADS-Rough Kids/Billy Bentley U.K. Dawn DNS 1090 1974 |
As I grew wiser (and older) I began seeking out obscure British things from the early 70's that weren't glam. Way back in the early 90's I'd heard Dr. Feelgood's "Down By The Jetty" and immediately had The Jam's debut LP "In The City" sussed. About 6 or 7 years ago I heard Kilburn and The High Roads....yes
Kilburn And The High Roads
and I had Madness sussed. Wow, I knew The Nutty Boys had some different influences, but this was completely their sound and the song that hipped me to this was "Rough Kids" that appeared on a "Mojo" CD that I think, was called "The Roots Of Punk" (I could be wrong). "Rough Kids" was the band's debut 45 issued in the U.K. in November 1974. For those who don't know the band were formed in the late 60's by Ian Dury and numbered among their line up a guitarist Keith Lucas (now known as Nick Cash, the lead singer of 999) and pianist Russel Hardy (who co-wrote much of their material with Dury). They are best remembered also as being one of the more eccentric, but short lived acts in the mid 70's U.K. pub rock scene."Rough Kids" has a slight ska feel to it from the mock West Indian accented lead vocals (not unlike The Kink's "Apeman") to the sax (which is also crossed with Dury's beloved 50's rock n' roll). There's also a music hall feel on the piano and a slight almost "contemporary" bit with the female backing vocals sounding like most records from 1974's top ten. Overall it's totally unique and bears absolutely no distinct resemblance to any one genre as Dury and Co. skillfully mish mashed a variety of influences, as he did throught much of his career.
"Billy Bentley" follows Dury's beloved Cockney/music hall influence (again an area absorbed by Madness lock stock and barrell) and later quite apparent on Dury tracks with The Blockheads like "My Old Man", "There Ain't Been Half Some Clever Bastards", " Billericay Dickie" or "Plaistow Patricia". Complete with Dury's cheeky banter, tasty sax lines and moments where the track slows down and disloves into a jaunty little piano trill (again QUITE Madness-like).
Both tracks are available on CD on the reissue of their sole LP "Handsome"
Hear "Rough Kids":
Hear "Billy Bentley":


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Cherry Maze
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DARLENE SUPERVILLE Thursday, 20 October 2016 03:20 PM EDT
President Barack Obama on Thursday defended his namesake health care program, long a target of Republicans and recently criticized by some Democrats, saying millions of Americans "now know the financial security of health insurance" because of the Affordable Care Act.
"It's worked," he said, even while allowing that the program isn't perfect. "No law is."
Obama chalked up the Republican criticism to "nothing more than politics" and GOP envy that "a Democratic president named Barack Obama passed the law. That's just the truth."
He called on both parties to set aside the "political rhetoric" and "be honest about what's working, what needs fixing and how we fix it."
Obama said repealing the law, as congressional Republicans repeatedly have failed to do, won't solve the problem "because right off the bat repeal would take away health care from 20 million people" and affect millions of other health care consumers.
Less than two weeks before people can start to enroll in the overhaul's health plans on Nov. 1, Obama used a speech at a Florida college to kick off a push by the administration to encourage more people to sign up, with a particular emphasis on young adults.
Obama wants to burnish his legacy as the president who, after decades of failed attempts by Washington, finally brought health care to millions. But what he attempted Thursday was a difficult sales job, as the 2010 law faces some new and troubling challenges.
Premiums are rising by double digits in many parts of the country and some major insurers have quit the program, leaving consumers with few choices next year and contributing to higher prices.
Democratic allies recently criticized the law. Former President Bill Clinton, while campaigning in support of Hillary Clinton's presidential bid, called the law "the craziest thing in the world." Gov. Mark Dayton, D-Minn., said it is "no longer affordable."
Health and Human Services Secretary Sylvia Burwell said this week that she expects 13.8 million people will sign up for 2017 coverage, a modest increase over the 12.7 million consumers who picked health insurance plans during open enrollment for this year.
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The Painting Group - Term 1
Course Dates October 1st & 2nd, November 5th & 6th, December 3rd & 4th 2018
By registering here you are booking for all the weeks in the term.
This monthly course provides help and support for experienced painters to become confident in establishing and sustaining a good regular working practise and a flow with their work. Both Emily and Julian focus on ways of inspiring a creative energy by giving talks, creating helpful exercises, giving demonstrations and one to one tutorials. Working as a group and individually each artist is helped to put more intensity and content into the work. Artists are given strategies to prevent hesitation, being stuck or bored. Artists need to bring their own subject, studies and on going work to each session. Being part of a group of like minded artists, and attending this course regularly over the year, will help each artist produce a strong and significant body of work, build confidence, independence and trust in their own creative abilities and intuition.
Event Details
Start Date | 01-Oct-2018 9:30 am |
End Date | 02-Oct-2018 4:30 pm |
Price | £450.00 |
Location | Seawhite |


text:
Kabul – The Taliban claimed responsibility for a large explosion in the Afghan capital Monday night, just hours after a U.S. envoy briefed the Afghan government on an agreement "in principle" with the insurgent group that would see 5,000 U.S. troops leave the country within five months.
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Interior Ministry spokesman Nasrat Rahmi said at least five civilians were killed and around 50 wounded, but said the toll could still rise because a number of homes were destroyed. He confirmed that the target of the blast was the Green Village compound, which houses several international organizations and guesthouses. The explosion sent a plume of smoke into the night sky over Kabul and caused a nearby gasoline station to burst into flames.
Another interior ministry official, Bahar Maher, told the local TOLO news channel that the blast was caused by a car bomb.
"It was a horrifying explosion," a witness, Wali Jan, said. One hospital director, Dr. Nezamuddin Jalil, said the wounded included women and children. Associated Press video showed bloodied people streaming into a local hospital.
The Green Village, home to many foreigners and heavily guarded by Afghan forces and private security guards, has been a frequent target.
The compound was hit by a suicide car bomber in January who killed at least four people and wounded scores. That blast occurred when the U.S. envoy, Zalmay Khalilzad, was visiting the capital to brief the Afghan government on his negotiations with the Taliban on ending America's longest war.
Monday's latest blast occurred during the final minutes of a nationally televised interview with Khalilzad on what a U.S.-Taliban deal might mean for Afghanistan's future.
Earlier on Monday, Khalilzad showed a draft deal to the Afghan president after declaring that they are "at the threshold of an agreement" following the end of the ninth round of U.S.-Taliban talks in Qatar. The agreement still needs President Donald Trump's approval.
Trump last week told Fox News the U.S. plans to reduce its troop presence to 8,600 and then "make a determination from there." He has been eager to withdraw troops before next year's election and the draft deal easily meets that deadline.
The reduction would bring troop levels down to roughly where they were when Trump took office in January 2017. A further troop withdrawal is expected to depend on the Taliban meeting conditions of the deal, including a reduction in violence.
Shaken Kabul residents question whether any agreement with the Taliban can be trusted, especially as foreign troops withdraw.
The Taliban are at their strongest since the U.S.-led invasion to topple their government after the Sept. 11, 2001 attacks on the United States, and now control or hold sway over roughly half the country. The Taliban want all of the estimated 20,000 U.S. and NATO forces to leave Afghanistan and already portray their departure as the insurgents' victory.
For its part, the U.S. seeks Taliban assurances that Afghanistan will not be a safe haven for extremist groups to plan and launch global terror attacks.
Reflecting the sensitivity of the negotiations and the Afghan government's sidelined role in the talks so far, it was not clear whether President Ashraf Ghani was given the draft to keep.
"We have reached an agreement with the Taliban in principle but of course until the U.S. president agrees with it, it isn't final," Khalilzad told TOLO news.
He said that under the deal, the first 5,000 U.S. troops would withdraw within 135 days from five bases in Afghanistan. Between 14,000 and 13,000 troops are currently in the country.
The Taliban have stepped up attacks in recent months to strengthen their negotiating position, carrying out deadly assaults over the weekend on two provincial capitals.
The United Nations and others say Afghan civilians have suffered, often caught in the crossfire as government forces, backed by the U.S., have pursued the militants with airstrikes and raids. Afghanistan was the world's deadliest conflict in 2018.
Afghan presidential spokesman Sediq Seddiqi told reporters the government would study the draft U.S.-Taliban deal to make sure it addresses the goals of a lasting ceasefire and direct talks with the Taliban in the near future. "It will take couple of days, probably, that we will get back to them and give them our observations," he said.
The Afghan government has been shut out of the U.S.-Taliban negotiations, as the militant group dismisses it as a U.S. puppet, but intra-Afghan talks that include the government are meant to follow a U.S.-Taliban deal. The Kabul government says its negotiating team is ready but refuses to say who is on it.
A U.S. official with Khalilzad's negotiation team recently said that "any potential peace deal will not be based on blind trust, but will instead contain clear commitments that are subject to our monitoring and verification." The official spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to discuss the matter with the media.
The official added that a deal would lead to "intra-Afghan negotiations where the Taliban will sit with other Afghans and together they will commit to a permanent and comprehensive ceasefire."


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The Freedom and Justice Party (FJP), the political party of the Muslim Brotherhood, could not have come into being without the 25 January revolution. Up to that time, the Muslim Brotherhood (MB), Egypt's most powerful Islamist organization, was not only denied the right to form parties, but also barred – at least legally – from political life. As a result, the group had to pay a heavy price in detentions and repression to practice politics under the rule of former President Hosni Mubarak.
The group had been trying to get a foothold in the country's political arena for decades but was met with entrenched opposition by the Mubarak regime, which tended to accommodate the Brotherhood, but only within strict limits. Now, after the 25 January uprising, the group's political ambitions have resurged on an unprecedented scale.
Officially founded in May 2011, the FJP says that it is committed to a modern state, democracy, women's rights, and national unity. The FJP's initial membership of nearly nine thousand included one thousand women and one hundred Copts. New members are subject to a probationary period of six months after which, and based on their performance record, they become eligible for permanent membership. The FJP—along with the Salafist Al-Nour—is among a very few Egyptian political parties that issue probationary memberships.
The MB first thought of establishing a political party a few years ago but did not actually take tangible steps toward launching it. Some MB figures, including the Supreme Guide Mohammad Badie, used to oppose the idea of founding a party, partly on the grounds that it conflicted with the group's charity work and preaching endeavors. While internal resistance toward the proposal was Initially strong, it eventually receded after the revolution made the formation of a political party actually possible.
According to MB spokesman Walid Shalabi, the FJP and the MB share the same Islamic ideals but are separate in matters of management and finance. "Each will support the other when necessary," he said. "The MB has a bigger role than the party. As a non-governmental [institution], the MB is working on developing numerous aspects of Egyptian society, through preaching for instance. By contrast, the FJP engages only in politics," Shalabi told Jadaliyya/Ahram Online. "The MB and the FJP will cooperate on certain occasions, during elections, for example," he added.
Nevertheless, observers still find it difficult to differentiate between the MB and its party, and reporters often conflate their names, partly because, in practice, the MB and the FJP do not behave like two separate entities. For example, MB leaders gave explicit directives to their members not to join any party other than the FJP and those who chose to join other parties, such as the Egyptian Current, were reportedly expelled irrespective of their record inside the MB.
Before the Revolution
The MB was founded in 1928 by Hassan El-Banna, who was a schoolteacher and religious scholar. During the 1940s, its influence grew very rapidly as traditional political parties, especially Al-Wafd, began to lose their credibility. On the eve of the 1952 Revolution, which deposed the monarchy, the MB was already considered the largest political group in the country. Once an ally of the Brotherhood, Egyptian leader Gamal Abdel Nasser banned political parties and eliminated the MB's political role during the 1950s and 1960s, using much violence to that end. Sadat allowed MB leaders to resume their work in the 1970s, and thus the MB was resurrected after an absence that lasted more than two decades. Under Mubarak, the Brotherhood was generally allowed to participate in political life without an official legal status, though the degree to which the Mubarak regime tolerated the group's activism varied over time.
With their activities resumed, the MB grew in influence over the past few decades and spawned chapters in other Arab countries, including Syria, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Jordan, Palestine, Lebanon, Iraq, Yemen, Kuwait and Bahrain, though its name varied across countries. The MB maintains that its foremost task is preaching and charity work, but its interest in politics has steadily grown over time.
The MB started to field candidates in the Egyptian parliamentary elections in 1984, sometimes in coalition with other parties. It managed to score its largest electoral victory to date in the 2005 elections, when it won twenty percent of the seats of the legislature's lower house, becoming the largest opposition group in the Assembly's history. It is widely believed that the former regime of Hosni Mubarak committed flagrant fraud during the 2010 election to prevent the MB from repeating its 2005 feat.
Shortly before the January 25 Revolution, the MB announced that it would not take part in the nationwide mass protests that eventually led to Mubarak's ouster—a decision that the group apparently reversed later. The group is often criticized for its initial hesitance to join the protests, even though its youth broke ranks with their leaders and participated in the 25 January demonstrations. Additionally, many MB members were quite active during the eighteen-day uprising that toppled Mubarak, and played central roles in defending the occupation of Tahrir Square by protesters, along with the rest of the political movements that took part in it.
It has remained the MB's position that the FJP is not subservient to the MB Guidance Bureau, and that would-be party leaders like Essam El-Eryan had given up their posts inside the MB before assuming the FJP's leadership. Many observers, however, believe that the Guidance Bureau's decisions and disagreements somehow reflect on the party. In August, ranking MB member Sobhi Saleh said that the MB would be instructed to vote for the FJP candidates in the upcoming legislative election. The Brotherhood, moreover, barred its members from joining any party other than the FJP, and has reportedly punished members who have not complied with that directive.
Party Structure
A Higher Council (HC) and Executive Bureau are tasked with running the party. Both bodies are elected by the General Assembly (GA), which comprises representatives from all governorates. Party members are supposed to elect their representatives in the GA for a four-year term, but the first GA members were appointed without election. The HC, also elected every four years, passes decisions by an absolute majority.
The MB's appointment of the current leaders of the FJP caused a serious rift inside the group. Many of the Brotherhood's younger members had rejected these appointments on grounds that they completely ignored the MB's youth and were made in a non-transparent manner. Dissenting youth decided to form their own party, namely the Egyptian Current. In response, MB leaders expelled these activists from the group because they violated the Guidance Bureau's orders not to join parties other than the FJP.
Parliamentary Elections
The MB is poised to have a strong presence in Egypt's next parliament, being the most resourceful and well-organized political force on scene, following the disbanding of Mubarak's National Democratic Party (NDP).
FJP leader Mohamed Morsi said that contrary to popular allegations, the MB has no intention of dominating the next parliament and wishes to see a legislature that represents all strands of Egyptian society. "We do not seek a monopoly on power, nor do we wish to control the parliament. This would not be in Egypt's best interest, which is the only thing we care for," he said. "We want a balanced parliament that is not dominated by anyone."
In an apparent gesture to reassure secular forces that it would not seek to dominate national politics, the MB said last spring that its party would compete for no more than forty-five to fifty percent of parliamentary seats. However, as part of the Democratic Alliance electoral coalition, the FJP is presenting more than 500 candidates and is thus contesting more than seventy percent of the parliamentary seats that are up for election. The FJP tops over sixty percent of the Alliance's forty-six electoral lists, and is scheduled to contest over seventy percent of single-winner seats.Yet according to FJP's Secretary General Saad Al-Katatny, no more than forty percent of the MB candidates have a real shot at securing representation. Nevertheless, the fact that FJP eventually breached its promise not to contest more than half of the seats in parliament deepened suspicions within the secular camp about the Brotherhood's intentions.
Earlier in the spring, the MB, along with many political groups, embarked on a long-lasting debate over whether a new constitution should be put in place before elections are convened, or vice versa. A majority of the political forces argued that a constitution should be drafted first in order to clearly define the mandates of (and divisions of power between) the new parliament and president before they assume office. They also argued that the formation of the assembly that would be tasked with writing the country's new constitution should be independent of the results of the elections. The constitution, they argued, must be drafted by representatives of all walks of Egyptian political life, not the winner of one round of elections. Most of the non-Islamist political groups also needed time to get established and organized ahead of the elections.
By contrast, the MB has no problem participating in the elections right away. Along with other Islamists, the MB said that a delay in elections would prolong military rule. Therefore, they pushed for convening elections as soon as possible, arguing that the concerns of their opponents could be addressed once the ruling military council transfers power to elected bodies.
The legislative elections are currently scheduled to take place late November 2011, ahead of the formation of the constitutional assembly that will be tasked with writing the constitution.
Relationship with Other Political Parties
"The FJP will cooperate with all parties and political movements, not just the Islamists, as long as this is in the country's best interest," Shalabi said when asked about the FJP's relationship with other political forces. The definition of the country's best interest, however, remains highly contested. Moreover, the FJP is still uneasy about cooperating with the Egyptian Current, which was created by former members of the Muslim Brotherhood. The Egyptian Current will contest the upcoming elections through the Revolution Continues electoral coalition.
In June 2011, the MB and seventeen other political parties, including the Wafd, formed the Democratic Alliance for Egypt. The alliance included more than forty political parties at one point. Today only eleven parties remain, including Al-Karama and Ayman Nour's Ghad Parties, after successive defections occurred due to ideological differences between Islamists and non-Islamists forces, as well as complaints that the FJP was dominating the coalition's candidate list. The most notable defection was that of Al-Wafd Party, which was once a major partner in the Democratic Alliance. Many Wafdist figures publicly criticized their leaders' decision to create an alliance with the MB. Some Wafdists based this criticism on the grounds that the alliance made Al-Wafd subservient to a rival organization and compromised the party's commitment to secular principles, which the MB opposes. Al-Wafd's officials, however, hold that they left the Democratic Alliance primarily because there was insufficient room on the joint candidate list for the party to field all of the candidates who it had recruited. The fact that each list consists on average of only seven seats makes it difficult for a large number of parties to cooperate in a single coalition. All coalitions experienced similar defections once they started forming their joint electoral lists.
The Egyptian Bloc, an electoral alliance founded by a group of liberal and leftist forces, is often portrayed as an attempt by secular forces to counterbalance the MB in the upcoming the election. The fact that the alliance brings together a group of secular leaning parties with contradictory economic agendas, such as the socialist Al-Tagammu Party and the pro-business Free Egyptians Party, reinforces this perception. Some members of the bloc insist otherwise, asserting that their alliance was not created to oppose any particular political force, stressing that Islamists were welcome to join the coalition if they shared the specific values espoused by the Bloc.
The press conference launching the Egyptian Bloc's electoral campaign featured strong attacks against the Muslim Brotherhood. Al-Tagammu Party's Rifaat Al-Said accused the Brotherhood of trying to "hijack Egypt and Egyptians" and said that the group is driven by its goal to dominate politicseven if it comes at the expense of national interests. Al-Said is known as a long-standing and vehement critic of Islamist groups.
Relations between the MB and other Islamist political groups seemed tense after three Islamist parties, namely Al-Nour, Building and Development, and Al-Asala Parties entered an electoral alliance separate from the MB-led coalition under the name the Islamist Bloc. MB candidates are scheduled to compete against Salafist candidates in Alexandria. Notwithstanding its frequent criticism of the MB, the Islamist Bloc may coordinate its electoral strategies with the MB's FJP.
Al-Nour Party spokesperson Nader Bakkar told Jadaliyya/Ahram Online that the Bloc and the MB had agreed to avoid competing for the same single-winner seats, though FJP officials have denied that such an agreement has occurred. The final candidate rosters of both parties in Alexandria suggest that they might indeed end up competing over single winner seats.
Moreover, the Brotherhood and Al-Nour signed a joint document committing both sides to "clean and fair competition" in their electoral faceoff, though it is unclear why other parties were not included in the agreement. Nevertheless, the two Islamist coalitions are expected to compete fiercely in party list races over votes cast by Islamist constituents who had previously had little choice but to vote for the MB.
Caught between the new Islamist parties and the secular blocs, the FJP has been trying to recruit prominent independent candidates from outside the MB to run on its lists. For example, party leaders have reportedly asked Hassan Nafaa to run on one of their electoral lists in Cairo. Nafaa is a prominent political scientist, public figure, and former coordinator of Mohamed ElBaradei's National Association for Change. FJP initially assured him that they he would not have to officially join the party in order to run on its electoral lists. According to Nafaa, however, after accepting the FJP's offer, the party reneged on its promise and asked that he fill out a membership application in order to process the paperwork for his candidacy. Nafaa took the matter to the press, implicitly accusing the MB of opportunism.
Stances on Salient Issues
Form of Government
The FJP supports a parliamentary form of government on the grounds that such a system would provide a healthy balance between the executive, legislative and judicial branches of government.
Social Justice
In the FJP's mission statement, "justice" is defined as consisting of three elements: (a) equality of individuals before the law; (b) social justice; and (c) solidarity among all members of society. According to the FJP's platform, social equality will only be achieved when every citizen is granted the right to participate in national production and be a recipient of state benefits. Providing basic needs to the handicapped and those unable to work, the platform reads, is also imperative.
The solutions that the FJP proposes for dealing with poverty focus on encouraging public charity work and providing essential social services, as well as microloans for the poor. To reduce poverty, the FJP recommends that twenty percent of oil revenues be collected to fund welfare programs for the poor. It also recommends the restructuring of social security and subsidy systems to ensure a decent standard of living for low-income households.
Economic Policy
The FJP's platform clearly supports private ownership, private business, and free market solutions. According to the platform, the state's economic role should be limited to providing a healthy investment climate and maintaining the country's infrastructure. Hassan Malek, a businessman and ranking MB figure, said that the principles guiding economic policies followed under Mubarak were sound, but corruption and nepotism marred their implementation. He said he supported the policies that Rachid Mohamed Rachid, Mubarak's minister of trade and industries, adopted in order to boost foreign direct investments in Egypt. In contrast with Malek's remarks, the FJP's platform expresses opposition to what it describes as "the imposition of neoliberal economic policies."
The FJP also believes that the state is responsible for helping underprivileged groups by granting charity and state benefits. Additionally, the FJP contends that the state should protect workers by guaranteeing fair wages and social insurance schemes. In practice, however, party officials spoke out against labor strikes after the revolution on the grounds that they are destabilizing Egypt's already fragile economy.
The FJP is of the view that Islamic banking is beneficial to Egypt's economic wellbeing and that the country's Central Bank should promote Islamic banking modes throughout the commercial banking sector. In its platform, the FJP makes no mention of banning interest, which is arguably inconsistent with Islamic laws.
Gender Equality
The FJP's stance on women's rights is quite controversial. The MB itself does not allow its female members to participate in internal voting and MB officials had saidthat women were unfit to assume the presidency. More recently, MB leaders have indicatedthat the group believes that women are entitled to run for president, but that the FJP would only support a male candidate for the position. The FJP platform does not elaborate on women's rights and the document mentions the word "women" six times only. While the FJP's position on citizenship is that all citizens are equal, the platform notes that women's rights should be subject to the principles of Sharia. In the platform's background notes,references are made to the key roles of women in education and business, as well as women's rights to defend themselves and their religion. Women also have the right to participate in public forums, to be part of decision making, and to voice their views, the FJP says in its background notes. But neither the platform nor the background notes address women's roles in leadership and top administrative posts. In practice, neither the FJP nor the MB has women leaders.
Religion and State
In its platform and public statements, the FJP pledges commitment to a "civil state," which is not led by the military or clerics, but rather seeks guidance in the makased, or "objectives," of sharia. Non-Muslims should be allowed to follow their own practices in matters of personal status, the FJP says. Otherwise, Sharia must offer the general frame of reference for decision-making. The platform's position on the form that the next government should take makes scant reference to religion and more or less resembles other programs of non-Islamist parties.
The term "minorities" is mentioned only once in the FJP's platform. Still, the document advocates equality among all citizens, regardless of their religion, race, color, or gender, in all matters related to freedom of expression and the right to run for public office.
The FJP's official statements sometimes refer to Egyptian Christians and the Church as if the two are interchangeable. The platform recognizes the role of the Church in helping "Egyptians attain the goal of reform and change." The platform also reads that the Church is crucial in defending cultural values and morality, promoting political participation, maintaining goodwill between Christians and Muslims, and providing support to vulnerable groups such as orphans, individuals with special needs, and the elderly.
In a statement issued 14 May 2011, the FJP rejected any attempt to decide the manner in which the constitutive assembly, responsible for writing the constitution, should be formed in advance of the elections. According to the FJP, the rules governing the writing of the constitution were defined in the constitutional declaration, which was approved by seventy-seven percent of voters in the referendum held on 19 March 2011. The FJP has refused to formulate supra-constitutional principleson the same grounds.
Meanwhile, the FJP supported the "Al-Azhar Document," which many consider to be a statement of supra-constitutional rights. The FJP hailed this document as a worthy attempt to bring consensus to the national scene. The FJP suggested that the wording of the above document be changed to stress that non-Muslims should follow their own practices in matters of personal status. In this regard, the FJP also wishes to define non-Muslims as followers of the "legitimate" monotheistic creeds, thus narrowing the definition in a manner that differs from its own platform.
The debate about supra-constitutional principles stems from fears that Islamists will dominate the next parliament. Some also fear that Islamists would take advantage of such a situation to write a constitution that changes the nature of the Egyptian state and jeopardizes democracy and individual rights.
Military Trials
Although the FJP has so far been silent on the matter of military trials, the MB Deputy Supreme Guide Mahmoud Ezzat has clearly stated that the MB opposes military trialsof civilians, ending months of MB silence on the matter. Ezzat's remarks followed the trial of activist Asmaa Mahfouz.
Strike Law and Labor Movements
The FJP has not yet stated its position on a law banning strikes, which the government announced last March, but Brotherhood officials have previously condoned the SCAF's opposition to labor strikes. FJP officials have expressed opposition to the teachers' strikeon the basis that the current conditions are not suitable for these types of demands. Adel Hamed, assistant leader of the FJP Cairo branch, explained that the FJP was not against people demanding their rights, but rather it preferred individual demands be balanced with the greater good for society. More than once, the FJP has helped end labor strikes through mediation, as in the case of the Salheya workers. On the other hand, Muslim Brotherhood activists have attempted to force an end to teachers' strikes in some governorates last September. Some reports indicate that the Brotherhood also tried to stifle the medical doctors' strike last spring.
International Monitoring of Elections
The FJP has not yet made an official statement regarding international monitoring, but its deputy leader, Essam al-Eryan, told the Egyptian News websitethat the MB objects to such monitoring. Meanwhile, FJP senior official Mohamed Gamal Heshmat called on the SCAF to explainits objection to international monitoring if the elections are guaranteed as free and fair. The MB was in favor of international monitoringduring the 2010 elections.
Foreign Relations
The FJP's platform describes the "Palestinian problem" as one of Egypt's most critical national security concerns. The party supports Palestinians' rights to form its own state with Jerusalem as its capital, as well as the right of return.
The Brotherhood's position on Egyptian-Israeli peace treaty has been fairly ambiguous. A week after the downfall of Mubarak, a Brotherhood spokesperson stated that the group respects the treaty, whereas other officials have often said that it should be "revised."
Media Image and Controversies
According to MB officials, FJP funding is separate from that of the MB. The FJP says that it relies on annual subscription fees of its members, which number nine thousand. The annual fee for party membership is one hundred and fifty EGP. Some have claimed that the MB receives financial support from Saudi Arabia,but the MB has categorically denied these allegations.
The absence of women and young people from the FJP's top ranks is worthy of note, and has been a cause for concern among young MB members. Some say that the FJP's apparent lack of interest in promoting its younger members has led some MB youths to join other parties, such as the Egyptian Current Party.
The widespread impression that the MB and its newly formed party are moving toward a strict interpretation of Islamic law has prompted secular activists to denigrate the MB and the FJP. Some secular activists claim that these groups pose a threat to religious freedom, free speech, and gender equality.
Dealing with the SCAF
Many activists in the non-Islamist camp allege that the MB and the SCAF struck a deal after the revolution, whereby the MB would support SCAF's policies in return for a more permissive environment for the MB to conduct its political activities. The MB and FJP repeatedly denied such allegations, but it has been noted that since the FJP was created, the MB has generally refrained from participation in anti-SCAF demonstrations and sit-ins, and has often opposed them.
Key Figures
Mohammad Morsi
A former member of the MB Guidance Bureau, Morsi is the current FJP leader. In 2000, he was elected to the People's Assembly, the Egyptian parliament's lower chamber, and served as spokesperson of the MB parliamentary bloc. He lost his seat in the 2005 elections in what seemed to be a close race.
Essam Al-Eryan
The FJP deputy leader Essam Al-Eryan, a surgeon by training, is former chief of the MB Political Bureau, former member of the MB Guidance Bureau, and former MB spokesperson. Al-Eryan was arrested several times over the past three decades for political reasons. He was a member of the People's Assembly between 1987 and 1990.
Rafiq Habib
FJP deputy leader Rafiq Habib is the most prominent Copt in the party, which boasts one hundred Christians within its ranks. Critics of the FJP say that Habib's appointment is cosmetic and that his real influence does not match his senior post.
Mohammad Al-Beltagi
FJP Secretary General Al-Beltagi, a medical doctor, was a highly visible parliamentarian between 2005 and 2010. During his tenure in the People's Assembly, al-Beltagi questioned the government's performance on major issues, including the sinking of the Al Salam ferryboat, bird and swine flu , real estate taxes,and inflation. He also played central roles in supporting the Palestinian struggle. Al-Beltagi was one of the two Egyptian Brotherhood Members of Parliament who were on board the Flotilla, and he organized a convoy to Gaza right after Israel had released him from custody.
Fact Box
Founding: June 2011
Membership: 9,000
Political Orientation: Islamist party committed to democracy and social equality
Alliances: Member of the Democratic Alliance for Egypt


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