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Clemence Manyukwe Staff Reporter
ZANU PF heavies threaten to dump Unity Accord
FISSURES have emerged in ZANU PF over the re-emergence of suspended war
veterans leader Jabulani Sibanda as one of the chief architects of the
party's re-election campaign amid revelations that ruling party heavyweights
in Matabeleland, led by Vice President Joseph Msika, had threatened to pull
out of the 1987 Unity Accord over the issue.
And remarks made by Msika in Parliament last week, seen as the strongest
hint yet of his retirement, have only helped to stoke temperatures in ZANU
PF ahead of an extraordinary congress called for December to elect leaders
ahead of next year's harmonised elections.
Addressing legislators soon after a unanimous vote for Constitutional
Amendment (No 18) Bill last Thursday, Msika said: "You must never, never,
ever fail to realise that we are a people who have the love of our country
first, your love second, this is the legacy. I speak with authority because
I have travelled this long path, the legacy I want to leave you, if time
comes for me to depart, is let us work as a nation."
As Msika appeared to be priming his party for his exit, rifts emerged over
Sibanda, who has publicly fought senior party leaders in Matabeleland, whose
clout in ZANU PF has been weakened by their failure to break the opposition
Movement for Democratic Change's dominance in the three Matabeleland
Sibanda was suspended and subsequently axed on the eve of ZANU PF's 2004
congress, together with five other party provincial chairpersons, for
attending an unsanctioned meeting in Tsholotsho allegedly called to block
Joice Mujuru's bid for the Vice Presidency.
The group was later alleged to have planned a wider coup against the entire
ZANU PF leadership.
Sibanda had been seen as a key player in a faction said to be led by
Emmerson Mnangagwa, the former ZANU PF secretary for administration, but he
has now been quietly reinstated as leader of the ex-combatants, and has been
rallying support for President Robert Mugabe against opposition from his
rivals, ahead of the December special congress.
Sibanda's return, according to senior officials, has shaken already fragile
alliances between President Mugabe and senior leaders of his own party in
Matabeleland. Sources said Sibanda's re-emergence almost rocked the December
1987 Unity Accord signed between President Mugabe, representing ZANU PF and
the late Joshua Nkomo's PF-ZAPU but the swift intervention by other members
of the Presidium saved the situation.
One of the most senior ZANU PF officials in the region, Dumiso Dabengwa,
said to have opposed Sibanda's readmission, declined detailed comment on the
matter when approached yesterday.
The matter would only be discussed internally, said the former ZIPRA
intelligence supremo.
"I can only discuss that issue in the Central Committee or the Politburo,"
Dabengwa said.
In an interview yesterday, war veterans' association secretary for
publicity, James Kaunye, confirmed that the association had met prior to a
march in support of President Mugabe earlier this month, where it was
decided that Sibanda should return as leader.
Kaunye said although Sibanda had been suspended from the ruling party, the
ex-combatants had never taken any measures against him, except to
temporarily ask him not to speak for the organisation pending his appeal.
"We met as the association's executive three weeks before our march and made
that decision. We asked him to be dormant while he sorted out his appeal.
The appeal was accepted, so he is free," said Kaunye.
State media have quoted Sibanda issuing threats against groups secretly
campaigning to block President Mugabe's re-election.
In May, two ZANU PF factions aligned to the Mnangagwa and Mujuru camps
violently clashed in Bulawayo over selection of a new executive for the
province, leading to elections for a substantive executive being postponed
and 53 members being suspended.
An agreement struck between the ruling ZANU PF party and the opposition
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) has stirred mixed emotions. Others back
the compromise as a basis for cooperation between both sides going forward,
but MDC allies, such as the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA), reject
the deal as appeasement. Below, we publish a full transcript of a speech
given by Welshman Ncube, secretary general of one faction of the MDC, at the
second reading of the Constitutional Amendment (No. 18) Bill in Parliament
last Tuesday.
I rise to make a contribution to the debate on the Constitution of Zimbabwe
Amendment No. 18 Bill. I begin by fully and unconditionally endorsing the
remarks of my colleague Hon Khupe and wish to add the following.
I confirm what the Minister of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs, has
said in his statement in respect of the process and content of the
negotiations, which are taking place between the Government of Zimbabwe and
ZANU PF on one hand and the MDC in its collective sense - (Laughter!)
For the avoidance of doubt, particularly for those in the media fraternity
who keep speaking the language of MDC negotiating as two formations - that
is not the case. At the negotiating table there is one MDC.
For those of our compatriots who love our beautiful country, some might be
alarmed and say those of us in the MDC might appear on the face of it to be
abandoning the principles we have fully enunciated over the last eight years
on how we believe a new Constitution for Zimbabwe must be made. Let me take
the opportunity to explain and enunciate those principles and how they fit
in with what we are trying to do in order to resolve the national crisis.
I can speak authoritatively on these principles because I can say I was
there at the beginning of the NCA and the crafting of its principles. For
those who are not aware, the very first meeting, which conceptualised and
began the process of constituting the NCA took place in Belgravia, and was
convened by Tawanda Mutasa, attended by Brian Kagoro, Everjoice Win,
Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga and myself. Thereafter, the NCA as we know
it was constituted and formed.
In the process of its birth and in trying to define its mission and its
guiding principles, it hired as a consultant and retained the services of
Justice Ben Hlatshwayo, who was not a judge then, to come and document the
same - the foundation of the NCA issues. In the interest of time, that
document was then debated and adopted by the task force of the NCA. At that
time I was the spokesperson of the NCA and President Tsvangirai was the
chairperson. The NCA agreed that we needed a new constitution for Zimbabwe,
which would be crafted or written in an open, transparent and participatory
manner. In that regard, we as members of the NCA were there to oppose two
things. One: the piecemeal amendments to the Constitution of Zimbabwe, Two:
the unilateral manner of setting such piecemeal amendments.
Mr. Speaker, it is important to understand those two principles. Let me say
that these two principles were conceptualised, conceived and adopted, not to
be verses in a bible. They were strategic and tactical principles, which
were intended to forge the making of a people-driven constitution. I despair
today when I read and hear the attempt to transform these principles into
some fundamentalist decrees, which, we are told, are to be regarded as
completely sacrosanct. As far as we understood them, they were supposed to
be means to an end.
Zimbabwe today, as Hon. Khupe has said, is faced with a national crisis,
which all of us acknowledge. We might differ as to the causes and sources of
that crisis, but I think we all, across the political divide, agree that we
are in a crisis. Consequently those of us who love this country are saying
that somewhere along the line as a people we lost each other.
Notwithstanding the intolerance Hon. Khupe talked about, notwithstanding the
anger and emotion, if we are to move forward, Mr. Speaker, we need to find
each other. {Murisi Zwizwai: Murima imomo (right there in the darkness)}
What we are attempting to sow within the dialogue that we are engaged in is
to find each other. Our contribution to supporting the Amendment Number 18,
as to be amended at the Committee Stage as explained by the Hon. Minister,
is our attempt to say" let us reach out to each other, let us find each
other, let us give confidence among ourselves."
If what it takes to find each other is for us to support these amendments,
we are prepared and we are supporting these amendments in that context, with
the hope that as negotiating teams move on with the rest of the agenda of
the dialogue, which the Minister has explained includes the question of a
new constitution for Zimbabwe - how to come up with that new constitution;
the question of a new Electoral Act - how to come up with it {Didymus
Mutasa: and the question of sanctions} - the question of how to deal with
contentious provisions in the Public Order and Security Act and the Access
to Information and Protection of Privacy Act, and indeed the question of
They are on the agenda and we will deal with them. We hope that we will find
each other around all these issues. When we come back to this house, we will
come back with a package, which includes resolutions of all the issues,
which have divided us over the last eight or so years. That is our hope, Mr.
Speaker, and it is in that context that we stand before this august house
today, taking that step into the dark.
I had the privilege, Mr. Speaker, to spend the whole of Saturday in a
meeting discussing these issues with President Mutambara and President
Tsvangirai - (Laughter) - Mr. Speaker, I was impressed by their commitment
to the dialogue process. I was impressed by their deep concern for the
suffering of ordinary people of this country (Hon Members: Hear, hear!) - As
President Tsvangirai said at that meeting: "There is no such thing as a
risk-free political decision", and therefore when we take this decision, we
are fully cognisant of the political risk inherent in it.
But we take it with our eyes open in the hope of serving our people. We
believe that we cannot continue to conduct politics for the sake of
politics. We believe that we must begin to conduct our politics in the
service of the people, otherwise it is meaningless.
Lastly, Mr. Speaker, I want to comment very briefly on the aspect relating
to the composition of the Senate, which has worried some of my colleagues,
in terms of what they perceive to be the disproportionate number of
unelected people in the Senate. Unelected in the sense of direct election,
in that you have 18 chiefs elected by other chiefs, you have 10 Governors or
is it 8 Governors plus 5 appointed by the President.
Let me just explain, Mr. Speaker, that when elections were not synchronised,
these numbers would have been very problematic, but when you have
synchronised elections, you elect your Councillor, you elect your MP, you
elect your President. The person who wins the Presidential race then has the
right to constitute the government of the day from the day of his or her
election. Whereas when the elections were not synchronised, you could have a
scenario where one political party could win a Parliamentary election whilst
the Presidency is in the hands of another party. So the potential of
subverting the government will not happen in the proposal before you.
Whoever has been elected President has a mandate for the next 5 years to
form a government. So it becomes irrelevant as to whether or not you have
these disproportionate numbers of unelected people. I thought I should end
by making that explanation. - Hansard
Njabulo Ncube Political Editor
MORGAN Tsvangirai has been working overtime all week to heal rifts that have
emerged within his faction of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) over the party's endorsement of constitutional amendments last week.
Tsvangirai has over the past week held a series of meetings with senior
figures in his party and with representatives of civic society allies
opposed to the agreement.
Tsvangirai held meetings on Monday with representatives of the Zimbabwe
Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU), a key ally, at his Strathaven home to
explain his stance on Constitutional Amendment Number 18.
The MDC has also been briefing diplomats, including those from the Southern
African Development Community, on the agreement.
Japhet Moyo, acting ZCTU secretary-general, confirmed the union
representatives held discussions with the MDC leader, during which they
reiterated their opposition to the amendments.
"We opposed Amendment Number 17 last year, which established the Senate. Now
Number 18 has increased the seats of the Senate to 93. Why should we support
it now?" Moyo asked.
However, the NCA, which has described the MDC's support of the Bill as
"treachery", boycotted the meeting. Its leader, Lovemore Madhuku, said there
was no reason for his group to meet Tsvangirai as the MDC had "sold out".
On Saturday, Tsvangirai met MDC provincial executive leaders at the party's
Harvest House headquarters, and told them that developments in Parliament
surrounding Constitutional Amendment No. 18 were informed by "certain"
points already agreed to by the two parties.
Tsvangirai told the meeting that the negotiating parties were still engaged
in discussions to cover a range of outstanding issues.
These include amendments to the Electoral Act. In addition to the removal of
the impediments currently in place, the MDC will demand that Zimbabweans in
the diaspora be allowed to vote in all elections.
Other issues to be thrashed out include:
lMatters related to citizenship laws, which disenfranchised millions of
potential voters;
lSecurity laws: Debate would cover the repeal of the Public Order and
Security Act and other legislation that stifles political activity;
lMedia laws: The Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act and
broadcasting laws shall be debated to enable Zimbabweans to campaign freely
and openly;
lThe role of security forces in politics. MDC negotiators would examine the
involvement of security forces, the secret service, ZANU PF militias and
other state agencies in elections;
lZANU PF's use of food as a political weapon, the role of chiefs in
elections and the use of violence as an instrument of coercion, particularly
in rural areas.
Tsvangirai told the meeting that the hostile reaction to the agreement arose
out of widespread "mistrust of the ZANU PF dictatorship and lack of a proper
and full brief of the various stages in the negotiation process."
He urged his lieutenants to mobilise support for the "bold and correct"
decision the party had taken "to locate the exit points from the political
President Robert Mugabe, in New York for the UN General Assembly, yesterday
told UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon that the talks with the MDC showed
Western criticism of his rule was unjustified.
President Mugabe, called a "tyrant" by US leader George Bush on Tuesday,
also protested to Ban at what he said were attempts by Britain to
"internationalise" a bilateral dispute over land by attempting to push
Zimbabwe onto the Security Council agenda.
Ban, who has stated publicly his concern over Zimbabwe, proposed sending a
special envoy to the country, but this was rejected.
Meanwhile, a survey by the Mass Public Opinion Institute released on Tuesday
showed 33 percent of Zimbabweans would vote ZANU PF in elections next year,
while 21 percent would vote for Tsvangirai's faction.
Some 21 percent declined to answer, while only one percent said they would
vote for the Arthur Mutambara faction of the MDC.
Kumbirai Mafunda Senior Business Reporter
THE government, grappling with acute food shortages, has deregistered over
100 milling companies for allegedly committing several misdemeanours in a
crackdown that could suck in some top ruling ZANU PF sympathisers.
Government and milling industry sources disclosed this week that several
milling companies, among them those owned by leading ZANU PF politicians
were last week struck off the register of licensed millers by the
increasingly powerful Joint Operations Command (JOC) for allegedly
committing various offences ranging from hoarding, overpricing and side
The sources said the JOC, which comprises operatives from the country's
uniformed forces and the Central Intelligence Organisation took the drastic
measure to plug possible leakages feeding into the black market after its
probe teams dispatched to milling plants across the country reported several
trading anomalies.
Some millers were alleged to be selling maize-meal on the black market where
the product is fetching a higher price than that fixed by government, which
millers say is uneconomic.
Millers have been selling a 10 kg bag of maize meal at above $500 000
instead of the government dictated $140 000.
"Some millers have been suspended for hoarding and overpricing. Some were
selling maize meal on the parallel market and creating artificial shortages.
So the government had to take some corrective measures through the Grain
Marketing Board," said the sources.
In Harare, sources said only 16 millers were left operating out of 65 while
in Bulawayo a total of 20 millers were spared the axe. There are over 200
milling companies countrywide.
However, the deregistration of the millers has created a lot of apprehension
within the ruling party as some officials felt that the crackdown spared
some influential ruling party gurus who own milling companies at the
forefront of unethical trade practices.
State Security Minister Didymus Mutasa, who also chairs a Cabinet taskforce
on food yesterday denied any knowledge of the de-registration of millers but
confirmed that some were violating trade practices.
"We haven't deregistered any millers. We are just working with them. Asi
pane vamwe varikuita misikanzwa," (There are others who are violating the
conditions of trading). We will sit down to decide on what action to take
against them," Mutasa said.
When reached for comment last night, Grain Millers Association of Zimbabwe
chairman Tafadzwa Musarara said his association has initiated dialogue with
the government to re-register all the affected millers and save jobs.
"Until that process has been completed, it would be too early for us to say
anything in the media," he said.
However, other millers hit out at the blitz, saying the government was just
masking its failure to source enough grain supplies to feed starving
Millers together with bakers have in recent months been filing for
bankruptcy owing to a cocktail of tribulations among them a shortage of
grain, skyrocketing prices and shortages of raw materials.
Zimbabwe is battling with an acute shortage of both maize and wheat grain
after poor harvests in the past seven years and this has prompted the
intervention of international aid agencies who are targeting to feed more
than four million people.
Staff Reporters
DEPUTY Youth Development and Employment Creation Minister, Saviour
Kasukuwere, has taken over freight firm Allen Wack & Shephered (AWS) for an
undisclosed sum of money under a transaction largely seen as affirming
controversial government plans to force foreign-owned companies to cede
control to blacks.
AWS, a leading player in the freight industry in Zimbabwe, specialising in
freight forwarding and customs clearing, imports, exports and warehousing
for air, sea, rail and road transport, has been in Zimbabwe for over 50
years, operating along the main trade routes of the world offering a
complete service in regional and international shipping and freight,
according to the company's website.
The company has offices across the country as well as in South Africa,
Malawi and Mozambique and recently entered into a partnership with ICON UK
to open an office in Zambia.
Kasukuwere is understood to have made the acquisition through Migdale
Holdings, a holding company with interests in fuel distribution and
transport among other sectors.
AWS's managing director, Chris Darangwa, yesterday confirmed a new
shareholder had taken over the company, but refused to discuss details,
saying a statement would be issued to the media next week.
The acquisition of AWS comes hard on the heels of the disposal of a 51
percent stake in Olivine Industries by America's Heinz, and could mark the
beginning of acquisitions of foreign-owned companies under the controversial
Indigenisation and Empowerment Bill, which sailed through parliament
The opposition and the country's black business community have condemned the
Bill, alleging the transfer of ownership was earmarked to benefit the ruling
party bigwigs and their cronies and would amount to expropriation.
Indigenisation Minister, Paul Mangwana had reacted angrily to these
accusations, insisting concerns expressed by stakeholders were "nonsensical"
and that the Bill was "about the total liberation of Zimbabwe".
Cain Mpofu, chief executive officer of the predominantly black Zimbabwe
National Chamber of Commerce, recently told a parliamentary portfolio
committee that the proposed law would disrupt the economy and escalate its
"There is a likelihood of a 30 percent drop in foreign direct investment
following passage of the proposed act," Mpofu warned.
But Mangwana this week charged that the proposed law was "not about
economics but politics".
Meanwhile, the government has allowed Zimbabwe Platinum Mines (Zimplats) to
put on hold the disposal of a 15 percent empowerment stake until the
Indigenisation and Empowerment Bill becomes law.
The platinum miner had sealed the deal for the 15 percent empowerment
threshold with the government in 1998 after taking over the platinum claims
from Broken Hill Properties.
A number of empowerment groups have held discussions with Zimplats to
purchase the stake but failed to do so due to lack of offshore financial
These groups include the National Investment Trust (NIT) and Nkululeko
Rusununguko Mining Company of Zimbabwe and Needgate Investment.
NIT, which warehouses shares in both listed and unlisted companies on behalf
of the public for empowerment purposes, was the first company to engage
Zimplats over the 15 percent stake but failed to raise US$31 million
required for the shares.
Needgate, which was the second company to enter into talks with Zimplats
after NIT failed to raise the money, had managed to secure offshore
financial support but its bid crumbled mysteriously under unexplained
circumstances, with the government appointing Nkululeko Rusununguko Mining
Company to start negotiations with Zimplats for the empowerment shares.
Nkululeko again failed to make a breakthrough due to alleged failure by the
government to back its bid with unspecified guarantees and support.
Mangwana on Monday said government had the capacity to fund interested
investors but an understanding had been reached with Zimplats to defer talks
on the disposal until the new law is passed.
"Zimplats is rather a specific contractual nature," Mangwana said in
response to questions from a legislator who wanted to know if government
would have the capacity to finance empowerment transactions if the new law
is enacted.
"When talk of the new Bill came through, Zimplats said why talk of 15
percent only? Can we deal with this small figure at the same time (as the
new Bill)? So the issue about the delay was not about foreign currency; we
are dealing with a mineral that can be exported to generate foreign
currency, so we can borrow (money to finance the take-over). That is why we
have been involving the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe," Mangwana said.
Zimplats has previously negotiated empowerment credits with the government
but these are likely to be cancelled by the planned law.
The impending legislation will require companies with foreign ownership to
give up at least 51 percent shareholding to blacks, effectively handing over
control of the operations.
This has caused a lot of disquiet among foreign controlled companies in
Zimbabwe, including foreign owned banks.
Clemence Manyukwe Staff Reporter
Officials make discordant statements
CHINA is sending mixed signals over its relations with Zimbabwe, with top
officials making contradictory remarks on the Asian giant's aid policy to
the country.
The controversy erupted last month when British Foreign Secretary Mark
Malloch-Brown claimed Chinese officials had told him, during a visit to
Beijing, that China was changing its stance on economic aid to Zimbabwe.
The Chinese Embassy in Harare then issued a press statement
denying the British minister's claims.
However, in a further twist last week, a senior Chinese diplomat, Liu
Guijin, who is a former Ambassador to Zimbabwe and South Africa and
currently that country's special envoy in Sudan, was quoted as indicating a
change in relations.
This then forced the Chinese Ambassador to Zimbabwe, Yuan Nansheng, to call
a press conference to issue a fresh denial.
Guijin, the Chinese special envoy on Darfur, had said: "China's assistance
to Zimbabwe is mainly humanitarian aid, because in terms of other
development assistance, we still have some difficulties.
"In the past, China has provided substantial development aid. Now, with the
devaluation of the currency and deterioration of the economic situation, the
outlook for this aid is not very good."
He said: "There does exist a problem with the situation in Zimbabwe" and
that Chinese diplomats had "introduced to them (Zimbabweans) our policy of
building a harmonious society and a harmonious world."
China was reluctant to go beyond suspending investment, Liu said, because
"we know that African countries, including South Africa, don't want to
internationalise the issue of Zimbabwe. We support their efforts."
The following day, the Chinese Ambassador to Zimbabwe held a press
conference in Harare, during which he said his country had not cut
non-humanitarian aid to Zimbabwe. "The fact is that the Chinese government
is offering all sorts of assistance to the Zimbabwean government and people,
including loans, grants and food assistance besides humanitarian aid."
Staff Reporter
INFORMATION and Publicity Minister Sikhanyiso Ndlovu says bare supermarket
shelves will be loaded with goods by the end of October, and that government
has achieved its goal of disproving former US envoy Christopher Dell's grim
inflation forecasts.
Price cuts ordered in June have emptied supermarket shelves and pushed
industry to the brink of collapse, but Ndlovu said on Tuesday that the
economy would be back to normal within weeks.
"Dell and other people had predicted that by December, inflation would reach
1.5 million percent. What they didn't know was that we are also thinkers. So
we cut the prices. This was economic shock therapy. Now inflation is going
down," Ndlovu told reporters. Consignments of wheat, he said, were being
ferried into the country by what he described as "a generous government". "A
lot of wheat is coming into the country, thousands upon thousands of tonnes.
Our people should just be patient. There are efforts that the government is
taking. By the end of October, the shelves will be full."
Ndlovu's sunny outlook on how quickly the shortages can be ended contrasts
sharply with the views of retail companies, who are at the coalface of the
Edgars and Truworths, the two largest clothing retailers in Zimbabwe, have
said over recent weeks that the extent of the disruption was such that even
if government and business reached agreement on prices now, stores would
only once again be fully stocked by mid next year.
Edgars had planned to shut down 19 stores, but was threatened into keeping
them open. The price cuts have caused more damage than government had
bargained for, with the shortages raising alarm among ZANU PF Members of
Deputy Industry and International Trade Minister Phineas Chihota recently
faced a ZANU PF caucus at Parliament, where MPs demanded an end to the
shortages before elections next year.
LOCAL Government Minister Ignatius Chombo has rubbished recommendations made
by a parliamentary committee to limit his powers to avoid the arbitrary
dismissal of mayors, and has described media reports on the collapse of
service delivery systems as being exaggerated.
Responding to the first report by the Local Government parliamentary
committee, headed by ZANU PF Mazowe West Member of Parliament (MP), Margaret
Zinyemba, Chombo said the legislators' report was in some parts
"exaggerated", "incorrect" and on the whole failed to reach an "objective
"Clearly, the (committee's) fear that the executive has the power to
dissolve any local authority at any time is legally without basis and has
never been the general practice in our country. In any case, both the Rural
District Councils Act and the Urban Councils Act do not allow for such
recklessness," Chombo said.
The minister also dismissed the committee's recommendation for the Local
Government Board to be granted autonomy, saying because he appoints it, the
board must remain answerable to his office.
"Whereas there have been some media reports on service delivery in respect
of Harare, Chegutu, Karoi and Redcliff, it is, in my view, an exaggeration
to state as the report does, that these media reports have been dominating
both print and electronic media. As they say, one swallow does not make a
summer," the minister said. He rejected a recommendation to harmonise local
government legislation by year-end saying: "As the famous poet puts it,
'they stumble that run fast'".
Chombo said there was no need, as suggested by MPs, for the Local Government
Board to levy local authorities, as the board was not yet ready to shoulder
such a responsibility.
"In a situation where the board is battling to fulfil roles and functions in
relation to urban councils, to suggest that the board's role and functions
be extended to rural district councils would seem somewhat ambitious in the
short term."
He said the MPs' report was "not factual" because they had not consulted him
and had used a small sample. - Staff Reporter
Njabulo Ncube Political Editor
THE High Court has ruled that police have no right to block a rally
scheduled to be held by the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
in Masvingo this Saturday.
Police had refused to authorise the rally to mark the party's 8th
anniversary on the grounds that the celebrations clashed with Vice President
Joice Mujuru's visit to Masvingo.
However, the MDC sought legal recourse, and the Harare High Court last week
ordered the police to allow the party's rally to go ahead.
Under Zimbabwe's tough Public Order and Security Act (POSA), citizens must
first seek police clearance before gathering in groups of more than three
Nelson Chamisa, spokes-man for the Morgan Tsvangirai faction of the MDC,
said the rally had been organised "to celebrate eight years of the people's
unarmed combat against dictatorship."
The rally will be Tsvangirai's first public meeting since the MDC endorsed
Constitutional Amendment No 18 and he will be anxious to ease worries among
his more radical supporters.
The MDC's endorsement of the amendment has created dismay among the
opposition's civil society allies.
The militant National Constitutional Assembly, a pressure group campaigning
for an entirely new constitution, has severed ties with
the MDC and boycotted a meeting with Tsvangirai this week.
Said Chamisa "On Saturday, 29 September 2007, we will look back with a
mixture of happiness and tears to eight years of a dedicated people's
struggle for change.
"Eight years of fighting for a better life for all Zimbabweans. Eight years
of fighting for food, jobs and drugs. Eight years of fighting for education
and better health care for all. Indeed it has been eight years of scars and
death at the hands of the regime," he said.
He said the on-going Southern African Development Community-brokered
dialogue between ZANU PF and the MDC reflected an achievement of the goals
the party had set for itself at its congress last year.
At only six months old, the MDC nearly upset ZANU PF in the 2000 general
election when the opposition garnered 57 seats of the 120 contested seats.
However, the infamous split in October 2005 has drastically weakened the
MDC, with critics doubting its clout when it goes into next year's
Meanwhile, a leading political think tank has
recommended the repeal of seven pieces of repressive legislation and a
postponement of elections scheduled for March next year, in the wake of an
agreement last week between ZANU PF and the MDC on electoral laws.
A meeting of the Centre for Peace Initiatives in Africa (CPIA) at the
weekend implored the MDC to urge the West to lift targeted travel and
financial sanctions imposed on President Robert Mugabe and about 130 of his
The meeting was attended by representatives from both the ruling party and
the opposition, diplomats, churches and civil society activists.
A communiqué at the end of the meeting recommended the repeal of the POSA,
the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA), the
Citizens Act, the Electoral Act, the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission Act, the
Broadcasting Services Act, the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act
and the Political Parties Finance Act.
Abolition of these laws would enhance the credibility of elections, the
group said.
The CPIA said the government should be approached to defer the elections,
which must be held by March according to the constitution, to September or
October next year "to give our nation time to prepare."
Abolishing AIPPA would allow the establishment of new media houses and the
lifting of stringent restrictions that current laws place on the work of
"While the dialogue between ZANU PF and the MDC formations is welcome as the
first step towards the resolution of the Zimbabwean crisis, the conference
would have preferred a holistic, home grown constitution-making process,"
the CPIA communiqué said.
Last week's agreement, it said, should be the basis for additional
negotiation to restore confidence, but further electoral reform was still
Dumisani Ndlela Business Editor
THE verdict has long been out: price controls trigger shortages, spawning a
black market where prices can even be 20 times higher than the regulated
Potentially, this has the effect of pushing inflation to higher levels,
triggering social discontent and unsettling incumbent regimes.
So ignore the government rhetoric about economic saboteurs undermining the
economy by spawning shortages, and start watching the market burn, even
under the "vigilant" guidance of the state.
Indeed prices have started the rampage that saw them on that uncomfortable
trajectory north, and the government this time has a hand in it.
After the infamous price blitz that forced prices down 50 percent at the end
of July, there appears to be a rethink on the government policy as the
country braces for Presidential and legislative elections next year.
No need to hazard a guess: one list of price reviews has followed another
since late July, often with the same products marked on the list except with
different prices.
For the uninitiated, or for those that have not bothered to follow the
trend, when the first piecemeal price review for a product failed to trigger
supplies, often because the price was still insufficient to ensure viability
for the producers, another review of the same product followed, and then
another one.
But still, that has failed to press that supply button, and shortages have
remained entrenched in the economy.
Now, with the elections looming, the situation might be getting a bit
The market appears to have been opened, and prices are soaring again.
Not something, of course, that one would need to seek confirmation for from
officialdom - there will be a flat denial.
But a visit to any supermarket will reveal a bit of where the economy is
going, and there is no need for that spiritual eye.
A 2-litre container of ice cream, for example, will cost $500 000 in one
shop, and another shop will sell the same product for $1.3 million.
It's something for which a number of business executives were hauled before
the courts, and some convicted, while others were found to have a clean bill
from their tills, but not before they were subjected to those lice-infested
police cells, of course, to show what the revolution can do to its smart and
But there is just no shock and awe any longer, and the government is
desperate to make sure supermarket shelves are refilled before the current
year closes, sloganeering starts on the streets and people are hauled to
those notorious party rallies on full stomachs.
It will slowly have to be just your pocket, not the untrustworthy producers
hoarding to starve the market and trigger unrest against President Robert
Mugabe's government.
The civil servants have already been promised wage and salary increases, and
wait for that famous line from President Mugabe that they will be shocked by
the magnitude of the pay rises - nobody said they would be hefty by the way!
But the old concern about escalating inflation will continue to linger in
government circles. That worthless victory handed over to Samuel
Mumbengegwi, the Finance Minister last month, and the month before, of
receding month on month inflation, might soon be snatched away by those bent
on bewitching the government.
Which might still call for some form of drastic measures again to deal with
an errant market that can easily forget the draconian pieces of legislation
already in place to deal with unfriendly behaviour.
Last month, the country's inflation rate declined to 6 592.8 percent
year-on-year, helped by the government blitz on the business sector.
The inflation rate receded after initially touching a record high of 7 634.8
percent in July.
Month-on-month inflation slumped to 11.8 percent in August, from 31.6
percent in July, largely due to a sharp slowdown in prices for food and
non-alcoholic beverages.
The market is simply puzzled over what basket the Central Statistical Office
(CSO) used to come up with new figures, as most of the basket products were
not available on supermarket shelves, from where the CSO gleans its data for
compilation of inflation rates.
It could as well be that the CSO had used figures compiled by the government
for the prices of most of the products, which are not available on the
Apparently, inflation should show a rebound even when the CSO goes back to
that list.
While the price controls have always been meant to benefit the poor, they
have, in fact, benefited the rich and politically connected, hurting the
Until recently, ruling party and government bigwigs and their cronies used
to buy maize from the Grain Marketing Board for $600 per tonne but resold it
back to the grain monopoly at $52 500 per tonne, the price at which the GMB
was buying it from farmers.
The same people, who have access to cheap fuel from the National Oil Company
of Zimbabwe, are reselling the fuel acquired from the company on the black
market at inflated prices.
Apparently, this has been the case with almost all controlled products.
Basic economic arguments note that price controls eventually hurt the entire
economy - and there has been no classic example of this than the recent
price blitz.
Government has been arguing that retailers should not hike prices on their
shelves, even when the cost of replenishing stock is escalating.
Naturally, if retailers are forbidden from charging economic prices, they
will eventually be unable to buy from the suppliers.
If the suppliers cannot sell their goods to retailers at viable prices, they
will quit buying from farmers who will be stuck with products they cannot
sell to the marketplace.
Consequently, they might stop producing, creating shortages on the market.
This has been the reason for the increased hardships consumers currently
have to face.
The government might have good intentions in imposing market controls, but
the record for such controls has simply proved unhelpful and dangerous to
the economy.
And more costly, as ZANU PF's own bureaucrats are realising, to the party's
bid for a fresh mandate from the electorate.
But those that might be tempted to quickly jump onto the price gravy train
should not be too reckless: the next time ZANU PF strikes, it might not use
water but fire.
Staff Reporter
CENTRAL bank governor Gideon Gono will unveil the much-waited mid-term
monetary policy review, initially put on hold due to delays in the
presentation of a supplementary budget, on Monday next week, Bank officials
Invitations to the event are already being sent to stakeholders.
Gono's monetary policy review will be unveiled amidst a gloomy outlook on
the economy, ravaged by its worst crisis in history characterised by acute
foreign currency and fuel shortages that have disrupted the normal
functioning of all economic activities.
Apparently, the market holds very little hope that Gono will turn his magic
and transform the economy, given the plethora of government policies
directly militating against an economic turnaround.
A supplementary budget by Finance Minister Samuel Mumbengegwi early this
month will fuel money supply growth, while shortages on the market could
trigger a sharp increase in the demand for imports. -
Personal Glimpses with Mavis Makuni
PICTURES showing the injuries of victims of police brutality are always
shocking but the one published on the front page of the September 23-29
issue of the Sunday paper, The Standard, was particularly harrowing.
It showed the horrendous wound a member of the National Constitutional
Assembly (NCA) sustained after being assaulted by the police during a
demonstration on July 25. The paper reported the woman needed a skin graft
to replace badly damaged tissue. Inside, the paper carried a report about
the death of a 64-year old woman who was battered by the police during the
same demonstration.
What made the front page picture of the Zimbabwean law enforcement agents'
handiwork particularly excruciating for me was the fact that it appeared
alongside a lead story in
which Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) leader, Morgan Tsvangirai was
explaining the rationale behind the MDC's endorsement of the 18th amendment.
Tsvangirai explained that the MDC had taken "a necessary political risk" by
approving the amendment, which will allow President Robert Mugabe to install
a successor of his choice, in order to resolve the escalating crisis in the
country. Answering a question from journalists, Tsvangirai said while he
fully understood ZANU PF's duplicity, the ongoing dialogue and process of
mediation was "not just a South African initiative but a SADC initiative"
recognised by both the MDC and ZANU PF. "SADC will guarantee that no one is
going to walk from negotiations. Why should we doubt SADC when we are
committed to the negotiations taking place?"
Tsvangirai rightly acknowledged being aware that some sections of Zimbabwean
society were uneasy about the MDC's sudden faith in both the regional body
and the ruling party. Zimbabweans remember how SADC has, until this eleventh
hour, blocked every attempt to have the Zimbabwean crisis discussed openly
at its summits. They will also recall how SADC observer teams have declared
elections that were characterised by violence, intimidation and allegations
of vote-buying
and rigging, free and fair. Zimbabweans are also aware that SADC itself has
been led up the garden path by ZANU PF on a number of occasions. What will
it do this time to ensure that the ruling party will keep its word?
Zimbabweans who ask these questions do not do so because they do not want
the problems in the country to be solved but simply because they do not want
another charade that enables the ruling party to buy time while maintaining
the status quo. I will explain why the picture of the battered woman
referred to above is particularly deplorable and incongruous. Even in armed
combat, when warring parties agree to engage in negotiations, a ceasefire is
The negotiations between ZANU PF and the MDC, which are being umpired by
South African President, Thabo Mbeki, have been underway for months now. It
has not escaped the notice of ordinary Zimbabweans who bear the brunt of the
atrocities perpetrated by state agents that not once, has Mbeki ever
complained about police brutality, abductions of civilians, the arbitrary
arrest of innocent Zimbabweans and their indefinite detention without
charge. I fault the MDC for accepting SADC's assurances that "no one will
walk away from negotiations" without insisting that the regional body
demonstrates its clout in the here and now by guaranteeing the end of state
violence against the people.
How can ZANU PF be said to be serious and to be negotiating in good faith
when state violence and repression are escalating? The point the MDC and
ZANU PF have to be reminded of is that the resolution of the crisis bringing
this country to its knees is not about what is good and comfortable for the
leaders. The governance problems at the core of the crisis must be solved so
that every Zimbabwean can live in dignity and peace and security. The
negotiations should not be a process for the leaders to extract what they
want as individuals in terms of positions they can get or appointments they
can make but about national interests and ending the suffering the people
are enduring. There are already signs that ZANU PF could be more interested
in pressing the opposition to call for the lifting of targeted sanctions for
their self-preservation and comfort than in ending repressive practices that
have deprived ordinary Zimbabweans of basic freedoms and liberties.
The acceptance by the MDC of guarantees by SADC leaders that ZANU PF will
not renege on negotiations on a new constitution before next year's
elections is like signing a crucial contract by proxy after learning of the
details by hearsay from a proponent of "quiet diplomacy." When the party
finally gets to read the fine print, it may get the shock of its life but it
will be too late.
President Mugabe has declared in the past that the constitution is
non-negotiable and the brutal attacks perpetrated by the police against NCA
activists are not a sign that the government has changed its mind. On the
contrary the state violence proves that the question of a new constitution
is still anathema. Moreover, if ZANU PF is serious about the issue, it
should have had no problem making the pledge directly to the opposition
party, which consists of fellow Zimbabweans with a personal stake in the
Tsvangirai is quoted as saying, "We want to go into an election, which we
have full confidence in. We can't get into an election whose outcome is
predetermined." That may be so, but the environment in the build-up to that
eventuality is already determined. It involves continued violence against
civilians, drastic food shortages triggered by deliberate government action,
soaring unemployment and abject poverty for the majority. ZANU PF does not
need an election or a constitutional amendment to institute corrective
measures to bring these horrors to a halt immediately.
THE National Consti-tutional Assembly (NCA) is spearheading civic society's
opposition to an agreement on amendments to electoral laws reached between
ZANU PF and the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) last week. NCA chairman
Lovemore Madhuku, once a strong ally of the MDC, speaks to The Financial
Gazette Political Editor Njabulo Ncube.
Q: Could you clarify the NCA's position on the ruling ZANU PF and the MDC's
endorsement of Amendment Number 18? Is it the general feeling of the civic
society organisations?
A: We reject piecemeal amendments to the current constitution. We demand an
overhaul of the current constitution. We are for a new, democratic and
people-driven constitution. We view the MDC's endorsement of Constitution of
Zimbabwe Amendment Number 18 as an act of treachery.
It is a betrayal of the point that the NCA, together with the MDC, made in
February 2000 when we successfully urged Zimbabweans to vote NO in the
referendum. That point is that constitutional reform must be genuinely
people-driven and not dictated by politicians of the day. To the best of my
knowledge, this position of the NCA is shared by what I can describe as "an
overwhelming majority" of civic society organisations.
Q: The MDC says it backed the amendment because it was driven by the spirit
of ongoing regional efforts to break the political impasse. What is your
take on this?
A: We are not in the so-called SADC (Southern African Development Community)
initiated talks. Our attempt as civil society to have a seat at the
negotiation table was not successful. We have been subjected to two
meaningless briefings by the South African facilitators so we have no idea
of what you are calling the "spirit" of SADC efforts. However, if the
"spirit" of SADC is to undermine the participation of ordinary Zimbabweans
in the making of a new Zimbabwean constitution, then it is not acceptable.
In 2000, we rejected ZANU PF's attempt to impose a constitution on the
people of Zimbabwe. The imposition of a constitution on the people does not
become right merely because it is being done with the endorsement of the MDC
at the behest of SADC. We do not accept that explanation as a sufficient
justification for departing from a principle that has driven our struggle in
the past 10 years. Many people have lost their lives in pursuit of this
principle and countless others are nursing permanent body injuries inflicted
upon them by those opposed to this principle.
Q: I understand you boycotted a meeting called
by MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai on Monday this week at his house. What
A. We have always engaged Morgan Tsvangirai over a variety of issues. In the
past, he has had occasion to speak at our NCA Taskforce meetings and annual
general meetings. I did not boycott the meeting you are referring to. I
declined an invitation to attend it. This was in line with decisions taken
by our NCA Taskforce which had met on Saturday. We did not see the point of
talking about a matter over which the MDC had made an irreversible decision
that harmed the principles of our movement. We will interact, in future,
over other issues of mutual interest but not Amendment 18. On Amendment 18,
Morgan Tsvangirai has to accept that he does not, and will not, have the
blessings of the NCA.
Q: So what is your solution to ending the crisis?
A: At the core of our crisis is bad and undemocratic governance. It is bad
and undemocratic governance that is the principal cause of our economic
malaise. As long as we have an unrepentant government, the so-called
economic rescue packages will come to nought. We must set the parameters for
democratic governance through a people-driven constitution; hold free and
fair elections under that new constitution; have an accountable government
and work, as Zimbabweans, with that accountable government to address the
social and economic challenges we face as a people.
But to get to a democratic constitution, we have to put pressure on the
Mugabe regime for it to yield to a process of democratic reform. To put this
pressure, we have to unite as democratic forces and organise mass protests
on a continuous basis whatever the risk. We have to be prepared to face the
of the regime. Eventually, we will succeed. This is a difficult path but it
is the correct one.
Q: Your critics say you are only against the amendment because you know it
spells doom for your pressure group. Are you not just singing for your
A: The criticism is not made sincerely. It is a gimmick to undervalue what
we stand for. The critics know fully well that we represent a serious
constituency and that we have a legitimate agenda. Donors are not a group of
naïve and unthinking automatons who just release money to government
Our partners support us solely because our advocacy for a new, democratic
and people-driven constitution represents hope for the future of our
country. Most of the work of the NCA is the sweat of ordinary Zimbabweans
clamouring for a better country.
Q: Others say you are now irrelevant after last week.
A: The NCA has become more relevant. Amendment 18 does not bring a new
constitution. The sellout package by the MDC shows that the surest way to
get a new constitution is to ensure that the process of constitution making
is taken away from politicians. It is not acceptable for a political party
to be entrusted with the task of constitution making. The NCA has always
rejected the notion that what comes first is a new government, which is
thereafter allowed to author a constitution for the country. As long as
there is no new, democratic and people-driven constitution, the NCA will
remain relevant. In any event, the deal between the MDC and ZANU PF has not
silenced Zimbabweans - they continue to demand a new constitution and the
NCA is there for them.
Q: Tell us about your altercation with some youths on Sunday.
A. I have been very surprised to hear reports I
was assaulted. I addressed a Social Forum meeting in Chitungwiza on
Saturday, September 22, 2007. There were over 400 people in attendance. The
organisers had not created scope for questions and answers. After I had
finished my address, two or three youths came from outside the tent,
demanding at the top of their voices that I answer their questions on
criticism I had levelled against the MDC leadership. I went back to the
podium and reiterated the statements I had made. I do not know where the
youths came from, but it is clear that they belong to that section of our
society where Morgan Tsvangirai cannot be criticised, whatever the issue.
Q: Since your formation in 1997, why has it been difficult to convince the
government to deliver a people-driven new constitution?
A: The issue is not one of convincing the government. This government is
aware of the quest for a new constitution. President (Robert) Mugabe is
presiding over a dictatorship that survives by not allowing democracy to
flourish. A new constitution of the type we are advocating will bring
genuine democracy. This government is opposed to democracy. One should not
view it as a group of men and women of goodwill who can listen to a good
argument and get convinced. They are not interested in the goodness of any
argument that provides scope for democratic governance.
This government has to be forced, by mass pressure, to accept democratic
reforms. What we have not yet achieved is to bring sufficient pressure. So
far we have succeeded in making the issue of a new constitution remain on
the national agenda. No one disputes the fact that the NCA has remained
consistent in demanding a new constitution and has successfully ensured that
constitutional reform is at the centre of every discourse for the resolution
of the crisis in our country.
We will get a new constitution in the very near future. The impediment now,
is the fact that the two parties have agreed to go into the 2008 elections
without a new constitution. This will make our work difficult. As soon as
the 2008 elections are over and the MDC has been cheated again, I am
confident that Zimbabweans will rally behind the one cause that will make
our country a genuine democracy: the cause of a new constitution. The NCA is
available at all times to provide Zimbabweans with an appropriate framework
to face the Mugabe regime and put pressure for democratic reforms.
There is sufficient time provided there is political will. What is needed is
a people-driven process. This can be achieved by convening an All
Stakeholders Constitutional Conference to debate the various proposals,
which exist. There is a Chidyausiku Draft of 2000 and an NCA Draft of 2001.
There are also other drafts such as the Women's Charter of 2000, the
Chinamasa/Ncube Draft of 2004 and the ZANU (PF)/MDC/Mbeki Draft of 2007.
A properly convened All Stakeholders Conference with the broadest possible
representation can, within a short period, produce from the various drafts,
a synthesised draft that is subjected to public debate.
Thereafter a referendum can be held. Access to the people is easy through
meetings of civic organisations, religious bodies and political parties. The
problem in Zimbabwe is not so much the content of a new constitution, but
the process by which it is produced. We need a process that guarantees
participation by the people so that we can entrench a democratic culture
where the people are superior to government. In that way, we create a
country that respects democratic values.
We need democracy to achieve economic prosperity. Seek ye democracy first
and everything else will be granted.
Rangarirai Mberi News Editor
WHAT if you invested all you had in shares in an arms manufacturer, only to
wake up the next morning to news that man had at last come to his senses,
realising that war was really a silly way of settling quarrels, the news
crashing the US$1 trillion global arms industry and wiping out your
Or perhaps you were like an executive at a big oil company, with stock
options piled to the sky, only for some nerd to develop a car that runs
entirely on water?
Or maybe, you were Lovemore Madhuku, chairman of the National Constitutional
Assembly (NCA), called to deliver a new Constitution to Zimbabwe, but now
feeling betrayed after your major ally "sold out" by agreeing only to
amendments, falling short of your dream of a gleaming, new Constitution.
Madhuku, in rejecting the deal last week between ZANU PF and the Movement
for Democratic Change (MDC) over electoral reform, made the telling remark
that he could no longer see himself "sitting under the same tent with both
Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara, discussing the future of this
It was good that Madhuku made this important remark, on at least two
First, it once again shows up the peculiar culture among the country's
teeming horde of non-governmental organisations, where anybody can form an
organisation, give it a thundery name - it must have a haughty "National" in
it - pitch a tent on some suburban lawn, and speak on behalf of 12 million
people about "the future of the country" over tea and sandwiches.
Second, it is good that Madhuku mentions himself, Tsvangirai and Mutambara
among the figures under his tent; all three unelected, and their own
influence going forward now left decidedly shaky now that it is at
Parliament, and not under tents, where any real future breakthrough would
likely be reached.
Critics raise valid concerns about some of the amendments.
For one, Parliament will be far too large; 93 senators is just seven short
of the US senate, and 210 members of the lower house is about half that of
the US equivalent.Compare Zimbabwe's 12 million population to America's 300
Perhaps critics of last week's deal should run with this, instead of casting
themselves as "the people", sole guardians of the rights and
wishes of 12 million Zimbabweans.
Concern among Non-Governmental Organisation (NGO) types over the deal is
largely genuine, one would at least hope.
But the term "Robert Mugabe" itself, has become less of a symbol of decline,
as it frankly is to millions of ordinary Zimbabweans, as it is, to hundreds
of "civic groups", more a billion dollar industry, whose value rises with
every escalation of the crisis, but devalues at any sign - however remote as
was the case last week - that a solution might be in sight.
What would become of the Crisis Zimbabwe Coalition should there no longer be
a crisis?
Where would political journalists be if they could no longer hawk the
lucrative "Mugabe regime" headline?
They gather, the NGO sort, in snooty hotel conference rooms, usually
Thursday nights, with "moderators" presiding over high-and-mighty sounding
discussion topics, such as "Whither Zimbabwe: Confronting the regime head
Invariably, they leave without coming up with little else in terms of
strategy than more seminars.
According to Welshman Ncube, secretary general of Mutambara's faction of the
MDC, the NCA - of which he is a founder - had indeed opposed "piecemeal
amendments" and "the unilateral manner of setting such piecemeal amendments".
But he said: "Let me say that these two principles were conceptualised,
conceived and adopted, not to be verses in a Bible. They were strategic and
tactical principles, which were intended to forge the making of a
people-driven constitution. I despair today when I read and hear the attempt
to transform these principles into some fundamentalist decrees which, we are
told, are to be regarded as completely sacrosanct. As far as we understood
them, they were supposed to be means to an end."
So, if Nicholas Goche, Patrick Chinamasa and Ncube insist that a new
Constitution remains on the table, what's to be made of the hysterical
reaction from NGOdom?
Does the grumpy reaction show a late realisation by NGOs that the
credibility of decisions reached, and strategies planned, after "sitting
under a tent" do not carry as much weight as they had imagined?
Or is this showing deeper panic among people, some of them Tsvangirai's
closest advisers, that any more such agreements, should they happen, also
mean those outside the negotiating circle increasingly risk being nudged off
the stage?
Mavis Makuni Own Correspondent
THE African Union (AU) won praise about two years ago when it successfully
defused a potentially internationally embarrassing scenario in which
Sudanese president Omar Al-Bashir would have assumed the chairmanship of the
continental body while the humanitarian crisis in his country escalated.
The African heads of state assembled in Khartoum as the beneficiaries of
al-Bashir's lavish hospitality nevertheless did not shirk their
responsibility to come up with an acceptable compromise. They agreed that
although it was Sudan's turn to assume the rotating chairmanship of the AU,
the position would pass on to Ghana, with a promise that the chairmanship of
the organisation would revert to al-Bashir at a more appropriate time in the
Since then the 53-member AU has remained largely impotent in the face of the
still unresolved Sudanese humanitarian crisis in which millions have been
displaced and hundreds of thousands have died at the hands of the government
sponsored Janjaweed Arab militias.
The Sudanese scenario comes to mind because the AU is currently embroiled in
another controversy involving another head of state.
This is the question of whether or not President Robert Mugabe should attend
the European Union/ AU summit to be held in Portugal at the end of this
The controversy was sparked by new British Prime Minister, Gordon Brown's
insistence that he would boycott the summit if the Zimbabwean leader was to
be present. He said it would not be appropriate for him to attend under
those circumstances because President Mugabe's presence would turn the event
into a media circus and thus detract from its agenda.
It would seem, however, that more than two months before the summit, the
media frenzy is already in full swing. Over the past week, newspapers have
carried reports almost daily giving the different stances of all the key
players in this five-way clash of egos featuring Britain, the EU, the AU,
the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and Zimbabwe.
The guest country, Portugal, the current holder of the rotating EU
presidency, believes that differences between Britain and Zimbabwe should
not be allowed to spoil Europe's relationship with Africa. As a result, it
has announced that the summit will go ahead even if Britain boycotts it.
Ghana, the current AU chair, says all heads should be present in Portugal in
December. "It would not be fair not to invite a member of the African Union.
I believe we are coming with all members of the African Union, the heads of
state of the African Union, so definitely the invitation will be issued,"
Ghana's foreign minister, Akwasi Osei Adjei has been quoted as saying.
The EU/AU summit has been in limbo for the last seven years because of the
refusal of Britain and other EU countries to attend if the Zimbabwean leader
was invited.
African heads of state have in turn refused to show up if their peer was
Interestingly, Ghana's president, John Kufuor said in March that African
leaders were embarrassed by the situation in Zimbabwe. "The African Union is
very uncomfortable. The situation in your country is very embarrassing", he
told a Zimbabwean questioner at a press conference during a state visit to
He suggested that African institutions such as the AU
should exhaust all means to "give us a handle so we can
help Zimbabwe return to normality."
Throwing his hat into the fray, current SADC chairman, Levy Mwanawasa of
Zambia indicated that other African heads would boycott the summit if
President Mugabe was absent. "I will not go to Lisbon if Mugabe is not
allowed. I don't know how many of us will be prepared to go to Portugal
without Mugabe."
Mwanawasa is another African leader who has spoken out about the situation
in Zimbabwe, comparing the country a few months ago to a "sinking Titanic".
The Zambian leader and President Mugabe were reported to have clashed during
SADC summit in Lusaka last month. This was after Mwanawasa had suggested
that the leaders should discuss the situation in Zimbabwe.
Zimbabwe, the country at the centre of the storm has made its own position
Information and Publicity Minister, Sikhanyiso Ndlovu, has declared that
President Mugabe's attendance will not be determined by any Western head of
state or a member of the EU. "Portugal, the host nation is clear about
President Mugabe's attendance. It is abundantly clear that if any pressure
is put on Portugal not to invite the President, SADC will also not attend
and the AU will not attend and that will be the EU's doomsday - not AU, not
SADC and certainly not President Mugabe and not Zimbabwe."
This impasse seems set to persist. The AU and SADC, which have both
condemned Brown's threat to boycott the summit, are threatening to do the
same themselves making the chances of coming up with a compromise remote.
SOUTH African President Thabo Mbeki, whose efforts to resolve the complex
Zimbabwean crisis were seen hitting a brickwall, could have the last laugh,
as his controversial brand of "quiet diplomacy" moves closer to confounding
many of his critics.
Mbeki, tasked by the Southern African Development Community (SADC), to cool
off boiling political temperatures north of the Limpopo River, had a false
start to his midwifery role as the ruling ZANU PF used every trick in the
book to scuttle the process. And when the negotiations finally started, the
protagonists were poles apart, throwing onto the table long lists of
pre-conditions, which made the SADC initiative appear to be a sheer waste of
time and resources.
But events of the past week suggest whatever Mbeki whispered into the ears
of the feuding political parties did the trick; securing the long sought
buy-in from ZANU PF and the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), whose
continued bickering is at the expense of an economy now in terribly bad
Last week the two parties sprang a surprise by agreeing to the Constitution
of Zimbabwe Amendment (No.18) Bill, seen giving President Robert Mugabe a
softer landing from active politics by allowing him to handpick his heir
apparent, which he could not do previously.
On paper, ZANU PF has all its ducks in a single file. The party has made
negligible concessions, railroading all its plans to harmonise presidential
and general elections and in the process making its survival at next year's
crucial polls a collective responsibility. ZANU PF has also secured the MDC's
backing to add an extra load onto the taxpayer by expanding the number of
seats in the House of Assembly, which, again, will be tilted in favour of
the rural constituencies, strongholds of the ruling party.
The National Constitutional Assembly (NCA), which is leading the chorus of
disapproval from civic organisations that had gone to bed with the MDC and
are only realising now that there are no political enemies in politics, is
crying foul. The NCA, which had pitched high on its agenda issues of the new
constitution, is among the organisations feeling terribly let down by the
MDC's acceptance of piecemeal amendments to the current constitution and has
bolted out of the alliance.
The MDC insists it has agreed to a compromise deal with ZANU PF in order to
give the SADC initiative a chance to succeed. After travelling a bumpy and
gruelling political journey since its formation in September 1999, the MDC
formation, divided as it is, cannot capitulate.
With Mbeki on top of the situation as suggested by reports from Pretoria,
ZANU PF knows it has been put in a tight spot. Mbeki has hinted in the past
that only a free and fair election next year can produce a government
capable of leading the country's battered economy into prosperity. The
country's economy has sunk into penury because of legitimacy concerns
hounding ZANU PF's disputed rule since the bloody 2000 parliamentary
elections. From there on, President Mugabe's government has been treated
like a leper colony internationally.
While the parties to the negotiations have refused to lift the iron curtain
on the negotiations, it would appear both parties have made undertakings to
abide by the rules of the game as set out by Mbeki, hence the wisp of hope
sweeping across the country.
The MDC should now drive a hard bargain by insisting on a level political
playing field sooner rather than later because a free and fair election is
part of a process, which starts well ahead of the election right up to the
day of the actual polling. A free and fair election would also mean
reversing legislation that restricts freedom of speech, assembly and the
gerrymandering characterising the delimitation process and the conduct of
the voter registration exercise. The depoliticisation of the security
forces, including access to the public media, should also be non-negotiable.
By endorsing the 18th amendment, the MDC has honoured its part of the
bargain. The onus is now on ZANU PF to commit itself to the healing process
or risk pressing the self-destructive button. It would be a sad day for
Zimbabwe if ZANU PF is to pull "a fast one" by not honouring its part of the
bargain, which is possible given the ruling party's arrogance, which has
soiled Zimbabwe's name to levels where it is now being lumped together with
tyrannical states such as Belarus, Iran, Burma, North Korea and Syria.
A return to the standoff, which made the MDC and ZANU PF look like
implacable enemies, will be suicidal for both parties. ZANU PF has its back
against the wall because of public disenchantment against its wicked rule.
The MDC is in no better situation. It has lost considerable ground since its
birth. The October 2005 split has made it more vulnerable.
It would be a zero sums game if either party refuses to make some
compromises and decides to go it alone. There can never be a more opportune
time than now for both parties to put aside old grudges and sectional
interests for the good of the country.
The ordinary citizen has suffered enough and cannot continue to endure the
grinding poverty and the anxious moments created as ZANU PF and the MDC
fight for the captaincy of a sinking Titanic.
Mutumwa Mawere
SEPTEMBER 20, 2007 will remain etched in Zimbabwe's unfolding history as a
historic day on which the people of Zimbabwe through their parliament put in
legislative motion forces for which there may be no turning back.
Although the significance of the day in defining the fate of Zimbabwe has
not been fully digested, it is a moment pregnant with implications for the
country and marks a decisive turning point.
On this day, the Constitution of Zimbabwe Bill Number 18 was unanimously
passed by both ZANU PF and the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
legislators and yet barely a year ago, such a development would have been
The harmonisation project mooted and authored by President Robert Mugabe
last year was condemned even by the same people who now embrace it. However,
the object of my article is not to dwell on the past but to fully unmask the
nature, content and context of the secretive deal that SADC through
President Mbeki has brokered in the quest for a lasting solution to the
Zimbabwean crisis.
The bill that was passed unanimously by 111 members of Parliament who were
present or 74 percent of the House seeks to harmonise next year's
presidential, parliamentary and local government polls. No-one, including
Tsholotsho MP Professor Moyo (Independent) who was not part of the Mbeki
negotiations voted against the bill.
As the country and the world at large tries to digest this development, it
is instructive that no such deal could be realised without a resolution of
the fate of President Mugabe.
In the absence of a formal confirmation about what has been agreed between
the parties, the subtext of the deal is instructive and there was no better
person to expose to the nation that President Mugabe's days are numbered and
an agreement has been reached that he will step down as President of Zanu PF
in December 2007, the same month as a new President of ANC is to be elected,
than Vice President Joseph Msika who in the excitement of the moment gave a
clue to the fate of not only himself but also that of President Mugabe.
This is what Vice President Msika was reported to have said amid resounding
applause: "May we keep it like that. Never ever should we fail to love our
nation! We should put the love of our people first. This is the legacy I
want to leave with you. As you know, I have come a long way; it's time for
me to depart. Work together as a nation."
When a person of Vice President Msika's age (older than Mugabe) talks of
leaving a legacy and for the first time announcing that it is time for him
to depart then you know that a Tsugabe has taken place. Vice President Msika
is on record as having said that he will not leave President Mugabe in the
trenches and would rather die in office than surrender before the successful
completion of what he describes as the national democratic revolution.
If Vice President Msika is retiring, then it is evident that President
Mugabe is also retiring, which explains why the MDC formations would in
their collective minds choose to align themselves with a project that
eliminates President Mugabe from the scene while providing a roadmap to
elections presided over by someone other than President Mugabe.
To the extent that the SADC leadership was satisfied about the progress
reported by President Mbeki at the Lusaka summit, it follows that the
forthcoming Extraordinary Congress of ZANU PF will be tasked with choosing
the new leadership of the party. If President Mugabe and Msika had not
accepted to step down, there would have been no need to convert a ZANU PF
Conference into an extraordinary Congress in December.
President Mugabe and Msika's terms as party president and vice president,
respectively, were due to expire in 2009, creating a problem if the
presidential and parliamentary elections were not harmonised and hence the
proposal by President Mugabe to have a transitional process that would have
extended the Presidential term to 2010 to allow ZANU PF to elect its
leadership in 2009 who would have led the party in the elections. This is
now history and it is evident that President Mugabe and Msika will not seek
to renew their terms in December.
Under this construction, ZANU PF will choose a new president and two vice
presidents in December assuming that the framework of the ZANU and ZAPU
unity accord is still in place. It is expected that Vice President Mujuru
whose mandate in the party was also due to expire in 2009, will offer
herself as a candidate for the presidency, leaving the party to elect two
other individuals for the presidential posts.
With respect to the national leadership question, President Mugabe and Vice
President Msika will finish their terms in March 2008 and will not seek to
renew their terms. Although Zanu PF would have wanted the elections to be
held in March, it appears that an agreement has been reached to have a
transitional six-month period after the exit of Mugabe to prepare for the
harmonised elections.
The U-turn by MDC on the harmonisation project and Professor Moyo's active
support of the constitutional changes exposes the fact that Mugabe has
agreed not to be a candidate in the 2008 elections otherwise the outcome
would have been as predictable as night comes after daylight.
It is no longer debatable whether President Mugabe is a factor or not, it is
clear that the MDC has taken the gamble that with President Mugabe out, the
chances of unseating ZANU PF through an electoral process are higher.
Informed by this belief, MDC leaders were prepared to ditch their NCA
colleagues who have not appreciated that the real objective of making noises
on the constitution was to remove President Mugabe. Now that this has been
achieved through the efforts of SADC, the NCA and other non-state actors
including their external supporters have been left guessing about the way
forward. President Mbeki appears to have understood the Zimbabwean political
quagmire to allow him to persuade President Mugabe to step down without him
feeling that he has been pushed out. To the opposition, their acceptance of
the deal exposes the narrowness of their agenda. It appears that all that
was required was for President Mugabe to agree to step down without
reversing any of the policies that have combined to exacerbate the economic
It is clear that MDC has accepted that the land reform is irreversible and
the only way in which compensation for the dispossessed white farmers will
be realised is through the intervention of the British government. Equally,
the allegations of human and property rights violations did not feature in
the deal structure.
What is evident is that the MDC has accepted the position of the government
of Zimbabwe that sanctions are the root cause of the crisis and President
Mugabe will only step down on condition that sanctions are lifted and the
indigenisation and economic empowerment programme as envisaged in the bill
before Parliament is implemented.
It is clear that President Mugabe has succeeded in writing the agenda for
his successors. To the extent that the removal of President Mugabe was the
primary preoccupation of the UK and USA governments, African heads of state
and government are united in asking for the lifting of sanctions and in the
reopening of dialogue between Zimbabwe and the UK on the unresolved land
question. By brokering President Mugabe's exit deal, President Mbeki and his
African colleagues will naturally be angered if new conditions like
restoration of the rule of law, democracy and respect for property and human
rights were to be asked for. - Newzimbabwe.com
Mutumwa Mawere is a Zimbabwean businessman based in South Africa
Living in Utopia
EDITOR - I was very pleased to read Innocent Kadungure's letter (The
Financial Gazette, September 20), which gave a correct account of the
intrinsic situation in Zimbabwe. He hit the nail on the head - Zimbabwe is
getting worse.
I guess people in the diaspora should not be deprived of their right to make
comments about the situation back home but clearly they should not be
allowed to propagate misguided interpretations.
The majority of people in Zimbabwe are living below the poverty datum line
and our country has become an eyesore to the rest of the world. Most basic
commodities can only be found on the black market at exorbitant prices. We
need cheap public transport to go to work and to places such as the National
Sports Stadium to watch football, not posh cars. We need affordable
accommodation in Chitungwiza, Mbare or Hatcliffe extension, not mansions.
The rural folk certainly need buses, paraffin and diesel, and not posh cars
or palatial houses in urban areas. They also need cooking oil and some of
the basic commodities, which were mentioned by Kadungure.
Those who think that Zimbabwe is doing well are living either in Utopia or
Tich Bizabane
MDC leadership is just power hungry
EDITOR - The recent developments in Parliament where the Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) endorsed the 18th Amendment Bill exposed the
opposition leadership and left a lot of Zimbabweans shocked.
First, the opposition leadership is accepting the principle of amending the
constitution in Parliament as compared to crafting a new democratic
constitution by the people. This is unacceptable and not expected of an
opposition that claims to be fighting for democracy.
The endorsement of the 18th Amendment by the MDC is a clear sign of betrayal
and the people of Zimbabwe should not let them off the hook for selling out
to ZANU PF.
The claim by the MDC leaders that they are supporting the amendment for the
good of the country is fallacious. There is nothing good about an amendment
that gives power to Parliament to handpick a president in the event of the
incumbent leaving office. It is the duty of the ordinary citizens to decide
on the laws that govern the country, and Parliament is there to listen to
the will of the people.
The MDC cannot justify supporting an amendment that increases the number of
parliamentary and senatorial seats given the state of our economy. Where
does the government intend to get the money to pay the extra MPs and
The MDC leadership is just after power and they are prepared to go out of
their way to get power at all costs. They are a disgrace to the suffering
masses of Zimbabwe who have been looking forward to an alternative
leadership emerging from the opposition.
What happened is a clear testimony that there is no politician worthy of our
trust. Politicians, especially those in the opposition ranks, are
opportunists who are interested in power, not the welfare of the people. The
MDC should not cry foul in next year's elections as it is public knowledge
that they will not be free and fair. The MDC should have advocated a total
overhaul of the constitution as compared to these piecemeal amendments.
Madock Chivasa
I salute the MDC for a good decision
EDITOR - I think the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) is right in going
along with ZANU PF on the constitutional changes. If ever the MDC wants to
rule Zimbabwe, then they have to be seen to be Zimbabwean first and then an
opposition party later.
If they are ever to follow the likes of the National Constitutional Assembly
(NCA) and the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU), they are doomed. The
MDC must be on the people's side in trying to solve the country's problems
instead of just laying blame on the government without offering solutions.
The ZCTU can not, even at this time of serious hardships, convince its
constituency, the workers to go on strike, so they have become irrelevant to
the Zimbabwe political scene. The MDC should think of the future instead of
listening to the likes of Messrs Madhuku and Matombo who are clinging to
their posts in the most undemocratic manner - the same crime they accuse
ZANU PF of.
The NCA and ZCTU know that once the current problems are resolved, they are
doomed, so they would want the continued suffering of Zimbabweans in order
to continue getting funding from abroad.
It is good that the MDC has acknowledged that it is only us Zimbabweans who
can solve the country's problems and I salute them. All they need to do now
is to unite so that they get the votes next year.
ZESA cashes in on incompetence
EDITOR - It is not what you do but how you do it that matters at the end of
the day. People understand the problems that ZESA is going through and they
have come to endure the hardships that are brought about by the power cuts,
but the accounts department at ZESA leaves a lot to be desired.
We have read and heard that ZESA is facing some cash flow problems, in most
cases this is followed by ZESA disconnecting services for 'defaulters" who
will be forced to fork out a million dollars each as reconnection fees -
fair enough, but this is the area that ZESA is cashing in on its
Most consumers who are affected are the defenceless and poor urban
residents. ZESA is not dispatching bills or they are dispatching the bills
well after the final and due date! ZESA should know that it takes at least
two weeks for mail to reach its final destination in Harare and should put
that into consideration as well.
Should people pay for ZESA's incompetence and unprofessional behaviour? ZESA
should refund all those people who never get their bills on time yet their
electricity was disconnected!
ZESA should lead by example instead of committing daylight robbery like it
is doing now. It should protect its customers.
We pray and hope that one day, a private company will come in and put an end
to this monopoly!
Lovemore A Magaso
Civil society should stop moaning
EDITOR - After ZANU PF and the MDC agreed to pass Constitutional Amendment
Bill Number 18, I was left wondering how this could happen so fast when no
one within civil society was mentioning it behind the scenes or in public.
It appears to me the majority of people within civic society in Zimbabwe
were caught unawares because they were not following up on these things.
Thus they were outmanoeuvred by the political actors.
Statements that have been issued by some membership-based civil society
organisations have left me convinced that some of these groups are so
obsessed with processes that they have lost real legitimacy to discuss
certain issues in the eyes of the common man.
It is apparent that the key political players in Zimbabwe have agreed on the
Presidential term, harmonised local government, parliamentary and
presidential elections and the composition of the House of Assembly. They
believe these will eventually benefit all Zimbabweans. These political
parties wield significant influence on the grassroots.
Those who are claiming to be speaking on behalf of the people of Zimbabwe
must be genuine and sincere in their demands and not focus on trivial issues
that have little impact on the broader picture of finding a lasting solution
to Zimbabwe's crisis. The outcry by civic leaders and other such
commentators on why the MDC embraced Constitutional Amendment Number 18 must
now translate into real action on their part to test their capacity to
influence events on the ground.
The objective of all initiatives on Zimbabwe must be to resolve the
economic, political and social crisis and nothing else. I urge the civic
movement to view these political developments in a positive way and begin to
roll out programmes that will ultimately define how the Zimbabwe crisis is
resolved. There are opportunities to be explored.
Political statements are good but they alone will not serve Zimbabwe from
the continued slide into madness at the hands of a clique in ZANU PF that
believes it can do to the MDC what it did to Joshua Nkomo's PF-ZAPU after
the Lancaster House Agreement.
The concerned civic groups should direct more of their resources towards
furnishing the local communities with information so that these same
communities are able to make the necessary demands from the ongoing
This is one way of ensuring that the common man's issues are brought to the
negotiation agenda, for example the issue of restorative justice -
Gukurahundi in Matabeleland and the Midlands and Operation Murambatsvina
throughout the urban centres.
In our fight for a democratic dispensation where human rights are
sacrosanct, civil society organisations must engage the grassroots
communities and understand the issues that really matter to them before they
take positions that will, in the long term, alienate them from the same
communities that they claim to represent.
The grassroots communities in both rural and urban set-ups must be assisted
to understand what the key issues the MDC and ZANU PF have been negotiating
for and what they have agreed upon. It is pertinent to enable these
communities to have a strong case with the political establishment once the
political actors descend on the communities to try to popularise the
Precious Shumba
Please send any job opportunities for publication in this newsletter to: JAG
Job Opportunities; firstname.lastname@example.com or email@example.com
(Add inserted 27/9/07)
FARM LABOURERS required
Older, yet capable, sheep hand and general farm hand required, good with
irrigation and fencing.
Contactable refs required – would suit displaced farm worker.
Contact – Debbie on cell: 0912 323 220
Email: firstname.lastname@example.com
(Add inserted 20/9/07)
SIMBA International School – NDOLA, ZAMBIA
SIMBA International School, a multi-cultural school in Ndola, Zambia, has
the following vacancies.
1. A-level and IGCSE Art teacher. This post will become vacant in January
2. An English teacher – to teach up to IGCSE level. This post is currently
vacant due to the death of a staff member.
3. A Design & Technology teacher to teach up to A-level. This post will
become vacant in September, 2008.
4. A History teacher to teach up to A-level. There is a possibility that
this post will become vacant in 2008.
In order to obtain a Work Permit from the Zambian Immigration Authorities,
it is essential that applicants have experience of the Cambridge
International Board exams and should preferably have had experience of
teaching in an Independent School. SIMBA prides itself on its academic
results, which have been excellent in recent years.
An attractive US Dollar based package is offered along with free
accommodation, free medical and a car.
Ndola is a thriving and friendly town with an expanding expatriate
Letters of application and a CV should be emailed to:
Only short-listed applicants will be contacted.
(Add Inserted – 20/9/07)
A Horticultural Export project close to Mutare, requires a farm manager.
Previous horticultural experience would be an advantage.
Contactable references only .
Please send CV's to: email@example.com
(Add inserted 20/9/07)
Wild Geese Lodge has a vacancy for an Accountant/Book-keeper.
The right person must have at least 3 years experience in the Accounting
Working hours are: Monday – Friday, 8 a.m. – 5 p.m.
Good package offered, including fuel.
Friendly working environment.
Please forward your CV's and references to|:
firstname.lastname@example.com or post to:
T.J. Cornish
P O Box BW 198
(Add inserted – 20th September, 2007)
Qualifications: Must have excellent qualifications in Pastel Vs 7, 8, 9 and
be proficient in Excel & Word
Duties: Perform all basic tasks of data capturing into Pastel and
interpreting into Excel & Word Spread Sheets
Balancing inter Company Accounts (no wages or salaries)
Produce monthly balances of Expense Accounts in Pastel
Responsibilities: Ensuring daily sales are accurate
Reporting to Financial Manager &
carrying out duties allocated
Supervising Accounts Clerk
Qualities: Well organised & Punctual
Efficient & Dynamic
Must work well under pressure & in busy environment
Suit mature female/male
Be prepared to work 6 day week
Forward updated C.V. with contactable references to:
Glynis Wiley
ABC Auctions
Hatfield House
Seke Road, Harare
Telephone: 751343 / 751498
Email: email@example.com
Qualifications: Must be very proficient in Excel, Word, Pastel and have
good working knowledge of VAT.
Duties: Data capture from departments and interpretation onto Spreadsheets
RTGs applications
Balancing spreadsheet to Pastel
Produce cheques & write out orders
Responsibilities: Ensuring accurate daily data capture
Reporting to Financial Manager & carrying out
duties allocated
Qualities: Well organised & Punctual
Efficient & Dynamic
Must work well under pressure & in busy environment
Be prepared to work 6 day week
Suite mature female/male
Forward updated C.V. with contactable references to:
Glynis Wiley
ABC Auctions
Hatfield House
Seke road
Telephone: 751343 / 751498
Email: email@example.com
(Add inserted 20th, September 2007)
CV People Africa
Visit our website www.cvpeopleafrica.com for numerous local and regional
Readers are encouraged to send through their CV's, they need not necessarily
apply for specific positions.
- PA To Director : Agri-Processing : ref 63
- Transport & Warehouse Supervisor : ref 410
- Production / Works Director – Textiles : ref 471
- Livestock Out-Grower Programme Manager : ref 1188
- Project Systems Business Manager : ref 1189
- Finance Manager :
ref 1433
- Farm Mechanic / Workshop Supervisor : ref 1513
- CV People Recruitment Consultant - Regional : ref 1
- Borehole Drilling Team & Operators Angola : ref 1697
- Creditors Controller / Head of Department : ref 1717
- Property Negotiator :
ref 1754
- Roads Civil Engineer : Angola : ref 1657
- Construction Engineer : Angola : ref
- Quantity Surveyor : Angola : ref
- email : email@example.com
- Cathy's cell : + 263 (0) 11 213 989
- registration : firstname.lastname@example.com
- website : www.cvpeopleafrica.com or www.cvpeople.co.zw
Farm Managers – Angola – Southern Province. Required to develop and
rehabilitate agriculture in the Southern Province. Primary crops will
include maize, onions, potatoes, etc. US dollar remuneration. Email
email@example.com or visit our website www.cvpeopleafrica.com
Production/Works Manager. Textiles, Manufacture & Export. Harare based. A
good technical/ engineering background required. Highly negotiable package.
Email email@example.com or visit our website www.cvpeopleafrica.com
Factory Manager. Construction mouldings and boards. Harare based. Lucrative
operation with expansion programme underway. US dollar based package. Email
firstname.lastname@example.com or visit our website www.cvpeopleafrica.com
General Manager/Manageress. Designer furniture import and distribution.
Duties to include business development, sales and marketing, retail,
showroom administration, contract negotiations, etc. Email
firstname.lastname@example.com or visit our website www.cvpeopleafrica.com
Construction Managers. Civil Engineers. Road Engineers. Site Agents.
Quantity Surveyors. Angola. Recruitment interviews presently being
conducted. Email email@example.com or visit our website
PA to Operations Director. Food Processing. Secretarial and public
relations functions. Very good communicator required. Own vehicle essential.
Email firstname.lastname@example.com or visit our website www.cvpeopleafrica.com
(Add inserted 20th September, 2007)
Urgently Wanted – A reliable, honest person to work in the house and garden;
preferably having worked for someone who is leaving and can recommend their
Please contact Liz on 0912 308410, 04 492754 (home) or 04 747859
(Add Inserted – 20th September, 2007)
SINGMONT INVESTMENTS (PVT) LTD t/a The Capsicum Company
The Capsicum Company needs farmers with irrigation. There is still time for
direct sowing of paprika.
The Capsicum Company has been established for over ten years and we have
reputable markets.
Please contact the office on 04 369143/369198 or
Zane: 011 611 650
Brendan 0912 214 340
Daniel 011 604 666
Douglas 011 638 622
(Add Inserted – 6th September, 2007)
Is looking for an extra teacher for January 2008.
Competitive salary, excellent facilities and equipment, congenial working
atmosphere where the emphasis is on the all-round development of little
Only qualified persons need apply.
Phone 776470 or 746811 for an interview or email: email@example.com
Or email@example.com
(Add inserted 6th September, 2007)
or 2 individuals required for Upmarket Progressive Business
(Applicants will also be considered from regional countries to Zimbabwe)
We are putting a management team together to run a successful and developing
Safari Lodge (75ks from Harare) of presently 32 beds with an additional
satellite/overlander camp to be added next year. The business is foreign run
with one owner recently relocated to Zimbabwe but not wanting to manage the
business on a day to day basis.
We are looking for either 2 individuals or a couple, one to manage the
hotel/lodge side and the other to manage the game section/park (7800 acres
with extensive game).
Management accommodation is a 3 bed roomed house very close to the lodge but
not on site (allowing personal time away from the business). A good local
primary school exists 20 minutes away. A good basic package with the
possibility of profit share exists for the right applicants.
The applicant for the lodge element MUST have experience in the Hotel/Lodge
industry in a Management capacity.
Preferably good knowledge on F&B
Good financial control management
Driving licence
A pleasant personality to interact with clients
Payroll experience (BELINA)
The applicant for the Game section will need the following:
A good basic knowledge of game
Basic mechanical knowledge
The ability to work with and organise, game activities and guides.
Be pro-active in the management of anti-poaching/fencing/road
Someone with a farming background may be suited to this position.
Suitably qualified interested parties please forward your current CV's to
the directors listed below:
Mr Dobinson. UK
email@example.com Tel: 00 44 1959 561031 (fax 00 44 1959 569171)
Mobile: 00 44 7775 840739
Mrs Bekker, Zimbabwe
firstname.lastname@example.com Tel: 00 263 4 496297 (fax 00 263 4 480997) or Mobile:
00 263 23 401414
(Add inserted 6th September, 2007)
Twin Peaks in Gweru is looking for a husband and wife team. The husband to
be handyman/caretaker and the wife to supervise the restaurant.
A two bedroomed house, fully dura-walled is available and animals are
The vacancy is available from 1st November, 2007.
Any further details can be obtained from Marie Pile.
Please send your CV: to firstname.lastname@example.com
Tel: 054 223762 or 054 227996
(Add inserted 6th September, 2007)
Electrical Appliance Mechanic is required in Maroochydore, Australia, for a
commercial kitchen equipment installation company.
Ability to work under pressure, people skills, diagnostic ability,
understanding of PCB's and components, pressure switches, elements etc.
Official qualifications and experience is required. Assistance to migrate
will be given if qualifications are acceptable and applicant is accepted for
the job.
Please contact Mrs Bown at 04 702402 (office) or: 023 316 739 (cell) for
further information.
No time wasters – please.
(Add inserted 28 August 2007)
Looking for work in Australia?
Australian Recruiting Pty Ltd is a national leader in the provision of
recruitment and human resource consulting services and is a wholly
Queensland owned and operated business which is staffed with leading
industry consultants.
We provide specialised recruitment expertise with local knowledge. Our
personalised friendly approach is backed up with skilled consultants and a
state of the art database that identifies both client and candidate
opportunities in the marketplace.
We partner with our clients to search for, attract, screen and appoint
exceptional people more effectively.
For a confidential appraise of the job market and work opportunities in
Australia, please contact Kerran Nicolle, Manager & Owner of the Sunshine
Coast Branch of Australian Recruiting.
Kerran ran a highly successful Agricultural Consulting Company in the
Chinhoyi District up until the end of 2002. He has now been in Australia for
4 ½ years. As an autonomous manager of the Branch or Australian Recruiting,
he is happy to communicate with any interested parties currently looking to
Australia to relocate.
Contact Kerran on: firstname.lastname@example.com
Work: 61 7 54453188
Fax: 61 7 54456539
Mobile: 61 400070526
(Add inserted 28 August 2007)
BOOK-KEEPER/RECEPTIONIST (Mornings Only)
Looking for a mature book-keeper, mornings only excluding Fridays and the
odd Wednesday. Must be computer literate.
We off a fun working environment based in Highlands with a good remuneration
and fuel allowance offered.
Please contact: Siobhan Hutchings on Tel: 443080/2 or 443088 or
Mobile: 011 410 347 or email: firstname.lastname@example.com
(Add inserted 28th August, 2007)
.I have an immediate vacancy for a Dairy Manager to manage our 1000cow dairy
in Chisamba, Zambia. This is a senior post and I am looking for a highly
motivated, experienced, professional person. Only high-calibre, suitably
experienced candidates will be considered. Experience of managing a large
dairy herd is ESSENTIAL. Total herd is 2500 animals. Tertiary education
would be an advantage but NOT essential.
1. 1000 milking cows.
2. TMR feeding system.
3. All silage/stock-feed is provided by Crops Manager so Dairy Manager can
focus 100% on managing the dairy
4. 40 x unit herringbone parlour.
5. 50km north of Lusaka.
6. Very attractive package.
7. Permanent/long-term position.
Please contact:-
Francis Grogan
Managing Director
Zambeef Products PLC,
Private Bag 17,
Tel: +260977999001
Fax: +2601213777
(Add inserted 13th September, 2007)
I am looking for either a houseworker/cook or gardener. The applicant should
be mature, experienced and either recommended by an employer or have recent
contactable references.
Excellent accommodation offered plus a good salary to the right person.
Please phone: 011 614 233 for interview.
(Add inserted 27/9/07)
Logistics, Administration and Fraud Investigator on cross-border transport,
18 years General Manager, Consultant and Co-ordinator of drought operations
for Aid Agencies seeks employment either Harare based or external. Will
consider none transport positions.
CV available on request.
Please contact - John Rushton on Tel: 04 497614 Cell: 011 877 384
Email: email@example.com
(Add inserted 20/9/07)
Qualified in diesel and petrol.
Experience also on boats.
Had own workshop.
Requires position as Workshop Manager in and around Harare.
Contact: Vernon Cockcroft on Tel: 0912 272842
Email: firstname.lastname@example.com
(Add inserted 13th September, 2007)
A mature man with many years referenced experience, mainly in administration
and security related management with various reputable organisations, seeks
a new direction in life.
CV is available and contact can be made through:
Mrs Parsons on Tel: 04 300514 or email: firstname.lastname@example.com
(Add inserted 28th August 2007)
Mature man in his 30's seeking employment in either Marketing/Sales or
Management. Preferably regional.
I am the holder of an IMM Diploma; Bachelor of Bus. Admin degree;
Certificate in Retail Business Management.
I am computer literate with experience in Word and Excel.
Please contact: Stan Mabika c/o email: email@example.com
(Ad inserted 16 August 2007)
I am mature lady with 14 years working experience in Administration and
Human Resources. I am currently working at the University of Zimbabwe in the
Human Resources Department. I hold A Bsc in Sociology from The University of
Zimbabwe and Certificates in Human Resources Management. I am looking for
employment either as an Administrator in Human Resources. My contact is Mrs
Hove 011218590 or 333524 or 492348. My e-mail address email@example.com.
Employment Sought
(Ad inserted 2 August 2007)
Position sought - Finance, Salaries and Administration.
Work experience
Currently serving as a Finance and Administration Officer for a regional
17 years solid work experience, 8 in the NGO sector.
NGOs, Embassies, Regional or International organisations preferred.
Current salary in foreign currency.
Clean class 4 driver s licence.
Diploma in Personnel Management.
Higher National Diploma in Accounting.
Bachelor of Commerce Degree majoring in Finance.
Contact details
Juliah Murima – 04-2920769 home, 0912 699258 cell, 0912 405281 husband
Email firstname.lastname@example.com or firstname.lastname@example.com
For the latest listings of accommodation available for farmers, contact