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Spring Vegetable Curry with Ramp Cilantro Chutney
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Author Notes: This is a vegetarian curry that features ingredients available here in upstate NY in the spring: ramps (which I foraged myself), fiddleheads, and dandelion greens. If you can't find one of more of these in your neck of the woods, I've given you some ideas for substitutions. The recipe is adapted from a vegetarian curry of mine that was originally inspired by the delicious Tomato and Coconut Fish Curry recipe in Monica Bhide's lovely book, Modern Spice. —WinnieAb
Serves 2-3
- 2 tablespoons organic coconut oil or ghee
- 1 teaspoon black mustard seeds
- 1 1/2 inch piece of fresh ginger, peeled and minced
- 4 whole ramps, chopped fine (use 4 cloves of peeled garlic if you don't have ramps)
- 1 Serrano chili pepper, minced (leave the seeds in if you want your curry to be spicy)
- 1 large sweet potato, peeled and chopped into cubes
- one 14 oz. can organic whole coconut milk
- 1 cup fiddleheads, rinsed very well and cleaned of all debris (use 1 cup asparagus tips if you don't have fiddleheads)
- 1 cup chopped dandelion greens (use collards or kale if you don't have dandelion greens)
- 1 bell pepper, cored, seeded and chopped (I used half of a red one and half of an orange one)
- 1 large tomato, chopped
- 1 teaspoon tumeric
- 1/2 teaspoon ground coriander
- 1/4 teaspoon sea salt- optional
- about 3/4 cup fresh cilantro, chopped
- green tops of 4 ramps, chopped fine (use 1/4 cup chopped mint if you don't have ramps)
- juice of 1/2 lime
- 1 teaspoon organic sugar
- In a large skillet or wok, melt the coconut oil or ghee over medium heat. Add the mustard seeds and cook for a minute or two until they "pop", then add the ginger, minced ramps, and chili pepper. Stir everything around for a minute or so.
- Add the chopped sweet potato to the pan along with the coconut milk. Bring to a boil, and then reduce the heat to a simmer. Cook for about 15 minutes, stirring occasionally. Add a little water if the liquid seems too thick.
- While the sweet potato is cooking, place your clean fiddleheads in a pot of water on the stove and bring to a boil. Allow to boil for 10 minutes (fiddleheads are a wild food, and this is the recommended preparation so that you don't become ill from them...better safe than sorry). After they've been boiled for 10 minutes, drain and set aside.
- Add the fiddleheads, the dandelion greens, the bell pepper, and the tomato to the sweet potatoes. Simmer for another 15 minutes, or until the vegetables are very tender, again adding a little water if necessary.
- Mix in the spices (and salt, if using). Cook for another minute or two. Taste and adjust the spices, if necessary. Remove from the heat and allow to cool slightly while you proceed with the chutney.
- To make the chutney, mix the minced ramp tops with the cilantro in a small bowl. Add the fresh lime juice and the sugar. Mix well, and serve over the curry.
- This recipe was entered in the contest for Your Best Ramps
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'Narnia' Star Georgina Henley Taps Into 'Strange Sexuality' of 'Sisterhood of the Night' Role (Guest Blog)
"I just didn't think that I could play her. I just didn't think I had that kind of confidence," 19-year-old actress says of alpha-female Mary
"I just didn't think that I could play her. I just didn't think I had that kind of confidence," 19-year-old actress says of alpha-female Mary
In an excerpt from her book "The $11 Billion Dollar Year," Anne Thompson describes Anderson's inaugural experience at Cannes for "Moonrise Kingdom"
The quirky ensemble comedy scores one of the best specialty debuts ever
Timing and marketing pushed the film to new heights
David O. Russell's Oscar nominee wins four awards, including Best Feature; "The Sessions" takes two acting prizes
With big studios dominating the Oscar race, Film Independent Spirit Awards nominations go for smaller films, with "Moonrise Kingdom" and "Silver Linings Playbook" landing five noms each
"Beasts of the Southern Wild" director wins two awards
TheWrap staff offers up deserving films and folks who might get lost in the crush of a crazy awards season.
Paul Thomas Anderson's Scientology-inspired tale "The Master" averages $145,949 for weekend on five screens in NY and LA. With day-and-date VOD, "Arbitrage" take in $2M at box office
Paul Thomas Anderson's Scientology-inspired tale "The Master" averages $48,425 Friday in debut on 5 screens in N.Y. and Los Angeles
Of the films released so far this year, "Beasts of the Southern Wild" looks like the strongest Oscar contender; "The Dark Knight Rises" faces obstacles
Openers bow softly but holdovers "Moonrise Kingdom," "To Rome With Love" and "Beasts of the Southern Wild" shine in expansions
Fox Searchlight's festival hit "Beasts of the Southern Wild" bows to $169K in L.A. and New York, with a $42,250 per-screen average
Woody Allen's latest, "To Rome With Love," takes in $379K from five screens in its debut. "Best Exotic" and "Moonrise Kingdom" roll on.
"Your Sister's Sister," in which Mark Duplass stars, opens with a $9,000 per-screen average. "Safety Not Guaranteed," which he exec produces with his brother, expands strongly
The DreamWorks Animation CGI film repeats as No. 1, with newcomers "Rock of Ages" at $15M and "That's My Boy" at $13M. "Prometheus" is No. 2 with $20.2M
"Madagascar 3," still alone in the family market, is expected to stay No. 1 at weekend box office. "Rock of Ages" and "That's My Boy" are pegged for mid-twenties to $30M
"Moonrise Kingdom," Wes Anderson's tale of tween love from Focus Features, joins "Best Exotic Marigold Hotel" among box-office elite
Wes Anderson's "Moonrise Kingdom" averages $53K per screen at 16 theaters for Focus. "Best Exotic Marigold Hotel" keeps rolling
Wes Anderson's tale of tween love "Moonrise Kingdom" rings up $669K from four N.Y. and L.A. theaters for Focus Features
Sony's alien-wrangling agents return after 10 years in "Men in Black 3," just in time to topple "The Avengers' for the Memorial Day weekend box-office crown
"It's the autobiography of something that didn't happen," the director with one of Hollywood's most specific visual idioms tells TheWrap in an interview

subset: commoncrawl


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This was not how I expected to introduce the "college" category to Football Perspective.
Following the release of the Freeh Report, the depth of college football's ugliest scandal appears deeper and darker than ever before. For those who have not followed the story closely, Matt Hinton does his typical excellent job bringing us up to speed.
The full report into Penn State's response to allegations of sexual abuse by longtime defensive coordinator Jerry Sandusky, following an eight-month investigation overseen by former FBI director Louis Freeh, fills 267 excruciating pages. But to put the finishing touches on the obliteration of a half-century of goodwill, it only took 163 words:
The evidence shows that these four men also knew about a 1998 criminal investigation of Sandusky relating to suspected sexual misconduct with a young boy in a Penn State football locker room shower. Again, they showed no concern about that victim. The evidence shows that Mr. Paterno was made aware of the 1998 investigation of Sandusky, followed it closely, but failed to take any action, even though Sandusky had been a key member of his coaching staff for almost 30 years, and had an office just steps away from Mr. Paterno's.
At the very least, Mr. Paterno could have alerted the entire football staff, in order to prevent Sandusky from bringing another child into the Lasch Building. Messrs. Spanier, Schultz, Paterno and Curley also failed to alert the Board of Trustees about the 1998 investigation or take any further action against Mr. Sandusky. None of them even spoke to Sandusky about his conduct. In short, nothing was done and Sandusky was allowed to continue with impunity.
That is an excerpt from the seven-page press release summarizing the findings in the full report. It is a bombshell. The four men in question are former Penn State president Graham Spanier, former athletic director Tim Curley, former administrator Gary Schultz and former head coach Joe Paterno. All four lost their jobs and their reputations last November over their apparently negligent reaction to an allegation against Sandusky in 2001; Curley and Schultz also face serious criminal charges stemming from that incident. Now, in light of confirmation that the most powerful men on campus had been confronted with the same charges against one of their own at least three years earlier, negligence is the least of their sins.
First, the facts. In 1998, an allegation by the mother of an 11-year-old boy (later identified in court documents as "Victim 6") who claimed Sandusky had sexually assaulted him in a locker room shower led to an investigation by Penn State campus police and local law enforcement. That investigation resulted in a 95-page police report – but no charges against Sandusky.
Crucially, Spanier, Curley and Paterno later claimed to have no knowledge of the 1998 investigation into Sandusky, nor of the accusation that prompted it. By their accounts, they had no reason to suspect Sandusky of any wrongdoing (criminal or otherwise) prior to his retirement from Paterno's staff in 1999. Freeh said today there is no evidence that Sandusky was forced out, and e-mails cited in the report indicate Paterno had no problem with his former player and longtime colleague continuing to serve as defensive coordinator. Following his retirement, Sandusky maintained "emeritus" status and regular access to university facilities. By all outward appearances, he remained a respected coach and upstanding citizen, venerated for his decades of work with troubled kids, and no one at Penn State – certainly not Joe Paterno, the most venerated man in American sports – had any reason to suspect otherwise. At least, until 2001.
Even by that account, the one in which everyone around Sandusky is completely oblivious to who he really was, there is no defense for the inaction that followed the 2001 accusation by then-graduate assistant Mike McQueary, who claims he personally witnessed Sandusky raping a young boy in a locker room shower. McQueary subsequently reported the incident to Paterno; Paterno ran it up the ladder to Curley, who consulted with Shultz, spoke with McQueary and ultimately let Sandusky off with a warning.
According to the Freeh Report, "the only known, intervening factor between the decision made on February 25, 2001, by Messrs. Spanier, Curley and Schulz to report the incident to the Department of Public Welfare, and then agreeing not to do so on February 27th, was Mr. Paterno's February 26th conversation with Mr. Curley." In short, nothing was done and Sandusky was allowed to continue with impunity. What could possibly be more damning than that?
Only this: That Penn State had already allowed Sandusky to operate with impunity for years even before McQueary came forward. If today's report is correct – if "the evidence shows that Mr. Paterno was made aware of the 1998 investigation of Sandusky, followed it closely, but failed to take any action" – Paterno had had every reason to suspect that Sandusky was a violent predator for at least three years when McQueary walked into his office. Yet did nothing when those suspicions were confirmed, and did nothing for the next decade. The report could not have leveled a more devastating charge. The old man already knew.
In a sober, well-crafted response to the Freeh Report released this morning, Paterno's family describes Sandusky as "a great deceiver," and maintains that "many people didn't fully understand what was happening and underestimated or misinterpreted events." But after the report, there is only one possible interpretation. Joe Paterno and other Penn State officials continued to tolerate and to some extent shelter an alleged sex offender despite multiple, credible accusers over the course of more than a decade.
Paterno's legacy goes from being a romantic one to a complicated one, as Joe Ponsnanski is painfully finding out right now. The reputations of Spanier, Schultz and Curley are forever tarnished, and we don't need to rehash what will become of Sandusky. But for some, the judicial system is not enough, and there are those calling for Penn State football to get the "Death Penalty", effectively suspending the entire football program. Such measures are fueled in part by the "I can top you with my moral outrage" expressed my some media members, and part by the insufficient way justice could ever be delivered in this situation.
I agree with Andy Staples' take: "Unless the NCAA finds evidence of broken bylaws, it needs to keep its nose out of an issue beyond its purview. Absolute power corrupted absolutely here, but not specifically because this happened in the football building. Powerful people attempt to protect their power in any large institution." To use another Staples analogy, it would be like asking the IRS to punish murderers who pay their taxes because, well, they're murderers.
We don't need the IRS to punish murderers because we have a legal system to do just that. Here, our country's justice system feels inadequate for many, leaving a thirst for vengeance that goes far beyond imprisoning Sandusky for the rest of his life and delivering prison sentences to Curley and Schultz, too. Spanier should and likely will face criminal charges. But that won't add up to a pound of flesh in many eyes. Because the NCAA frequently and arbitrarily hands out punishments, some look for them to act in this case. But this is less about college football than it is about celebrity status and power.
This scandal took place in State College, Pennsylvania, but it didn't have to. It could have been perpetrated by the CFO, CEO and majority of the Board of Directors of a Fortune 500 company (call it "Company F"). If those members of Company F were the main characters in the story instead of Sandusky, Paterno, Spanier, Curley and Schultz,, the narrative would be the same. The CEO found out that the CFO was committing these horrible crimes, but covered it up to protect Company F's stock price. The Board knew about it, but didn't want to ruin the Company's reputation, and after all, why punish the stockholders? After the story breaks, however, the response wouldn't be to delist the Company from its exchange. The proper response is to punish those responsible, harshly. But it wouldn't be the SEC's place to blow up Company F any more than it's the NCAA's place to blow up the Penn State football program.
Or, perhaps more interestingly, consider if this happened to an NFL team. The same circumstances and "culture" are in place in Green Bay, Pittsburgh, and dozens of cities across America that house professional football teams. If it was discovered that at Team X, the defensive coordinator had been using his position to sodomize young boys, we would be outraged. We'd be further outraged if we found out that the head coach, general manager and team owner knew about it. But after the facts were brought to light, the natural response wouldn't be to eliminate the team. It would be to bring those men to justice.
It's natural to wonder how the NCAA can punish those for getting free sneakers but not punish Penn State for these unspeakable acts. Ultimately, it's not that much different than why O.J. Simpson is in the Hall of Fame and Pete Rose is not. Betting on baseball games isn't the most egregious crime in the world, but it is an egregious crime against baseball. If instead of his dogfighting scandal, we found out that Mike Vick was taking performance enhancing drugs, the reactions would have been very different. Many would argue for an asterisk beside Vick's records, and if he had won a Super Bowl, that such trophy would be forever tarnished. But that's not because that taking steroids is more morally bankrupt than brutally killing dogs; it would be an egregious crime against football, not against society. What Sandusky and the men in power permitted was an egregious crime against humanity, not against football. Four of the major players involved — Sandusky, Curley, Schultz and Spanier — are no longer affiliated with the school and have been or will be dealt with by the legal system. The fifth, Paterno, is being dealt with as harshly as society can deal with the deceased. Unfortunately, punishing those responsible is all we can do to quench the thirst we all felt after hearing these reports.
Canceling a football program for non-football reasons? That's far outside the NCAA's purview, an organization whose power few would want to increase. The NCAA generally punishes programs that obtain competitive advantages in violation of the most holy of collegiate athletic principles: players should not get paid. If Cecil Newton wants to shop his son for $180,000, and a school wants to pay him, that school is getting an unfair advantage over the schools that play by the rules. SMU was paying its players, giving the Mustangs an unfair advantage. Ohio State was giving its athletes improper benefits, which is essentially a non-financial recruiting tactic used because they can't directly pay players. USC would have Snoop Dogg at practice to entice recruits to come, and looked the other way as Reggie Bush's mother got a free house. Again, those acts put other schools that presumably play by the rules at a competitive disadvantage. When you are giving improper benefits to athletes, you are creating an unfair playing field. Generally, after being caught, those teams have their wins vacated, wiped from the record books as if they did not occur. These violations are not illegal (although they may be tied up with other illegal acts), of course: that's precisely why the NCAA is asked to step in.
Obviously, Penn State doesn't have a leg up on other schools as a result of its scandal. The Nittany Lions aren't going to forfeit games from the '98 season, or vacate their 2008 Big Ten Championship. To the contrary, the future of the program has a dark shadow over it, without the need for the NCAA to step in. Without punishing the Program, some will be disappointed. But Paterno and Curley have already punished the program by their actions and inactions. This wasn't a case of them trying to break the rules to help out the program, but rather them discarding everything — including the future health of the program — to protect themselves. The protagonists in this scandal all decided that covering themselves, and avoiding being dismissed by their university or being imprisoned, was more important than stopping a monster from preying on young children. Now, the legal system will intervene and bring justice as best it can. But there's no need for the NCAA to punish a program that's embarrassed and horrified by these events other than to satisfy an insatiable thirst for vengeance.
[There is an entirely separate issue of whether in fact the NCAA has the authority to punish Penn State, in any way, for what happened. I'm not sure that they do. The 'lack of institutional control' hammer that the NCAA has used in the past is only applicable when a violation of NCAA rules has been found. To date, as callous as it may sound, there has been no violation of NCAA rules alleged against the university. While some have thrown out the vague power of the NCAA to bend the rules and do whatever it wants, the association is still bound by its own rules. They may be creative, but it's far from clear that even if they have the authority to punish the Penn State program. Practically speaking, the NCAA moves at a glacial pace, and I suspect any investigation done by it would not be complete until well after the demands for action have subsided, and the death penalty will probably be off the table.]


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Easter Rising 1916 Ruins Sackville St
Now O'Connell St
Easter Rising 1916 Ruins in Sackville St. The Easter Rising (Irish: Éirí Amach na Cásca) was a militarily unsuccessful rebellion staged in Ireland against British rule on Easter Monday in April 1916. Nevertheless, despite its military failure, it can be judged as being a significant stepping-stone in the eventual creation of the Irish Republic.
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Easter Rising 1916 Ruins in Sackville St
(now O'Connell St)
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Easter Rising 1916
The Easter Rising (Irish: Éirí Amach na Cásca) was a militarily unsuccessful rebellion staged in Ireland against British rule on Easter Monday in April 1916. Nevertheless, despite its military failure, it can be judged as being a significant stepping-stone in the eventual creation of the Irish Republic.
The rebellion marked the most famous attempt by militant republicans to demonstratively force independence from the United Kingdom. The Irish Republican revolutionary attempt occurred from April 24 to April 30, 1916, in which a part of the Irish Volunteers led by school teacher and barrister Padraig Pearse and the smaller Irish Citizen Army of James Connolly seized key locations in Dublin and proclaimed an Irish Republic independent of Britain. The event is seen as a key turning point on the road to Irish independence, as it marked a split between physical-force republicanism and mainstream non-violent nationalism represented by the Irish Parliamentary Party under John Redmond who through democratic parliamentary procedure had won an initial stage of national domestic self-government within the United Kingdom, under the British crown, granted through the Third Home Rule Act 1914. This Act, limited by the fact that it partitioned Ireland into Northern Ireland and 'Southern Ireland', was placed on the statute books in September 1914, but suspended for the duration of World War I. It ultimately became enacted under the Government of Ireland Act, 1920.
Planning the Rising
While the Easter Rising was for the most part carried out by the Irish Volunteers, it was planned by the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB). Shortly after the outbreak of World War I on August 4, 1914, the Supreme Council of the IRB met and, under the old dictum that 'England's difficulty is Ireland's opportunity', decided to take action sometime before the conclusion of the war. To this end, the IRB's treasurer, Tom Clarke formed a Military Committee to plan the rising, initially consisting of Pearse, Eamonn Ceannt, and Joseph Plunkett, with himself and Sean MacDermott added shortly thereafter. All of these were members of both the IRB, and (with the exception of Clarke) the Irish Volunteers. Since its inception in 1913, they had surreptitiously hijacked the Volunteers, and had fellow IRB members elevated to officer rank whenever possible, hence by 1916 a large portion of Volunteer leadership were devoted republicans in favor of physical force. A notable exception was the founder and Chief-of-Staff Eoin MacNeill, who was determined to use the Volunteers as a bargaining tool with Britain following World War I, and who was certainly opposed to any rebellion that stood little chance of success. Nevertheless, the IRB hoped to either win him over to their side (through deceit if necessary) or bypass his command altogether. They had little success with either plan.
The plan encountered its first major hurdle when James Connolly, head of the Irish Citizen Army, a group of armed socialist labor union men, completely unaware of the IRB's plans, threatened to initiate a rebellion on their own if other parties refused to act. As the ICA was barely 200 strong, any action they might take would result in a fiasco, and spoil the chance of a potentially successful rising by the Volunteers. Thus the IRB leaders met with Connolly and convinced him to join forces with them. They agreed to act together the following Easter.
In an effort to thwart informers, and, indeed, the Volunteers' own leader, early in April Pearse issued orders for 3 days of 'parades and manoeuvres' by the Volunteers for Easter Sunday (which he had the authority to do, as Director of Organization). The idea was that the true republicans with the organization (particularly IRB members) would know exactly what this meant, while men such as MacNeill and the British authorities in Dublin Castle would take it at face value. Of course this was too much to hope for, and MacNeill soon got wind of what was afoot and threatened to 'do everything possible short of phoning Dublin Castle' to prevent the rising. Although he was briefly convinced to go along with some sort of action when MacDermott revealed to him that a shipment of German arms was about to land in County Kerry, planned by the IRB in conjunction with Sir Roger Casement (who ironically had just landed in Ireland in an effort to stop the rising), the following day MacNeill reverted to his original position when he found out the shipment was scuttled. With the aid of his cohorts of like mind, notably Bulmer Hobson and The O'Rahilly, he issued a countermand to all Volunteers, canceling all actions for Sunday. This only succeeded in putting the rising off for a day, although it greatly reduced the number of men who turned out.
The Rising
The plan, largely devised by Plunkett (and apparently very similar to a plan worked out independently by Connolly), was to seize strategic buildings throughout Dublin in order to cordon off the city, and resist the inevitable attack by the British army. If successful, the plan would have left the rebels holding a compact area of central Dublin, roughly bounded by the canals and the circular roads. However, this would have required more men than the 1250 or so who were actually mobilised. As a result, the rebels left several key points within the city, notably Dublin Castle and Trinity College, in British hands, meaning that their own forces were separated from each other. This in effect doomed the rebel positions to be isolated and taken one after the other.
The Volunteer's Dublin division had been organized into 4 battalions, each under a commandant who the IRB made sure were loyal to them. A makeshift 5th battalion was put together from parts of the others, and with the aid of the ICA. This was the battalion of the headquarters at the General Post Office, and included the President and Commander-in-Chief, Pearse, the commander of the Dublin division, Connolly, as well as Clarke, MacDermott, Plunkett, and a young captain named Michael Collins. Meanwhile the 1st battalion under Commandant Ned Daly seized the Four Courts and areas to the northwest, the 2nd battalion under Thomas MacDonagh established itself at Jacob's Biscuit Factory, south of city center, in the east Commandant Eamon de Valera commanded the 3rd battalion at Boland's Bakery, and Ceannt's 4th battalion took the workhouse known as the South Dublin Union to the southwest. Members of the ICA also commandeered St. Stephen's Green and Dublin's City Hall. The breakdown of law and order that accompanied the rebellion was marked by widespread looting, as Dublin's slum population ransacked the city's shops. Ideological tensions came to the fore when a Volunteer officer gave an order to shoot looters, only to be angrily countermanded by James Connolly.
As MacNeill's countermand basically prevented all areas outside of Dublin from rising, the command of all active rebels fell under Connolly, who some say had the best tactical mind of the group. After being badly wounded, Connolly was still able to command by having himself moved around on a bed. (Although he had the dubious achievement of insisting that a capitalist government would never use artillery against their own property. It took the British less than 48 hours to prove him wrong.) The British worked slowly, unsure of how many they were up against, and put their efforts into securing the approaches to Dublin Castle and isolating the headquarters at the GPO, before the gunboat Helga shelled large parts of the city and burned much of it down. (The first building shelled was Liberty Hall, which ironically had been abandoned since the beginning of the Rising.)
Their plan by and large worked very well. Outnumbering the rebels with approximately 4500 British troops and 1000 RIC (the insurgent Volunteers are estimated at about 1000 and the ICA at under 250), they bypassed many of the defenses, and isolated others to the extent that by the end of the week the only order they were able to receive was the order to surrender. The headquarters itself saw little real action. The heaviest fighting occurred at the rebel held positions around the Grand Canal, which the British had to take to bring up troops who had landed in Dun Laoghaire port. In particular, the Sherwood Foresters regiment were repeatedly caught in a cross-fire trying to cross the canal at Mount Street. They suffered over 100 killed and wounded. The rebel position at the South Dublin Union also inflicted heavy losses on British troops trying to advance up Aungier street towards Dublin Castle. Shell fire and shortage of ammunition eventually forced the rebels to abandon these positions before the end of the week. The rebel position at St Stephen's Green, held by the Citizen Army under Michael Mallin, was made untenable after the British placed snipers and machine guns in the surrounding buildings. As a result, Mallin's men retreated to the Royal College of Surgeons building, where they held out until they received orders to surrender.
The insurgents' headquarters' most noteworthy moment was when Pearse read the Proclamation of the Republic to a largely indifferent crowd outside the GPO. After that the rebels barricaded themselves within the post office and were soon shelled from afar, unable to return effective fire, until they were forced to abandon their headquarters when their position became untenable. On Saturday, April 29, from the new headquarters on Moore Street, after realizing that all that could be achieved was further death, Pearse issued an order for all companies to surrender.
The rebels had little public support at the time, and hundreds of people were killed and wounded, (mostly civilians caught in the crossfire). Some 3000 suspects were arrested and 15 leaders (including all seven signatories of the independence proclamation) were executed (May 3–12). Among them was the already mortally wounded Connolly, shot while tied to a chair because he was unable to stand. At the time the executions were demanded in motions passed in Irish local authorities and by many newspapers, including the Irish Independent in an editorial. Prisoners being transported to internment camps in Wales were jeered and spat upon by angry Dubliners.
Infiltrating Sinn Féin
The executions marked the beginning in a change in Irish opinion, much of which had until now seen the rebels as irresponsible adventurists whose actions were likely to harm the nationalist cause. As freed detainees reorganised the Republican forces, nationalist sentiment slowly began to swing behind the hitherto small monarchist Sinn Féin party, ironically not itself involved in the uprising, but which the British government and Irish media wrongly blamed for being behind the Rising. The surviving Rising leaders, under Eamon de Valera, infiltrated Sinn Féin and deposed its previous monarchist leadership under Arthur Griffith, who had founded the party in 1905 to campaign for an Anglo-Irish dual monarchy. Sinn Féin and the Irish Parliamentary Party under John Redmond fought a series of inconclusive battles, with each winning by-elections, until the Conscription Crisis of 1918 (when Britain tried to force conscription on Ireland) swung public opinion behind Sinn Féin.
There was a Boer uprising in South Africa at the start of World War I when Afrikaners who wished to break the link between South Africa and the British Empire, allied themselves with the Germans of German South West Africa. The revolt was crushed by the forces loyal to the South African Government. In contrast to the British reaction to the Easter Rising, in a gesture of reconciliation the South African government was lenient on those rebel leaders who survived the rebellion and encouraged them to work for change within the constitution. This strategy worked and there were no further armed rebellions by Afrikaners who opposed links with Britain. In 1921 Jan Smuts a leading South African statesman and soldier was able to bring this example to the notice of the British Prime Minister David Lloyd George and it helped to persuade the British Government to compromise when negotiating the Anglo-Irish Treaty. 'What if the British had been lenient to the Irish rebel leaders?' is a question that still lends itself to lively debate.
1918 General Election
The general elections to the British Parliament in December 1918 resulted in a Sinn Féin landslide in Ireland (many seats were uncontested), most of whose MPs gathered in Dublin to proclaim the Irish Republic (January 21, 1919) under the President of Dáil Éireann, Eamon de Valera, who had escaped execution in 1916 through luck. (His physical location away from the other prisoners prevented his immediate execution, while his American citizenship led to a delay while the legal situation was clarified. By the time a decision was taken to execute him, and his name had risen to the top of the executions list, all executions had been halted.)
Long-term Impact
The Rising is generally seen as having been doomed to military defeat from the outset, and to have been understood as such by at least some of its leaders: critics have seen in it elements of a 'blood sacrifice' in line with some of the romantically-inclined Pearse's writings. Though the violent precursor to Irish statehood, it did nothing to reassure Irish unionists nor alleviate the demand to partition Ulster.
Although the Easter Rising is recognised, and treated, as an important stage in Ireland's historical development, its political ramifications are still being understood. Some historians are at odds in determining if the 1916 Rising or the 1922 Anglo-Irish Treaty, signed betw


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This guy makes a good point. It isn't a question of whether people actively influence society, laws, and public debate, but who. If Christians are absent, who's left?
By: Jonathan Morrow|Published: November 9, 2011 10:53 AM
Should Christians be engaged politically? Should they make arguments in the public square? While some are calling for Christians to abandon the political arena due to perceptions that we are "too political," this would ultimately be unwise and a net loss for everyone because of the moral vacuum it would create. "The alternative isn't to not do politics," observes Michael Gerson. "The alternative is to do it better."One thing is certain—someone will influence our society. Someone will make laws. Someone will raise the topics for national, judicial, and constitutional debate. So why not labor as faithfully and prudently as we can for the greatest good of others and thus fulfill our role to be salt and light (cf Matt. 5:16)? As Christians, this is one way in which we can love our neighbor as ourselves.
Regardless of the spirit of the age, we are to use whatever tools and opportunities are arranged for us by God for his glory and for the proclaiming of the good news of the kingdom.Jonathan Morrow


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The deadline is quickly approaching to move the most vulnerable people under KanCare and many smaller health service providers are worried about being pushed out by KanCare.
JOHNSON COUNTY, Kan. - The deadline is quickly approaching to move the most vulnerable people in Kansas under KanCare, the state managed Medicaid program. On Jan.1, 2014, 8,600 people with intellectual and developmental disabilities will receive long term service under KanCare.
However, mom and pop service providers currently providing care for people with intellectual and developmental disabilities say KanCare is not ready to handle 8,600 more people in the system. They claim there are mounting billing issues with KanCare that compromise their ability to provide quality care to the people who need it the most.
Marilyn Kubler and her husband run Jenian, Inc., a case management company that manages 130 people in Johnson County who need help taking care of themselves, including her 34-year-old daughter Jenny who has Down syndrome.
"I have a passion for people that have disabilities and I know I have the ability to find services to help them but if we can't get paid for those services, I can't afford to continue to help people," Kubler said.
The State of Kansas has always paid service providers to help people like Jenny live independently. Now, under KanCare, Kubler and other service providers are experiencing major cash-flow issues. Kubler said they are not getting reimbursed for their claims in a timely manner.
"What frightens us is come January when the rest of our 130 people go into KanCare, we're not going to get paid for our services," she said.
Dynel Wood, another service provider in Johnson County who runs Options Services in Olathe, Kan., mentioned similar issues.
"Before, the system was great. We billed the state, two weeks later we received our payment. It was very smooth," Wood said.
Now, Wood said it takes months to get paid back. She said at one point she was short nearly $40,000 waiting for her claims to be approved.
For small service providers with small budgets, there could be painful consequences.
"Nobody has addressed the fact that come January, and the payments aren't coming in, how many people are going to stay in business and how many people are going to keep their staff," Kubler said.
"If we can't pay our employees, they're not going to come back and work for free. They may for a little while but they're going to move on," Wood said.
Both Wood and Kubler said there is also a steep learning curve with the new system and small service providers haven't been brought up to speed with KanCare terminology and processes.
"I know everybody wants to make this work but it's moving way too fast. They need to slow it down. They need to give us time to work collaboratively to make sure the transition is successful," Wood said.
Angela de Rocha, a spokesperson for the Kansas State Department of Health said the state has responded to providers who have experience problems with billing.
"This is an ongoing effort. Our staff and the MCOs have been working very hard to ensure the system works for both the consumers who receive the care, and their providers," she wrote in a statement.
Meanwhile, the National Council on Disability said this is one of the reasons KanCare isn't ready to expand. In a letter to the state on Dec. 13, 2013, the agency said the state needs a year to try to work out the kinks.
The State of Kansas disagreed with the agency's evaluation saying it needed more time in recent state hearings to provide their assessment of the implementation of KanCare.


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Obama: US, Russia must fight terrorism together
WASHINGTON—President Barack Obama says he wants greater cooperation between Russia and the United States on economic, security and anti-terrorism matters.
Obama told a Russian television station that no single country can defeat terrorists who have attacked targets throughout the world. He said he looks forward to "increasing cooperation between the United States and Russia" on fighting terrorism.
Obama also said he and Russian President Dmitry Medvedev have discussed how the two former rivals can "ramp up our commercial, our trade, our economic ties."
"How can we help to promote the innovation agenda in Russia?" Obama said in the interview, which was conducted Thursday in the White House. The transcript was released Saturday. "What are we doing around high-tech industries that can produce jobs and raise standards of livings for both the Russian people and the United States?" he said. "That's an area where I think you're going to see a lot of work and a lot of cooperation."
Obama said he hopes Medvedev will visit high-tech centers such as Silicon Valley when he travels to the United States in late June.
Obama gingerly dealt with the issue of an expanded NATO, a sore subject with Russia as former Soviet states join or seek to join the western alliance. He said is seriously looking at Medvedev's ideas "about a new security architecture in Europe."
However, Obama said, it is important "to work with the institutions we have, to see if we can rebuild the trust that for some time had been lost."
"My sense is, is that all the parties in Europe, all the members of the NATO alliance, want to have a strong, cooperative relationship with Russia," Obama said. He said "core principles" of these relationships include "a respect for territorial integrity of internationally recognized borders; a belief that a country's core sovereignty includes its ability to choose how it allies itself; a rejection of the notion of spheres of influence, whether it's U.S. spheres or European spheres or Russian spheres."
On economic matters, Obama said the government doesn't need to make overt efforts to raise or lower the dollar's value worldwide.
"We have a market-based mechanism for determining the value of currencies," he said. "If we have a strong U.S. economy we're going to have a strong dollar."
As for Greece's economic crisis, Obama said, that country "is taking some very difficult measures. At least they've put forward a plan that calls for difficult measures." He said a stable Europe is good for the United States and Russia.
Obama heaped praise on Medvedev. Neither he nor the interviewer, Sergey Brilev of Channel Rossiya, mentioned Vladimir Putin, Russia's former president and still-powerful prime minister.
"I think he is a strong leader, a good man, very thoughtful," Obama said of Medvedev. "I find it very easy to do business with him, and I think we've established a relationship, a real trust that can be hopefully bearing fruit in the negotiations and conversations that we have in years to come."


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Make no mistake about it – in every sense, in every way, the 20th Commonwealth Games held in Glasgow over the last 12 days were a huge success.
And credit is due to all sorts of people for making them so.
We should begin, of course, with the competitors who secured an astonishing and record array of medals as well as, for those who didn't secure gold, silver or bronze, well-deserved plaudits for the manner in which they all competed.
In addition, the people of Glasgow have rightly been praised for the way they welcomed those hundreds of thousands of visitors into their midst.
But there is no doubt, in the mind of this observer at least, that the highest praise possible should be reserved for those who made the Games the success they've been – the Scottish Government, the organising committee for the Glasgow event and Glasgow City Council.
With Lord Smith of Kelvin, as chairman of the organising committee, assisted by the likes of Bridget McConnell, Glasgow's sport and culture supremo, Sir Bill Gammell, the one-time rugby international and founder of Cairn Energy and David Grevemberg, a chief executive who never seemed flustered, it was a first-rate team.
But, I have also no doubt that pride of place for the Games' success should be accorded to the SNP government.
It was Jack – now Lord – McConnell's Labour/Liberal Democrat government that sought and won the 2014 Games for Scotland and Glasgow. But, it was Alex Salmond's that made it happen and happen so brilliantly. They pledged to put the Games on – on time and within budget. And they did it.
That praise should be heaped on them for this may sound strange; after all why shouldn't a modern, skilled and well-educated country like Scotland be able to cope with a task such as this?
The truth is that it is nothing like as simple as it sounds. The history of large-scale international sporting occasions is littered with the bones of failed attempts and other Games at other venues, both Olympic and Commonwealth, have foundered often on the yardsticks of time and cost. Indeed, Scotland has bitter memories of the disastrous 1986 event.
And with recent memories of over-the-top Scottish public works fiascos – the massive overspends on the Holyrood parliament building and the Edinburgh tramline – still uppermost in everyone's minds, it cannot be said that the Scottish people looked forward with any degree of relish to the Glasgow Games.
That was the spur that made the SNP micro-manage the project. A successful Games would enhance Scotland's standing in the eyes of a global audience.
Thus, Mr Salmond led for his government, with John Swinney, the finance minister, managing the money and Shona Robison, the sports minister, doing the donkey work. But, above all, they made sure that the personnel on the organising committee were of the highest calibre. And whilst the latter would have shared the blame if things had gone pear-shaped, the ultimate responsibility and all the odium would have been heaped on Team Salmond.
It makes a change for this column to be praising the nationalists but, after watching the televised events and attending Hampden with my daughter on Friday night, I have no hesitation in doing so in respect of this project. It really was great.
With the Games gone, the political world will now be engulfed totally in the referendum madness. The Scottish Parliament resumes tomorrow which also sees the first TV debate between Mr Salmond and Alistair Darling.
The SNP leader was at pains last night to deny the suggestion in a Sunday newspaper that Nicola Sturgeon, his deputy, had been seeking to make political capital out of the success of the Games by saying that they had given the independence cause "momentum".
But if she didn't say it, then it will only be a matter of time before some other Nat does – maybe even Wee Eck himself.
Scotland put on a spectacularly successful show over the last 12 days. That is a good reason to pat ourselves on the back … nothing more.


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Mountain Driving Guide for Truckers, RV and Motorhome Drivers
Mountain Directory West and Mountain Directory East are two Mountain Books designed for Truckers, RV, and Motorhome Drivers. Locations, descriptions and detailed USA mountain maps are provided for over 700 mountain passes from 21 states, including Oregon, Montana, California, & Washington mountain passes. Continue reading


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Fewer options for those who seek natural births / Midwives becoming less popular as cesarean sections gain ground
Published 4:00 am, Tuesday, May 29, 2007
After enduring a traumatic emergency cesarean section with her first son, Burlingame mom Julie Mak was determined to take control of her childbirth during her next pregnancy. So she hired a midwife.
Her second son was born after 15 hours of labor and without any medical aid. But the future is uncertain for the popular midwife program at St. Luke's Hospital that helped in his delivery.
The financially strapped hospital is dropping Homestyle Midwifery on Aug. 1 to cut costs. St. Luke's has given the midwife who runs the program the option of staying on in a private practice, but Bay Area midwives and obstetricians familiar with the program aren't certain it can survive the change.
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The potential loss of Homestyle has rippled through the region's natural birthing community, as midwifery programs try to compete in an industry where medical intervention is increasingly common and patients and doctors alike rely on drugs and surgery to get through childbirth.
"I think it's a bad symbol of shrinking choices for women and overmedication of birth," Mak said of the Homestyle decision.
Midwifery programs are common at Bay Area hospitals, but midwives say they worry about declining rates of natural childbirth locally and across the country.
Once promoted as a safe, empowering way for women to go through childbirth, midwifery enjoyed a resurgence beginning in the 1970s after mostly disappearing in the United States around the turn of the 20th century.
The rates of midwife-attended childbirth climbed every year into the 1990s before hitting a plateau. From the mid-1970s to 2002, midwife-attended births jumped from 1 percent to 8.1 percent. But in 2004, the most recent year for which data is available, about 325,000 births, or 7.9 percent of all births, were attended by a midwife, according to the National Center for Health Statistics.
Midwives and doctors believe the trend likely is related to a parallel increase in medical procedures used during labor.
Nearly 30 percent of births ended in cesarean section in 2004, an increase from 21 percent of births in 1997, when C-sections were at an all-time low. Other forms of medical intervention, including epidurals and labor induction, are increasing as well. In particular, fewer women are attempting vaginal births after having a C-section with their first child. The practice -- known as VBAC, for vaginal birth after cesarean -- has fallen from 28.3 percent to 9.2 percent of women who have had a C-section.
For doctors, the decision to allow a midwife to handle the birth or to intervene medically is often a matter of weighing the potential risks against a woman's wishes during labor. The vast majority of births are trouble-free, but few doctors want to risk complications just because a woman would prefer to avoid a medical procedure, physicians say.
Besides that, doctors by training are going to look at a situation from a medical perspective, said Dr. Elaine Gates, vice chair of the obstetrics and gynecology department at UCSF.
"The fundamental approach to pregnancy as ... sort of a natural part of life, as opposed to something that's medicalized, is the key cultural difference between midwives and obstetricians," said Gates. "Some women may say, 'I'm willing to risk a little in terms of safety to have the birth I want.' But an organization of professional physicians isn't necessarily going to see it the same way."
The push for medical intervention comes not only from doctors. Gates said many women are "perfectly happy to make medical decisions and have it taken care of."
Epidurals in particular are a procedure that many women wouldn't dream of turning down. Women are even choosing to schedule C-sections, which involve abdominal surgery, and forgo labor altogether.
"There's an increasing number of women who think pain is old-fashioned and you shouldn't have to experience that," said Holly Kennedy, coordinator of the nurse-midwifery program at the UCSF School of Nursing.
There are two types of midwives. Nurse-midwives typically work in a hospital, while licensed midwives tend to focus on home births. Nurse-midwives almost always work directly with obstetricians, while licensed midwives rarely do.
Licensed midwives -- and some nurse-midwives -- often feel ostracized by obstetricians who they say don't take them seriously or don't approve of their opposition to medical procedures. As the health care industry becomes increasingly expensive and doctors battle for fair compensation, some obstetricians feel they are competing with midwives for their core business.
In addition, obstetricians might not agree with midwives pushing a natural birth when the medical alternative seems less risky. And malpractice is a genuine concern. In a hospital birth, doctors, not midwives, generally are the ones responsible if something goes wrong.
"If I'm the doctor in the hospital, I bear all the malpractice risk. Even if the midwife and the patient don't want to take my recommendations, that becomes problematic for me," said Dr. Aaron Caughey, a UCSF obstetrician who said he works closely with midwives and enjoys the partnership. "For some physicians, they simply can't understand why a woman would want to skip a procedure and take the increased risk."
Popularity of the midwife industry has flattened, but there are options for pregnant women in the Bay Area who want to work with a midwife. Half of Kaiser Permanente hospitals rely on midwives as the primary caretakers during labor. UCSF has a nurse-midwife school, and both UCSF Medical Center and San Francisco General Hospital have extensive midwife programs.
"There are some issues at other hospitals about competition, and physicians wanting the patient population. But I think that's going to change over time because the insurance companies are figuring out we're a really good idea," said Naomi Newhouse, chair of midwifery at Kaiser Northern California and president-elect of the California Nurse-Midwifery Association. "When cost-effective care is paramount, midwives are a lot less expensive."
At St. Luke's, the Homestyle program was started by staff midwives to emphasize natural childbirth in a hospital setting. The program provides personalized care to mothers -- the midwife assigned to a woman stays in her room the entire time and focuses only on her delivery, instead of caring for several laboring mothers at the same time.
St. Luke's officials said they support Homestyle and hope the program is able to continue at the hospital. But the Sutter Health-owned hospital is bleeding money, and with St. Luke's emphasis on caring for low-income patients, the hospital couldn't afford to keep running what was essentially a "boutique" program that provided one-on-one midwifery care, said Dr. William Miller, chief medical executive at St. Luke's.
Meanwhile, parents who have delivered babies with Homestyle are fighting to save the program. More than 80 volunteers showed up at a meeting last week with offers to help Homestyle owner Yeshi Neumann maintain her practice at St. Luke's.
Dropping Homestyle doesn't mean St. Luke's is losing all its midwives. The hospital has more than six midwives on staff in addition to those from Homestyle. Even with the potential loss of Homestyle, the volume of midwife-attended births at the hospital, where nearly two-thirds of the 1,200 births every year are attended by a midwife, won't change, Miller said.
"Support for midwives has always been a problem, and it varies from setting to setting and fiscal year to fiscal year," said Elizabeth Steinfield, a nurse-midwife at St. Luke's who has worked in two other midwifery programs. "Midwives can be very cost-effective if used properly, but if not, people can't figure out why we're around.
"Our slogan is 'midwifery is the art of doing nothing well,' " she said. "And it's true -- sometimes the best thing to do in childbirth is nothing. But you have to be very well trained to know when that's the right thing to do."


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y(x^-3/y^-5)^-1 * x(y^3/x^-3)^-3
I'm really lost but have gotten two answers?? 1 isx^6
the other is x^12/y^12
I doubt either are right but I don't knowe what to do about the first letter because I alwasy end up with (an example not the actual factors) x/y^-2/x^1 and don't know what to do next????
how many toes do u have ?
People don't notice whether it's winter or summer when they're happy.
~ Anton Chekhov
Cheer up, emo kid.
not enought to count on but 8 sheet f paper later /I have come up with 1/x^5y^13 is that getting closer?
First thing is first. A negative power is just the reciprocal of the positive power. The reciprocal is just like flipping a fraction up-side down. Example; x^-2 = 1/x^2.
Next, when you multiply variables with different powers, you keep the variable and add the powers together. Ex; (x^3)(x^2) = x^5.
Last, when you divide variables with different powers, you subtract the power that is in the denominator from the power that is in the numerator. Ex; x^5 / x^2 = x^3.
If you understand all of that, then you should have no problem following this;
Each successive line will further simplify the equation.
y(x^-3/y^-5)^-1 × x(y^3/x^-3)^-3
y[(1/x^3) / (1/y^5)]^-1 × x[y^3 / (1/x^3)]^-3
y(y^5 / x^3)^-1 × x(y^3 x^3)^-3
y(x^3 / y^5) × x(1 / (y^3 x^3)^3)
yx^3 / y^5 × x(1 / (y^9 x^9))
x^3 / y^4 × x / (y^9 x^9)
x^3 / y^4 × 1 / (y^9 x^8)
After multiplication;
x^3 / (y^13 x^8)
1 / (y^13 x^5)
That's your answer. And that is exactly what you posted above. Correct!


text: On Tue, Jan 24, 2006 at 07:08:39PM +0000, Martin Michlmayr wrote: > * Dave Jones <email@example.com> [2006-01-24 13:34]: > > Is there actually any practical reason why you would want to > > make the input layer modular ? > > Not really, but if it doesn't work as a module then Kbuild shouldn't > allow you to configure it like that.That's the point I'm trying to make. If there's no good reason,it may as well be boolean. Dave-To unsubscribe from this list: send the line "unsubscribe linux-kernel" inthe body of a message to firstname.lastname@example.com majordomo info at http://vger.kernel.org/majordomo-info.htmlPlease read the FAQ at http://www.tux.org/lkml/


text:
What does COA mean in NYSE Symbols?
This page is about the meanings of the acronym/abbreviation/shorthand COA in the Business field in general and in the NYSE Symbols terminology in particular.
Coachmen Industries, Inc.
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"COA." Abbreviations.com. STANDS4 LLC, 2018. Web. 18 Feb. 2018. <https://www.abbreviations.com/term/33800>.


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Sheri - posted on 01/17/2009 ( 15 moms have responded )
I hope I can enlighten a few people on the negative effects of using drugs, and stop some from continuing down that dark path. I myself have used hard drugs for close to 18 years & started doing drugs at the age of 14. It quickly went from just a weekend partier to a full out intervenous user within a very short period of time. I have recently quit all drug use, but will always be an adict. I only hope from all the pain & sorrow I caused throughout my life to others & mainly to my children I can come out on top of all this. I will tell my story to all that will listen & i can asure you if you dont walk away scared of drugs and the life that goes along with it, then theres something not right, & I will then repeat it, untill you understand just how drugs affect you. So many people dont realize that it carries on into your daily life, your job performance, your mothering skills lack untill they just stop, your health dwindles away slowly. You get to where nothing matters execpt that drug. You then sell your sole and become so lost that you cant get out alone.Hopefully you will come across someone that will help dig you out, but the work & commitment to get clean is hard, harder than any other thing you will go through in your lifetime. But let me say this, fight with all your might, fight for whatever reason you tell yourself your fighting for, just fight, cause in the end when you are able to hold your head up and your children hug you & tell you they are glad your home, It makes it worth it. I am enjoying having my daughters in my life after 10 years, and I am also a proud grandma who spends every moment with her little man.
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