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Harvey Weinstein had 91 name hit list of people to "quash" if they revealed his crimes
Weinstein hired team to investigate 91 film industry figures to stop harassment claims from going public.
Article first appeared on RPT.
The UK's Guardian is reporting that a list of 91 actors, publicists, producers and financiers were drawn up by Harvey Weinstein for his private investigators to target for information.
The secret hit list of almost 100 individuals was put together by the producer in an attempt to discover what those listed knew about sexual harassment claims against him, and whether the names on the list were intending to go public.
The Guardian did not publish all the names on the hit list, opting to use only names of people that have already come forward, including Weinstein accusers Rose McGowan, Laura Madden, Sophie Dix, Annabella Sciorra and Katherine Kendall.
The list was compiled in early 2017, nine months before The New York Times published its October article against Weinstein…confirming that Weinstein was aware of the Times' investigation prior to the publication.
According to The Guardian…
"Individuals named on the list were to be targeted by investigators who would covertly extract and accumulate information from those who might know of claims or who might come forward with allegations against the film producer. Feedback was then to be relayed to Weinstein and his lawyers."
One name on the list is Zelda Perkins, is a London-based production assistant for Miramax who resigned in 1998 after she said she endured "years of sexual harassment by her boss."
Former Weinstein employees on the list include Lauren O'Connor, who documented a "toxic environment for women" in a 2015 memo, and Kathy DeClesis, a former assistant to Bob Weinstein, who has accused Harvey Weinstein of sexually harassing women.
Others names include people "working in acquisitions, marketing and distribution, along with producers, publicists and human resources staff, as well as actors."
Some of the names on the list, like actress Rose McGowan and Sophie Dix, have been highlighted in red, signaling a priority for Weinstein's investigators.
The size of the list – 85 names appear on one document, with an addendum identifying another six individuals – appears to corroborate claims that sexual misconduct allegations against the 65-year-old were an open secret throughout Hollywood.
Prominent stars were among the first tranche of individuals on the list to testify publicly against Weinstein. Among those named were the actress Rose McGowan, who days after speaking out accused the producer of raping her. Another was Laura Madden, who told how Weinstein pestered her for massages at hotels in Dublin and London, beginning in 1991. McGowan and Madden were among the first to speak out against Weinstein last month.
A typed note on the document appears to suggest that by February 2016, Madden had already been targeted by one of Weinstein's hired investigators. Her view of the producer is, says the note, "very bitter".
Another name is Zelda Perkins, a London-based production assistant for Weinstein's Miramax film company, who left the firm's London offices on Brewer Street in Soho in 1998 after, she says, enduring years of sexual harassment by her boss. Last month Perkins revealed that she had broken a confidentiality agreement to describe alleged sexual harassment by the Hollywood producer.
Also on the list is the English actress Sophie Dix, who has described how her career trajectory was "massively cut down" after an alleged sexual assault by Weinstein in a London hotel and who was among the first to come forward.
Although at least 10 individuals are based in London, the majority live in New York, with others from Los Angeles. They include individuals working in acquisitions, marketing and distribution, along with producers, publicists and human resources staff, as well as actors. Forty-three men are named and 48 women.
Weinstein, the list confirms, was aware that the New York Times was gathering testimony from his victims long before it first ran the story. A public relations professional is named alongside a note stating that "HW [Harvey Weinstein] in contact w/him. Friends w/Jodi Kantor". Kantor is the New York Times journalist who broke the story that immediately engulfed the producer and the film production company he co-founded with his brother.
More than 50 of the names have been coloured red to highlight those who should be prioritised by investigators – individuals Weinstein most keenly wanted to target. The names of the actresses McGowan, Dix and Madden are all coloured red.
Following an initial list of 85 names, another six individuals were identified during August 2017, including the actress Annabella Sciorra, who two months later publicly alleged she was raped by Weinstein after he barged into her apartment in the 1990s.
Also named on the later list is the US actress Katherine Kendall. Weeks later she revealed how a naked Weinstein "literally chased" her around his New York apartment in 1993.
Another is a former Weinstein employee, Lauren O'Connor, who documented several allegations against the producer in a 2015 memo in which she described a "toxic environment for women" at Miramax.
Interestingly, the document includes the filmmaker Brett Ratner, who has been accused of sexual harassment or misconduct by six women in the wake of the Weinstein allegations.
It is unclear whether Weinstein intended subsequently to approach any of the individuals on the list with a non-disclosure agreement. Evidence has emerged which shows that over the past three decades Weinstein reached at least eight settlements with women, according to two company officials speaking on condition of anonymity, after he was confronted with allegations including sexual harassment and unwanted physical contact.
Not surprisingly, considering the psychological abuse and bullying allegations emerging from his former film studio Miramax, more of the film studio employees are also named. Among them is Kathy DeClesis, former assistant to Weinstein's brother Bob, who has revealed that she told him about Harvey sexually harassing women over a period of 25 years.
So far, more than 50 women have come forward with allegations of rape, harassment and inappropriate behaviour, prompting police investigations in the US and UK.
Weinstein "unequivocally denies" all claims of non-consensual sex, a spokesman for the producer has said. The spokesman dismissed reports that the producer hired spies to stop claims, saying: "It is a fiction to suggest that any individuals were targeted or suppressed at any time."
The producer's alleged targets were often young, aspiring actresses. Among the high-profile names who have spoken out against Weinstein are Angelina Jolie, Cara Delevingne and Kate Beckinsale.
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Is this man the puppet master of Ukraine's new president or an overhyped bogeyman?
Smiling to himself, Kolomoisky would be within his rights to think that he has never had it so good.
It doesn't actually matter if Ukrainian-Israeli billionaire Igor Kolomoisky is the real power behind Volodymyr Zelensky – the president elect has to get rid of the oligarch if he is to make a break with the country's corrupt past.
The plots, deceits and conflicts of interest in Ukrainian politics are so transparent and hyperbolic, that to say that novice politician Zelensky was a protégé of his long-time employer was not something that required months of local investigative journalism – it was just out there.
Zelensky's comedy troupe has been on Kolomoisky's top-rated channel for the past eight years, and his media asset spent every possible resource promoting the contender against incumbent Petro Poroshenko, a personal enemy of the tycoon, who hasn't even risked entering Ukraine in the past months.
Similarly, the millions and the nous needed to run a presidential campaign in a country of nearly 50 million people had to come from somewhere, and Kolomoisky's lieutenants were said to be in all key posts. The two issued half-hearted denials that one was a frontman for the other, insisting that they were business partners with a cordial working relationship, but voters had to take their word for it.
Now that the supposed scheme has paid off with Zelensky's spectacular victory in Sunday's run-off, Ukrainian voters are asking: what does Kolomoisky want now, and will he be allowed to run the show?
'One-of-a-kind chancer'
Born in 1963, in a family of two Jewish engineers, Kolomoisky is the type of businessman that was once the staple of the post-Soviet public sphere, but represents a dying breed.
That is, he is not an entrepreneur in the established Western sense at all – he did not go from a Soviet bloc apartment to Lake Geneva villas by inventing a new product, or even setting up an efficient business structure in an existing field.
Rather he is an opportunist who got wealthy by skilfully reading trends as the Soviet economy opened up – selling Western-made computers in the late 1980s – and later when independent Ukraine transitioned to a market economy and Kolomoisky managed to get his hands on a large amount of privatisation vouchers that put many of the juiciest local metals and energy concerns into his hands, which he then modernised.
What he possesses is a chutzpah and unscrupulousness that is rare even among his peers. Vladimir Putin once called him a "one-of-a-kind chancer" who managed to "swindle [Chelsea owner] Roman Abramovich himself." In the perma-chaos of Ukrainian law and politics, where all moves are always on the table, his tactical acumen has got him ahead.
Kolomoisky's lifeblood is connections and power rather than any pure profit on the balance sheet, though no one actually knows how that would read, as the Privat Group he part-owns is reported to own over 100 businesses in dozens of Ukrainian spheres through a complex network of offshore companies and obscure intermediaries ("There is no Privat Group, it is a media confection," the oligarch himself says, straight-faced.)
Unsurprisingly, he has been dabbling in politics for decades, particularly following the first Orange Revolution in 2004. Though the vehicles for his support have not been noted for a particular ideological consistency – in reportedly backing Viktor Yushchenko, then Yulia Tymoshenko, he was merely putting his millions on what he thought would be a winning horse.
Grasp exceeds reach
But at some point in the post-Maidan euphoria, Kolomoisky's narcissism got the better of him, and he accepted a post as the governor of his home region of Dnepropetrovsk, in 2014.
The qualities that might have made him a tolerable rogue on TV, began to grate in a more official role. From his penchant for using the political arena to settle his business disputes, to creating his own paramilitary force by sponsoring anti-Russian battalions out of his own pocket, to his somewhat charmless habit of grilling and threatening to put in prison those less powerful than him in fits of pique ("You wait for me out here like a wife for a cheating husband," begins a viral expletive-strewn rant against an overwhelmed Radio Free Europe reporter).
There is a temptation here for a comparison with a Donald Trump given a developing country to play with, but for all of the shenanigans, his ideological views have always been relatively straightforward. Despite his Russia-loathing patriotism, not even his fans know what Kolomoisky stands for.
The oligarch fell out with fellow billionaire Poroshenko in early 2015, following a battle over the control of a large oil transport company between the state and the governor. The following year, his Privat Bank, which at one point handled one in four financial transactions in the country was nationalized, though the government said that Kolomoisky had turned it into a mere shell by giving $5 billion of its savings to Privat Group companies.
Other significant assets were seized, the government took to London to launch a case against his international companies, and though never banished, Kolomoisky himself decided it would be safer if he spent as long as necessary jetting between his adopted homes in Switzerland and Tel Aviv, with the occasional trip to London for the foreseeable future.
But the adventurer falls – and rises again. The London case has been dropped due to lack of jurisdiction, and only last week a ruling came shockingly overturning the three-year-old nationalization of Privat Bank.
Smiling to himself, Kolomoisky would be within his rights to think that he has never had it so good.
Own man
Zelensky must disabuse him of that notion.
It doesn't matter that they are friends. Or what handshake agreements they made beforehand. Or that he travelled to Geneva and Tel-Aviv 13 times in the past two years. Or what kompromat Kolomoisky may or may not have on him. It doesn't matter that his head of security is the man who, for years, guarded the oligarch, and that he may quite genuinely fear for his own safety (it's not like nothing bad has ever happened to Ukrainian presidents).
Volodymyr Zelensky is now the leader of a large country, with the backing of 13.5 million voters. It is to them that he promised a break with past bribery, graft and cronyism. Even by tolerating one man – and one who makes Poroshenko look wholesome – next to him, he discredits all of that. He will have the support of the people if he pits himself against the puppet master – no one would have elected Kolomoisky in his stead.
Whether the oligarch is told to stay away, whether Ukraine enables the financial fraud investigation into him that has been opened by the FBI, or if he is just treated to the letter of the law, all will be good enough. This is the first and main test, and millions who were prepared to accept the legal fiction of the independent candidate two months ago, will now want to see reality to match. Zelensky's TV president protagonist in Servant of the People – also broadcast by Kolomoisky's channel, obviously, would never have compromised like that.
What hinges on this is not just the fate of Zelensky's presidency, but the chance for Ukraine to restore battered faith in its democracy shaken by a succession of compromised failures at the helm.
Igor Ogorodnev
Roger Waters – The People's Champion for Freedom
In February 2019, Waters showed his support for the Venezuelan Maduro government and continues to be totally against US regime change plans there.
Submitted by Richard Galustian
Roger Waters is one of Britain's most successful and talented musicians and composers but more importantly is an outstanding champion for freedom in the world, beyond compare to any other artist turned political activist.
By way of background, he co-founded the rock band Pink Floyd in 1965.
A landmark turning point of his political activism occurred in 1990, when Waters staged probably the largest rock concert in history, 'The Wall – Live in Berlin', with an attendance of nearly half a million people.
In more recent years Waters famously narrated the 2016 documentary 'The Occupation of the American Mind: Israel's Public Relations War in the United States' about the insidious influence of Zionist Israel to shape American public opinion.
Waters has been an outspoken critic of America's Neocons and particularly Donald Trump and his policies.
In 2017, Waters condemned Trump's plan to build a wall separating the United States and Mexico, saying that his band's iconic famous song, 'The Wall' is as he put it "very relevant now with Mr. Trump and all of this talk of building walls and creating as much enmity as possible between races and religions."
In February 2019, Waters showed his support for the Venezuelan Maduro government and continues to be totally against US regime change plans there, or any place else for that matter.
Here below is a must see recent Roger Waters interview, via satellite from New York, where he speaks brilliantly, succinctly and honestly, unlike no other celebrity, about FREEDOM and the related issues of the day.
The only other artist turned activist, but purely for human rights reasons, as she is apolitical, is the incredible Carla Ortiz.
ISIS Says Behind Sri Lanka Bombings; Was 'Retaliation' For New Zealand Mosque Massacre
ISIS's claim couldn't be confirmed and the group has been known to make "opportunistic" claims in the past, according to WaPo.
Shortly after the death toll from Sunday's Easter bombings in Sri Lanka climbed above the 300 mark, ISIS validated the Sri Lankan government's suspicions that a domestic jihadi organization had help from an international terror network while planning the bombings were validated when ISIS took credit for the attacks.
The claim was made via a report from ISIS's Amaq news agency. Though the group has lost almost all of the territory that was once part of its transnational caliphate, ISIS now boasts cells across the Muslim world, including in North Africa and elsewhere. Before ISIS took credit for the attack, a Sri Lankan official revealed that Sunday's attacks were intended as retaliation for the killing of 50 Muslims during last month's mass shooting in Christchurch, New Zealand.
However, the Sri Lankan government didn't offer any evidence for that claim, or the claim that Sunday's attacks were planned by two Islamic groups (though that now appears to have been substantiated by ISIS's claim of responsibility). The group is believed to have worked with the National Tawheed Jamaath, according to the NYT.
"The preliminary investigations have revealed that what happened in Sri Lanka was in retaliation for the attack against Muslims in Christchurch," State Minister of Defense Ruwan Wijewardene told the Parliament.
Meanwhile, the number of suspects arrested in connection with the attacks had increased to 40 from 24 as of Tuesday. The government had declared a national emergency that allowed it sweeping powers to interrogate and detain suspects.
On Monday, the FBI pledged to send agents to Sri Lanka and provide laboratory support for the investigation.
As the death toll in Sri Lanka climbs, the attack is cementing its position as the deadliest terror attack in the region.
- 321 (as of now): Sri Lanka bombings, 2019
- 257 Mumbai attacks, 1993
- 189 Mumbai train blasts, 2006 166 Mumbai attacks, 2008
- 151 APS/Peshawar school attack, 2014
- 149 Mastung/Balochistan election rally attack, 2018
Meanwhile, funeral services for some of the bombing victims began on Tuesday.
Even before ISIS took credit for the attack, analysts told the Washington Post that its unprecedented violence suggested that a well-financed international organization was likely involved.
The bombings on Sunday, however, came with little precedent. Sri Lanka may have endured a ghastly civil war and suicide bombings in the past – some credit the Tamil Tigers with pioneering the tactic – but nothing of this scale. Analysts were stunned by the apparent level of coordination behind the strikes, which occurred around the same time on both sides of the country, and suggested the attacks carried the hallmarks of a more international plot.
"Sri Lanka has never seen this sort of attack – coordinated, multiple, high-casualty – ever before, even with the Tamil Tigers during the course of a brutal civil war," Alan Keenan, a Sri Lanka expert at the International Crisis Group, told the Financial Times. "I'm not really convinced this is a Sri Lankan thing. I think the dynamics are global, not driven by some indigenous debate. It seems to me to be a different kind of ballgame."
Hinting at possible ISIS involvement, US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo said during a Monday press conference that "radical Islamic terror" remained a threat even after ISIS's defeats in Syria.
Of course, ISIS's claim couldn't be confirmed and the group has been known to make "opportunistic" claims in the past, according to WaPo. The extremist group said the attacks were targeting Christians and "coalition countries" and were carried out by fighters from its organization.
Speculation that the government had advanced warning of the attacks, but failed to act amid a power struggle between the country's president and prime minister, unnerved citizens and contributed to a brewing backlash. Following the bombings, schools and mass had been canceled until at least Monday, with masses called off "until further notice."
Is this man the puppet master of Ukraine's new president or an overhyped bogeyman?
Roger Waters – The People's Champion for Freedom
ISIS Says Behind Sri Lanka Bombings; Was 'Retaliation' For New Zealand Mosque Massacre
Putin & Kim set to meet in Vladivostok, Russia on April 25 – RT source
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splint(redirected from coaptation s)
Also found in: Dictionary, Thesaurus, Encyclopedia.
1. a rigid or flexible appliance for fixation of displaced or movable parts; see also orthosis.
2. to supply support for the purpose of immobilizing an injured or displaced body part.
Uses. Splints are most commonly used to immobilize broken bones or dislocated joints. When a broken bone has been properly set, a splint permits complete rest at the site of the fracture and thus allows natural healing to take place with the bone in the proper position. Splints are also necessary to immobilize unset fractures when a patient is moved after an accident; they prevent motion of the fractured bone, which might cause greater damage.
In a pelvic or spinal fracture, the effect of splinting is achieved by placing the patient on a stretcher or board. Breaks of the ribs and of face and skull bones usually do not require the use of splints, since these parts are naturally splinted by adjacent bone and tissue.
In a pelvic or spinal fracture, the effect of splinting is achieved by placing the patient on a stretcher or board. Breaks of the ribs and of face and skull bones usually do not require the use of splints, since these parts are naturally splinted by adjacent bone and tissue.
Making and Applying Splints. A splint can be improvised from a variety of materials, but should usually be light, straight, and rigid. It should be long enough to extend beyond the joint above the injury and below the fracture site. A board used as a splint should be at least as wide as the injured part. Tightly rolled newspapers or magazines can be used to splint the arm or lower leg. Ice cream sticks have been used as splints for broken fingers.
Splints should be padded, at least on one side. Thick soft padding permits the injured part to swell and reduces interference with circulation. Bandages or strips of cloth or adhesive tape are used to hold splints in place. Pulses distal to the injury should be checked before and after splinting to determine whether the blood supply has been impaired. If the limb becomes cold, pale, or blue, or if the affected part becomes too painful, the splint should be loosened. Splints should never be tight.
Splints should be padded, at least on one side. Thick soft padding permits the injured part to swell and reduces interference with circulation. Bandages or strips of cloth or adhesive tape are used to hold splints in place. Pulses distal to the injury should be checked before and after splinting to determine whether the blood supply has been impaired. If the limb becomes cold, pale, or blue, or if the affected part becomes too painful, the splint should be loosened. Splints should never be tight.
Internal Splints. Internal splints, as well as pins, wires, and other devices for the fixation of fractures, are among the more spectacular advances in orthopedics. They have worked wonders in the setting of hip fractures, especially in older people. Internal splints are available for almost every type of fracture. Stainless steel, titanium, and Vitallium are the most commonly used materials. Splints and devices of this type require surgery for insertion, but are less cumbersome than external splints and permit earlier use of the fractured bone.
airplane splint one that holds the splinted limb suspended in the air.
anchor splint one for fracture of the jaw, with metal loops fitting over the teeth and held together by a rod.
Balkan splint Balkan frame.
coaptation s's small splints adjusted about a fractured limb to produce coaptation of fragments.
Denis Browne splint a splint for the correction of clubfoot, consisting of two metal footplates connected by a crossbar.
dynamic splint a supportive or protective apparatus that aids in initiation and performance of motion by the supported or adjacent parts.
flexion splint tenodesis splint.
functional splint dynamic splint.
shin s's strain of the long flexor muscle of the toes, occurring in athletes and marked by pain along the tibia.
Taylor splint a horizontal pelvic band and long lateral posterior bars; used to apply traction to the lower limb.
tenodesis splint an orthosis that allows pinch and grasp movements through the wrist extensors.
Thomas splint two iron rods joined at the upper end by an oval iron ring or half-ring, and bent at the lower end to form a W shape; used to give support to the lower limb and remove the weight of the body from the knee joint by transferring it to the pelvis.
1. An appliance for preventing movement of a joint or for the fixation of displaced or movable parts.
2. The splint bone, or fibula.
3. splint bone; in veterinary anatomy, refers to the vestigial second and fourth metacarpal and metatarsal bones of horses that are closely apposed to the third metacarpal or metatarsal by a periosteum anchor.
4. In equine medicine, the term applied to the hard swelling (soft tissue inflammation and exostosis) produced by trauma or stress affecting the periosteal junction of the splint bone at the junction with the second metacarpal/metatarsal, causing localized inflammation, swelling, heat and pain; usually affects forelimb and almost always affects junction of the second and third metacarpal. Classified as high splint when proximad and low splint when present on the distal aspect of the splint bone.
[M. Dutch splinte]
2. the act of fastening or confining with such an appliance.
airplane splint one which holds the splinted limb suspended in the air.
anchor splint one for fracture of the jaw, with metal loops fitting over the teeth and held together by a rod.
Angle's splint one for fracture of the mandible.
Balkan splint see under frame.
coaptation splints small splints adjusted about a fractured limb for the purpose of producing coaptation of fragments.
Denis Browne splint a splint consisting of a pair of metal foot splints joined by a cross bar; used in talipes equinovarus.
dynamic splint a supportive or protective apparatus which aids in initiation and performance of motion by the supported or adjacent parts.
functional splint dynamic s.
shin splints strain of the flexor digitorum longus muscle occurring in athletes, marked by pain along the shin bone.
Thomas splint a leg splint consisting of two rigid rods attached to an ovoid ring that fits around the thigh; it can be combined with other apparatus to provide traction.
a. A rigid device used to prevent motion of a joint or of the ends of a fractured bone.
b. A dental appliance put on the teeth to protect them from grinding or from moving out of place.
2. A bony enlargement of the cannon bone or splint bone of a horse.
tr.v. splinted, splinting, splints
To support or restrict with or as if with a splint.
Etymology: D, splinte, piece of wood
1 an orthopedic device for immobilization, restraint, or support of any part of the body. It may be rigid (made of metal, plaster, or wood) or flexible (made of felt or leather).
1. An appliance used to prevent movement of a joint or to fixate displaced or movable parts.
2. The splint bone, or fibula.
[M. Dutch splinte]
An appliance made of bone, wood, metal, plastics, composites, or plaster of Paris used for the fixation, union, or protection of an injured part of the body. It may be movable or immovable. See: illustration
Agnew splint
A splint used in fractures of the patella and metacarpus.
air splint
A lightweight splint used for immobilizing fractured or injured extremities. It is usually an inflatable cylinder, open at both ends, that becomes rigid when inflated, thus preventing the part confined in the cylinder from moving. Synonym: blow-up splint; inflatable splint
CAUTION!Because of the tendency for the air cast to straighten out the limb as it is inflated, this device should not be used to immobilize joint dislocations or fractures with gross displacement.
airplane splint
An appliance usually used on ambulatory patients in the treatment of fractures of the humerus. It takes its name from the elevated position in which it holds the arm suspended away from the body.
anchor splint
A splint for fracture of the jaw, with metal loops fitting over the teeth and held together by a rod.
Ashurst splint
A bracketed splint of wire with a footpiece to cover the thigh and leg after excision of the knee joint.
Balkan splint
A splint used for continuous extension in a fracture of the femur.
banjo traction splint
A splint made out of a steel rod bent to resemble the shape of a banjo. It provides anchor points for attachments to the fingers in the treatment of contractures and fractures of the fingers.
Bavarian splint
An obsolete dressing in which plaster was applied between two layers of flannel.
Bennett double-ring splintSee: Bennett double-ring splint
blow-up splintAir splint.
Bond splint
A splint used for fracture of the lower end of the radius.
Bowlby splintSee: Bowlby splint
box splint
A splint used for fracture below the knee.
bracketed splint
A splint made up of two pieces of metal or wood united by brackets.
Cabot splint
A splint composed of a metal structure placed posterior to the thigh and leg.
Carter intranasal splint
A steel bridge with wings connected by a hinge, used for operation of a depressed nasal bridge.
coaptation splint
A small splint adjusted about a fractured part to prevent overriding of the fragments of bones. It is usually covered by a longer splint for fixation of entire section.
cock-up splint
A static splint to maintain the wrist in either extension or flexion.
cylinder splint
A splint constructed around an injured bone to reduce the potential for flexion contractures.
Denis Browne splint
A splint to treat talipes equinovarus (clubfoot), consisting of a curved bar attached to the soles of a pair of high-topped shoes. It is often used in late infancy and applied at bedtime. Its use generally follows casting and manipulation to reduce the deformity.
dorsal blocking splint
A splint constructed on the back of the hand to inhibit full extension of one or more of the finger joints and/or the wrist.
Dupuytren splintSee: Dupuytren, Baron Guillaume
dynamic splint
A splint that assists in movements initiated by the patient. Synonym: functional splint
finger splint
A padded strip of malleable metal or plastic used to immobilize a fractured finger. As an alternative, the injured finger is often "buddy taped" to an adjoining finger for support.
flail arm splintAbbreviation: FAS
An upper-extremity orthotic device to provide support and limited function, consisting of a shoulder-operated harness, a volar supporting structure made of low-temperature thermoplastic material, and a terminal device that allows the arm to grasp or stabilize objects.
Fox splint
A splint formerly used for a fractured clavicle.
functional splintDynamic splint.
Gibson walking splint
A splint that is a modification of a Thomas splint.
Gordon splint
A side splint used for the arm and hand in a Colles fracture.
inflatable splintAir splint.
interdental splint
A rigid or flexible device or compound used to support, protect, or immobilize teeth that have been loosened, replanted, fractured, or subjected to surgical procedures.
Jones nasal splint
A splint used for the fracture of nasal bones.
Levis splint
A splint of perforated metal extending from below the elbow to the end of the palm, shaped to fit the arm and hand.
mandibular advancement splint
A device to maintain an open airway in patients who suffer partial upper airway collapse during sleep. The splint is placed in the mouth at bedtime.
McIntire splint
A splint shaped like a double inclined plane, used as a posterior splint for the leg and thigh.
occlusal splint
A splint fashioned to cover the incisal and occlusal surfaces of a dental arch to stabilize the teeth, treat bruxism, or facilitate proper occlusal positioning.
opponens splint
A splint designed to maintain the thumb in a position to oppose the other fingers.
padded board splint
A splint of wood, typically padded on one side and covered with plastic or cloth, to which an injured extremity can be fastened to immobilize it.
permanent fixed splint
A nonremovable splint firmly attached to an abutment used to stabilize or immobilize teeth. A fixed bridge may serve as a permanent fixed splint for such support.
resting hand splintResting pan splint.
resting pan splint
A splint designed to position the fingers and stabilize the hand in a functional position with the fingers held in opposition.Synonym: resting hand splint
static splint
Any orthosis that lacks movable parts and is used for positioning, stability, protection, or support.
Stromeyer splintSee: Stromeyer splint
sugar tong splint
A splint commonly used instead of a cast to immobilize a Colles fracture after it has been reduced. The splint permits the affected arm to swell without being compressed within the confines of the cast yet maintain its alignment. Follow-up diagnostic images of the fracture are typically obtained 5 to 7 days after placement of the splint to ensure that adequate reduction of the fracture is maintained.
temporary removable splint
Any of a variety of splints used for temporary or intermittent support and stabilization of the teeth.
tenodesis splint
A splint fabricated to allow pinch and grasp movements through use of wrist extensors.Synonym: wrist-driven flexor hinge hand splint
Thomas splintSee: Thomas splint
traction splint
A splint that provides continual traction to a midshaft lower extremity fracture.
vacuum splint
A negative-pressure splint to immobilize the extremities or torso after an injury. It may be used to safely transport the injured person. The splint consists of a nylon appliance filled with Styrofoam-like beads. The appliance is fitted around the injured body part and air is removed using a vacuum pump. As air is removed, the appliance conforms to the body part without straightening the limb.illustration
CAUTION!Distal neurovascular function must be monitored after splint application. If decreased circulation or neurological involvement is noted, the splint must be loosened immediately.
Volkmann splintSee: Volkmann, Richard von
wrist-driven flexor hinge hand splintTenodesis splint.
splintA usually temporary support or reinforcement for an injured part, often used to minimize movement at the site of injury, especially in the case of a fracture of a bone.
A thin piece of rigid material that is sometimes used during nasal surgery to hold certain structures in place until healing is underway.
Mentioned in: Septoplasty
splintdevice/appliance that prevents joint movement/fixates bones following realignment
1. An appliance for preventing movement of a joint or fixation of displaced or movable parts.
2. The splint bone, or fibula.
[M. Dutch splinte]
n 1. a rigid appliance for the fixation of displaced or movable parts.
2. a support or brace used to fasten or confine.
3. metal, acrylic resin, or modeling compound fashioned to retain in position teeth that may have been replanted or have fractured roots.
2. a support or brace used to fasten or confine.
3. metal, acrylic resin, or modeling compound fashioned to retain in position teeth that may have been replanted or have fractured roots.
splint, abutment,
n adjacent tooth restorations that have been rigidly united at their proximal contact areas to form a single abutment with multiple roots.
splint, acrylic resin bite-guard,
n an appliance, usually fabricated of resin, designed to cover the occlusal and incisal surfaces of the teeth to immobilize and stabilize the teeth and thus prevent them from being subjected to the effects of trauma from occlusal forces.
splint, bridge,
n See splint, fixed.
splint, buccal,
n a material such as plaster that can be placed on the buccal surfaces of assembled fixed partial denture units and onto which these components can be assembled and held in accurate relation after hardening.
splint, cap,
n a plastic or metallic fracture appliance designed to cover the crowns of the teeth; usually held in place by cementation.
splint, cast bar,
n a provisional splint consisting of cast continuous clasps that follow the facial and lingual surfaces of the teeth at the height of contour. It is cemented onto the teeth to be splinted and simultaneously wired closed to bring the clasps into intimate contact with the teeth. May not be cemented in place to serve as a removable cast splint. Also called
Friedman splint.
Friedman splint.
splint, continuous clasp,
n a cast splint used for the provisional immobilization of teeth.
splint, copper band-acrylic,
n a splint fabricated from copper bands and acrylic resin.
splint, crib,
n an appliance used for temporary tooth stabilization; constructed of gold, acrylic resin, chrome-cobalt alloys, or combinations thereof. It consists of a continuous crib clasp covering the facial and lingual surfaces of the teeth to be splinted.
splint, cross arch bar,
n a splint formed by a metal bar that unites one or more teeth of one side of the dental arch to one or more teeth of the opposite side. Used to stabilize weakened teeth against lateral tilting forces. See also connector, cross arch bar splint.
splint, cross arch bar, Bilson fixable-removable,
n.pr a type of cross arch bar splint.
splint, dental,
n an implement designed to hold teeth in place. It may be temporary or permanent.
splint, directive,
n a splint used to hold condyles forward in order to correct condyle-disk alignment.
splint, fixed,
n a fixed (nonremovable) restorative and replacement prosthesis used as a therapeutic aid in the treatment of periodontal disease. It serves to stabilize and immobilize the teeth and replace missing teeth.
splint, Friedman,
n.pr See splint, cast bar.
splint, implant surgical,
splint, inlay,
n an inlay casting designed to give fixation or support to one or more approximating teeth. This may be accomplished by two inlays soldered together or a single casting made for prepared cavities.
splint, interdental,
n an appliance made of plastic or metallic materials that is applied to the labial and lingual aspects of the teeth to provide points for applying mandibular and maxillofacial traction and fixation.
splint, labial,
n an appliance of plastic, metal, or combinations of plastic and metal made to conform to the labial aspect of the dental arch. Used in the management of mandibular and maxillofacial injuries.
splint, lingual,
n an appliance similar to a labial splint but conforming to the lingual aspect of the dental arch.
splint, provisional,
n a splint placed for a relatively short period. It is used to stabilize the teeth either during the healing period after accidental or deliberate tooth evulsion and replantation or in conjunction with periodontal therapy. It also may be used during a period of observation to determine the prognosis of the involved teeth.
splint, Stader,
n.pr See appliance, fracture.
1. a rigid or flexible appliance for fixation of displaced or fractured bones.
2. see also splints.
biphase splint
an external mandibular splint used to stabilize fractures. It consists of fixation bolts placed in the mandible with an acrylic bar placed across the protruding ends, parallel to the mandible.
gutter splint
one with a central channel into which the well padded limb is placed for support of a fracture.
half-pin splint
open reduction fracture repair based on placing Steinmann pins through the cortex and at an acute angle to the bone, in both sides of the fracture. The pins are connected to each other with rods which are then locked together with a Kirschner clamp, the fracture reduced and the pin-clamp assembly readjusted. Half-pin systems include Jonas and Kirschner.
Kirschner-Ehmer splint
see kirschner-Ehmer splint.
lateral splint
rigid splinting material such as plaster is applied to the lateral surface of a limb covered in a soft padded bandage to provide support and protection from angular or bending forces.
metal rod splint
aluminum rods, bent to conform to the angles of the limb, are incoorporated into the outer layers of a soft padded bandage to provide support and protection from angular or bending forces.
modified spica splint
similar to a lateral splint, but the bandaging and splinting is more extensive, being carried over the shoulder or hip and across the dorsal midline. Used to immobilize the humerus or femur, temporarily or as an adjunct to internal fixation.
Robert-Jones splint
see Robert-Jones bandage.
Schroeder-Thomas splint
a traction splint, made of aluminum rods and consisting of a padded ring with extended bars bent to a shape determined by the size of animal and type of fracture. The limb is suspended and traction applied to the joints proximal and distal to the fracture site by wrapping with padded bandages. Modified versions are used for radial and tibial fractures in large animals.
snowshoe splint
molded to fit the bottom of an avian foot, it is suitable for supporting fractures of the digits in those species.
spoon splint
concave channel splints of metal or plastic, commonly used over soft padding for fractures of the lower limb in dogs and cats.
Stader splint
the original half-pin splint now largely superseded by the kirschner splint. The pins have to be placed in the bone fragments in the position dictated by the configuration of the blocks into which the pins are fastened.
tape splint
support with tape can be used on leg fractures in birds.
Thomas splint
see Schroeder-Thomas splint (above).
traction splint
see Schroeder-Thomas splint (above).

subset: commoncrawl


text:
The Super Bowl champion Ravens are expected to kick off the 2013 season in Baltimore on Thursday, Sept. 5. The potential opponents include the New England Patriots, Green Bay Packers, Houston Texans, Minnesota Vikings, New York Jets, Cincinnati Bengals, Pittsburgh Steelers and Cleveland Browns.
Coming off losing seasons, the Jets and Browns are good bets to be eliminated from the conversation.
The Packers, Patriots, and Texans will return with strong rosters after disappointing playoff exits last month.
The Packers also bring plenty of nationwide appeal while the Vikings offer one of the league's most-exciting draws in 2012 NFL MVP Adrian Peterson.
There is one factor working against both clubs, however. Only once since 2004 has the NFL scheduled an NFC vs. AFC matchup for the season-kickoff game. The Indianapolis Colts hosted the New Orleans Saints to open the 2007 regular season.
We suspect the leaders in the clubhouse are the Patriots and the Steelers. Ravens-Steelers remains the most-physical rivalry in the NFL. It's the Patriots who offer the most-riveting storyline, though, after the two teams knocked one another out of Super Bowl contention in consecutive AFC Championship games. The NFL also could promote last September's 31-30 thriller at M&T Bank Stadium.
Follow Chris Wesseling on Twitter @ChrisWesseling.


text:
Xpider needed a new web page design and created a contest on 99designs.
A winner was selected from 22 designs submitted by 9 freelance designers.
im Looking for fun and creative but functional web design for a fish pet shop. Cartoon Style
Pelicano -logo - http://www.esnips.com/doc/eb91ca40-…c/pelicano
This is a Portuguese fish pet shop company. the style would be like cartoon. On the main page must have a spoot to promotions ansnews). a tab to main page + contacts (whit mails, adresses, telef, google localization) + products (fish, plants, bowlfishs...) + portflio (pictures whit the work done, artificial lakes, bowlfishs..)
everithing in cartoon style
some examples:
- everithing in cartoon style


text:
Nassau County Presiding Officer Nicolello recently joined with other elected officials and thousands of Nassau County Veterans to dedicate 300 additional names on the Walls of Honor at the Veterans Plaza in Eisenhower Park. The event, organized by Nicholas Graziano and the Nassau County Veterans Memorial Fund, is dedicated to all those who have served and are currently serving our nation in the Armed Forces.
news archive
print close directions


text:
MOSFet: First-Time User Guide
Additional materials available (2)
Licensed according to this deed.
Published on
This first-time user guide provides introductory material to MOSFet on nanoHUB. The introduction to MOSFETs and SOI-MOSFETs is followed by a tour of the Rappture interface, which notes key inputs and typical outputs. We discuss the default simulation (what happens if you don't change any inputs, and just hit "Simulate") as well as the limitations of the tool. We conclude with several references for further study.
Sponsored by
Cite this work
Researchers should cite this work as follows:


text:
More than 1,500 Massachusetts families in need of warmth last winter received energy assistance thanks to the Good Neighbor Energy Fund. Now, with the arrival of this year's middle-of-winter temperatures, more Massachusetts families in temporary crisis due to a loss of a job or unexpected medical expenses need our help paying their energy bills.
The Massachusetts Good Neighbor Energy Fund, administered by The Salvation Army, is often the last resort for families who are in need of help and who have not qualified for federal and state assistance programs.
Unfortunately, due to an economy which is slow to recover, the relatively high costs of living and the falling temperatures, our local service center is seeing a dramatic rise in the number of requests for energy assistance over the last few weeks.
In fact, we expect the urgency of need to continue to escalate through the winter and into the spring. With this in mind, those in need of energy assistance should visit their local Salvation Army Service Center or call 800-334-3047.
To help us satisfy the more than 2,500 requests for aid anticipated this winter alone, I appeal to everyone in the area to join their fellow residents in the commonwealth and the sponsoring energy companies to "Give the Gift of Warmth."
Energy customers can donate by using the green-colored Good Neighbor Energy Fund donation envelopes found as an insert in their monthly utility bills or through the "add a dollar" program some energy companies offer.
People can also donate with a credit card by visiting www.magoodneighbor.org or by calling 1-800-SAL-ARMY. Or, simply make a check payable to "The Good Neighbor Energy Fund" and send it to The Salvation Army, 25 Shawmut Road, Canton, MA 02021- 1408.
On behalf of all those families in need, thank you.
Major David F. Kelly
Massachusetts Divisional Commander
The Salvation Army


text:
Translated by Jerrold Landau It was June 1941. On Sunday morning, the Germans arrived in Stawiski, and toward evening the entire population of Jewish youth retreated toward Bialystok. We were bombarded by German bombers throughout the entire journey. We reached Bialystok on the second afternoon, as the Red Army was beginning its retreat. The Jewish youth followed after the Red Army; however the Russians did not behave particularly sympathetically toward us.
The group of Jewish youth from Stawiski separated in Bialystok, and whoever could set out toward the Russian border. Fires were breaking out everywhere from the bombardment. Food could not be found. All of these towns were in a state of confusion. We continued our journey for an entire week until we reached the village of Amszecziwow, not far from Volkovysk. When the Germans arrived there as well and continued toward the Russian border, we decided to return to Stawiski.
A Jewish council was set up in Stawiski. Its members included my brother, Meir Hershel Rubinsztejn Wladalski among others. On occasion, the Germans would arrest its members and request a ransom for their release large quantities of jewelry and gold.
The Zhimni bakery baked bread for the Jews only, and it was distributed by ration.
My entire family went out to the Market Place. Only I remained at home alone. At 12:30, non-Jews from all of the surrounding villages streamed into town and forcefully chased out all of the Jews who remained in their homes. One non-Jew found me and chased me out to the Market Square.
In the market, all of the Jews were sitting stooped over, plucking weeds from between the stones. The Poles walked among the Jews with sticks in their hands. If any Jew lifted up his head for a moment he would be savagely beaten. A few youths and middle aged Jews were tied to wagons laden with rocks and forced to drag the wagons from the post office to the train, that is to say from one end of the town to the other.
Hershel Mark of blessed memory was murdered on that day. When he saw from afar that the hooligans were pillaging his store Hershel, as is known, owned the largest store in town he hurried toward his home, and he was shot by a German as he was on his way.
That day, the Germans set the Great Synagogue on fire. When Aharon the shamash ran to rescue the Torah scrolls, a non-Jew hit him over the head with an axe and killed him. The murderers grabbed Rabbi Wasserman, the rabbi of Stawiski, and threw him into the burning synagogue, which was miraculously not burned completely.
Toward the evening, Wiaczork, the chief of the anti-Semites and the head of the ruffians of Stawiski, gathered together all of the Jews who were in the market place at the freedom statue (commemorating the freedom of Poland), and delivered a venomous speech against the Jews. He accused all of the Jews of Communism and hinted that the war broke out because of them. As is customary for a murderer of his ilk, he concluded his words of incitement with the well-known anti-Semitic motto: Attack the Jews!.
Then a frightening scene took place in front of my eyes all of the Jews started to flee and the gentiles chased after them and struck them over their heads with sticks. The entire Market Square was full of pools of blood. The beaten and injured Jews returned to their homes, finding them empty and pillaged of every item of value.
I wish to point out that there were some decent people from among the Jews who advised the Jews to seek refuge and informed them that the ruffians would be conducting a frightful massacre of the Jews that evening. Adding to the calamity, the town was surrounded on all sides, and nobody could flee from the murderers. In order to calm the Jews so that they could lead them out to be pillaged, they promised them that mercy would be shown to all of those that had suffered at the hands of the Russians.
Many families gathered in our house. At 5:00 a.m., the builder Nowicki arrived, accompanied by a woman. When the woman took off her outer clothes, we were astonished to see our rabbi, Rabbi Wassermann, without his beard. The gentile Nowicki, one of the righteous gentiles, saved the rabbi by removing him from the burning synagogue. All of the Jews recited Psalms. The next day, the rabbi, dressed as a gentile, was taken to Lomza.
That same night, non-Jews from the nearby villages again streamed into Stawiski, wearing festive garments with white shirts. Some of them were carrying sickles, and others were carrying sticks. Close to midnight, frightful screams reached our ears, and the cries of men and women pleading before the murderers Take everything, but leave us alive. That entire night, the bodies of those murdered and those injured badly were taken out of the city by wagons.
The next morning, when those who remained alive ventured outside, a frightful scene was appeared before their eyes crushed body parts were rolling around in the pools of blood that covered the streets. If my memory serves me correctly, 360 Jews were murdered that night.
That year, Tisha Beov was pushed off [2] and fell out on a Sunday. I came to Stawiski that day, and again on Thursday. This was a more or less calm week. When my brother took me back to the gentile, we met the head of the village who told him that the situation was very dangerous, and it was not appropriate to be wandering around outside. When I left the house, my parents requested that I return for the Sabbath. The next day on Friday at 10:00 a.m. I was struck with a deep longing for my home, and I decided to return to Stawiski. I grabbed some fruit from the fields and ran home. When I was near the village of Budne, the gentile Ridzwoski, who had returned from Stawiski, met me.
Where are you going?, he asked me. Return to where you came from quickly, for they are killing Jews in Stawiski.
I stood dumbfounded, but I did not feel any fear at all. I wanted to be with all the Jews of Stawiski during their frightful moments on their final journey. I did not listen to the gentile, and I continued on my route to Stawiski. A shegetz[3], a friend of mine from school, suddenly stopped me along the way and said:
Stand still, do not go further!
Closed trucks passed along the way. The shegetz told me that the Jews who were able to stand on their feet were being made to run along the Kolno road, and the closed trucks were transporting the children and the elderly.
Top Photograph: Nechemiah Zweiback and his wife Ana, of blessed memory.
Middle Photograph: Golda Zweiback, of blessed memory.
Bottom Photograph: Freidel Blankensztejn and her daughters Tzippa and Feigel of blessed memory. (Side caption: murdered in the holocaust applies to all on page 336a).
Top Photograph (right): Niedzwiadowicz Family, from right: Zelig, Bluma,
Yaakov, Gabriel and the mother Beila, of blessed memory (standing around the
grave of Zeev the son of Yaakov Nizwadowicz[4] translator's note, not in
Top Photograph (left): Zeev Niedzwiadowicz (died). Bottom Photograph (right): Pinchas Piekarewicz, of blessed memory.
Bottom Photograph (left): Chaim Piekarewicz and his wife Sheyna, of blessed memory.
I returned to Grabowo and told the Jews that were there about everything that I had seen and heard. When they all heard the frightening news, we all broke out in bitter weeping. That day, we left the village and sought refuge in the forests of Lomza. We found the Chonkowicz brothers in the forest and they told us about the slaughter in Stawiski.
After the terrible Friday, a number of families and youths managed to flee from Stawiski and take refuge in the villages and forests. The Germans left a number of artisans in the town, such as tailors, shoemakers, stitchers, smiths, wagon drivers, etc. They concentrated them in one area near the synagogue. Later, they brought them all to the ghetto that they had set up in the vicinity of the houses of the Wolinewicz and Marchawki families.
Jews from the nearby villages were also brought to the ghetto. The artisans did various tasks for the Germans and also for the non-Jews of the town. Their situation was relatively not too bad. The Jews received our visits to the ghetto with bitterness from fear lest they be swallowed up on our account. There was a large ghetto in Lomza, and there were also ghettos in Grajewo and Szczuczyn.
As the winter neared its end, the wanderings from village to village began. I was in Grabowo with some local Jews, and an owner of a flourmill from Kosakowow was also there. In the Lomza ghetto there were, along with other Stawiskites, Rabbi Wasserman, Liba Kadysz, and Zhimni. Rabbi Wasserman told me to leave the village and to come to the ghetto so that I could be among Jews.
At the beginning of 1942, news spread that the Jews that had fled to the villages were about to be transferred to ghettos. I moved to the Szczuczyn ghetto. I wore gentile clothing and traveled to Lomza. I stayed in the Lomza ghetto for a few months, and I was close to Rabbi Wasserman the entire time.
When I found out that some members of my family were in the Bialystok ghetto, I went there. My Aryan appearance eased my dangerous travels along the roads. I found some members of the Niedzwiadowicz family in the Bialystok ghetto.
I remained in Bialystok for three months and then returned to the Lomza ghetto. From there I returned to Grabowo and found some work with a gentile. Several Jews were taking refuge in Grabowo. I, Avrahamchi Kadysz and the brothers Moshe and Yitzchak Kolinski lived together dressed up as gentiles, and we assisted a gentile in bringing potatoes and flour to the Lomza ghetto. We gave out potatoes to the residents of the ghetto, and we sold the flour to the bakers who baked black bread. We remitted the payment to the gentile.
We would visit the Lomza ghetto every Sunday. The Stawiskites maintained contact with the Jews of Grabowo, and they intended to flee to that village if the situation in the Lomza ghetto were to worsen. On one Sunday at the end of 1942, the liquidation of the Lomza ghetto began. As my luck would have it, I found myself there that Sunday. In the evening, Michael Kadysz and his father-in-law came to us and told us: flee for your lives for they are about to liquidate the Lomza ghetto. We fled to the forests. News of the liquidation of the Lomza ghetto spread very quickly. The gentiles in the village no longer wished to employ Jews, and they sent us to the city to be registered there.
We hid in pits that we dug in fields during the winter of 1942 [5] . During the nights, we went out to scavenge for food from wherever we could find it. Zhimni and Liba Kadysz were with me. Zhimni took ill as he was residing in the pit and he died. Liba Kadysz was murdered. Those of us who remained alive were jealous of those who already died.
By the end of 1943, almost all the Jews who had fled were killed. According to what I later heard from the gentiles, all the Jews of Stawiski who were killed were buried in the vicinity of Maly Plock. They also told me that in a school in the village of Wysokie, on the route to Lomza, ten Jews of Stawiski were hidden. The Germans found them late at night and murdered them all by candlelight. The Chonkowicz brothers hid in a bunker in the field of the farmer Ridzwaski. At the beginning of 1944, a number of Germans went out to hunt in the fields and chanced upon the hiding place of the Chonkowicz brothers. They ordered them to vacate their shelter, and when they received no answer they tossed grenades into the shelter and the brothers were killed.
I hid in villages until the beginning of 1945. I returned to my town one week after the entry of the Russians into Stawiski. I worked in the police force for three months.
I remained as a sole Jewish lad, persecuted and wandering. Filled with endless pain and grief, I sat on the ruins of Stawiski and wept .
Translator's Footnotes:
Translator's Footnotes:
Translator's Footnotes:
The boy was ten years old and the girl eleven.
He witnessed the murder with his own eyes,
She wandered from village to village,
She saw a world filled with frights as if in the netherworld.
On what merit where they saved? From the designed of humans
On their own merit? Certainly not. There was not found in them
Any deeds that were not found in others.
In the merit of their fathers? Much fault can be found in them
They did not live according to the rules, and their ways were not pleasant.
Perhaps in the merit of the generations, in the merit of Abraham
Isaac and Jacob, and Sarah and Rachel the mothers.
They uttered their names with voices of pleading
In the silence of the Sabbath, at Havdalah over a cup of raisin wine
Or a cup of sweet tea.
Surely in their merit; our fathers heard voices
So awesome, so frightening, wondrous, stubborn.
Someone with great splendor whispered without end.
Someone with wonderful strength whispered and promised,
That in the Land of Canaan their children would multiply as the stars in the heaven,
And as the sand on the seashore.
The voices were clear,
Promising, and not ceasing. They knew the Land of Canaan,
Left forlorn at the time of its siege, and they returned and returned again.
Inside themselves, they bore a desire made impure by blood.
The children who will inherit, will inherit with the blood of the protectors.
And these two, the wind carried them like
Red Currant seeds. Far, far away from the land of Poland
To the Land of Canaan, they were saved, for the sake of the generations
And for their own sake, so that they will relate
How the gardens blossomed, and the people were treasonous,
How the fields were emptied, and the young girls rejoiced
At the sight of blood. At the sight of young girls who were slaughtered.
Memories from the time of the Holocaust
Translated by Jerrold Landau {Photo page 352a -Upper right: Mitshak Chonkowicz and family, of blessed memory Upper left: Avraham Yitzchok Barbanielski of blessed memory Lower right: Yechezkel Goldsztejn, of blessed memory (standing); parents Hertzke and Miriam, of blessed memory. Lower left: Chaim-Leibl Barbanielski, of blessed memory. (Side caption to the photographs: murdered in the holocaust).}
These memoirs were written in a notebook in France in 1947, when she was 15 years old. They were written in Hebrew after she had studied the language for six months. The memoirs are published with small amendments to the language by the editors.
It was a warm summer day in 1941. Our town was conquered immediately at the outbreak of the war between Russia and Germany. The period of tribulation for the Jews of Poland began, our town included. At first, they began to kill individual Jews, and later they ordered a "march". The majority of the Jewish residents of the town were gathered on that day, and were brought, accompanied by the cruel Germans, to the anti-tank ditches that were dug by the Russians, and there they all met their deaths. My sister Antsha was among those murdered. For several days, the earth trembled from the blood of the pure people of my town. Even though the town was small, the anti-Semitism was great. The gentiles made enthusiastic requests to kill "a few" Jews, and the Germans permitted them to conduct a pogrom, which broke out suddenly in a bloody night. Hundreds of Jews were killed in that pogrom.
It was night. The town was in a deep slumber. Only the sound of the frogs and various night birds could be heard, as well as the voices of weeping and pleas for mercy of those who were condemned to death.
The cruel gentiles came armed with knives and sticks with sharp nails. Many Jews received deathblows from them. Small children were torn to pieces and tossed onto the electricity posts or the asphalt. Pregnant women had their bellies ripped open, and children's heads were chopped off and given to their mothers to hold. Not one gentile slept that night, some were there by their own free will and others were forced by other people. Everyone participated.
The bloodshed ceased only with the break of dawn. The blood that was spilled was cleaned up by their wives, so that the Germans would not know the difference between the number of Jews that they had permitted to be killed and the number that were actually killed.
My family and myself were in a village with various farmers who knew us. We worked and hid from the death that came that night. One day it became known to us that the Germans wished to lock up all the Jews in a ghetto. At that time, we stopped working, and we began our period of hiding with one farmer in the village of Skruda. The conditions were very difficult, almost unbearable. Twelve people were hidden in a small cave in a barn, without sufficient food, without air, and most importantly, without hope. Nobody knew what tomorrow would bring.
{Photo page 353 Yitzchak Rozenstejn of blessed memory, the grandfather of Chava Fuks.}
When the persecution and searches ended, all of the Jews lived in the ghetto. The Germans permitted the farmers to use the Jews for backbreaking work.
After several months of hiding, we went out free if we could indeed use that term. We again spread out among the farmers. I was with a farmer that knew me. I worked very hard despite my young age. I was ten years old at the time. He related to me as a Jewess, and he completely ignored the fact that I was young. (In fact, I was never really young.) As a result of the hard work I got a fracture[1], and I was forced to continue with the work despite great pain. Nobody carted if I was in pain or not, or if I was close to death.
On a day in the summer during the afternoon, I was tending to the cows, and I was rolling in the field due to the pain. I turned my head and saw my grandfather. He took me to the farmer who hid us before we went to the ghetto. His wife gave me a pill, and the pain was alleviated. I got better after a long time. In return for her good deed, I tended to her 200 goats.
{Photos page 353 Upper left: Gutsha Mark (nee Morus) and her
son Simcha of blessed memory.
Upper middle: Simcha Mark, Elka Mark, and Simcha (the son of their brother Avrahamel of blessed memory.
Upper right: Rivka and Hershel Mark and their grandson Simcha of blessed memory.
Lower left: Avraham Yitzchak Brikman of blessed memory.
Lower middle: Malka Kreplak of blessed memory.
Lower right: Moshe Brikman of blessed memory.}
In the meantime, my father, mother and younger brother lived in a town call Waski. My father built a flourmill for the mayor, and my mother sewed. Their situation was reasonably good. The family decided to bring me to them. I was quite ill and thin at that time. My mother began to take care of me as was appropriate for a young girl, and I began to live a domestic life. I became friendly with the daughter of the farmer. We worked together in all tasks, and I was thought of as their daughter. However our relatively peaceful life did not last long. In the fall of 1942, the ground was covered with a golden blanket. The trees were sad with the onset of the winter, and the entire areas took on the image of winter.
We gathered together on a fall evening my parents, my brother and my uncle with a certain farmer, and we deliberated on our fate in the future. My parents decided to send me to the farmer with whom my uncle had stayed during the time of the ghetto. This was the first tragic moment in my life.
The time for separation from my parents had come, without knowing if we would ever see each other again, or what indeed would be our fate. My mother, who was extremely religious, took a crucifix from the gentile woman and tied it to my neck with eyes filled with tears. I wept all evening, for I had a premonition of what was awaiting them and myself.
It was night. It was dark all around. My uncle and myself walked through abandoned fields we that we would not meet any Germans along the way. On occasion we stumbled and fell on clods of ploughed earth. Finally, we had completed the journey. We reached the stable of the farmer successfully. We had a roof over our heads, and we were waiting for somebody. The farmer finally came and brought us food. I suffered greatly, since I realized that my uncle would leave shortly. My uncle returned already that night, and I took the role as cousin of the farmer, and I called the master of the house 'uncle'. It was difficult for me to get used to this!! Aside from this, I was afraid lest the neighbors realize that I was a Jewess. With hard work, and internal pain that I had to hide my Jewishness, I stayed there for half a year until the maid, who was illegal herself, a Pole, informed about me to the residents of the village, and I was forced to leave the place. By a miracle, I was saved from the hands of a German who came to the mistress of the house, for her husband was in jail, and when it became known to him that I was Jewish, he wanted to kill me. However, he had mercy on the mistress of the house, since she loved me and did not want to cause me any pain, but he ordered her to expel me. This was all discussed in my presence. She sent me to her relatives in a certain village, which was nearby. This village was called Penza. I could not live openly in Penza. I hid in a closet for three months, without light, without proper food, forlorn and in constant danger. Every day, I heard the voice of August, who saw himself as the master of the house. Once, he wished to open the closet, but he was prevented from doing so at the last minute.
On Easter, they hid me in a sack so nobody would see me, and put me in a wagon in order to return me to the farmer in Waski with whom I had stayed until the liquidation of the ghetto.
The journey was very difficult in the sack. It was a beautiful day, the beginning of spring, and the sun shone on the surroundings. The fields were covered with green grass. The world had a happy appearance. We passed through towns, and I saw that children and old people were sitting on porches, and were happy. However, for me there was not one ray of light to brighten up my life. We reached the mountain that was known as Wilcza-Gora. They brought me down, as a parachutist, near the village. I turned my head, bid goodbye to the people who brought me, and disappeared into the stream that leads to the barn. There I dug a hole in the hay and fell asleep. The farmer came to the barn. He rejoiced when he saw me, however his face immediately froze with worry. He did not know what to do with me.
They brought me to a small side room, known as the "palace of the mice", and I lived there in the company of the mice for half a year. The village began to suspect them, for the door of the room in which I lived was never opened. They were forced to send me to relatives who were very poor. This was at the time of the harvest. They again put me into a sack, and I again played the part of a cousin by the name Erica. When the time of harvest and its difficult work concluded, they sent me back to the farmer from which they took me.
We arrived in the village toward evening. I remained in the field. I hid between the sheathes, so that nobody would see me, for here everyone knew me. Night fell. It was dark all around and all of a sudden, I heard steps. My heart melted with fear, however I immediately realized that this was the farmer who came to take me. On the way to his house, he stopped suddenly and asked: "Do you know who is with us?" It was difficult for me to guess, since I did not know if anyone in my family was still alive. I came to the barn, and I saw my father and my uncle standing as shadows. After all the tribulations overtook them, my father was already almost blind from the darkness of the cave where he lived in the forest.
{Photo Grandmother Chava Rozenstejn of blessed memory and her children most of them were killed in the Holocaust.}
It is hard to describe our joy in words however not long lasting. In the evening, my father spoke to the mayor of the village, asking him to take me in and look after me. He agreed, on condition that I would remain with him as a daughter after the war. My father did not disagree. He did not know what my fate would be. He desired that at least someone of our large family should remain alive. After the discussion with the mayor, they arose and continued along their way under the cover of the cloudy skies. I will never forget that night for the rest of my life, for that is the night that I parted from my father permanently.
In the morning, I sat under a roof that was burning with heat, at the home of the mayor, forlorn, abandoned, under inhuman conditions, and my heart was filled with fear. After a number of months, the Germans suspected that he acted in collaboration with the partisans.
The mayor and his family left the place, and I was left without any means. His wife brought me to another village, to the family of her maid, where I hid together with that family from the Germans, for they also suspected them. However, they suspected them for a different reason. After one week of despair, I decided to go out on my own, for life or for death. All of my bridges had been burnt behind me. I had only one means before me: to turn to a farmer who does not know me, as an Aryan.
This was in the summer of 1943. I boarded a fishing boat and crossed the river. I went across planted fields, and I reached a large forest. I passed through it and I saw a small white house, surrounded by chickens. A farmer stood by the well and was giving water to the horses. After I made a plan, I approached him and said that I had heard that he needed help. He looked me over from head to toe and smiled. Finally he said: "Do you know how to eat bread? It is okay." I played the part of Krystyna Riviczka from Bialaszewo (the village of Bialaszewo was indeed not far from my native town).
"My father was captured killing a pig, and was imprisoned in a jail in Grodzisk. The Germans persecuted us, and we were forced to leave the village. My mother and brother are in Szczuczyn, and I came here to find work." He believed my story. The farmer brought me into his home, and I carried my weight in all farm activities, even though he was had the largest farm in the town. The master of the house purchased shoes for me, and his wife sewed me clothes, for I did not even have a cloak for my body, and the lice were affecting me greatly. Each Sunday, I went to the church in Lomza to pray, however I never forgot that I was Jewish. The "Shema Yisrael" prayer was always on my lips. On occasion I had to confess before the priest, as was the Christian regulations. I realized this, and I was afraid. On the day of confession, I went to forest for a day, and I told the master of the house that I went to my own district to confess before the monk whom I was accustomed to confessing before.
I got up each morning at 3:00 AM to milk five cows. For a certain period, when the cowherd left us, I also served as cowherd. Aside from this, I ran the entire farm, for the mistress of the house complained that if she had a maid, she did not have to work at all. I worked from early in the morning until late at night. Aside from the work on the farm, I also wove. This work was done in the dark, and I almost damaged my eyes. However, who would care?!
On hot days during the harvest, I worked in gathering wheat stocks from behind the sickle; in the fall I gathered potatoes and spread fertilizer. My life was full of backbreaking work and fear lest the people of Penza, who would come on occasion to our village, would recognize me. Indeed, one boy from Penza recognized me, and he told the matter to his friend from the village of Jednaczewo. I became very confused when they greeted me by name, with the name that I was known in Penza Barbara. I did not answer him, and I went to the porch, and watched how he told his friends. I immediately went to that boy from our village, and with a few heartrending words, I succeeded in getting a positive answer from him. It was difficult for me to believe that he would keep his promise, however he did not break it.
{Photo page 357 Liba, the mother of Chana Fuks (in black) and her family most of them were killed in the Holocaust.}
Days and months past with deep suffering and longing. It was fortunate that I did not have too much time to ponder and think. In the meantime, the battlefronts were approaching our village. We were in the first line of the western front. They bombed the village nightly, for there were many Germans with heavy arms there. The Germans oppressed us. The situation was bad for the girls. In general, they all stayed at home; however, I was not able to permit myself such a luxury. The Germans conscripted the farmer to dig trenches, and the mistress of the house was pregnant. I herded the flock and the cattle far from the village. I had to travel several kilometers three times a day to milk them, with the danger that the cows would fall into German hands. The entire farm stood up through my own weak efforts. The mistress of the house was not able to work; she only cared for her children. I ran from one task to another. One morning, I took the cows to pasture, and I left them in the hands of a friend of mine to look after them. As I returned home through the forest, a 38-year-old German approached me. He began to speak German to me. I pretended that I did not understand, however I understood that he warned me not to go to the village, for there I would be conscripted to dig trenches. I answered him that I was not afraid, for I was only twelve years old, however he did know how to say in Polish 'wszystko jedno', that is: "it doesn't matter", and he began to caress me and say amorous words to me. I tried to flee, however he stopped me, and stepped on my wounded foot. The blood that came from the wound spurted all the way to his face. I asked that he let me go since I am ill, however he continued saying the phrase 'wszystko jedno'. He finally pushed me to the ground, and even though I did not understand very much at that time, I acted in his own manner and began to scream; however nobody heard me even though the place was close to the path. To my ill fortune, nobody passed by and heard my screams. He became angry and tried to kill me with the axe that was in his hands. When I stopped screaming, he thought that I agreed. My strength had dissipated. I got up from the ground, turned my head and said: "behold, girls are passing by". He turned his head in the direction that I pointed, and in the meantime, I slipped away and began to run toward the bushes. I fell several times since it is very difficult to run in the forest. I was saved miraculously, since he did not have any weapons. I was slapped on the face several times, however nothing more. I returned home in tears, and the mistress of the house thought that I had gone mad. She requested that I tell her what happened, but I was embarrassed. In the end I told her as a secret. When her husband returned, she told him as a secret, and he told his friends, and the matter became known in the entire village. From that time on, they looked at me as a brave person, and revered me.
The situation was very tense on the day of the German retreat. They gathered all of the residents of the village into one place and pillaged all the flocks. I ran with our flock to the forest under cannon fire, and I saved it from the Germans. The farmer returned in the evening with all the property, for he also did not present himself at the gathering place. We sat at the bank of the Narew River. We heard the noise of tanks. We saw the Germans fleeing for their lives. At dawn, I woke up to bring in the cows, for I stayed with them all night, so that nobody should notice us, and then suddenly the Russian army appeared before my eyes. We gathered all the property. I took the flock, and we turned toward the house, which was at the edge of the forest. I, with the animals, went first. My heart was filled with longing for my parents, for my home the time of liberation had come even though I realized that nothing was left. I raised my voice in weeping. I asked myself: how was I able to save all the animals, yet I was not able to save my parents? I reached the forest. It was a hot day, the air was clear and calm, the sun shone on the leaves, and a cool breeze blew in my hair. I walked with sure steps, with the though that we would meet our liberators face to face. I continued, and suddenly I heard a scream. A cow had trampled on a tired Russian soldier, who was sleeping under the tree. He cursed it in Russian, however he greeted me in a friendly manner: with a heartfelt "zdrastvoitia" and a smile. We reached our home. We met many soldiers, who cooked a variety of foods, and sang happy songs of their birthplace. Songs of Russia
We did not have much time to rejoice in our home. The war heated up. We were again forced to leave the village. We stayed in the forest far from the village due to the bombardment. I again looked after everyone, from the animals to the children. Winter arrived in full force. Three families lived in one room. I slept in the barn all winter. One night, as I was in a deep sleep, I opened my eyes and I saw the farmer standing over me, saying: "Krystyna, wake up, for my wife is about to give birth". There was a new baby in the family. My situation became worse. From that time, I was not able to rest day or night. I had to concern myself with the farm, as well as with the battle that was nearing our village. At the end of the fall, literally under bombardment, I dug up potatoes. There was not much food, and in the spring we would have to plant.
It was a crisp winter night. The village was covered in white, and in the silence of night, we heard the tanks and artillery passing near our house.
After a few weeks, Berlin was captured. We returned home, however the home was destroyed. We lived with the farmer's uncle. We built a house in the meantime. The work was unbearably difficult. There was no food, and there was constant fear, now from the partisans. A difficult winter passed, and spring arrived. I tended to the cows, and I also spread out the fertilizer that had been left for almost a year. Due to the spreading of the hard manure, the skin on my right hand separated from the bone. There was no doctor. The pain was unbearable. I did not sleep at night, and the situation became more serious. At sunrise, I was already at work again. Thanks to a lad with whom I tended to the flocks, I went to a certain farmer whose lone cow I also tended to, and I requested money so that I could get my hand treated. There was one farmer in the village who knew a bit of medicine. He operated on my hand in a very primitive manner, however it did heal, and I became healthy.
In the meantime, I found out that two sisters and a brother of my father's had survived. I was the only survivor of my immediate family. My brother, my sister, and my mother were murdered by the Poles as they were hiding between the sheathes in Waski. Their flesh was eaten by the birds. The mayor's wife, who was left a widow, gave some vodka to one youth, who then brought them to burial. My eldest sister was killed in a cave, and my middle sister worked in a garden for the Germans, and the gentiles informed on her. She heard about this and started to flee. As she fled, she was shot to death. My father and my aunt's husband who survived to that point were killed by Poles who knew them in 1944, on the 27th of Sivan, close to the time of liberation. My father's brother was killed by Poles after liberation, and the rest of the members of my family died in the concentration camps or the forests of Poland.
Before I found out that my aunts and uncle had survived, I thought that I was the only survivor of all Polish Jewry. This thought did not give me any rest. I could not make peace with such a reality at all. I asked my friends in an indirect manner if any Jews were left in Lomza. They answered me: "to our great sorrow, there are still Jews there". From that time on I had only one thought in my mind: to meet Jews.
Several months passed. My aunt was at that time in Bialystock. She knew that I was in Jednaczewo, however she did not know the farmer with whom I lived. She spoke with a Jewish youth whom she knew from before the war, when he worked in the U.B., which was the organization for saving Jewish children from Poles. They punished non-Jews who were known to have killed Jews prior to the liberation and after the liberation. By chance, this youth was a friend of the farmer with whom I lived. He had already seen me when he came to visit him. He asked him who I was, however the farmer was afraid of him, for I knew many secrets. Therefore the farmer said that I was the daughter of his neighbor.
That evening, I had an internal battle inside of me: to approach him or not. He was Jewish I would be among Jews however I was afraid to do this. Several more months passed.
One day, during the time of the afternoon rest period, I was in a room, the cows were resting in the cowshed, and a car stopped in front of our house. I instinctively fled to the basement. The youths who arrived in the car asked about me, that is to say about the girl who was with the mayor. The mistress of the house was alone in the house. She became very confused, and said that I was in the field. They ordered her to bring me to the police in Lomza the next day. The farmer came back from the city, and when he heard this, he wanted to abandon the farm, and flee with me. He asked me if I knew any secrets about the mayor, and therefore they wanted to interrogate me. I did not know anything, and I had no idea at all that they had come to redeem me. If I would have even thought this, it was hard to believe that it would be true. In the meantime, the cousin of the farmer sent a notice to the wife of the mayor asking if she knew anything, for my aunt had been at his house a while ago.
This was in May. I went to pray. It is a Christian custom that all of the residents of the village go to pray in one house in May. That day we went to pray at the house where the farmer's cousin lived. I entered the room, and he smiled at me, and said: "Krystyna, how can you pretend so well? I can still not believe that you are Jewish, for you will always be Krystyna to me." I now had a dilemma on my hands: how should I confess everything to the farmer. The farmer's cousin took it upon himself to begin the conversation. We went into a room. He began to tell the story. I had endangered the farmer for two years, however he accepted the situation very well. He looked at me as he would a mighty person and said: "Krystyna, will you remember us?" He was always good to me, although his wife was not.
Several weeks passed without news. In the meantime, I became seriously ill. I took to bed with a high fever. After two weeks of illness, I got up on Sunday. Everyone was in Church, and I went for a stroll in the forest. Suddenly the farmer came to me and said "They have come to take you, to my great sorrow, you must go". The mistress of the house packed my bags and wept, and their daughter stood and wept and said: "Krysynka is leaving me." We sat on the wagon and went to the place where we had arranged to meet. The group greeted us pleasantly. They made a small party for us. They spoke to the farmer, and he told them about me. They showed me a letter from my aunt in Yiddish, and they began to speak to me in Yiddish. They wanted to remind me of my mother tongue that I had not used in five years. I understood them, but I did not know how to speak. The youth who arranged the trip turned to me in song: "a Jewish girl, she is so pretty, dainty and refined, you have a thousand charms " However, I did not resemble a Jewess at all, for the environment of the past six years had taken its toll.
The farmer sat silently and his eyes were filled with tears. The sun was going down. He got up, and parted from me like an actual father, and wept. This was a heartrending scene. I also wept. My dog stood there and waited for me to come. However, he was to be disappointed. The farmer called out: "Come Lelek, Krystyna is not returning to us." I was not able to calm down, I did not speak, I was very sad. However, this was the moment of intermingling of two different emotions.
The next day I traveled with one of the youths of the group. One the way to the train, I met a young man with whom I had tended to the flocks. He turned his head, and asked me to where I was going? However he did not get an answer from me. It was 1945.
We were at the home of my aunt in Bialystock. My younger aunt was in the house. I cannot describe the joy I felt at that time. My other aunt also came that day. She raised her voice in weeping when she saw me, and asked: "where are they all?". This meeting was a sort of memorial service for our family. For the next while, we sat down nightly and related to each other what had transpired to us.
My aunt lived at that time in a small house on Zamenhof Street. The deep grief had not dissipated, and the sorrow was great over the death of my uncle who had been killed a few weeks previously.
My aunt wanted to bring me into Jewish life. She brought me to a place called Minska, where hundreds of Jews from the concentration camp lived. The "Commitet" took care of them. I then realized that it was not only we alone who had survived. Those who knew us spoke to me in Yiddish. I did not yet know how to answer in my mother tongue, a matter that caused me much grief. They also angered me with their customs. I was not used to seeing such people. They sent me to a school, where a few children studied, however there they also oppressed me because I did not know Yiddish.
At that time, I wanted to study, given that I realized how much I had missed during the years of the war. I returned to my mother tongue very quickly, and I also learned to speak a little Hebrew. I passed from second grade to third grade in one year. I finished four grades when I was in Bialystock, and I became proficient in Hebrew. I did not only study Hebrew in that school, I also became enthralled with the Zionist idea, and I wished to make aliya to the Land of Israel.
My aunt got married in 1946, and after a period, she received a permit for aliya. My aunt asked her husband's brother to send me a permit to immigrate to America. She did this against my will, since my desire was for the Land of Israel. I was very young, and my aunt regarded herself as my guardian.
After the school exams, we prepared to travel to Sweden. This was in 1946.
We lived on Zamenhof Street in Bialystock. In that courtyard, there was a bakery, which was established by a group of young men. One of them served as treasurer. He was a young and serious boy. I would often go there to buy cakes, to get water, and to bake. The men became friendly with me, and we had good relations. Avrasha the treasurer liked me very much. I was fifteen years old at the time, and my aunt told everyone that I was twelve, since I was not that well developed physically. Externally, I looked as if I was seven years old. After much success in roles on stage (of the dramatic group of Bialystock), the men praised me, however they all looked at me as a young girl less than ten years old.
In 1946, I traveled with my aunt to Sweden. There I studied in two boarding schools, which were set up to facilitate youth aliya for no cost. At that time I was on a transit visa with permission to go to the United States as a student to study archeology.
At the beginning of 1947, despite the objections of my aunt, I had discussions in Stockholm with the representative of the Jewish agency, and I traveled to France, en route to Israel.
I spent about a year in southern France, in Pug-Liso, a boarding school that prepared people for youth aliya. From there, I traveled from Marseilles to the Land of Israel on the fourth aliya.
I arrived in the Land of Israel on the eve of Purim, in March 1948. From the camp for new immigrants in Pardes Chana, we passed through other milestones together with our group. We fought, worked, and joined Nachal [2]. After concluding training for Nachal in 1949, we joined as reinforcements for the defense of the Chatzerim absorption center in the Negev. I worked as a dairy farmer, and I was active on several committees. I left Chatzerim in 1951, since I had a misunderstanding with the farm committee due to the fact that I was given a task that was beyond my physical capabilities. I moved to Tel Aviv. In Tel Aviv I studied, and I worked in all sorts of jobs in order to earn my livelihood in an honorable fashion. I got married in 1953, and I established a Jewish home. My husband is a professional army man, and we have a son and a daughter.
Translator's Footnotes:
Translated by Jerrold Landau
Foggy outside, although it is even moreso during the day,
The synagogue is full of executioners,
Torah scrolls are spread out on the ground outside,
My heart pounds rapidly inside of me.
The murderers are circled around,
Their hands are fiery;
The holy books are ignited
Woe, the Torah Scrolls of Stawiski are being burnt.
Two eyes look
At night through the dark
There glow the books
They do not want to burn
On the Shul Gasse frolic about
The murderous executioners,
In fire they toss
Tallises and Tefillin.
Where are your Jews, clad in festive clothes,
Radiant faces during the Hakkafot [1] in the synagogue?
I search for them here it is so vacant,
Only murderous faces are around here in such great numbers.
They leave us alone, burning in the Shul Gasse
Only black clouds inhabit this place today;
The executioners fly here like black birds
Our bloody enemies rejoice
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for verification.
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Updated 14 Feb 2003 by MGH


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Alyssa Arce – Babe of the Day
Need a lil' Southern comfort? Take a look at Dixie's own Alyssa Arce.
Miss Arce was Playboy's Miss July 2013 and somehow made the summer all that much hotter because of it. This Playmate hails from South Carolina and has really mastered the whole Instagram thing. Take a look for yourself, if you don't believe us. It'll be well worth your time.


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8 unconventional retirement communities
Aspiring Hemingways, die-hard recreational-vehicle fans, Harley-obsessed boomers: If you're feeling a little uninspired about your retirement options (another community based around a golf course? Really?), you're in luck. A new breed of retirement community is catering to those whose interests lie a little outside the mainstream. —by Catey Hill, Marketwatch