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Agenda Setting and Natural Hazards
Summary and Keywords
Agenda setting describes the process through which issues are selected for consideration by a decision-making body. Among the myriad of issues policymakers can consider, few are more vexing than natural hazards. By aggregating (or threatening to aggregate) death, destruction, and economic loss, natural hazards represent a serious and persistent threat to public safety. While citizens rightfully expect policymakers to protect them, many of the policy challenges associated natural hazards fail to reach the crowded government agenda. This article reviews the literature on agenda setting and natural hazards, including the strain between preparing for emerging hazards, on the one hand, and responding to existing disasters, on the other hand. It considers the extent to which natural hazards pose distinctive difficulties during the agenda-setting process, focusing specifically on the dynamics of issue identification, problem definition, venue shopping, and interest group mobilization in natural hazard domains. It closes by suggesting a number of future avenues of agenda-setting research.
Keywords: agenda setting, policy change, natural hazards, emergency management, preparedness, relief
Agenda setting is the process through which issues are selected for consideration by a decision-making body, be it a legislature, city council, bureaucratic agency, court, or any other unit of government (Cobb & Elder, 1977; Kingdon, 2003; Majone, 2006). Government can only consider a limited number of issues at once. This makes agenda setting highly competitive and conflictual (Baumgartner & Jones, 1993). Not only do organized interests need to convince policymakers that a particular issue is germane to the work of government, they must also demonstrate that it is more pressing than all of the other issues vying for attention. At the same time, opposing groups seek to block new issues from accessing the government agenda (Cobb & Ross, 1997). The study of agenda setting, therefore, describes the institutional, political, and social factors that lead policymakers to consider some social issues but not others.
A hazard is a potential source of damage or harm. A natural hazard describes a potential source of harm that is naturally occurring, like an emerging disease, flood, hurricane, cyclone, drought, or heat wave. Natural hazards vary in terms of their perceptual cues (how they reveal themselves), scope (the size of their impact), duration (how long they last), onset (how quickly they emerge), and probability of impact (how likely it is that they will occur at all) (Islam & Ryan, 2016; Lindell, Prater, & Perry, 2006). Consider the differences between earthquakes and emerging diseases. Earthquakes emerge quickly and with little forewarning. Although they typically last for a relatively short duration (30–40 seconds), they often result in widespread destruction. Conversely, scientists can identify novel viruses weeks or even months before they become a widespread public health event. Disease cases accumulate slowly, but outbreaks can last for months before subsiding, thus allowing deaths to accumulate slowly over time.
A natural hazard becomes a disaster when it stretches the response capacity of a social system or organization, leaving individuals vulnerable to an array of adverse consequences (e.g., death, destruction of property, economic loss). Sometimes this stress becomes so great that the system is unable to respond, causing widespread and often irreversible harm to a community. Catastrophes, a designation reserved for the most severe disasters, are events that overwhelm a social system (Islam & Ryan, 2016; Lindell et al., 2006). Not all natural hazards become disasters. Even fewer disasters become catastrophes. Nor is there a single, authoritative threshold for distinguishing between these categories. Instead, policymakers, the media, interest groups, and even the general public determine whether a hazard represents a private trouble or warrants government attention (Birkland, 2016).
Many natural hazards are dismissed as an unfortunate confluence of events, a tragedy that falls outside the bounds of government responsibility (Birkland, 1997). Other times, government chooses to ignore hazards until they blossom into a full-blown disaster (DeLeo, 2016). It is well established that government tends to underinvest in policies and programs that prepare for emerging hazards (May & Koski, 2013; Sainz-Snatamaria & Anderson, 2013). Between 1985 and 2008 the U.S. government spent $82 billion on disaster relief but only $7.5 billion on preparedness (Sainz-Snatamaria & Anderson, 2013), despite the fact that experts estimate that $1 in preparedness could offset $4 of relief spending (Rose et al., 2007). When government does respond to natural hazards, its reaction is often characterized by a disproportionate allocation of attention, time, and resources. Once-ignored hazards suddenly become the most pressing items on the government agenda. Policymakers struggle to assign blame and work to assure the public that a similar event can be mitigated, if not avoided, in the future (Birkland, 1997).
What explains this policymaking dynamic? Why do policymakers pay greater attention to some natural hazards than others? And to what extent do natural hazards differ from other types of issues, like national security, the economy, social welfare, and scores of others? To investigate these questions, this article surveys the literature on natural hazards and agenda setting. It begins by comparing the various theories used to explain the agenda-setting process. While each theory provides a distinctive depiction of the agenda-setting process, all three include a number of common steps or processes: (1) issue attention; (2) problem definition; (3) venue shopping; and (4) political mobilization. I consider each of these important elements of agenda setting in detail, highlighting the challenges and opportunities posed by natural hazards. I close by highlighting a number of underexplored research topics.
Theories of Agenda Setting
Agenda setting is the process through which issues are selected for consideration by a decision-making body. Scholars identify various types of government agendas. The systemic agenda refers to all the issues society and members of the larger political community currently care about. Systemic agenda items range from pressing issues being covered by the media to more technical topics being discussed within interest group circles. Many items languish on the systemic agenda for an extended period of time but fail to reach the government agenda. The institutional agenda, by contrast, includes all of those issues "explicitly up" for consideration by a decision-making body (Cobb & Elder, 1977, p. 86). Institutional agendas exist at all levels (state and national) and in all branches (legislative, judicial, and executive) of government. Agenda setting describes the movement of issues from the systemic to the institutional agenda.
Various theories explain the agenda-setting process. Kingdon's (2003) multiple streams approach (MSA) argues that agenda setting occurs through the coupling of three distinct streams. The problem stream includes the various issues or problems vying for government attention. The policy stream comprises the solutions—the various policies—that promise to fix these problems. And the politics stream describes the current political climate, including things like public opinion, the national mood, and the partisan composition of different levels/branches of government. MSA argues that the convergence of the three streams opens a policy window or an opportunity for organized interests to push their preferred policies onto the government agenda and produce policy change. Coupling is facilitated by issue entrepreneurs—individuals or groups who invest a tremendous amount of personal resources and time in order to secure a future policy output. Through their tireless advocacy, entrepreneurs help "tie together" important elements from each of the three streams, in turn allowing issue advocates to capitalize on the newly opened policy window.
Unlike MSA, which primarily focuses on periods of change, punctuated equilibrium theory (PET) explains not only moments of upheaval but also periods when a particular policy domain or issue area are relatively stable. PET argues that policymaking is characterized by long periods of stasis in which a dominant coalition monopolize a policy domain and resist the introduction of new ideas. The coalition is supported by a fixed set of government institutions that are equally committed to preserving the status quo. Agenda setting, which is described as punctuation in this equilibrium, occurs when an opposing coalition injects novel ideas into the policy process and succeeds in accessing new institutions that are not wedded to the pre-existing coalition of dominant groups. After policy change, the system resets and a new group comes to monopolize the policy process (Baumgartner & Jones, 1993).
The advocacy coalition framework (ACF) offers yet another depiction of agenda setting. Whereas MSA and PET largely focus on institutional change, ACF underscores the importance of belief system change. It argues the political system is comprised of various advocacy coalitions or "people from a variety of positions (elected and agency officials, interest group leaders, researchers) who share a particular belief system—i.e., a set of basic values, causal assumptions, and problem perceptions—and who show a non-trivial degree of coordinated activity over time" (Sabatier, 1988, p. 139). Each coalition encompasses three levels of belief systems. Deep core beliefs describe a group's political philosophy (e.g., how they align along the liberty-security continuum, their perception of social welfare). Policy core beliefs describe underlying policy positions (e.g., the distribution of power between the federal government and the states, the legitimacy of executive orders). Secondary aspects are beliefs relating to the funding and implementation of policy goals. Deep core beliefs rarely change. Policy core beliefs are more susceptible to change but remain fairly stable across time. Policy change typically involves minor changes in a group's secondary aspects. Changes in secondary aspects allow for the refinement of existing and fairly routine policies, as opposed to radical changes in the group's underlying philosophy and core positions on important policy issues (Sabatier, 1988; Sabatier & Weible, 2007).
While the ACF, MSA, and PET differ in terms of their jargon and portrayal of the policy process, all three include a number of basic steps. First, all three theories stress that issue identification is an important, but not necessarily sufficient, precursor to agenda setting. Before an item can access the government agenda, policymakers must come to recognize it as a pressing and important issue. Second, all three theories suggest problems are more or less socially constructed. Problem definition describes the way in which social problems are described and interpreted. Third, all three underscore the importance of policy venues or government institutions with decision-making authority. Because policy venues often differ in terms of their jurisdiction, culture, and powers, organized interests "seek out" the institutions that are most likely to support their goals and preferences. This process is often referred to as venue shopping (Pralle, 2006). Finally, and perhaps most importantly, agenda setting hinges on political mobilization or the extent to which organized interests rally for or against an issue.
Issue identification, problem definition, venue shopping, and political mobilization underpin the agenda-setting process. Natural hazards often necessitate that policymakers create policy in the face of great uncertainty and stress and therefore pose distinctive challenges—and occasionally opportunities—during each of these distinct yet interrelated steps in the agenda-setting process. Not surprisingly, policy scholars emphasize the important role natural hazards play in influencing the agenda-setting process.
The Dynamics of Issue Attention
Issue identification is the process through which the media, general public, and policymakers come to pay attention to different problems. MSA coined the term "focusing event" to describe large-scale disasters that "bowl over everything standing in the way of prominence on the agenda" (Kingdon, 2003, p. 96). Disasters derive their attention-grabbing power from the fact that they typically cause widespread death, destruction, and economic damage. Much of the literature on disasters and agenda setting builds on Birkland's (1997) seminal book, After Disaster: Agenda Setting, Public Policy, and Focusing Events, which refines MSA's original definition of focusing events. Birkland defines a potential focusing event as an event that is
sudden, relatively rare, can be reasonably defined as harmful or revealing the possibility of potentially greater future harms, inflicts harms or suggests potential harms that are or could be concentrated on a definable geographical area or community of interest, and that is known to policy makers and the public virtually simultaneously. (1997, p. 22)
Note that Birkland uses the term potential focusing event. Many disasters do not come to represent focal events, a testament to the fact that they are not seen as an example of government failure. Note also that Birkland stresses the unpredictability of disasters, meaning focusing events become known to policymakers, the media, and the public simultaneously. The element of surprise often enhances the shock value of disasters and undermines the ability of any one group to dominate the overarching narrative surrounding these issues—at least at the outset of this process. As such, media coverage of these events plays an important role in fueling public and policymaker concerns.
Disasters have come to influence the other theories of agenda setting as well. ACF notes the existence of an "internal shock path," which describes the ability of disasters to shape belief change in policy subsystems (Sabatier & Weible, 2007). Sufficiently large disasters can force groups to revisit their underlying belief systems and, in turn, trigger policy change. To be sure, much of the ACF literature has focused on technological and man-made hazards, particularly in area of nuclear energy policy (Nohrstedt, 2005, 2008, 2009, 2011). However, recent research has applied ACF to natural hazards as well, including floods (Albright, 2011) and volcanic ash (Nohrstedt, 2013).
Disasters are not the only mechanism for bringing problems to the attention of policymakers. Problem indicators, which are defined as numeric measures or statistics documenting a problem, play an important but often overlooked role in stimulating issue attention. Problem indicators encompass the varieties of data and government information circulating the political system, like drug overdose rates, gross domestic product (GDP), the number of uninsured individuals, counts of automobile accidents, and scores of others (Baumgartner & Jones, 1993; Jenkins-Smith, Weible, & Sabatier, 2014; Kingdon, 2003; Lehtonen, 2015; Sabatier, 1988).
Many natural hazard domains have strong indicator cultures, meaning there is an emphasis on data-driven decision-making and a marked sensitivity to changes in these measures (Bell et al., 2011; DeLeo, 2016; Turnhout, Hisschemöller, & Eijsackers, 2007). In the emerging disease domain, changes in disease cases and deaths are used to track the evolution of novel viruses. Large upticks in cases are often assumed to represent an approaching crisis (DeLeo, 2017). Thus, whereas focusing events draw attention to an event that has already occurred, indicators often point to an emerging problem that has yet to crystallize into a full-blown disaster. Using pandemic influenza as an example, Birkland (2006) contrasts indicators and focusing events:
In 2005, for example, the problem of the H5N1 strain of bird flu influenza gained worldwide attention, and its transmission to humans in Turkey and Europe in early 2006 has increased concern about pandemic flu, and in particular about the possibility of its transmission from person to person rather than from birds to people. But a global flu pandemic is a different kind of disaster from the type described in this book because it can be anticipated before the pandemic occurs. (p. 7)
Of course, a strong indicator culture does not always result in issue attention. Consider the climate change domain. Measures of annual average temperatures, emissions rates, and sea level rise are frequently offered as indicators of climate change. However, unlike disease cases and deaths, these indicators are highly contested and deeply politicized (Pralle, 2009). Conservatives groups attack the viability of climate data, often taking aim at the very methodologies used to derive these measures. The politicization of these data undermines their influence on the policy agenda.
Indicators and events represent important mechanisms for issue attention in natural hazards domains. Yet the extent to which an indicator or event ultimately shapes the policy agenda is dictated by how it is integrated into larger policy narratives. Put differently, these various data points "do not speak for themselves" (Kingdon, 2003, p. 94). Instead, organized interests work to control the way in which indicators and event are described, conceptualized, and defined. Policy narratives determine not only whether or not an issue is able to access the crowded government agenda but also the types of solutions considered by policymakers.
Problem Definition and the Social Construction of the Issues
The agenda-setting power of an indicator, event, or any other type of exogenous shock hinges on how these elements are defined. Effective problem definition narratives include a number of basic components. First, they describe a problem. Who does the problem impact? Are they a sympathetic or unsympathetic population? Are they worthy or unworthy of government assistance? What is the cause of the problem? Is the problem growing or shrinking? These questions, as well as scores of others, help define the dimensions of a problem. Second, effective narratives identify solutions to a problem. Strong narratives will present one or even a handful of solutions that logically flow from definitional claims used to describe the problem. Finally, strong narratives persuade the general public and policymakers that government action is needed, meaning they justify an issue's placement on the government agenda (Rochefort & Cobb, 1994).
A number of recurrent themes are often associated with the definition of natural hazards. Proponents of policy change typically try to define natural hazards, particularly those revealed through focusing events, as a crisis—a dire circumstance requiring immediate correction (Rochefort & Cobb, 1994). Crisis definitions are incredibly powerful in that they symbolize a problem too great to ignore, hence the ability of focusing events to bowl their way onto the policy agenda (Kingdon, 2003). In the absence of a tangible or manifest crisis, policymakers often resort to a more "conjectural" policy discourse, meaning they posit that a failure to protect against a future crisis will create undue risk (Birkland, 1997; DeLeo, 2010). In both instances, however, fear is an important motivator, and those groups seeking to place an item on the government agenda will manipulate public concern regarding the dangers associated with a particular hazard. Problem definers must also demonstrate that government is somehow complicit in allowing the disaster to occur. Put differently, it is imperative that the disaster be defined as an example of government failure, as opposed to an unfortunate, but unavoidable, event (Birkland, 1997).
Indicators require interpretation as well. Numbers often seen as a more objective descriptor of a problem than simple anecdotes and can thus carry a great deal of weight and influence in political settings (Innes, 1990; Stone, 2002). In the case of slow-onset hazards, problem definers use changing data points to construct narratives extrapolating trends years, if not decades, into the future. Consider the discourse surrounding rising sea levels and climate change adaptation within the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). Countries concerned with the threat of increased flooding over the course of the next century often reference data and models estimating future flood zones. This process of flood mapping not only has tangible policy implications (e.g., funding for adaptation programs), it also lends greater proximity and immediacy to the issue of sea level rise by visibly demonstrating its potential severity.
The use of analogy and other forms of implied comparison are another important feature of discourse in natural hazard domains. Analogies present a rational argument as to why two things or individuals share a common set of characteristics (Beard, 2000). Scholars have documented the widespread use of analogy during an array of naturally occurring and man-made hazards, including environmental hazards (Hoberg, 1991), war and international conflict (Khong, 1992), submarine incidents (Bynander, 1998), emerging diseases (Sturken, 1997), financial crises (Di Mascio, Natalini, & Stolfi, 2013), and others.
Because natural hazards are often entail great uncertainty, complexity, and even confusion, analogies provide a shorthand way for policymakers to make sense of these situations by invoking examples from the past (Houghton, 1998). Analogies are a particularly effective way to mobilize support for programs that address emergent hazards. Similar to measurement discourse, analogy allows proponents of preparedness policy to articulate the likely severity of emergent hazard by comparing it to a similar event from the past. Consider the debate surrounding the 2005–2007 avian influenza outbreak. Avian influenza was frequently compared to the 1918 Spanish influenza pandemic, the deadliest pandemic in recorded history. At the time, not a single case of pandemic influenza was identified on American soil, although public health experts feared a large-scale pandemic loomed. The 1918 analogy stressed the importance of initiating widespread public health preparedness programs and argued that a pandemic resembling the 1918 virus could kill millions of people worldwide. It helped empowered elected officials to act in the face of tremendous uncertainty, and Congress ultimately passed a series of sweeping public health policies in anticipation of a potential pandemic (DeLeo, 2016).
Not all analogies are built alike. Brändström, Bynander, and 't Hart (2004) present a variety of different analogy types, some of which are more influential than others. Teacher analogies, for example, seek to provoke reflective and critical thought about a particular event. Not only do they strive to induce agenda setting, they also help policymakers make an informed decision about the best course of policy action. Prison analogies, by contrast, present a single, correct solution to a problem. In this respect, prison analogies stunt robust discussion and debate about viable solutions.
Hazards, disasters, and crises are, more than anything, social constructs. Their meaning and cause is ultimately open to interpretation and redefinition. Equally important, problem definition is critical to helping organized gain entry into policy venues that are receptive to their preferred policies and programs (Pralle, 2006). The next section reviews this process of venue shopping and selection in greater detail.
Venue Shopping, Institutional Authority, and Natural Hazard Governance
Policy venues are institutional locations in government with decision-making authority (Pralle, 2006). They exist at all levels and in all branches of government, from a state legislature to the U.S. Congress, a bureaucratic agency to the Supreme Court, a municipal government to the executive office of the president. Venues differ in terms of their jurisdiction or range of authority over different issues. State legislatures can enact laws governing citizens residing within their borders but have no authority over national issues. Government agencies are tasked with overseeing program implementation within a specific policy area, like the environment, health, or homeland security. Even the judicial system distinguishes between the types of questions that can be heard in a trial, appellate, or supreme court. In this respect, venues serve as gatekeepers to the political system, meaning they have authority to decide when and where different issues will be considered.
The principle of checks and balances dictates that, at least in the United States, each venue will enjoy its own distinctive constellation powers. Whereas a legislature can devise law, a court can interpret and overturn it. Beyond these very basic distinctions, venues differ in terms of the ways in which they process policy issues. Each venue is marked by its own distinct procedural rules, which shape how they go about making policy. Majority rule holds more weight in legislatures than, say, government agencies, which tend to vest more authority in individual decision-makers and experts to devise rules and regulations.
The concept of policy images underscores the fact that each venue perceives the world through a distinctive lens. Put differently, venues differ in terms of their professional and ideological norms (Pralle, 2006). Consider, for example, the World Health Organization (WHO). WHO has long emphasized the importance of evidence-based public health practices. As such, it tends to shirk policies that use more intrusive interventions, like travel bans or even forced hospitalizations, which, in many instances, lack efficacy, perpetuate stigma, and undermine global trade. Venues are not stagnant, however. Changes in party control of a legislature, for example, invariably reshuffle agenda priorities. Moreover, while the underlying mission of government agencies typically remains stable across time, new chief executives routinely undue and amend the bureaucratic rules and regulations put in place by their predecessor, especially if their predecessor represented a different political party.
Organized interests strategically shop for venues that are sympathetic to their cause. For example, in the face of gridlock at the national level, environmental groups used state and even local governments to forward their policy agendas. Indeed, states like Massachusetts and California have been forerunners in the movement to regulate greenhouse gas emissions. This does not mean environmental groups abandoned their efforts to secure a national emissions regime. Quite the opposite. Adding new venues allowed them to continue to work toward their overarching goals, despite being intermittently marginalized at the national level (Pralle, 2006; Rabe, 2004).
The venues involved with the governance of natural hazards are noticeably diffuse and span multiple levels and branches of government. Natural hazards management is primarily a responsibility of state and local governments. By and large, the national government has sought to influence the states by providing them incentives to perform certain actions, as opposed to requiring the implementation of specific mandates (Birkland, 2010). A sizable portion of this money is disaster stricken communities in the form of relief spending (Burby, 2006), an outgrowth of the myopic voting patterns described above (Healy & Malhotra, 2009).
While major focal events can create opportunities for agenda setting at the national level, Burby (2006) notes that there are few political and institutional incentives for active national government involvement in these types of pre-event activities. The onus for most planning and preparedness ultimately falls on the states. Indeed, important federal agencies, most notably the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA), are only deployed in instances in which subnational units are overwhelmed. As such, a virtual mosaic of policy venues are involved in the governance of natural hazards, as every unit of state, regional, and local government has its own hazard profile and is marked by its own distinctive set of policy priorities.
Political Mobilization and Interest Group Competition
According to Schattschneider (1960), most political conflicts include a stronger party (the winning party) and a weaker party (the losing party). Given its advantaged position in the debate, the winning party ties to contain the scope of conflict. The winning party is reluctant to allow new groups to join the debate because new participants can only undermine the winning party's superiority. Instead they perpetuate existing problem definition claims, many of which already support their position, and obstruct any attempt to move the issue to a new venue
The losing party, by contrast, works to expand the scope of conflict. Conflict expansion requires that the disadvantaged party recruit new allies, ideally groups that were previously uninvolved in the policy conflict. Recruiting new participants helps the losing party overcome existing biases favoring the status quo—biases favoring the winning party. The disadvantaged group must communicate new narratives that challenge the ideas perpetuated by the advantaged party. The losing party must also access new venues, moving the conflict to institutions that are more receptive to new ideas (Schattschneider, 1960).
In some, but certainty not all, instances, natural hazards policymaking deviates from this pattern. Natural hazard or public risk domains are often characterized as lacking an organized public, meaning interest groups do not readily mobilize for policy change (Huber, 1985; May & Koski, 2013). Put differently, natural hazard domains tend to lack highly sophisticated and well-organized interest groups, at least relative to other policy areas like social welfare policy. This is partially a testament to the fact that, when it comes to natural hazard policy, there is not an obvious redistribution of government benefits and goods. Nor does natural hazards policy typically impinge on private industries and interests. Instead natural hazard policymaking tends to be dominated by individuals with a very high level of technical expertise (e.g., emergency managers or scientists), many of whom have direct ties to government agencies and bureaucracies (May & Koski, 2013).
Birkland (1997) shows that this pattern is particularly pronounced in the hurricane and earthquake policy domains. He documents a very brief period of change in the composition of these domains in the immediate aftermath of a disaster. Victims and their families enter, but swiftly exit, the policy community. Some of them petition government for relief and redress. Others simply recount their experience. However, their involvement is relatively short-lived, and technical experts quickly reemerge as dominant actors.
This characterization does not accurately describe all natural hazard domains, however. Albright's (2011) study of Hungarian flood management documents widespread mobilization in the wake of disasters. Albright notes that a diverse array of groups entered the flood policy community after disaster, including environmental organizations, farmers, mayors, scientists, and water management institutions. This pattern, which stands in stark contrast to the pattern described by Birkland (1997), is attributed to a number of factors that, at the moment, were somewhat unique to the Hungarian case. For example, Hungary was undergoing a period of increased democratization and decentralization, which empowered a variety of groups to become more active participants in the policy process.
Widespread mobilization can occur in the United States as well. It is not uncommon for private interest groups (e.g., drug manufacturers, nursing associations, civil liberties groups) to coalesce around public health preparedness efforts (DeLeo, 2016). The policy debates surrounding the pandemic influenza, Ebola, and Zika outbreaks were marked by fairly widespread and diffuse mobilization by public and private actors. Some environmental hazards are also marked by widespread mobilization, as evidenced by the diverse array of environmental, industry, and even consumer groups that have staked out positions on issues like climate change. Recent developments suggest that this trend will continue. For example, a group of business leaders and philanthropists recently formed the Risky Business initiative, which aspires to publicize and assess the risks associated with climate change. Among its many initiatives, Risky Business has advocated for greater federal investment in climate adaptation programs in order to ensure climate-related hazards do not undermine long-term economic growth in the United States. While adaptation has only recently emerged as an important agenda item, the intensity and scope of this policy conflict will likely increase in coming years. Many coastal states are already entertaining large-scale property buyback programs in order to re-establish natural barriers between the ocean and more densely populated inland zones. As such, citizen groups will likely mobilize and object to being removed from their homes.
Mobilization is the proverbial linchpin that holds the agenda-setting process together. A compelling narrative, a new venue, and even a widely recognized problem are ultimately useless unless they energize organized interests, policymakers, and the general public. In the absence of mobilization, policymakers are unlikely to grant an issue space on the crowded government agenda. These difficulties are only magnified by the fact that most natural hazard domains are devoid of widespread interest group activity, a testament to the fact that few groups feel compelled to fight for stronger emergency management and preparedness programs.
Future Research Directions
Policy scholars have played a leading role in analyzing the political dimensions of natural hazards, giving rise to a wellspring of innovative contributions to the literature on agenda setting and policy change. This work has been instrumental in explaining the ways in which exogenous shocks and events influence agenda setting. It has provided important insights into the problem definition process, underscoring the important role crisis definitions and analogical discourse play in shaping policy narratives. It has drawn attention to the variety of distinctive political mobilization patterns that can occur before, during, and after disaster, in turn challenging some of the most entrenched assumptions about the nature of political conflict. More than just a contextual sidelight, natural hazards have featured prominently within the agenda-setting literature and have informed applied debates about the political dynamics emergency management. Indeed, in 2010, the Policy Studies Organization (PSO) launched an entire journal (Risk, Hazards & Crisis in Public Policy) devoted to the study of hazards, disasters, and public policy.
Still, much works remains. Save a number of exceptions, much of the literature on natural hazards and agenda setting focuses on policy change after disaster (DeLeo, 2010, 2016, 2017). Few studies have empirically examined agenda setting before disaster. Gradual onset hazards, like droughts, sea level rise, and emerging disease, often necessitate that policymakers at least entertain the possibility of proactive policy change. As noted above, the concept of problem indicators provides a useful bridge between these types of problems and the larger literature on agenda setting. However, more research is need on the relationship between indicators and agenda setting, especially in the area of preparedness policy.
There is also growing debate regarding the utility of using conceptual "silos" to distinguish between the various policy domains involved in the policymaking process. The September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center crystallized preparedness as an important policy goal for a number of issue areas. Policymakers in the United States adopted an "all-hazards" approach to risk reduction, which set out to reduce existing vulnerabilities to not only future terrorist attacks but an array of natural and man-made threats (Birkland, 2006). Such hazards include, but are not limited to, hurricanes, earthquakes, tornados, emerging diseases, and even the dangers associated with emerging technologies (May et al., 2011). Similarly, Boin et al. (2013) document the European Union's increased emphasis on managing transboundary crisis that "unfold across borders and have widespread consequences" (p. 101). Managing these types of transboundary crises demands horizontal or sector-spanning interventions that encompass actors and agencies from disparate policy domains.
The rise of all-hazards governance raises important questions about agenda setting in natural hazards domains. Scholars tend to narrowly focus on one or two rather specific domains when investigating the agenda setting process. However, an all-hazards approach raises the specter of trans-domain agenda setting or agenda spillovers that come to encompass multiple and often disparate policy domains (Kingdon, 2003). For example, Avery (2004) shows that September 11 helped elevate a number of public health issues, most notably bioterrorism policy, to the top of the congressional agenda. Similarly, the 2003 Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome (SARS) epidemic prompted China to enact one of the most sweeping reforms of its emergency management system in decades. The Emergency Response Law of the People's Republic of China restructured national and even local government authority to respond to an array of crises, including public health events, terrorism, natural disasters, technological incidents, and other hazards (Zhe, Chan, Liu, & Yeung, 2016). Scholars are only beginning to scratch the surface in terms of understanding spillover events and trans-domain policymaking. Under what conditions do events create spillovers? And, can events that occurred in one country influence agenda setting in another country? These questions, as well as scores of others, warrant consideration.
Agenda-setting research has also witnessed an uptick in interest in the relationship between the strategic use of political language and policy change. The Narrative Policy Framework (NPF) provides a comprehensive theoretical framework for empirically measuring the impact of language on agenda setting. It argues that political narratives constitute the primary vehicle through which interest groups communicate their policy goals. Shifts in narrative structure are assumed to correspond to changes in interest group belief systems. Agenda setting occurs when new narratives challenging existing policy regimes are accepted, thereby injecting new ideas into the policy process (McBeth, Shanahan, Arnell, & Hathaway, 2007). Aside from Crow et al.'s (2016) recent study, relatively little research has applied NPF to natural hazards and disasters. This omission is striking, given that NPF has emerged as an important theory of agenda setting and policy change. Scholars should fill this void.
Finally, while policy scholars—and indeed political scientists more broadly—have devoted considerable attention to policies aimed at mitigating climate change, far less is known about climate change adaptation, which works to reduce existing vulnerabilities to climate-related hazards. Climate adaptation policies have become increasingly important at the subnational level of government, as many communities are already suffering from increased climate-related hazards. Because adaptation often entails large-scale hazard mitigation programs (e.g., fortifying coastlines, reducing vulnerability to heat waves, flood insurance, etc.), scholars studying disasters and agenda setting are particularly well positioned to contribute to this important issue area. Scholars could begin by considering the flurry of policy activity at the state and local levels of government, including the recent proliferation of state-based climate adaptation plans. And although the United States national government has yet to enact a comprehensive climate change adaptation law, scholars are behooved to consider the ways in which this issue has permeated the regulatory agendas of executive departments and agencies, including the Department of Defense (DoD) and Environmental Protection Agency (EPA).
Natural hazards can serve as focusing events and provide an impetus for agenda setting and even policy change. At the time same, indicators and other measures can suggest the possibility of future threats to human health, the economy, and the environment and induce agenda setting in anticipation of an emergent hazard. But even in the most extreme instances, agenda setting is wrought with pitfalls. Political institutions can only process a finite number of issues at once. Natural hazards are rarely a top priority for busy policymakers. Overcoming this institutional inertia requires political savvy and, in some cases, luck. At a minimum, proponents of policy change need to access favorable venues, communicate persuasive narratives, and cobble together coalitions willing to advocate for government action. Shepherding issues onto the crowded government agenda is never an easy task, but natural hazards magnify these challenges by injecting uncertainty, fear, and scientific complexity into the policy process.
Suggested Readings
Baumgartner, F. R., & Jones, B. D. (1993). Agendas and instability in American politics. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.Find this resource:
Birkland, T. A. (1997). After disaster: Agenda setting, public policy, and focusing events. Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press.Find this resource:
Birkland, T. A. (2006). Lessons of disaster: Policy change after catastrophic events. Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press.Find this resource:
DeLeo, R. A. (2016). Anticipatory policymaking: When government acts to prevent problems and why it is so difficult. London: Routledge.Find this resource:
Jenkins-Smith, H., Nohrstedt, D., Weible, C., & Sabatier, P. (2014). The advocacy coalition framework: Foundations, evolution, and ongoing research. In P. Sabatier & C. Weible (Eds.), Theories of the policy process (3d ed., pp. 183–224). Boulder, CO: Westview Press.Find this resource:
Kingdon, J. W. (2003). Agendas, alternatives, and public policies (2d ed.). New York: Addison-Wesley Educational Publishers.Find this resource:
Pralle, S. B. (2006). Branching out, digging in: Environmental advocacy and agenda setting. Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press.Find this resource:
Sabatier, P. A., & Weible, C. (2007). The advocacy coalition framework: Innovations and clarifications. In P. Sabatier (Ed.), Theories of the policy process (pp. 189–220). Boulder, CO: Westview Press.Find this resource:
Albright, E. A. (2011). Policy change and learning in response to extreme flood events in Hungary: An advocacy coalition approach. The Policy Studies Journal, 39(3), 485–511.Find this resource:
Avery, G. (2004). Bioterrorism, fear, and public health reform: Matching a policy solution to the wrong window. Public Administration Review, 64(3), 275–288.Find this resource:
Baumgartner, F. R., & Jones, B. D. (1993). Agendas and instability in American politics. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.Find this resource:
Beard, A. (2000). The language of politics. London: Routledge.Find this resource:
Bell, M., Cifuentes, L., Davis, D., Cushing, E., Telles, A., & Gouveia, N. (2011). Environmental health indicators and a case study of air pollution in Latin American cities. Environmental Research, 111, 57–66.Find this resource:
Birkland, T. A. (1997). After disaster: Agenda setting, public policy, and focusing events. Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press.Find this resource:
Birkland, T. A. (2006). Lessons of disaster: Policy change after catastrophic events. Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press.Find this resource:
Birkland, T. A. (2010). Federal disaster policy: Learning, priorities, and prospects for resilience. In L. K. Comfort, A. Boin, & C. C. Demmchak (Eds.), Designing resilience: Preparing for extreme events (pp. 106–128). Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press.Find this resource:
Birkland, T. A. (2016). Policy process theory and natural hazards. In S. L. Cutter (Ed.), Oxford Encyclopedia Natural of Natural Hazard Science. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Available at http://naturalhazardscience.oxfordre.com/view/10.1093/acrefore/9780199389407.001.0001/acrefore-9780199389407-e-75.Find this resource:
Boin, A., Ekengren, M., & Rhinard, M. (2013). The European Union as crisis manager: Patterns and prospects. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press.Find this resource:
Brändström, A., Bynander, F., & 't Hart, P. (2004). Governing by looking back: Historical analogies and crisis management. Public Administration, 82(1), 191–210.Find this resource:
Burby, R. J. (2006). Disaster policy: bringing about wise governmental decisions for hazardous areas. The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Sciences, 604(1), 171–191.Find this resource:
Bynander, F. (1998). The 1982 Swedish Hårsfjärden submarine incident: A decision-making analysis. Cooperation and Conflict, 33(4), 367–407.Find this resource:
Cobb, R.W., & Elder, C. D. (1977). Participation in American politics: The dynamics of agenda building. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.Find this resource:
Cobb, R. W., & Ross, M. H. (1997). Cultural strategies of agenda denial: Avoidance, attack, and redefinition. Lawrence: University of Kansas Press.Find this resource:
Crow, D. A., Berggren, J., Lawhon, L., Koebele, E., Kroepsch, A., & Huda, J. (2016). Local media coverage of wildfire disasters: An analysis of problems and solutions in policy narratives. Environment and Planning C.: Government and Policy. Available at http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0263774X16667302.Find this resource:
DeLeo, R. A. (2010). Anticipatory-conjectural policy problems: A case study of avian influenza. Risk, Hazards, & Crisis in Public Policy, 1(1), 147–184.Find this resource:
DeLeo, R. A. (2016). Anticipatory policymaking: When government acts to prevent problems and why it is so difficult. London: Routledge.Find this resource:
DeLeo, R. A. (2017). Indicators, agendas and streams: Analysing the politics of preparedness. Policy & Politics. Available at http://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/tpp/pap/pre-prints/content-pppolicypl161600039r3 (print forthcoming).Find this resource:
Di Mascio, F., Natalini, A., & Stolfi, F. (2013). The ghost of crisis past: Analyzing reform sequences to understand Italy's response to the global crisis. Public Administration, 91(1), 17–31.Find this resource:
Healy, A., & Malhotra, N. (2009). Myopic voters and natural disaster policy. American Political Science Review, 103(3), 387–406.Find this resource:
Hoberg, G. (1991). Sleeping with an elephant: The American influence on Canadian environmental regulation. Journal of Public Policy, 11(1), 107–131.Find this resource:
Houghton, D. P. (1998). Analogical reasoning and policymaking: Where and when is it used? Policy Sciences, 31(3), 151–176.Find this resource:
Huber, P. W. (1985). The Bhopalization of American tort law. Issues in Science and Technology, 2(1), 73–82Find this resource:
Innes, J. (1990). Knowledge and public policy: The search for meaningful indicators. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books.Find this resource:
Islam, T., & Ryan, J. (2016). Hazard mitigation in emergency management. Waltham, MA: Elsevier.Find this resource:
Jenkins-Smith, H., Nohrstedt, D., Weible, C., & Sabatier, P. (2014). The advocacy coalition framework: Foundations, evolution, and ongoing research. In P. Sabatier & C. Weible (Eds.), Theories of the policy process (3d ed., pp. 183–224). Boulder, CO: Westview Press.Find this resource:
Khong, Y. F. (1992). Analogies at war: Korea, Munich, Dien Bien Phu, and the Vietnam decisions of 1965. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.Find this resource:
Kingdon, J. W. (2003). Agendas, alternatives, and public policies (2d ed.). New York: Addison-Wesley Educational Publishers.Find this resource:
Lehtonen, M. (2015). Indicators: tools for informing, monitoring, or controlling? In A. Jordan & J. Turnpenny (Eds.), The tools of policy formulation: Actors, capacities, venues, and effects (pp. 76–99). Cheltenham, U.K.: Edward Elgar.Find this resource:
Lindell, M. K., Prater, C., & Perry, R. W. (2006). Introduction to emergency management. New York: Wiley.Find this resource:
Majone, G. (2006). Agenda setting. In R. E. Goodin, M. Moran, & M. Rein (Eds.), The Oxford handbook of public policy (pp. 228–250). Oxford: Oxford University Press.Find this resource:
May, P. J., Jochim, A. E., & Sapotichne, J. (2011). Constructing homeland security: An anemic policy regime. The Policy Studies Journal, 39(2), 285–307.Find this resource:
May, P. J., & Koski, K. (2013). Addressing public risks: Extreme events and critical infrastructures. Review of Policy Research, 30(2), 139–159.Find this resource:
McBeth, M. K., Shanahan, E. A., Arnell, R. J., & Hathaway, P. L. (2007). The intersection of narrative policy analysis and policy change theory. Policy Studies Journal, 35(1), 87–108.Find this resource:
Nohrstedt, D. (2005). External shocks and policy change: Three-Mile Island and Swedish nuclear energy policy. Journal of European public Policy, 12(6), 1041–1059.Find this resource:
Nohrstedt, D. (2008). The politics of crisis policymaking: Chernobyl and Swedish nuclear energy policy. Policy Studies Journal, 36, 257–278.Find this resource:
Nohrstedt, D. (2009). Do advocacy coalitions matter? Crisis and change in Swedish nuclear energy policy. Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory, 20, 309–333.Find this resource:
Nohrstedt, D. (2011). Shifting resources and venues producing policy change in contested subsystems: A case study of Swedish signals intelligence policy. Policy Studies Journal, 39, 461–484.Find this resource:
Nohrstedt, D. (2013). Advocacy coalitions in crisis resolution: Understanding policy dispute in the European volcanic ash cloud crisis. Public Administration, 91(4), 964–979.Find this resource:
Pralle, S. B. (2006). Branching out, digging in: Environmental advocacy and agenda setting. Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press.Find this resource:
Pralle, S. B. (2009). Agenda-setting and climate change. Environmental Politics, 18(5), 781–799.Find this resource:
Rabe, B. (2004). Statehouse and greenhouse: The emerging politics of American climate change policy. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press.Find this resource:
Rochefort, D. A., & Cobb, R. W. (1994). Problem definition: An emerging perspective. In D. A. Rochefort & R. W. Cobb (Eds.), The politics of problem definition: shaping the policy agenda (pp. 1–31). Lawrence: University of Kansas Press.Find this resource:
Rose, A., Porter, K., Dash, N., Bouabid, J., Huyck, C., Whitehead, J., . . . West, C. T. (2007). Benefit cost analysis of FEMA hazard mitigation grants. Natural Hazards Review, 8, 97–111.Find this resource:
Sabatier, P. A. (1988). An advocacy coalition framework of policy change and the role of policy-oriented learning therein. Policy Sciences, 21(2), 129–168.Find this resource:
Sabatier, P. A., & Weible, C. (2007). The advocacy coalition framework: Innovations and clarifications. In P. Sabatier (Ed.), Theories of the policy process (pp. 189–122). Boulder, CO: Westview Press.Find this resource:
Sainz-Snatamaria, J., & Anderson, S. E. (2013). The electoral politics of disaster preparedness. Risks, Hazards & Crisis in Public Policy, 4(4), 234–249.Find this resource:
Schattschneider, E. E. (1960). The semisovereign people: A realist's view of democracy in America. Hinsdale, IL: Dryden Press.Find this resource:
Stone, D. (2002). Policy paradox: The art of political decision-making. New York: W.W. Norton.Find this resource:
Sturken, M. (1997). Tangled memories: The Vietnam War, the AIDS epidemic, and the politics of remembering. Berkeley: University of California Press.Find this resource:
Turnhout, E., Hisschemöller, M., & Eijsackers, H. (2007). Ecological indicators: Between the two fires of science and policy. Ecological Indicators, 7, 215–228.Find this resource:
Zhe, W., Chan, E., Liu, K. S., & Yeung, M. (2016). The disaster and emergency management system in China. Policy brief, Collaborating Center for Oxford University and CUHK for Disaster and Medical Humanitarian Response. Retrieved from http://www.hkjcdpri.org.hk/download/policy/PolicyBriefDisasterandEmergMxSysinChina.pdf.


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Paper artist Rogan Brown, featured previously here, finds an exquisite beauty in even the most deadly pathogens, of which he constructs astonishingly detailed replicas from thinly cut and layered paper. For Outbreak, he maps out a stunning typography of microbes, neurons, and human cells. Renowned for his fastidious process, Brown spends up to five months on a single piece, a true labor of love that serves as a testament to the reverence he holds for the organic world. Here, the smallest microcosms of the human body are expanded, made vivid and sparkling. In complex webs, they form an impressive interlocking network that is heartbreakingly delicate and fragile.
Where disease-causing pathogens and microbes are typically disparaged as unsavory or unclean, Brown's masterful and unparalleled craft recreates them in dazzling white, like organic snowflakes possessing endless wonderment. In a fast-paced culture increasingly dominated by technology, Brown draws inspiration from the likes of the romantic poet William Blake, who married his love for the earth with a thirst for the divine and mysterious in nature. While he begins from scientific sketches by biologists like Ernst Haekel, the artist ultimately surrenders to the currents of his own imagination, allowing for the warmth of the human mind to color and transfigure the microscopic forms that make up our bodies. After all, isn't our own evolution and living existence the most intricate and miraculous artwork of all? Take a look. (via Colossal)

subset: commoncrawl


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THE NSW government approved the controversial floating heliport in Sydney Harbour before it had asked about air safety or air traffic control regulations, documents obtained by Fairfax Media reveal.
In late November the government approved Newcastle Helicopters to run a floating heliport on a moveable barge in the harbour, without preparing an environmental impact statement, testing for noise, consulting the public or putting the plan to tender.
Now two letters sent by the director of the maritime division of the Roads and Maritime Services department reveal the government had not yet asked for basic information about air traffic control and aviation safety when it made the decision.
On December 4 the director, Tony Middleton, wrote to the Civil Aviation Safety Authority asking whether the heliport required CASA approval, whether CASA monitored helicopter operations over the harbour and whether the helipad had to be a ''minimum distance from residents and/or the shoreline''.
If there was no minimum distance, he asked ''how is the impact of helicopter noise managed?'' ''What regulations apply to the operations of helicopters controlled over Sydney Harbour?'' Mr Middleton inquired.
On the same day he wrote to Airservices Australia, which provides air traffic control, to ask whether it needed to approve or monitor helicopter operations over the harbour.
''Does such an operation require approval from Airservices Australia? Does Airservices Australia monitor helicopter operations over an area such as Sydney Harbour?'' he asked.
Both letters acknowledge that Roads and Maritime Services, which had already approved a permit known as an aquatic licence, had ''no jurisdiction over the helicopter services''.
A spokesman for CASA told Fairfax Media his organisation would need to see ''full details'' of the proposed heliport operation because ''a number of existing aviation safety requirements'' would apply.
He said CASA would need to provide ''detailed instructions'' on the landing sites, including ''suitable dimensions and clearance from obstacles''. ''In addition, aviation safety regulations prescribe certain distances from buildings and people for the starting and running of engines, including helicopter engines.''
There were also weight restrictions, flights would have to be restricted to daylight hours in good visual conditions and could occur only ''within designated helicopter lanes and float plane transit lanes, unless specifically approved by CASA''.
CASA would also need to audit the helicopter operation to make sure safety standards were met.
A spokesman for Airservices Australia said that organisation would not have any involvement with the heliport as flights would be below 1000 feet, and therefore outside controlled airspace.
Public opposition to the decision has grown since its announcement, with residents worried about noise, environmental ramifications and safety.
The federal Liberal frontbencher Malcolm Turnbull has labelled the decision ''reckless and undemocratic'' and called for it to be rescinded. But he said he was not accusing the Premier, Barry O'Farrell, directly ''as I have been advised that he was not privy to the decision which was taken administratively by the Roads and Maritime Services department without any consultation with him or with the cabinet.
''It is surely incredible that a group of bureaucrats would take it on themselves to grant helicopter landing rights, in the middle of Sydney Harbour, without any consultation with the general public,'' Mr Turnbull wrote on his blog.
The Roads and Ports Minister, Duncan Gay, has directed the department to review ''how such proposals are assessed and regulated''.


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This Ain't Right: Insane Old Man Acting Like A Wild Dog During Interview! (Wifey Looking Embarrassed)
Lld man on australian current affairs
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Elegant anti-UV umbrella
Scuderia Ferrari Store Exclusive
The rubberized band with a carbon fiber effect gives character to the elegant Scuderia Ferrari umbrella, which provides protection from UV rays.
The understated monochromatic design of this umbrella is enhanced by the rubberized band with a bold carbon fiber effect, featuring the tone-on-tone Ferrari Shield. This accessory is characterized by state-of-the-art materials and techniques: canvas with anti-UV treatment, lightweight, resistant fiberglass rods, and the innovative ergonomic shape of the handle. The Scuderia Ferrari umbrella is a stylish match for every occasion that is consistent with the passion for sport of the person carrying it.
- Diameter: 95 cm
- Aluminum structure
- Composition: 100% Polyester
We offer both Standard and Express shipping: choose the service that best meets your needs at checkout.
We provide an easy return service: just ship your items back to us with a shipping service of your choice within 30 days of delivery.


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A 'Panda' giclee print of an original illustration. This print makes a perfect gift for a friend or relative,and works great as a one-off piece or as part of a collection.
A3 Panda Print
A 'Panda' giclee print of an original illustration.
Additional information+
|29.7 x 42.0 cm
Meraki (Greek): When you leave a piece of yourself (your soul, creativity, or love) in your work. When you love doing something, anything, so much that you put something of yourself into it.
Founded in November 2015 I produce a range of giclee prints and cards from original illustrations inspired by wildlife and the art of making. Every print is sketched, designed, printed and carefully hand-finished to the highest quality in my London studio. All metallic detailing is painted by hand so each piece is unique. I ensure all materials are FSC certified, environmentally friendly and all paper is 100% recycled. With a unique selection of illustrations available in a range of colours and sizes you are sure to find the perfect gift!
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All items will be shipped within 1 working day of the order being placed. I am pleased to offer free UK shipping on every print in the Meraki Merki range.
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text: T20 World Cup 2016 has been started in India on March 8. 2 Teams will be selected from the 1st round to play against the Top 8 teams in the 2nd round. Afghanisthan, Oman, Ireland, Zimbabwe, Scotland, Netherland, Bangladesh and Hongkong are the beginners teams which plays the first round and from this 2 teams will be selected to Play Top 10 round with 8 other biggies. Group A is listed with India, Pakistan, Austalia and Newzeland and Group B Table is listed with Srilanka, Southafrica, Westindies and England. Bangladesh, Pakistan, Srilanka, Southafrica Afghanisthan already left from the Worldcup T20 2016 Tournament. As the tournament has started we have the T20 Worldcup 2016 memes and troll collections for you at one place here. Westindies is the champion of T20 2016. Also you can see Ind vs Aus Wolrdcup T20 Match Trolls and Memes and Westindies vs England final memes here


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No. 7 Baseball Tosses Shutout in Series Opener
BATON ROUGE -- No. 7 LSU (5-0) utilized a spectacular pitching display by sophomore Kevin Gausman Friday night to post a 4-0 win over Appalachian State (2-2) in the first game of the three-game series in Alex Box Stadium.
The Tigers host the Mountaineers in Game 2 Saturday with the first pitch scheduled for 2 p.m. Sophomore right-hander Ryan Eades (1-0) is slated to take the mound for LSU.
LSU has posted three shutouts in its first five games. The six runs allowed by LSU through five games is the Tigers' lowest total to start the season since the 1996 squad also gave up just six runs in its first five games.
Gausman (2-0) worked the zone and used his overpowering fastball to set up his changeup and knee-buckling curveball. The righty treated the hometown fans with one strikeout in each of seven innings of work, six of which recorded the final out of the frame.
The Centennial, Colo. native increased his scoreless streak to 12 innings in the process and has allowed eight hits in 13 innings so far this season.
Right-hander Aaron Nola sparkled in relief, closing the door in the eighth and ninth innings. The freshman allowed no hits and struck out four.
Catcher Ty Ross reached base four times and drove home one, shortstop Austin Nola scored twice and rightfielder Mason Katz added a single and a double for LSU.
Appalachian State starter Seth Grant (0-1) was charged with the loss, as he surrendered four runs on seven hits in 5.2 innings with two walks and three strikeouts.
"I thought we had to play really well tonight to beat a very good Appalachian State ball club," said LSU coach Paul Mainieri. "Kevin Gausman and Aaron Nola were superb tonight, and we were able to produce some key hits that gave us a lead. Tonight's game was basically the template for how we're going to have to play this year in order to be successful - great pitching and defense, and a determined, gritty approach at the plate."
LSU kicked off the scoring in the bottom of the second. Katz hit a leadoff single into shallow right and moved to second on a wild pitch. After Jackson Slaid and JaCoby Jones went down, Austin Nola drew a full count walk to put runners on first and second.
Ross delivered a base knock just inside the right field line and plated Katz in the process to give LSU the 1-0 lead.
Gausman surrendered his first hit of the outing in the top of the third, but the defense stepped up to prevent any damage. LSU turned a picture- perfect 5-4-3 double play.
Third baseman Tyler Hanover fielded the hard-hit grounder and flipped it to second baseman Casey Yocom, who overcame the hard slide and sailed an on-target throw to Grant Dozar covering first.
The Tigers' offense went back to work in the bottom of the third. Hanover sliced a leadoff single just inside the left field line. Yocom moved Hanover to second on a groundout.
Leftfielder Raph Rhymes punched a single to center and Hanover beat the throw to home by half a step to increase the lead to 2-0.
LSU added its third run in as many innings in the fourth. Nola drew a one out walk, his second of the contest, and advanced to third on Ross's second single of the evening.
Dozar's groundball back to the pitcher was relayed awkwardly to second and the subsequent throw to first was not in time. Nola scored from third on the play.
Appalachian State put a runner on third in the top of the fifth, but Gausman pitched his way out of the jam. He fired a full-count fastball to strike out Zack Briggs.
The Mountaineers threatened again in the top of the sixth. Appalachian State put runners on first and second after back-to-back two out singles. Gausman keeps his scoreless streak going and punched out his fifth batter swinging to end the inning.
LSU upped the lead to four in the bottom of the sixth against reliever Chad Farmer, who walked Ross on five pitches to put runners on first and second.
Pinch-hitter Jared Foster stepped in for Dozar against the left-hander and promptly plated Nola on an opposite field single in front of the LSU bullpen. Foster now has five RBIs in as many games although he has only started in one contest.
The Mountaineers almost got on the board in the top of the eighth. After Aaron Nola struck out the first two batters he faced, Hector Crespo hit a deep fly to left that was misplayed by Rhymes. Crespo reached third on the three-bag error, but Nola registered his third strikeout to end the threat.
LSU 4, Appalachian State 0 (Feb 24, 2012 at Baton Rouge, La.)
Appalachian State... 000 000 000 - 0 4 2 (2-2)
Pitchers: Appalachian State - Seth Grant; Chad Farmer(6); Tyler Moore(7); Jamie Nunn(8) and Jeremy Dowdy.
LSU - Kevin Gausman; Aaron Nola(8) and Ty Ross.
Win-Kevin Gausman(2-0) Loss-Seth Grant(0-1) T-2:24 A-10707
Weather: 55F and breezy
Actual attendance: 5,585


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Spiritual Life
Annual Holiday Service of Sacred Song & Verse
Date: 8:00pm - 9:00pm PST December 1, 2012 Location: Agnes Flanagan Chapel
Agnes Flanagan Chapel
The 40th annual Service of Sacred Song & Verse features traditional advent scripture readings, congregational singing of Christmas carols and wonderful holiday and sacred music. The theme this year is "Celebrating Stories and Songs of the Season." There will be vocal performances by the Lewis & Clark Cappella Nova with the Alumni choir and the Women's Chorus. An organ prelude and postlude along with brass music played by Columbia Brass will also highlight the program. Come enjoy a wonderful celebration of the season!


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HANG TIME HEADQUARTERS — We don't normally delve into matters concerning rookies, not with our main and rookie guru Drew Packham already on the case.
But it's been brought to our attention, courtesy of Kurt Helin of ProBasketballTalk, that the No. 1 overall pick in the June Draft will not go into this season as everyone's early favorite to win Rookie of the Year honors.
The player muddying up that distinction is Summer League Co-MVP and Portland Trail Blazers point guard Damian Lillard, whose grind from unheralded recruit to the sixth pick in the 2012 Draft is success story that resonates from his roots in his hometown of Oakland and all around the basketball world.
We left Las Vegas with the U.S. Senior Men's National Team in July, so the only thing we saw of the rookies is what we learned from DP's extensive reporting and what we could gather from the games on NBA TV. The one guy we did see up close, the aforementioned No. 1 overall pick Anthony Davis, looked pretty dang good in London in helping the U.S. win Olympic gold. So while Lillard will be the trendy pick for many, we're going to stick with Davis as HT's pick.
That said, Helin makes an interesting case for Lillard:
When I saw him at Summer League in Las Vegas he clearly was not. He was an explosive athlete. He can and did score and there were moments you pictured a Russell Westbrook like attacker. But he also showed way more polish as a rookie than scoring guards like Westbrook and Derrick Rose showed.
What is more, he goes on to a team with LaMarcus Aldridge and Nicolas Batum, as well as some other veterans. He's got a guy on the wing and an All-Star in the post to play off. Guys he can feed for open looks, guys who create lanes for him because the defense can't help. Yes, the talent he has to face (particularly at the point) is substantially better at the NBA level than Summer League, but he is in a position to succeed.
That is, if he is given the green light. If the goal of the Blazers coaching staff is to control him and not let a rookie make decisions, he will be limited.


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Our new Valentines Day Cards are quick and easy—but they offer lots of impact! The cards use graphics, text, and patterns to make a modern, sophisticated statement, all with just two cuts. Show someone you care with one of our 20 new designs.
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BFJWlogo needed a new logo design and created a contest on 99designs.
A winner was selected from 56 designs submitted by 12 freelance designers.
We need a sleek, professional looking logo for a new accounting firm.
We would like a logo that instills confidence and represents competence, leadership and integrity.
We are pretty much wide open as far as design, just needs to be professional looking.
We use the initials BFJW, LLP on most of our interoffice memorandum, but we also need the logo to include our full legal name, Bell Foster Johnson & Watkins, LLP
We would prefer the words CERTIFIED PUBLIC ACCOUNTANTS to appear somewhere in the design.
Need final files in vector format and also jpeg
- Full Name of Firm used in logo. BFJW, LLP could also be used, but is not mandatory.
- CERTIFIED PUBLIC ACCOUNTANTS used in logo.
- Professional; clean and crisp.
- Memorable; something that grabs your attention and puts us above the competition.
- Will be used as a logo on business cards, letterhead, website and perhaps on the outside of a building.
- Scalable.
- Please provide in a popular adobe app or equivalent vector format plus the exported graphics (JPG, TIF, and/or BMP).
- No Times New Roman.
- Not too many colors (2 or 3 is enough).
Find out how a design contest works or learn more about our logo design services.


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Trae Tha Truth "Street Life" Vlog 7 (Recovering After The Shooting Outside Houston Strip Club + Doing Charity Work With Bun B)
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Anju Saini acknowledged as internationally known psychic, whose work as a teacher and reader has established her firmly as an expert in many paranormal fields. She has been reading the Tarot from a decade and is considered to be one of the Brilliant Tarot Reader and Counselor, known for an excellent grip over the art of Tarot Cards Reading and trainings, Reiki Healing and Quantum touch classes.
KripaJyoti Nisha Singla (PGDBM) is a Spiritual master, Energy worker, Reiki Master, Theta Instructor, and a dedicated Artist who has been working in the field of healings, spirituality, counselling, relationship healing, family therapy and alternative medicine therapies from more than 12 years.
Past life Regression Trainer, Family Constellation Trainer, Theta Healing Trainer, Inner Child Work, Angel Therapist, Reiki healer, Hypnotherapy, Crystal Healing, Graphology, Tarot card reader & Astrologer
Radhika Chopra - Tarot reading, Graphology, Pythagoras system of numerology, Releasing of toxic emotions and events from energy field, Metaphor therapy, Access bars, Access body processes and Energy transformation of bodies, health, and spaces, Facilitator conducting Bars, Body process, Energetic facelift classes and Right Voice for You Taster.
Amanpreet Nagpal is an efficient, conscientious and caring counselor with extensive knowledge of facilitating empowerment, rehabilitation and guidance to clients who have experienced trauma and hardship.
Co - founded by four spiritual entrepreneurs, Soul Route is one of its kind life empowerment & transformation center offering full range of psychotherapy & alternative life enhancing services aimed at cultivating healthy & successful lifestyles.
G L Sampoorna, is a Psychologist, Therapist, Life coach, Heal Your Life Teacher - Trainer for India, Facilitator, NLP Master Trainer, Researcher, artist and author...
Sarlla Bhutodia is expert in multi modalities of healing, She is a strong self driven person with good interpersonal skills and has extra ordinary ability to understand the thought process of the conflict arising situations and facilitating the troubled with spiritual healing....
I am a practitioner of access bars and access body processes which were founded by Gary Douglas (Access Consciousness). These are techniques for working with the body that unlocks limitations and opens up a world of possibilities
Anybody who suffers from sleep disorders can count a couple of responses regarding this ailment. He might sound restless and irritated. He might even reveal the problems he faces due to the erratic sleeping patterns. Wake him anytime and what he wants more is just sleep. Mood swings and short tempered attitude are one of the most common signs of someone who suffers from sleep disorders. But if your craving to fight these disturbances and sleep peaceful, this page is just meant for you. One such ailment, which nabs everyone of us, at one stage or the other, is insomnia. It might be caused due to several reasons like depression, tension regarding job, family life, and sudden changes in the financial budgeting, lack of opportunities, pressure of performance, fear etc. Thus, with so many stupendous burdens agonizing everyone, the need of proper sleep and rest takes a backseat.
This is the reason why people who have been missing a good night's sleep, find themselves feeling tired, irritated and left without any energy. Soon, they reach a stage when they would do almost anything for a sleep without any disturbance. In the same manner, insomnia can be turned into chronic insomnia, if it happens to be continuous for more than three weeks. This can be caused due to stress, anxiety, and even chronic pain, which doesn't allow you to sleep easily. Chronic insomnia has to be treated through medical treatments, as soon as possible, because it is a symptom of even more grave ailments.
If you happen to find yourself waking up gasping for air, you might be suffering from a disorder known as sleep apnea. This happens when your air passage is obstructed, which does not allow oxygen to freely flow in, during your asleep. This can be caused by the constriction of tonsils, adenoids and muscles. Sleep apnea makes sure that your breath is cut off suddenly, due to which you wake up gasping for breath. It's very difficult to get back to normal sleep after this sudden jolt as it literally disturbs and shocks you. Thus, it turns out to be one of the most tiring effects of sleep apnea.
Another syndrome is the restless legs syndrome. In this, you happen to go to sleep and your legs suddenly jerk themselves and wake you up. This is more common in children and grown-ups. In the same manner, you might feel some sort of unpleasant sensations and tingling in your legs, which makes you want to move your legs, to get rid of that unpleasant feeling. In serious cases, you might not be able to fall back to sleep.
Sleep disorders are very common in children and teenagers. This is because they find it very difficult to go to sleep, as they are overtired, after being completely physically and emotionally exhausted, after the day. Their biological biorhythms, which are inherent, are quite delayed, making them resist sleep at a regular bedtime. For them, it is just 10 o'clock when it is actually one o'clock.
The more one grows older, the more time he spends being awake. In the same manner, older people begin to suffer more from insomnia, because the erratic biological patterns of the bodies, which change with time. Due to this, they don't find any difficulty in going to bed, early in the evening and waking up early in the morning. However, you should know exactly when to consult a doctor because of your fears of insomnia. If, you have not been sleeping regularly and keep awake for some time, suddenly without any rhyme or reason, it is time for you to consult a doctor. He's then going to diagnose the possible reasons for your problem and give you proper medications or behavioral treatments. These would assure that your symptoms do not get changed into chronic form.
The treatment of insomnia is quite difficult to diagnose, because one of the inconsistency in sleeping times, which is followed by fatigue. Some patients might even tell the doctor that they happen to be extremely tired - dead tired- in an exaggerated manner, even when they happen to be just ordinary tired. Other patients would not like to make a fuss, and even when they happen to be completely exhausted, they would not reveal the doctor that. That is the reason why there is a difference between what you think is insomnia and what you consider it to be So, before consulting the doctor, try tracking down your sleep patterns. You can note down details like the number of times you woke up and the various reasons for each wake up call.
You can mention whether you woke up grasping for breath, or due to the peevish sensation or due to the tingling sensation in your legs. At the same time, let your doctor know if you take any medications like blood pressure medicines, anti depressants, corticosteroids etc.
In a nutshell, the more you aggravate the symptoms of sleep disorders, the more trepidation nabs you. It's possible to cure these disorders if the panic button is pressed at the right time.


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2 Chainz Speaks on Touring With Drake & Nicki, Being Down With G.O.O.D. Music, How Often He'll Be Featured On "Cruel Summer" + More
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Generation Z grew up in the technological world, which means marketing to them must be more targeted than ever. Here are seven strategies for marketing to Gen Z.
How can a small business use LinkedIn to grow its marketing efforts? We can think of a few ways. Here's how to use LinkedIn to your advantage.
Fortunately, there is a plethora of ways to boost the success of your email marketing campaigns. Identify areas where emails fall short, then correct them.
With a more positive, fun environment, companies can save money with happier employees. Celebrate International Fun at Work Day and put these ideas into action.
If your business wants to have a strong marketing strategy, it should include YouTube. Here are five tips for using YouTube to market your business.
Every brand has a story, including yours. The key is to dig in and figure out how to share it. Take a look at how to successfully tell your brand's story.
The podcast audience is growing, so businesses are jumping on board with their marketing. We've put together a list of big benefits of launching a business podcast.
Whether you're a small business owner, marketer or workplace professional, there are lots of ways for you to jump on board the March mayhem of marketing.
Whether you're a CEO, manager or low-level business professional, employee retention matters. Here are five ways you can appreciate employees better.
There's no doubt about it: Webinars can increase your bottom line. Here's why.
How do you plan on using Valentine's Day in your marketing strategy? If you're not sure yet, here are some ideas for how to show marketing love this Valentine's Day.
Fortunately, there are ways to keep your current clients happy, satisfied and coming back for more. Here are six tips for better customer retention.
There is a way to make copywriting a priority and save money at the same time—boost your own expertise. Here are sure-fire ways to improve your copywriting skills.
Since people trust other people more than they do other businesses, if you want to gain customers, you must humanize and personalize your brand. Here's how.
When it comes to content marketing for your business, an eBook is a great step. If you're not sure where to start, here are some big ideas for your next business eBook.
There are a few things you can do this year to make sure your business resolutions last throughout 2019! Here are seven steps to make (and keep) New Year's resolutions.
Though we can never know what will come in the year ahead, there are ways to prepare for 2019. Here's how to set your business up for success in the new year.
Objective studies have shown the positive effect time off can have on a person's work. To explain, we developed six benefits of time off for the holidays.
To help you pick out the perfect presents for clients, we created a quick list of holiday gift ideas you can give every type of customer this season.
If you want your business card to turn into sales, then you must pay careful attention to how it's created. Here are five tips for designing an effective business card.
Of course, holiday income doesn't generate itself. If you really want to rake in the sales this holiday season, you have to prepare for it... through marketing.
The Stories feature on Instagram is a helpful tool any marketer can utilize. Here are some ideas for how to take advantage of Instagram Stories for business.
If you're not sure where to begin your marketing efforts this week, here are seven big ideas for you to take advantage of with Thanksgiving marketing.
Guest bloggers are a great way to incorporate new content into a business blog, without worrying about generating new ideas or writing the content yourself.
With election day right around the corner, there are a few ways your business can get on board the political bandwagon and market through the red, white and blue.


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NASCAR barely dodged a major disaster on Saturday.
How long the sport continues to remain so lucky in regard to the safety of its fans, however, remains to be seen.
The closing laps of the second-tier Nationwide Series season opener had already seen one major 13-car crash that sent driver Michael Annett to the hospital with chest injuries (where he was kept overnight Saturday for observation).
That, unfortunately, was just a prelude to what occurred at the checkered flag.
Tony Stewart came out of Turn 4 with the lead while being followed by a dozen other drivers jockeying for final position.
Regan Smith was attempting to block defending NASCAR Cup champion Brad Keselowski. One of the cars got sideways, triggering another massive wreck.
In the process, the #32 car of Kyle Larson got airborne and wound up going head-first into the catch-fence just before the flag stand at the start-finish line. Ultimately, both front tires and the entire front end, including the engine, went through the turnbuckles that held up the crossover gate, which helps to separate the race track from the seating area.
ESPN stayed on air to update the situation, showing mostly general views of the carnage. Already running over its allotted time (the red flag from the previous wreck lasted 20 minutes), the broadcast wound up preempting the entire first half of the North Carolina State-North Carolina basketball game.
Race-winner Tony Stewart and his crew elected to not hold a celebration in Victory Lane as the infield area became populated with numerous rescue vehicles. Meanwhile, various accounts were being reported by fans and the NASCAR media via social media, noting how several injured people were being backboarded and stretchered off into waiting ambulances.
This is what was known as of Saturday night:
- At least 33 fans in all were injured.
- Many of the spectators drove to hospitals on their own after the race.
- Six spectators were admitted with serious injuries and were classified as "trauma patients."
- Two fans were initially listed in critical condition, one being a child. One of the two critically injured patients was classified as having "life-threatening" injuries, but both have been upgraded to stable condition.
Meanwhile, NASCAR announced that the Daytona 500 will be run as scheduled on Sunday.
A couple of observations…
First off, thank whatever spiritual being you choose to believe in that this was the Nationwide event and not the Daytona 500. NASCAR should also feel lucky that the freak Juan Pablo Montoya v jet dryer crash/inferno last year did not occur near a seating area.
Since the Nationwide race was far from being a sell-out, the first dozen rows of the grandstand (which are traditionally the toughest sell) were sparsely populated. Had those seats been packed, like they would had been for a Cup event, there would have been several fatalities at minimum.
In the aftermath of the Nationwide finish, NASCAR attempted to not only block the ESPN race broadcast from being uploaded onto YouTube, but also the cellphone videos of fans in the section that was hit with the debris. Technically, NASCAR "owns" the copyright on everything that occurs inside track property even if not the network broadcast.
Those clips still wound up being shown on various websites and blogs. On this site (if it's still up), you can see the situation unfold in surreal fashion.
The video begins with the in-house audio from MRN Radio clearly being heard as the cars moved from Turn 3 into Turn 4 and towards the finish line. Normal cheering can be heard as the crash starts, then the debris showering the spectators.
The camera stays fixed on the section, while another spectator with a phone actually pans to the right. Fans start to ask each other if they're okay while others start waving for help.
The video ends with what appears to be a fan being attended to with the tire sitting on a seat immediately to the left. The tire, which cleared the fence, wound up one row behind and three seats to the left of the camera, approximately eight rows up from the track. Some debris reportedly went much farther, even into the upper deck.
With the entire front gone from his car, Kyle Larson immediately was able to climb out of what was left of his machine, and all the other drivers involved in the incident were uninjured as well. That is in itself a testament to the amazing safety changes the sport has made in protecting its drivers over the past decade. There have been even more spectacular crashes in recent years where the drivers all miraculously walked away.
A tip of the hat also goes out to the rescue personnel and first responders at the scene, who were already trained on how to deal with such events in a professional manner.
The real question, however, is how to make NASCAR's largest and fastest tracks – Daytona International Speedway and Talladega Speedway – safer.
By the mid 1980s, speeds had exceeded 200 MPH consistently at the two high-banked, 2 ½ mile+ venues. The final straw came when a car went airborne and nearly flew into the stands at a race in Talladega, the flash-point where NASCAR realized something must be done.
Since that point, what became known as "restrictor plates" were inserted in front of the engines of the cars. It has now been a necessity of racing at Daytona and Talladega for a quarter-century.
The end result is cars that will only go 190 MPH at their fastest. The trade-off is an event with three dozen+ cars going virtually at an identical speed and drafting off each other in packs in order to gain the crucial 2-3 MPH extra, or being quickly left behind.
Most events at Talladega and Daytona go most of the distance without incident, as competitors remain patient until the race nears the end. The final laps at the two restrictor plate tracks are now possibly the most exciting moments in sports ,,, but also the most terrifying – as noted in several Daytona 500 finishes in recent years.
In 2009 Brad Keselowski (who ironically was a principle in Saturday's incident) sent Carl Edwards into the fence at the end of the Talladega race, likewise sending debris into the stands and causing several injuries. The day after that race, esteemed Charlotte-based writer David Poole wrote an impassioned column that NASCAR must find a way to make racing safer not only for the participants but also for those buying tickets.
Among drivers, Tony Stewart has been the most vocal over the years speaking out against the inevitable carnage that occurs on the plate tracks.
The only possible solutions are ones that stock car racing fans might not like. By far the four most dangerous events out of the 36-race Cup schedule are Daytona and Talladega. You could remove those races from the schedule.
But that would mean no Daytona 500.
You could also remove all, or at least most, of the banking off of the two tracks. In essence that would result in turning Daytona and Talladega into Indianapolis and Pocono, which are both flat, 2 ½ mile tracks. The annual races at Pocono and the Brickyard (which are better suited for the open-wheeled cars) are traditionally the most drab on the NASCAR calendar.
Or, Daytona and Talladega could somehow be reconfigured to 2 mile ovals, the distances currently run at California and Michigan, without the cars going too far beyond 190-200 MPH.
They could also just take off the plates and let cars go 230-240 MPH at their own peril. Many have argued that it would actually make the event safer. Indy Car events have gotten to that speed with mixed results, as the G-Forces at those speeds can become unsafe. There was, of course, the fatal accident involving Dan Wheldon in a season-ending race at Las Vegas in 2011.
Another change that would mitigate the danger somewhat is a concept NASCAR introduced several years ago in response to criticism of races reaching their advertised distance under caution: the "green-white checkered flag." This ensured a race running for two laps after the end of the regulation laps scheduled. NASCAR then even tweaked the new policy to allow three attempts at a "green-white-checkered" finish.
I'm fine with the format – except at Daytona/Talladega. I would rather see a race finish under caution than a race that ends with numerous drivers and fans in potential harm's way. It should be noted, however, that Saturday's race was completed in the regulation 120 laps. Tt was not a "green-white-checker."
In addition, race tracks could also not sell tickets for the first ten rows, maybe even adding a second fence behind the first, although that would further obstruct some views. Attendance would be plenty high enough at Daytona without selling the tickets in the first few rows.
NASCAR drivers and crewman know very well the dangers of their profession, and the risk of injury or even death each time they get behind the wheel. They signed up for it, and many drivers in all forms of motorsport have paid the price throughout the decades.
Fans are another matter. If just once an entire car somehow made it over a fence and actually landed on spectators, NASCAR would be finished as a business and as a sport.
Hopefully the Daytona 500 will be run without further incident. I'm sure NASCAR will breathe a huge sigh of relief it that's the case.


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Even dating back to his days with the Panthers, the pain and anguish in Mike Duco's eyes was obvious.
He had a secret but just couldn't reveal it. UNTIL NOW. Also the fangs were a dead giveaway.
(Photo by canucks.com/Getty Images)
It started out as a curious observation. It grew into a fact-finding mission that shook the very fabric of the hockey world with a startling admission. What we discovered yesterday was not just one of the greatest revelations in the history of hackneyed, part-time Canucks blogging – it was one of the greatest revelations in all of history.
Vampires exist, and Vancouver Canucks farm-hand Mike Duco is one.
We didn't start this mission knowing what we would uncover, and how we would uncover it. In fact, this whole episode started out as nothing more than a photo caption contest.
My friend, colleague and fellow writer here at CanucksArmy, The Stanchion, offered up a question as a photo contest. "What the heck is happening in Mike Duco's Twitter profile picture?" This photo became exhibit A in our quest for the truth:
Based on my keen eye, and powerful sense of observation, I offered up this explanation: "I'm guessing that Mike Duco is head vampire, made a free kill and the others are baby vampires feeding on his leftovers." Then I followed up with: "And
@Duco1787 has kind of a glazed look in his eye cuz he's drunk on human blood. Boy, it really is a great avatar."
With this startling discovery now unearthed, it was clear that we had to share this information with the masses. Thus was born "#ducoisavampire". The Stanchion and I used this hashtag as a factfinding tool, and a method for fast information dissemination. Our savvy use of social media worked. As the Stanchion and I hypothesized further about Mr. Duco's vampire habits, it was clear that the photo and his Twitter status updates were revealing even more about his vampiricism. Duco was obviously desperate to rid himself of his burden, it became clear that his dark secret was weighing down on him like the World on Atlas' shoulders.
Then came the most startling piece of evidence yet, Duco tweeted a photo of his "true" appearance:
This is really the most shocking piece of evidence that Duco not only is a vampire, but is desperate to reveal his secret. He just couldn't break through and openly admit to his "vampire status" yet.
This photo clearly shows Duco in an altered state of mind and appearance following a huge binge of feeding on human blood. Pay close attention to Duco's eyes. They are overly dilated, an obvious indication in the Vampire world that a vampire has just gorged. Also, his skin his pale and he is very well-groomed. Two more signs that Duco is a vampire. His caption to this picture, as he sent it out on Twitter: "There is something different about this picture …..". Can you not hear the pain and anguish in his voice as he struggles to enveil his secret, but remains conflicted. Is the general public ready to embrace a Vampire pro-hockey player?
The Stanchion, completed some thorough archival research at the National Vampire Library of Ontario, and his thorough search unearthed this disturbing picture with the caption: "OK, see,
@Duco1787 isn't even hiding it anymore. Being pretty blatant at this point. " Yes, he is.
At this point all that was missing was a final admission… which we received yesterday.
Finally, after several weeks of research, hard-hitting journalism and flat-out badgering, Mike Duco revealed his secret.
"This is what I turn into at night….
#maybeiamavampire ….. "
And then, just moments ago, Duco opened another window into his secret world… "Those are some dark clouds
It is clear that there is a vampire war brewing, or at the very least, a battle with a platoon of some sort of unearthly creatures, be it werewolves or morlocks or what have you. All we ask, Mike, is that you be safe and be well in your fight with the unhuman. Also, avoid afternoon games and don't order steak when you go out for dinner.
How do you spell redemption? D. U. C. O.
Mr. Duco, we hope that you can rest well now that you have shed yourself of this burden. It surely must have caused you much anguish and heartache, keeping such a maddening, personal secret hidden for so long.
Sleep well, sweet vampire. Sleep well.
We've been informed that Sean Avery has indicated support for the inclusion of Vampires in the NHL. In the past, Avery has demonstrated a propensity to including others. This show of support for his blood-sucking brethren proves that Avery is a forward-thinking human, despite his often times over the line actions on the ice.