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Slavery in the South African Interior During the 19th Century
Summary and Keywords
The South African interior, roughly equivalent to the Highveld on the southern continental plateau, was in the 19th century a stage of numerous players and groups, acting in concert and in conflict with one another, as often dissolving as taking on board new members. The fortunes of Highveld inhabitants, occupiers, and passers-by fluctuated without periods of calm, and turned advantages to few. It was therefore not uncommon for the human flotsam and jetsam created by raiding, battles, and migrations, aggravated by drought and famine, to be subordinated by the survivors and forced to serve those with whom they had no prior allegiance or knowledge. Slavery in the interior was largely a by-product of staking out territory. Rather than generate slaves for sale in an external market, slavery on the Highveld was fed by the political impulse to aggregate followers and servants. An internal exchange emerged in some areas, and traders made a few transactions with coastal exporters, but the general pattern of enslavement was acquisition by raiding and distribution among raiders. The majority taken were youngsters and, to a lesser degree, women. As a rule, the menfolk were killed.
Keywords: apprenticeship, Boer, commando, Dutch-speaking, inboekelinge, inboekstelsel, Sotho/Tswana-speaking, South African Republic (ZAR), trans-Orangia, Trekkers
The Setting
The stage on which enslavement occurred was a vast, undulating grassland interspersed with waterways in the southern Highveld that originated in the Drakensberg Mountains and fed the Orange (Gariep) River coursing west to the Atlantic (see Figure 1). The northern Highveld, roughly north of the Vaal (Lekwa, Liqua) tributary to the Orange, was bordered by the Limpopo (Odi) River, circling north then southeast toward the Indian Ocean and whose tributaries drained a series of hill ranges stretching from present-day Mahikeng east-northeast via Tshwane to Polokwane and Makhado. Average rainfall on the Highveld ranged from under eight inches in the western Karoo-Kalahari to thirty-two inches on the plains and hills adjacent the Drakensberg Even the higher rainfall areas were subject to extreme summer temperatures and drought. Over the entire region in the 1800s, roughly two out of every five years were marked by inadequate rains. Where rainfall was higher on average, its inhabitants practiced agriculture alongside animal husbandry, growing mostly millet, sorghum, pulses, and melons—crops that could survive below-average rainfall. All Highveld dwellers nevertheless pinned their survival on their herds, principally cattle, along with sheep and goats, and on the hunt. The Highveld teemed with game, which provided meat (dried for preservation) and furs and skins to adorn the inhabitants and enable them to withstand the cold winters in this sub-Capricorn terrain. Trade in iron and copper manufactures and beads, along with intermarriages, linked communities of diverse origins and membership.
At the turn of the 19th century, communities established on the Highveld were competing for these resources in ways that had begun to unsettle broad areas. The causes of discord are unknown but, given the fragility of much of the Highveld climate, drought and famine were the likely drivers. Back-and-forth cattle raiding disturbed Setswana speakers in the northwest and created offshoots who migrated south toward the Orange. A form of militarization gave rise to powerful chiefdoms among the Setswana speakers of the present-day Magaliesberg and southern Botswana, as well as among Northern Sesotho (Sepedi) speakers in the Soutpansberg and Blouberg. Some chiefdoms, like the Kwena Makau of Kgaswane, were stable and built sizable stone-wall capitals for thousands of adherents, because they were situated in well-watered areas with rich soil. But in the southern Highveld, particularly in the drier trans-Orangia region, slave raiders making their way out of the Cape were already targeting communities.
One of the driving forces in introducing slavery into the interior were the Dutch-speaking sheep and cattle farmers and poor itinerant herding families on the Cape frontier. Of modest means and disconnected from the plantation slave-labor system anchored at the Cape, these farmers (Boers) and itinerants (Trekboers) met their sizable need for labor by enslaving the indigenous Khoekhoen (Khoi, also called Hottentots) and San (bushmen), usually acquired in commando raids with the connivance of officials. Neither had a defense against commando firearms and horses. "They were driven out of their own country," remarked John Barrow in 1801, "their children seized and carried into slavery."1 When passing through Boer and Trekboer territory in November 1804, Henry Lichtenstein observed in the Little Roggeveld near present-day Calvinia that children and female slaves were used in manufacturing sheep-fat-based soap, which sold handsomely at the Cape.2 As they moved across the Cape border into the interior, farmers' labor demands were met increasingly by Dutch-speaking communities of mixed descent based in trans-Orangia, who captured children from San and Setswana speakers and traded them to the farmers and Trekboers initially for cattle and later for guns, shot, and horses.
This pattern of slave raiding across the Cape frontier continued into the early decades of the 19th century without becoming a slave-trading system. Until the late 1820s, few of the communities were strong enough to control any portion of the southern Highveld for an extended period. Recurrent episodes of drought intensified competition for territory and visited famine on the weak. Pawning of children was not unknown. Raids for stock became endemic and generated young captives who could be exchanged for horses and guns in the Cape. Beginning in the mid-1820s and continuing for a decade, widespread insecurity on the southern Highveld was exacerbated by the predations of so-called Mantatee marauders churned up by migrations out of Kwa Zulu Natal, and followed by the peripatetic Kololo and Ndebele who decimated Tswana from the northern Highveld into the Kalahari. Not until the 1830s did the Cape frontier and trans-Orangia assume a more orderly state, when mixed communities such as the Griqua and Korana stabilized and resumed trading with the Cape. Before their interest turned to obtaining ivory from the Kalahari region, however, various subgroups indulged in raiding. When missionaries Thomas Arbousset and François Daumas passed through the present-day northern Cape in 1836, they were told by the Dighoya of Makuana of the attacks made on them by Piet Witvoet's Korana, "from which he has taken away in succession their herds of oxen, of sheep, and of goats, their millet, their maize, and even their children, to procure in exchange for those little slaves, powder, and brandy from the cape farmers, or from the smousen, or travelling dealers, who engage in such traffic."3 White farmers on the Cape frontier were also raiding for stock and children among the Sotho.
The tipping point for slavery's full-fledged advance into the Highveld interior was the piecemeal exodus of Boer families from the Cape by groups of white Dutch-speaking, slave-owning emigrants. Starting in 1834, with departures peaking two years later, this large-scale movement extended first into Natal before ultimately resettling most Boer families in present-day Orange Free State, North West, Limpopo, and Mpumalanga. Known in popular histories as "VoorTrekkers" and their combined exodus from the Cape as the "Great Trek," these parties of emigrants initiated a contest for control over the interior and its inhabitants that continued to the end of the century, and they pursued their goal in part with slave raids and inboekstelsel (literally, system of booking-in), an institutionalized form of slavery.
Slave Raiding: The Early Phase
The Trekkers lacked self-government beyond the loyalty of several families to a male leader, and most were illiterate and poor. The people and cattle they encountered on the southern Highveld attracted their avarice, and the guns, wagons, and horses they used to intrude gave the Trekkers the means to steal thousands of head and the youngsters to herd them. When these family groups combined for warfare, they proved formidable. The Trekkers realized soon enough that indigenous Highvelders were ready to team up with them to drive out erstwhile enemies and recover purloined cattle. Foremost among the common enemies were the Ndebele of Mzilikazi, based in the northern Highveld but whose amabutho (regiments) had driven Sotho and Tswana speakers south out of the area to huddle at Thaba Nchu. And the Ndebele stood in the way of various horse-mounted, gun-carrying groups wanting to tap the ivory fields of the Kalahari. These Griqua, Bastaards, Bergenaar, and Kora spoke both Dutch and indigenous Khoe and were often of mixed descent. Without firearms, Mzilikazi had been stung by a Bergenaar attack and quickly apprehended the Trekker threat. In August 1836, his amabutho attempted a preemptive strike at Vegkop, where Trekkers with their wagons drawn up in defense repulsed them at great loss. Their superior firepower now on display, within weeks the Trekkers had followers aplenty to launch an attack on Mzilikazi's northern Highveld capital at Mosega (near present-day Zeerust). Under Hendrik Potgieter and Gerrit Maritz, a Trekker force of a mere one hundred or so was guided and augmented by hundreds of Kora, Rolong, Taung, Hurutshe, Tlokwa, and Griqua. In January 1837 they struck Mosega.
Mzilikazi's rout at Mosega and subsequent relocation further north altered the terms of territorial competition. Many Sotho-Tswana began vacating the southern Highveld to return to their home territories in the present-day Zeerust-Mahikeng areas. Others who had previously perched on the fringes of present-day Rustenburg-Magaliesberg trickled back to their old haunts, while small parties of Trekkers moved north of the Vaal to seek trade connections with the Portuguese. Meanwhile, in the southern Highveld, remnant and incoming Trekker families began to stake out large tracts to graze their herds, raid their African neighbors for cattle and children, and encroach on the territories of established communities such as Mosheshewe's Sotho and Sekonyela's Tlokwa. Attempts to force their way into Natal ended with the annihilation of Piet Retief's party in February 1838 at Mgungundlhovu by Dingane's Zulu, followed days later by bloody attacks on Trekker encampments across the Thukela River in which hundreds died.
Anchored for a time in southern Highveld, Trekkers organized commando raids against the vulnerable. Their nemesis Dingane was among their targets, and in 1840, four hundred Trekkers joined Dingane's rival, Mpande to launch a devastating raid "with the intention and for the sole purpose of carrying off children." The raid netted four hundred youngsters.4 At the time, John Philip of the London Missionary Society alleged that "not only has an active slave-trade been carried on among the Boers in Natal … but it is well known that an active trade in children has been carried on between them and the Boers … from the Vaal River to the borders of the Colony."5
The Trekkers moved into the niches of a territory elsewhere beyond their control. To the west, they dared not challenge Kora and Griqua armed horsemen, who were formidable raiders in their own right, frequently seizing cattle, sheep, and goats from their neighbors. To their east the Trekkers were boxed in by the Maluti range of the Drakensburgs, where Moshoeshoe's Sotho had acquired guns and horses, too, in order to defend themselves and conduct punitive raids against smaller raiding groups, such as Sekonyela's Tlokwa, likewise armed. This disquieted region eventually drew in the British, who declared it a sovereignty in name, but without the means to impose their authority. They recruited Trekkers to join commandos against recalcitrant groups, but the Trekkers demanded booty in children as the price of their participation. After joining Bloemfontein's Major Henry Warden's attack on the Thembu in 1851, the Trekkers came back with sixty children. In the words of Volksraad member Joseph Orpen, "The Free State government is too weak to suppress [slavery as a domestic institution], though it makes a show of doing so, and, therefore, connives at it."6
Orpen was referring to inboekstelsel (literally, indentureship), the Dutch term for a system that the British called "apprenticeship." Derived from practices in the Cape, inboekstelsel placed youngsters in custody up to a prescribed age, upon which they were bound to be released (twenty-one for females, twenty-five for males). Hundreds, probably more, of the children captured in raids in the southern Highveld were ingeboekt (booked, registered) as weeskinderen (orphans), an apt description, because the children were registered by those likely responsible for killing their parents. Inboekstelsel was a legal veneer to disguise the complete control exercised over inboekelinge (indentures) whose chances of release were slender in a setting where farms were vast and isolated and law a distant, feeble presence. Selling inboekelinge was unpoliced, and "gifting" them to officials was especially appreciated.
The Sand River Convention (1852), an agreement between northern Trekker leader Andries Pretorius and the Cape representatives of the British Crown, had the effect of leaving inboekstelsel undisturbed in the northern Highveld. The Convention was signed after many Trekkers had left trans-Orangia to join others in the North, where conditions for acquiring land, cattle, and labor were more promising. Britain foreswore any administrative claims, recognized the independence of "emigrant farmers beyond the Vaal River," and promised to keep open the supply lines of arms.7 Though on paper the document prohibited slavery north of the Vaal, it was left to the Trekker-derived government, yet to be established, to enact this provision. Before the Zuid-Afrikaansche Republiek (ZAR) was proclaimed in late 1853, Trekkers north of the Vaal were in the habit of giving land to themselves and raiding for their neighbors for cattle and child inboekelinge.
Slavery and Slave Raiding in the Northern Highveld
Following the Convention, the future citizens of the ZAR stepped up their raids. In August 1852, a large commando under P. E. Scholtz attacked Sechele's Kwena and returned with three thousand cattle and six hundred captive women and children. In other parts of the trans-Vaal, raids were carried out against Sekwati's Pedi, Montshiwa's Rolong, Mapela's Langa, and Mughombane's Kekana. Press reports appeared in the Cape and Natal, and John Moffat and other missionaries alerted Bloemfontein of the raids. "The whole system pursued by the boers towards the tribes under their control was reducing them all to a state of servitude which could not be distinguished from slavery." Scholtz denied the charges. "[No] natives had been wantonly attacked, or that any tribe whatever had been assailed for the sake of plunder," Scholtz declared, adding that "there were many persons apprenticed to individual farmers but there were no slaves held by the emigrants." Those who returned with his own commando against Sechele, he said, had not been "claimed" by the Kwena.8 The fledgling ZAR adopted constitutional provisions against slavery and slave raiding to maintain the republic's innocence, but as it was being adopted, commandos were launched against Mapela's Langa (again), Gasebonwe's Tlhaping, Mahura's Tlhaping, and Mosweu's Kora. These and other raids beyond the northern and northeastern ZAR frontier netted hundreds of captive children. A short-lived slave trade also emerged in the eastern trans-Vaal between the Swati, who received cattle, horses, and dogs from ZAR Boers in exchange for children. Amid reports, denials, and fresh anti-slavery proclamations from ZAR leaders, slave raiding did not abate.
Captured children and women met the demand for domestic laborers in Boer farms taking shape in the fertile areas around Rustenburg (Magaliesburg), Pretoria, Swartruggens, and Zeerust. In contrast to the open grasslands in much of the interior plateau, the good soil and veins of reliable streams that flowed north onto the plains below the Magaliesberg hills and from other ranges feeding the Madikwe (Marico) River, attracted permanent Boer settlement. These areas, long inhabited by Tswana speakers of many totems, were unsettled for years by Mzilikazi's Ndebele, who acquired their cattle and their children. As Arbousset and Daumas observed, "His [Mzilikazi's] principle is to exterminate the men and women, and to bring up their children in the ranks of his soldiers."9 After the combined force under Potgieter and Maritz dislodged the Ndebele from their Mosega stronghold, the remnants of Tswana communities regrouped in their home areas. Before the ZAR came into existence, Trekkers had already asserted themselves as rulers of these returned Tswana, primarily to access their women as farm laborers, and to demand military service from the men as hulptroepe (auxiliaries).
Whereas Trekkers partnered with Sotho-Tswana and the mixed Griqua and Kora to raid in the southern Highveld, the Boers of the northern Highveld struck a bargain with the Tswana resettled where the Boers granted farms to themselves. The Tswana were expected to remain and live under the rule of their kgosi (leader by inheritance in the senior patriline, pl. dikgosi), whom the local commandant (kommandant) and field-cornet (veldkornet) recognized as kaptein (captain). As long as the kaptein delivered hulptroepe when commandoes were assembled and provided womenfolk to hoe, weed, and harvest, the kaptein and his followers were entitled to acquire and keep their guns, build their herds, and engage in trade. The commando raids launched on the frontiers of Boer settlement were accompanied by African auxiliaries, who took part in the fighting (often at the forefront) and returned with cattle of their own. As one kaptein boasted in his self-praise poem, "Pilane's son seizes cattle, he seizes people, too, the Famed One also seizes infants still at the breast, but the infants he seizes he does not keep, he gives them to the white men."10 Kapteins also safeguarded the inboekelinge in their area. When he visited the area in 1848, David Livingstone was told that when young inboekelinge attempted to escape, Mokgatle (the local kaptein) "caught runaway children and returned them to their owners."11 Not all kapteins and their followers complied. Many attempted to resist these labor demands, but the only success in exempting themselves derived from relocating outside the ZAR.
In the northern ZAR frontier area of Zoutpansberg, where a scattering of whites settled in and around Schoemansdal in 1848 and lived precariously for two decades, capturing and selling children (swart ivoor or "black ivory") was an important supplement to the (white) ivory hunting trade that sustained Schoemansdal's brief tenure. The number of such children far exceeded local Boer demands, and many there were destined for sale in the south as far away as trans-Orangia, if not further. Local authorities and ZAR officials in Pretoria connived in this traffic, which an 1866 estimate by local Lutheran missionaries put at one thousand captives annually. A few English traders also got involved. Rather than a system, acquiring children in the Zoutpansberg was opportunistic by nature and reflective of ad hoc relationships between Schoemansdal Boers and a plethora of African communities of varying strengths. Children were taken in raids, seized or exchanged in small proxy wars, bartered for, and even offered up as tribute. Guns were distributed to African allies and their skuts ("shots"), who hunted white and black ivory for their patrons. Immigrant Tsonga were played off against indigenous Venda to generate children captives. Obtaining children from African communities beyond ZAR boundaries occurred as well. As far away as present-day northwest Botswana and eastern Namibia, Boer traders were obtaining slaves as early as 1855. In 1869, Marico veldkornet Jan Viljoen and his two companions returned to his western ZAR district with seventy young swart wol ("black wool") purchased in Ngamiland from Lesolathebe of the Tawana.
Slavery on the Highveld
In the 19th century, all governments claiming authority in the interior or South Africa tolerated some form of slavery or forced labor and condoned acts of enslavement. Sotho-Tswana chiefdoms were hierarchical, and leaders (especially of large polities located in drier areas) subordinated San bushmen and Kgalagadi, Yeyi, and Subiya men, women, and children (balala, batlhanka, makoba, basarwa) and used them for herding, hunting, and domestic labor. As slaves they were exchanged and inherited. Tawana who sold children to Jan Viljoen for guns and horses had captured them in raids on subordinate Yeyei and Subiya. Ndebele's subsuming of captured children for future military service has been noted, and other societies incorporated war captives by attaching them to the dominant group.
Evidence has yet to surface, however, to show that these forms of coerced labor developed beyond occasional opportunistic exchanges within the region, or resulted in a supply of humans to coastal ports linked to ocean-going slave trading. Some few may have been traded in stages out of present-day northern Botswana via the overland route to Portuguese Benguela. For a brief period, the Gaza and Swati kingdoms sold captives to the Portuguese at the port of Delagoa Bay, as did Hendrik Potgieter—once—in 1844.
In the South African interior, by far the most populous slave element was the inboekelinge on the Highveld. Of the documented raids launched from the ZAR until 1869, roughly five thousand captives were taken, 62 percent of whom were children and 33 percent women. An 1866 observer in the ZAR estimated the number of inboekelinge held in the Boer community to be "at least 4,000."12 In the early years of the ZAR, raiders distributed captives among themselves, but markets in Pretoria and Potchefstroom emerged to deal with increasing inflow from the Zoutpansberg. Exchange values ranged widely from three to thirty British pounds, depending on age, gender, perceived attributes, and ready customers. Girls fetched the highest prices. Most, if not all, children were obtained to become domestic servants. "I have seldom seen a farmer's house," wrote an official who worked in the Transvaal between 1876 and 1878, "where there were not coloured female assistants of some kind or another."13
As a rule, inboekelinge were attached to large nuclear white families on isolated farms. Like domestic servants in plantation slavery societies, they lived alongside their owners and acquired skills associated with household and farm upkeep. Female inboekelinge did the cooking, laundry, child care, cleaning, knitting, tending the sick, and so forth. White families depended on them to look after white wives and children when the menfolk often were away hunting, going on commando, attending political gatherings, and tending herds. The inboekelinge boys who joined these trips were trained up as grooms, herds, wagon drivers, and oxen leaders. They also learned technical skills for maintaining homes and equipment as thatchers, smiths, carpenters, and masons. Inboekelinge functioned in a Dutch-speaking environment. In the rural ZAR, where only a few families acquired wealth of note, inboekelinge as a rule were isolated from others of their status, alienated from their African roots, and deprived of membership in anything resembling a slave community. They entered adulthood, in other words, as a mirror product of their owners' cultural, religious, and social world, where indeed they were relegated to an inferior status yet—by virtue of their new language, skills, dress, and religious upbringing, inboekelinge were encouraged to think of themselves as oorlamse (civilized persons), that is, divorced from and above the Africans around them. With the wealthier owners, oorlamse as a rule knew the catechism and were literate in the Bible.
The close association of inboekelinge with their owners rarely approached intimacy. Too little evidence is available to prove otherwise, but circumstances at farm homesteads seemingly mitigated against miscegenation. Sexual use of inboekelinge certainly occurred, but sharing accommodation with wives and daughters meant that poor men, black or white, had few chances of privacy. Boers wealthy enough to build separate housing for their servants were apt to safeguard their standing among their strict, churchgoing political peers; a mixed offspring would have ended their ambitions. Whites known to cohabit with blacks were shamed in public. Moreover, owners mindful of the law governing the release of apprentices encouraged young adult inboekelinge to marry and build small houses elsewhere on their farms as a way of retaining their services beyond the legal limit of the inboekstelsel.
Inboekstelsel generated work forces engaged in tasks largely other than field labor, which fell to local Africans. After 1868, when the Kimberley diamond rush got underway in the adjacent northern Cape, crop farming soon overtook hunting and stock raising as a source of income for white farmers in the ZAR. Boers thus faced increasing demand for seasonal labor but lacked sufficient inboekelinge to supply it, and fresh supplies were unobtainable. They thus put increasing pressure on military officials to pry women and men from surrounding Tswana-speaking communities to till, weed, and harvest a range of cash crops, including tobacco. Tensions arising between kapteins and kommandants over labor issues induced a number of Tswana groups to migrate beyond ZAR borders, most notably ten thousand Kgatla under kgosi Kgamanyane, who moved out of the Rustenburg district in 1870 and settled in Bechuanaland. At the time, Kgamanyane's people provided half the tax revenues raised by the ZAR from its African subjects. Concerned that other departures would undermine the ZAR, the Volksraad instituted measures to reign in military excesses and pay more attention to African grievances.
The End of Slavery
The inability of the ZAR to control its black residents and the rollback of their territory by resurgent African groups on the northern and western borders coincided with the eclipse of slave raiding. By the time Kgamanyane departed the ZAR, white settlers had abandoned Schoemandsdal wholesale to return south from the Zoutpansberg, ending the largest slave-raiding episode in the northern Highveld.
The ZAR struggled for years to divert British eyes from inboekstelsel but ultimately was unable to resist British interference in its internal affairs. The ZAR government formed soon after the Sand River Convention made a public show of honoring its commitment to prohibit slavery north of the Vaal River, including the necessary language in its constitution, issuing statutes to that effect, and refuting repeated charges from the Cape government. But letters, news reports, and tracts alleging raids, captives, and household slaves continued to appear in the Cape and Natal newspapers, and in British parliamentary papers. The poverty of the ZAR government and the lack of private capital created a vacuum drawing in English land speculators and town-based traders. Travelers' accounts gained worldwide readership. In the late 1860s, excitement over gold in present-day Mpumulanga pulled in more outsiders. Ultimately, with its sights trained on the potential wealth of the South African interior, the British moved into the ZAR in 1877 and declared it annexed as part of what planners saw as a federation of colonies stretching to the Zambezi. British presence sparked a Boer rebellion in 1880 and the restoration of ZAR's independence the following year. The Pretoria (1881) and London (1884) conventions recognized ZAR's autonomy, but with caveats, one of which specified "that no slavery or apprenticeship partaking of slavery will be tolerated."14
Though slavery's abolition as inscribed on paper had been ignored in the past, the letter of the law was now increasingly observed. From the early 1860s onward, missionaries arriving in the ZAR found ex-inboekelinge living in the towns and sometimes hired them to build their missions. Such devout Christians and proclaimed law abiders as Paul Kruger were known to marry off female servants approaching twenty-one years to local chiefs, in exchange for cattle. And some female inboekelinge in the towns were finding ways to escape through marriage or relationships with wagon drivers. Individual sales occurred, but releasing inboekelinge grown-ups grew more frequent out of necessity rather than as the result of law enforcement. Supplies of captives in any case had dried up, and marketplaces had closed down. The years of large single-family farms, massive stock holding, a hunting culture, and the use of the commando to raid for resources human and bovine were over by the time of Annexation, as was the need for a large retinue of domestic servants. Land speculation was becoming the surest path to wealth. And in 1884, when the ZAR signed the London Convention, the massive Witwatersrand gold reef was about to draw thousands of miners from all over the world and give rise to Johannesburg and nearby mining towns located a few kilometers south of the ZAR capital of Pretoria.
Ex-inboekelinge faced the future with narrow options. Their post-inboekstel history is difficult to track, except where they surface in correspondence and missionary records. Conditions they had endured before leaving inboekstelsel ranged from harsh punishment to relatively relaxed control over their daily routines. Yet, the confined environment created a dependency difficult to break free of. More than likely, inboekelinge couples who outgrew apprenticeship remained on the farms where they had been kept since childhood, or settled nearby, where they and their children continued to work for their former owners. Reintegration into African communities most likely occurred too, though on terms that often subordinated the ex-inboekelinge to inferior status. They lacked the legitimacy accorded to members of such communities through patrilineal affiliation, initiation, and marriage through bridewealth exchange. Those ex-inboekelinge who migrated to such Dutch-speaking towns as Potchefstroom clustered on the fringes and supported themselves through casual and domestic work. In towns they had access to sympathizers or, in the case of women, wagon drivers who were open to relationships and had the means to relocate a lover or spouse elsewhere.
Some missions in the ZAR appear to have had an open-door policy for ex-inboekelinge, whose skills, schoolchildren, and regular attendance at services supported mission settlement at a time when traditional African communities were reluctant to be associated in the eyes of disapproving Boers with these German, Swiss, and Cape outsiders and their strange ideas. Ex-inboekelinge were among the first catechists and evangelists on the Highveld. Dutch Reformed Church missionary Henri Gonin bought a farm (Welgeval) in the Rustenburg district to attract adherents and was joined by several oorlamse, or Christianized ex-inboekelinge. When Gonin moved his mission to a large Kgatla community, the oorlamse remained put. They commuted to Gonin's new station on the farm- Saulspoort to assist him, educate themselves in Setswana, and serve as teachers and evangelists. In time, the people of Welgeval took root as peasant farmers and multiplied as extended families. A few among them assimilated with the Kgatla, including the wife and mother of Kgatla chiefs, but the majority maintained a distinct identity. Culturally the Welgevalers blended their own synthesis of Dutch and African influences, creating a language featuring elements of Dutch, emerging Afrikaans, and Setswana. They married Western style with the bride in veil, but the two families sealed the arrangement with bogadi (bridewealth) in accordance with African tradition. The third generation departed farming for the professions and among them produced the first PhD in Setswana literature and the first writer of Setswana fiction. Younger generations, however, were sealed off from knowledge of their slavery past unless elders were prodded.
Discussion of the Literature
Until the 1990s, published literature paid little attention to slavery in the interior other than as a form of apprenticeship, almost never acknowledged to have involved coercion. In the Cape and other parts of the British Empire where slavery had been abolished, apprenticeship was understood as a transitory phase leading to freedom. Ex-slave populations lived under an appointed authority for a period of years on the assumption it would allow them the time and means to become self-supporting and negotiate labor contracts.15 Agar-Hamilton concludes that on the Highveld the Apprentice Law was adapted from the Cape apprenticeship system and "at bottom the law was one for the regulation of child labour." Agar-Hamilton acknowledges that a few illegal raids were carried out to capture children ("blackbirding"), and he singles out two persons in the Zoutpansberg who clearly were involved in slave trading, but he nevertheless discounts raids reported by missionaries and others and assigns blame for the number of "orphans" to Africans, especially parents and chiefs, who gave them away, exchanged them, or unnecessarily put them at risk. He makes much of the fact that the law on the Highveld expressly prohibited slavery and spelled out punishment for those who violated it. The state, though weak, was said to be not complicit.
Similarly, the conditions of "apprenticeship" were supposedly governed by laws that provided for good treatment. Though abuses occurred, punishment was meted out to those judged guilty. In Agar-Hamilton's view, apprenticeship was intended to allocate children to responsible guardians and "turn them to good account."16 In the same vein, Walker credits apprenticeship with taking care of orphans and "starving children" either abandoned by or willingly exchanged by their parents. "The Trekkers as a body were certainly neither slavers nor slave-owners."17 Exceptions were attributed to the ineptitude of Boer governments.18 The terms "apprentice" and "servant" persisted in the literature.19
Such coyness began to erode with Legassick, the first to refer to supposed apprentices and servants as persons "[seized] as captives … subordinated … or distributed or sold." Legassick also acknowledges that for frontier residents, "obtaining [arms and powder] generally meant selling cattle, or selling 'apprentices'"20 But Legassick and his peers hesitate to take the next step. Instead of slaves or slavery, they use such euphemisms as "serfs," "serf-like tenants," "dependents," "unfree dependents," "unfree servants," "debt peons," and "proletarians."21 A handful acknowledge "virtual slavery" on the frontier but attribute it to "individual acts of violence and brigandage" or, in the case of Giliomee, to "local coercion" of labor.22 In an unsourced paper, Trapido offers a brief summary of slave raiding and the use of "inboekselings" as slaves, but he, along with Bonner, Delius, and Wagner, who also provide evidence of slave raiding and trading connected to the Boers, exonerates the ZAR from institutionalizing slavery.23 Until 1988, the word "slave" went almost unmentioned.
When the turnaround came, it was sudden, and controversial. Julian Cobbing published an article claiming that historians had nimbly hidden the role of whites involved in slave raiding in the interior by pinning the blame for the resulting widespread turmoil—dubbed the mfecane or difaqane—on the rise of Shaka's Zulu.24 Cobbing's allegations referred, however, not to the documented raids carried out by Dutch-speaking Trekkers and the like but to English-speaking missionaries and officials funneling captives to the Cape. An ensuing academic kerfuffle culminated in 1991 at a major conference at the University of Witwatersrand, where Cobbing's thesis was savaged by a legion of international scholars, with the provocateur in absentia.25 The Cobbing controversy nevertheless served to draw attention to slavery away from the Cape, where it had been anchored for decades, and induced historians to take the preindustrial interior more seriously. Apart from studies of the Pedi, Swati, and Sotho, located on the edges of the Highveld, and of the Great Trek, little work had been done on Highveld societies as such. In 1994 the first collection of studies on raiding and slavery made its appearance.26
Since then, the history of slavery in the interior has fallen well short of becoming a field of study. Apart from several articles published by one of the editors of the 1994 collection, the only significant contributions have been a master's thesis on Ohrigstad and Lydenburg and a historical novel authored by the descendant of an ex-inboekelinge community after she accidentally discovered her slave origins.27 Recent general treatments of the interior ignore or barely acknowledge slavery.28 The causes of this apparent dismissal are not difficult to understand. Over the past four decades, South African historiography has shifted its primary attention from the colonial Cape to the industrialized, racialized late 19th century; to segregation and apartheid in the 20th century; and, since 1994, to the liberation struggle. Publications in Afrikaans remain tied to the Afrikaner and Boer experiences, and their authors outside academia are proliferating, while English research and publications are diverging thematically in a myriad of directions, including environment and ecology, gender, monument heritage, leisure, tourism, sports, and HIV/AIDS. Recent research is concerned overwhelmingly with the 20th century, the majority of which falls in the period after World War Two. Historians presently interested in earlier periods have dwindled and are addressing questions that oblige them to keep company with archaeologists rather than social and political historians.
Primary Sources
Conducting future research relative to areas where slavery existed requires special language skills. Most official documents and private correspondence of the time in the ZAR and Orange Free State were composed in 19th-century Dutch, and not always in legible or grammatical form. The bulk of these are reposed at the South African Archives, Transvaal Depot, Pretoria/Tshwane. The National Archives maintains an online search aide for all its repositories, but only the titles of the files are imported into the search engine database. It will take patience and time to explore this vast collection, with no assurance that all relevant files will surface. The correspondence of London Missionary Society missionaries, who were reporting incidents of slave raiding, is located in London at the School of Oriental and African Studies. However London Missionary Society missionaries were discouraged from operating in areas where inboekelinge were being obtained and put to work, because of the perception, largely accurate, that their contacts with the Cape and overseas could be used to put the Boer republics in a poor light. During the period of slavery, only German missionaries had the confidence of officials to run missions in the ZAR. Yet to be carried out is a full study of the missionary correspondence and reports submitted from the western Transvaal to the Hermannsburg Missionary Society and the Berlin Missionary Society.29 Missionary correspondence from the lone Dutch Reformed Church mission in the Rustenburg area has been studied, but the same has not been done for mission stations in present-day Mpumalanga. Dutch Reformed Church records are located in the Library of Stellenbosch University, Stellenbosch.
Further Reading
Agar-Hamilton, John Augustus Ion. The Native Policy of the Voortrekkers: An Essay in the History of the Interior of South Africa, 1836–1858. Cape Town: Maskew Miller, 1928.Find this resource:
Bergh, Johan S., and Fred Morton. "To Make Them Serve …" The 1871 Transvaal Commission on African Labour. Pretoria: Protea Book House, 2003.Find this resource:
Bonner, Philip. Kings, Commoners and Concessionaires: The Evolution and Dissolution of the Nineteenth-Century Swazi State. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1983.Find this resource:
Delius, Peter. "Recapturing Captives and Conversations with 'Cannibals': In Pursuit of a Neglected Stratum in South African History." Journal of Southern African Studies 36.1 (2010): 7–23.Find this resource:
Delius, Peter, and Stanley Trapido. "Inboekselings and Oorlams: The Creation and Transformation of a Servile Class." In Town and Countryside in the Transvaal: Capital Penetration and Populist Response. Edited by Belinda Bozzoli, 53–81. Johannesburg: Ravan Press, 1983.Find this resource:
Eldredge, Elizabeth A. Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa: Oral Traditions and History, 1400–1830. Rochester: University of Rochester Press, 2015.Find this resource:
Eldredge, Elizabeth A., and Fred Morton, eds. Slavery in South Africa: Captive Labor on the Dutch Frontier. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1994.Find this resource:
Etherington, Norman. The Great Treks: The Transformation of Southern Africa, 1815–1854. Harlow: Longman, 2001.Find this resource:
Hamilton, Carolyn, ed. Mfecane Aftermath: Reconstructive Debates in Southern African History. Johannesburg: Witwatersrand University Press, 1995.Find this resource:
Legassick, Martin Chatfield. The Politics of a South African Frontier: The Griqua, the Sotho-Tswana and the Missionaries, 1780–1840. Basel: Basler Afrika Bibliographien, 2010.Find this resource:
Morton, Fred. "Female Inboekelinge in the South African Republic, 1850–1880." Slavery and Abolition 26.2 (2005): 199–214.Find this resource:
Morton, Fred. When Rustling Became an Art: Pilane's Kgatla and the Transvaal Frontier, 1820–1902. Cape Town: David Philip, 2009.Find this resource:
Morton, Fred. "Family Memory and Historical Fiction: Botlhale Tema's The People of Welgeval." South African Historical Journal 62.2 (2010): 325–337.Find this resource:
Rasmussen, R. Kent. Migrant Kingdom: Mzilikazi's Ndebele in South Africa. London: Rex Collings, 1978.Find this resource:
Venter, Chris. "Die Voortrekkers en die Ingeboekte Slawe wat died Groot Trek Meegemaak het, 1835–1838." Historia 36.1 (1991): 14–29.Find this resource:
(1.) John Barrow, Travels into the Interior of Southern Africa in the Years 1797 and 1798 (New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1968), vol. 1, 285. Originally published London: J. Strahan, 1801.
(2.) Henry Lichtenstein, Travels in Southern Africa in the Years 1803, 1804, 1805, and 1806 (London: Henry Colburn, 1812), vol. I, 124.
(3.) Thomas Arbousset and François Daumas, Narrative of an Exploratory Tour to the North-East of the Colony of the Cape of Good Hope (Cape Town: A. S. Robertson, Saul Solomon, 1846), 210–211.
(4.) Joseph Millerd Orpen, History of the Basutus of South Africa (Mazenod: Mazenod Book Centre, 1979), 30–31. Originally an unpublished paper, 1857.
(5.) Quoted in William Miller Macmillan, Bantu, Boer and Briton: The Making of the South African Native Problem (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1963), 222.
(6.) Joseph Millerd Orpen, Reminiscences of a Life in South Africa from 1846 to the Present Day with Historical Researches (Cape Town: C. Struik, 1964), 155. Originally published Durban: Davis, 1908, two volumes.
(7.) George van Welfling Eybers, Select Constitutional Documents Illustrating South African History, 1795–1910 (New York: Negro Universities Press, 1969), 357–359. Originally published New York: George Routledge, 1918.
(8.) George McCall Theal, History of South Africa from 1846 to 1860 (London: Swan Sonnenschein, 1904), 348–349.
(9.) Arbousset and Daumas, Narrative, 187.
(10.) Excerpt from Kgamanyane's leboko. Isaac Schapera, Praise Poems of Tswana Chiefs (London: Oxford University Press, 1965), 66, 68.
(11.) Isaac Schapera, ed., David Livingstone: Family Letters, 1841–1856 (London: Chatto and Windus, 1959), vol. I, 236.
(12.) Parliamentary Papers, Correspondence Relating to the Alleged Kidnapping and Enslaving of Young Africans by the People of the Trans-vaal Republic, Gideon Steyn to Sir Philip Wodehouse, March 12, 1866, C. 4141 (London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1869), 4.
(13.) Alfred Aylward, The Transvaal of To-Day: War Witchcraft, Sort, and Spoils in South Africa (Edinburgh: William Blackwood and Sons, 1881), 150.
(14.) Eybers, Select Constitutional Documents, 472.
(15.) Wayne Dooling, Slavery, Emancipation and Colonial Rule in South Africa (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2007), 112.
(16.) John August Ion Agar-Hamilton, The Native Policy of the Voortrekkers: An Essay in the History of the Interior of South Africa, 1836–1858 (Cape Town: Maskew Miller, 1928), 169–195.
(17.) Eric Anderson Walker, A History of South Africa, 3d ed. (London: Longmans, Green, 1957), 281–282.
(18.) Cornelius William de Kiewiet, British Colonial Policy and the South African Republics, 1848–1872 (London: Longmans, Green, 1929), 105–107, 242–256. For others stressing weak Highland governments, not always with reference to slavery, see Leonard Thompson, "Co-Operation and Conflict: The High Veld," in The Oxford History of South Africa, I: South Africa to 1870, eds. Monica Wilson and Leonard Thompson (Oxford: Clarendon, 1970), 424–446; T. Rodney H. Davenport, South Africa: A Modern History, 2d ed. (Johannesburg: Western Printers, 1981), 106–107, 120–126; and John D. Omer-Cooper, A History of South Africa (London: Jonathan Curry, 1988), 95–97.
(19.) William Miller Macmillan, The Cape Colour Question: A Historical Survey (London: Hurst, 1927), 148, 164, passim; Johannes Stephanus Marais, The Cape Coloured People (London: Longmans, 1939), 18–19; Shula Marks, "Khoisan Resistance to the Dutch in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries," Journal of African History 131 (1972): 55–80; and Richard Elphick, "The Khoisan to c. 1770," in The Shaping of South African Society, 1652–1820, eds. Richard Elphick and Hermann Giliomee (Cape Town: Longman, 1989), 3–40.
(20.) Martin Chatfield Legassick, "The Northern Frontier to c. 1840: The Rise and Decline of the Griqua People," in The Shaping of South African Society, eds. Elphick and Giliomee, 360, 372, 376.
(21.) Martin Chatfield Legassick, "Gold, Agriculture, and Secondary Industry in South Africa, 1885–1970," in The Roots of Rural Poverty in Central and Southern Africa, eds. Robin Palmer and Neil Parsons (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1977), 176; Martin Chatfield Legassick, "The Frontier Tradition in South African Historiography," in Economy and Society in Pre-Industrial South Africa, eds. Shula Marks and Anthony Atmore (Harlow: Longman, 1980), 60–61; Legassick, "Northern Frontier," 368; Robert Ross, "The Origins of Capitalist Agriculture in the Cape Colony: A Survey," in Putting Plough to the Ground: Accumulation and Dispossession in Rural South Africa, 1850–1930, eds. William Beinart, Peter Delius, and Stanley Trapido (Johannesburg: Ravan Press, 1986), 56–100; and Clifton Crais, "Slavery and Freedom along a Frontier. The Eastern Cape, South Africa, 1770–1838," Slavery and Abolition 11 (1990): 190–215.
(22.) Shula Marks and Anthony Atmore, "Introduction," in Marks and Atmore, Economy and Society, 8; Clifton Crais, White Supremacy and Black Resistance in Pre-Industrial South Africa: The Making of the Colonial Order in the Eastern Cape, 1770–1865 (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 97; and Hermann Giliomee, "Processes in the Development of the Southern African Frontier," in The Frontier in History: North America and Southern Africa Compared, eds. Howard Roberts Lamar and Leonard Monteath Thompson (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1981), 86–87, 93.
(23.) Stanley Trapido, "Aspects in the Transition from Slavery to Serfdom: The South African Republic, 1842–1902," Collected Seminar Papers on the Societies of Southern Africa in the 19th and 20th Centuries (London: University of London Institute of Commonwealth Studies 6, 1974), 24–31; Philip Bonner, Kings, Commoners and Concessionaires: The Evolution and Dissolution of the Nineteenth-Century Swazi State (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1983); Peter Delius and Stanley Trapido, "Inboekselings and Oorlams: The Creation and Transformation of a Servile Class," in Town and Countryside in the Transvaal: Capital Penetration and Populist Response, ed. Belinda Bozzoli (Johannesburg: Ravan Press, 1983), 53–81; and Roger Wagner, "Zoutpansberg: The Dynamics of a Hunting Frontier, 1848–67," in Economy and Society, eds. Marks and Atmore, 313–349.
(24.) Julian Cobbing, "The Mfecane as Alibi: Thoughts on Dithakong and Mbolompo," Journal of African History 29 (1988): 487–519.
(25.) Select papers presented at the conference, themed "The 'Mfecane' Aftermath: Towards a New Paradigm," were later published. Carolyn Hamilton, ed., The Mfecane Aftermath: Reconstructive Debates in Southern African History (Johannesburg: Witwatersrand University Press, 1995).
(26.) Elizabeth Eldredge and Fred Morton, eds., Slavery in South Africa: Captive Labor on the Dutch Frontier (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1994).
(27.) Diderick Justin Erasmus, "Re-thinking the Great Trek: A Study of the Nature and Development of the Boer Community in the Ohrigstad/Lydenburg Area, 1845–1877" (MA Thesis, Rhodes, 1995), available at http://vital.seals.ac.za:8080/vital/access/manager/Repository/vital:2541; and Botlhale Tema, The People of Welgeval (Cape Town: Zebra Press, 2006).
(28.) Johan S. Bergh, Geskiedenis Atlas van Suid-Afrika. Die Vier Noordelike Provinsies (Pretoria: J. L. van Schaik, 1999); Carolyn Hamilton, Bernard K. Mbenga, Robert Ross, eds., The Cambridge History of South Africa, Volume I: From Early Times to 1885 (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 2010); and Paul S. Landau, Popular Politics in the History of South Africa, 1400–1948 (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 2010).
(29.) Hermannsburger archives are located in the Hermannsburg headquarters of the Evangelisch-Lutherisches Missionswerk Niedersachsen in Hermannsburg, Germany. For the Berlin Missionary Society, Ulrich van der Heyden, "The Archives and Library of the Berlin Mission Society," History in Africa 23 (1996): 411–427.


text:
Strawberry Parfait
- 1 quart strawberries, sliced (fresh or frozen; thaw if frozen before using)
- 1/4 cup sugar
- 2/3 cup Kemps Cottage Cheese
- 2 Tbsp Kemps Sour Cream
- 2/3 cup powdered sugar
- 1/2 tsp rum extract (optional)
- 1 cup finely crushed shortbread cookies (about 25)
- 3 Tbsp shaved dark chocolate
- 6 mint leaves
- In medium mixing bowl, combine strawberries and sugar. Cover and refrigerate for one hour.
- Combine cottage cheese, sour cream, powdered sugar and rum extract in a medium bowl. Mix well. Set aside.
- In 8-ounce parfait glasses, layer the cheese mixure (2 Tbsp) with cookie crumbs and strawberries, in that order. Repeat until parfait glass is full.
- Top with shaved chocolate and a mint leaf.
- Kemps Sweetened Instant Whipped Cream may also be used as a garnish, if desired.
- Chill parfaits for 2 hours before serving.
Serves 6
Per serving: 475 calories; 7.6 grams protein; 18.2 grams fat; 5.5 grams saturated fat; 72 grams carbohydrates; 381.2 milligrams sodium; 57.6 milligrams calcium; 3.8 grams fiber

subset: commoncrawl


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Health and fitness professionals in the spotlight
Holly Ireland is the new assistant general manager for the American Family Fitness Centers' latest location in Mechanicsville, Va. Ireland joined American Family Fitness in 2000 as a membership director.
Promotions abound at Precor: Joe Plastino is the new vice president of international sales and Chris Torggler is vice president of commercial sales. Plastino is a two-time participant in the Ironman Canada Triathlon and currently is training for the 2001 race. Torggler is a familiar face at Precor, joining in 1997 as national sales manager, and later becoming national sales director.
Life Fitness recently named Aat van Winkelhof executive vice president/general manager, international, succeeding Herman Rutgers, who has resigned. Van Winkelhof has more than 10 years experience at Life Fitness, and most recently served as vice president, international.


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Logo Design
Cloudiply endeavour to be an innovative, professional and responsive company, offering a comprehensive logo design service beginning with concept generation and progressing through design evolution until the final logo meets our clients requirements.
Most businesses require a logo or symbol of some description, this could be a single icon or multiple to form an identity, the logo is something your prospective customers will focus on, and with this in mind we work closely to create a unique and effective design for a wide range of clients.
If you would like to know more about the Cloudiply Logo Design Services please contact us by either phone on 0800 279 5462 or click here to send us an enquiry via email.
A selection of our most recent work
Pooch Perfect
Pooch perfect required a logo which was fun and visually represented their mobile dog grooming business.
The Retro Candy Store
The Retro Candy Store required a logo and identity design, along with Facebook promotion and strategy.
THe School App
Full identity and branding were undertaken for The School App iOS and Android mobile application.
Love Carnival
Love Carnival were looking for an Identity and brand for their new charity aimed at bringing the excitement of Carnival to a wider audience across the whole of the United Kingdom.
Fat Wedge
Fat Wedge are a startup business specialising in 2nd hand golf equipment, a modern, simple, and clean design was required to avoid the typical golf themed logos which are all too common online.
Date Event
Dateevent is a new startup company, looking to bring a new form of online dating to the public. We provided a complete service consisting of branding, design and web development, delivering an overall package that is responsive and versatile.
Toy Toggle
Toy Toggle required a unique, easily identifiable and fun identity for a new product they are developing. Strong type alongside a playful and versatile teddy device which will be used across all product branding and promotion.
Clean and simple was SOS Technologies request for their new Logo and Identity, a simple typographic treatment with a branding device directly related to the industry in which they operate.
PT Precision Engineering
PT Precision asked Cloudiply to modernise their existing identity which had become very dated. Introducing a new colour scheme and branding device, giving the identity the versatility it required to be an effective identity in the coming years.


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Third round of consultations on 2.6GHz auctions
Get your spectrum here, lovely spectrum, we got all sorts
Ofcom has announced a third consultation on the bidding process for 2.6GHz and 2010MHz, both frequencies being desirable for the next-generation telephony crowd including both the WiMAX and LTE standards.
The newly-available spectrum will be up for auction in 2008, but Ofcom started the consultation process in December 2006, producing its first draft process in August.
This latest consultation (pdf) incorporates the comments on that draft, and Ofcom's responses to them, as well as some changes to the details of the auction process.
The spectrum is expected to be particularly popular, largely because frequencies will be available in large blocks of 10MHz or 20MHz width, enabling a wide range of possible services. This is why the auction is taking so long to get organised. Details such as what information each bidder receives after each round of bidding (currently the amount of the other bids, but not who made them) are still up for discussion.
Each round is currently scheduled to take one day, the bidders getting to see afterwards what combinations everyone else was bidding for. They then have the option to change their own selection as well as the amount they're prepared to pay for it. This makes the auction process more complex, but should raise the maximum revenue - not because it wants the money, of course, but because that ensures the most efficient use of the spectrum, apparently.
Comments on the draft are welcomed until 1 February, and the auction should start in July.
For those willing to stretch higher, Ofcom has also announced (pdf) that applications for licences for 10GHz, 28GHz, 32GHz and 40GHz services must be received on 16 January 2008. ®
Sponsored: Becoming a Pragmatic Security Leader


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Miami-Dade police say they believe they have found body of Florida man who fell from plane
MIAMI – Miami-Dade police say they believe they have found the body of Florida man who fell from a private plane into the waters off South Florida.
Authorities said they presume the body is that of 42-year-old Gerardo Nales in a mangrove area Saturday morning but are waiting on official identification from the medical examiner.
The pilot of the Piper PA 46 called for help Thursday afternoon, radioing "mayday, mayday, mayday" and telling an air traffic controller that a door was open and a passenger had fallen from the plane. The aircraft had just taken off from Tamiami Executive Airport
Federal Aviation Administration officials said the plane was flying at about 2,000 feet, some eight miles southeast of the Tamiami airport.
Authorities said investigators have no evidence of foul play.


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Forms Jobs
Not only has Alex Ray's 4th-grade class adopted an intermittent stream behind Forest Park Elementary School, they recently decided to mark the storm drains around the school property. So, bright and early on a cool but sunny Monday morning, they left their classroom. Students took turns marking the drains, and assisting with removing the paper covers on the epoxy disks that fix the markers on or near the storm drains. Several industrious girls also picked up any litter that they found on the school grounds. These students know only too well that what's left on the ground will probably end up in the drainage area that they have committed to keeping clean. We all owe Mr. Ray's class a big thank you for helping to protect our environment.
Receive E-Mail Notification When New Information is Posted on this PageAs a member, enjoy the benefits of MyCityofWS, including your choice of newsletters, and notifications about events and site updates. Login and Manage Your Subscriptions Now.


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mountain, ND
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I've somehow managed to throw out all of my disposable containers... don't even ask. I'm struggling here with more stuff... personal stuff... it is what it is. I have an exciting announcement though! Click here to find out what! :) It's a doozy but a good one!
Roasted cabbage with bacon and roasted broccoli. Delicious, I tell you, abso-friggin'-lutely delicious. Mmm baby. Maybe not a bento but definitely what's for lunch ;)
Happy bento!!!


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Adapteva creates efficient, cheap microchip with help from Kickstarter
'Crowdfunding' puts a tiny, fast computer closer to production
The conventional approach in the computer business is to make the machines first, then sell them. But a Lexington start-up, Adapteva
, has rung up nearly $900,000 in sales of a computer it hasn't yet made.
"We have a market. We have a customer base and everything else,'' said founder and chief executive Andreas Olofsson. "The stressful part is we've already taken their money and now we have to go build them.''
To raise the money for his company's new computer, called Parallella, Olofsson turned to Kickstarter, the online "crowdfunding'' service that lets ordinary people invest money like venture capitalists. Visitors to the Kickstarter website can pledge small amounts of money to help launch businesses that appeal to them. Investors don't get a stake in the company; instead, they get the satisfaction of backing a bright idea, and, in this case, a chance to own one of the first Parallella computers.
Parallella uses a new, highly efficient processor that was designed by Olofsson's team. Like a high-end desktop computer, it can run billions of calculations per second. But while a typical PC uses 100 watts of power or more, Parallella will require just 5 watts. By connecting multiple units, a user could build a supercomputer that would be extremely energy-efficient.
Parallella won't cost much, just $99. But despite the attractive price, it may not be best suited for the typical home user. Instead, the target audience is sophisticated computer users, such as scientists, researchers, and technology developers, who can handle the ad-hoc aspects of Parallella. The "computer'' is really just a bare-bones circuit board about the size of a credit card, with connectors for a keyboard, hard drive, and network connection. An extra $20 buys a case.
The first units will be shipped this month, and production is scheduled to ramp up through the spring.
Among the first recipients: Kickstarter donors who put up $99 or more will receive a Parallella computer. Olofsson fell far short of his goal of raising as much as $3 million on Kickstarter, but the company got investments from more than 4,900 people around the world.
"We'd been struggling for years to get 10 customers,'' Olofsson said. "All of a sudden you see people come toward you . . . it was very rewarding.''
Olofsson, a former chip designer at Analog Devices Inc. in Norwood, launched Adapteva more than four years ago to design very efficient multicore processors. Each core on the chip can act as an independent computer, or it can share work with other cores, enabling the computer to complete a task much faster. Today's home computers generally have processors with four cores; the current Adapteva chip contains 16. A 64-core version has been developed for future production.
The new chip works alongside a standard A9 processor designed by ARM Ltd., a major producer of low-power processors for smartphones and tablet computers.
The Adapteva chip is extremely small — about one-tenth of an inch wide. At that size, it leaves out many circuits that other chips use to run operating system software or perform other tasks; instead Adapteva leaves such work to the A9 and focuses on specialized tasks such as sorting through vast databases in search of a single piece of information. By specializing, the chip can be made much smaller and more energy-efficient.
Jeff Milrod, chief executive of Bittware Inc., a Concord, N.H., maker of specialty computers for military and commercial users, was a fan of Adapteva even before the company turned to Kickstarter. Bittware invested $1.5 million in 2009.
"This was a chip that I thought was just incredibly awesome,'' Milrod said, "and we had to have it.''
Massimiliano Versace, director of the neuromorphics lab at Boston University, is trying to build robots that will use processors modeled after the human brain. Versace invested $100 in Adapteva because he believes the company's new microchip is ideal for his purpose.
"We need very, very tiny chips which suck very, very little power,'' Versace said. "I'm a strong believer in what Andreas is doing.''
Olofsson hopes to see Adapteva chip technology incorporated into cellphones, where it could deliver a major boost to processing power without draining batteries.
"People always need more performance,'' he said.


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Fox & Friends: Are We A "Free Country" If Businesses Can't Discriminate Against Gay Customers?
September 04, 2013 12:41 pm ET by Luke Brinker
Fox News continued its defense of anti-LGBT discrimination by businesses, conducting a one-sided interview with the owners of a now-shuttered bakery that refused to provide a lesbian couple with a wedding cake and suggesting that those who oppose anti-LGBT discrimination fail to display "tolerance."
On September 4, Fox & Friends invited Aaron and Melissa Klein, the co-owners of Sweet Cakes by Melissa. The Kleins closed their storefront in the wake of a civil rights complaint that alleged the couple violated the Oregon Equality Act of 2007, which prohibits discrimination against LGBT individuals in employment, housing, and public accommodations.
Co-host Steve Doocy suggested that refusing to serve the lesbian couple didn't indicate a bias against LGBT people, just opposition to same-sex marriage. "[Y]ou didn't refuse to serve gay people, simply the gay weddings, right?" Doocy asked Melissa Klein, as if the lesbian couple's sexual orientation was irrelevant to Klein's refusal to serve them. Klein undercut Doocy's suggestion that she and her husband lacked anti-LGBT animus when she replied that she "can't participate in the wedding" because "homosexuality is - the behavior - is a sin."
Making no distinction between personal religious belief and public business practices, co-host Gretchen Carlson then used the closure of Sweet Cakes by Melissa to question whether we're still a "free country":
CARLSON: So that's your personal belief and that's your husband's personal belief and in this free country we would think that there would be tolerance for your beliefs and for people who disagree with you. But what ended up happening, because I'm watching the video now of these protests and people outside with signs and you ultimately had to close your business.
Carlson's idea of a "free country," it would seem, is one where businesses can freely discriminate on the basis of customers' identities - but not one where citizens could stage protests and hold signs protesting bigoted discrimination.
Contrary to what Fox & Friends and other critics of anti-discrimination policies claim, laws like the Oregon Equality Act don't create "thought police" to threaten basic rights. If a business owner wants to believe that gays are sinful and depraved, that African-Americans are inherently inferior to whites, or that all Latino immigrants should be deported, there's nothing the government can do to prevent the owner from holding such views. What the government can do is ensure that the business owner doesn't engage in discriminatory business practices on the basis of them.
Fox's Starnes: Businesses Should Be Allowed To Discriminate Against Gay Customers
Fox's Bream Makes Third (Failed) Attempt To Smear A San Antonio Non-Discrimination Ordinance
Fox News: City Ordinance Protecting LGBT Employees Is "Reverse Discrimination"


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GROWMARK, Inc.WEBSITE PRIVACY POLICY(Effective August 1, 2011)
This website privacy policy ("Privacy Policy") describes the practices of GROWMARK, Inc. regarding Personal Information collected via its website at www.growmark.com (the "Website"). This Privacy Policy applies only to Personal Information that we gather or collect via the Website. It does not apply to any information collected offline or otherwise outside of the Website.
By accessing or using this Website you accept and agree to be legally bound by this Privacy Policy as it may be amended or supplemented from time to time. 1. THE INFORMATION WE MAY COLLECT When you visit our Website we may collect two types of information from you: (1) personally identifiable information about yourself ("Personal Information") that you voluntarily choose to disclose to us, and (2) information related to your activities on the Website that we automatically collect as you interact with the Website ("Website Usage Information"). (a) Personal Information You Voluntarily Provide to Us Generally, you can visit our Website without telling us who you are and without giving us any Personal Information about yourself. The only way that we collect Personal Information about you at the Website is if you voluntarily fill out an online submission form on the Website, or if you use one of the features on the Website for sending us an email. In such case, we will collect whatever Personal Information you voluntarily provide, such as your name, mailing address, e-mail address, phone number, resume, etc. For example, if you fill out an online submission form, we will collect whatever information you enter into the form and whatever files you upload. Likewise, if you send us an e-mail via the "Careers" page, or submit a question via the "Contact Us" page, you will be sending us your name, e-mail address, and any other Personal Information you choose to include in those communications. You are under no obligation to provide such Personal Information, but if you chose not to you may be unable to benefit from the specified features (such as newsletter subscriptions, order processing, or resume submission), to participate in a particular activity (such as sweepstakes or other promotions), or to communicate with us via the Website. (b) Website Usage Information We Automatically Collect When you visit the Website, we automatically collect certain Website Usage Information related to your activities on the Website. Website Usage Information may include your IP address, browser type and operating system, the domain from which you came, the page you are viewing, the time, and what you clicked. To collect Website Usage Information, we may utilize a variety of technologies, such as cookies (a small data file placed on your computer when you visit the Website), web beacons (small graphic images or other web programming code that may be included in our web pages and e-mail messages), embedded scripts (code that is designed to collect information about your interactions with the Website, such as which links you click on), or similar technologies. The Website Usage Information we collect may be used for a number of purposes, such as system administration, to help us understand the demographics of the visitors to the Website, to enhance the performance and usefulness of the Website, or to audit use of the Website. Website Usage Information is typically anonymous information, since it is not normally associated with you or your identity. However, if it is combined with your Personal Information in a manner that it is directly associated with your identity it will be treated as Personal Information under this Privacy Policy. (c) Children We do not knowingly collect any Personal Information from children younger than the age of thirteen (13). We will delete any Personal Information collected that we later determine to be from a person younger than the age of thirteen (13). 2. USE OF PERSONAL INFORMATION
We may retain and use Personal Information collected via the Website for various purposes. These include: (1) to communicate with you; (2) to respond to your inquiries; (3) to consider you for employment or otherwise process Personal Information that you submit through the Website; (4) to improve the Website or our services, or to customize your experience on the Website; (5) for our internal business purposes; and (6) for other purposes disclosed in this Privacy Policy, at the time you provide the Personal Information, or thereafter. We do use Personal Information collected via the Website for marketing purposes related to products and services offered by us and our subsidiaries and affiliates which may be of interest to you. 3. SHARING OF PERSONAL INFORMATION WITH THIRD PARTIES Third Parties Generally. We may share Personal Information collected via the Website with our subsidiaries and affiliates. We do not share Personal Information collected via the Website with other third parties for their own use unless such sharing is specifically authorized by you or is reasonably anticipated by the nature of the transaction (e.g., credit card data and related transaction data will be shared with credit card issuers and processors). Third Parties Providing Services on Our Behalf. We may share Personal Information with third parties who perform services on our behalf, solely for the purpose of providing such services. This includes, without limitation, third parties that may host the Website or operate certain functions or features of the Website, archive our data, send communications, analyze data, or create, or provide other services on our behalf. Business Transfers and Corporate Changes. We reserve the right to disclose and transfer Personal Information in connection with a corporate merger, consolidation, or restructuring, the sale of substantially all of GROWMARK's ownership interests and/or assets, or other corporate change, including, without limitation, during the course of any due diligence process.Legal Requirements and Law Enforcement. We may also disclose and transfer Personal Information to third parties: (i) where required by law; (ii) in the event we are required to respond to a court order, subpoena, discovery request, or other legal process, or if in our good faith opinion such disclosure is required by law; (iii) at the request of governmental authorities conducting an audit or investigation; (iv) to verify or enforce compliance with other agreements or policies governing the Website, or applicable laws, rules, and regulations; or (v) whenever we believe disclosure is necessary to limit our legal liability or to protect or enforce the rights, interests, or safety of the Website, its users or other third parties. We also reserve the right to report to law enforcement agencies any activities that we, in good faith, believe to be unlawful. Sharing of Non-Personal Information. We may share non-personally identifiable information, such as Website Usage Information or other aggregated user statistics, as well as anonymous information derived from Personal Information, such as de-identified user information, with third parties for any purpose. 4. SECURITY While we take steps to help protect and provide security for the Personal Information collected via the Website, no data transmission over the Internet, wireless transmission or electronic storage of information can be guaranteed to be completely secure. Please note that communications to us from the Website are not encrypted, that we can not ensure or warrant the security of any information we collect, and that using our Website to provide us with Personal Information is at your own risk. 5. CONSENT TO TRANSFER INFORMATION TO THE UNITED STATES The Website is operated in the United States and Canada. Information we collect will be transferred to, processed, and stored in the United States and Canada, and such information may be transferred between these countries from time to time. By using the Website or providing us with any information, you consent to this transfer, processing, and storage of your information in the United States and Canada, and to the transfer of information between the United States and Canada from time to time.6. CHANGES TO THE PRIVACY POLICY We reserve the right to change this Privacy Policy at any time. Any changes will be effective immediately upon the posting of the revised Privacy Policy. However, we will not use Personal Information collected via this Website in a manner materially different than what was stated at the time it was collected unless we receive your consent. 7. QUESTIONS Questions about this Website or this Policy may be directed to the webmaster via the contact page of growmark.com.


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Tone Trump - Over Freestyle
Tone Trump "Over Freestyle". Directed by 2 Much Films. New Blood Album/Movie Koming Soon! Follow @ToneTrump on twitter
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especially in characters that had radically different looks throughout the many iterations of MOTU.
Sorry but this effort to halt the 200X fans from getting what they want, while expecting people to respect what you want has got to end. Mattel has all but confirmed a 200X He-Man, it's happening. Get used to it, and get used to us asking for more.
Some may say that POP is unnecessary, or the Star Sisters, or a Filmation Accurate She-Ra. Some HAVE said that.
I don't want them wasting molds on Sea Hawk, Dylamug, Vultak, Granita, or Admiral Scurvy.
none of which I feel are important enough to merit a figure. But I'm not about to try to deny somebody something they want.


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VersaTables needed a new other design and created a contest on 99designs.
A winner was selected from 9 designs submitted by 7 freelance designers.
VersaTables.com is looking for an animation that will show the process of creating a custom design from beginning to end.
We are looking to create a flash animation about 600 px wides x 400 px high. The basic concept is to illustrate our ability to take a furniture design idea from beginning to end.
Show group of people sitting around a conference room … a light bulb
should appear above the center of the table, representing an idea.
2. Flash to VersaTables Logo and Price Quote
3. Moves onto a auto cad of the product being sketched… in fast forward
and into a 3d modeling type screen showing the product morphing into
3d.. and then a rough rendering.
4. Finally we would want to move into something that shows our
manufacturing and production of the product and finally a finish
We can help by providing a couple of parts for the animation.
- Complete flash animation illustrating the project.
- Fake Cad Sketch, Fake 3d Sketch of product (the animated process)
- Find pictures to show the board room, and manufacturing process
Half completed job


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Is there a posing guide for photographers online for free? I have looked around and there are some videos but I am looking for something extremely useful. Is there a book you may be able to recommend?
So we have a wedding to shoot in Galway in October... now we have to scout the area still.. but I was wondering if anyone knew any great spots to shoot the bride and groom in or around Galway.
I do apologize if I have posted in the wrong spot.. if so please feel free to move me :)
I would like to buy a bag in which I can securely store my lenses and back up cameras during weddings. What do you use?
I know assistant is the solution who can watch your bag but a lot of time is is just not feasable. Also, I can carry all the cameras and the lenses on me but it is impractical...
Some shots I took of the bride and bridesmaids getting ready for the wedding:
Ross and I did our first wedding shoot this past summer. It was for his niece Kristal, and we did it for free as a wedding gift. Ross said I was in charge of the whole thing, since I'm the one who agreed to do it LOL
I was really nervous and wanted to make sure we did a great job... after...
Do you use umbrellas for for group photos during weddings? Do you have a before (without the umbrella setup) and after (with umbrella) shot so we can see the difference?
Do you also send out these emails? :):):)
With the rising costs of weddings today, it is becoming more and more difficult for brides and grooms to afford the wedding of their dreams. I AM ONE OF THOSE BRIDES!
As a result, I am looking to secure sponsors in order to help offset the cost...
I think that delivering a lot of wedding or engagement photos to clients can be overwhelming...How many images do you usually deliver to clients after an engagement session or a wedding?
1. Most important, a wedding photographer should have sufficient amount of batteries, memory cards, flashes, etc. You will need a back-up camera and backup lenses. Make sure you do have a back-up camera because you may be sued if your camera fails. Have a wide angle lens, and a long lens.
Sometimes it's weird how you get clients...Michele has been doing my ink for the last few years and always said "if I ever get married, you're doing the pics!" (She never thought she'd get married hahahahaha)
My daughter Rebekah got married January 1st of 2010!
I am such a proud MOM!!!:happy
Before the Wedding
My daughter Rebekah ~ The Bride, Heather ~ Maid of Honor (Front Right) and Sasha ~ Brides Maid (Back row). Rebekah and Sasha are my daughters by birth and Heather is my "other"...
A few from the last wedding I did for a friend. Nothing much to tell a story here, just some pics thrown in a web folder to share with ya'll (to prove I've been doing something - I swear!)
The last 2 in this set posted I like...but I'm not sure if anyone else will. I like the grain, and since...
figured i would get around to sharing a couple shots from my first paid wedding. it was actually a pretty good time, real easy couple to deal with.
I didnt get to really do much pre-wedding, just a couple shots at the church so there arent any of the fun detail shots of the shoes and stuff...
Just a few...still going through these.
shot my first wedding over the weekend. getting around to posting some shots.
one for now with the benz, more to come later.
It was nice be able to do my first wedding for friends.
The past couple weeks working on a wedding album for my brother...I put my whole heart and soul into this!
Please be so kind as to give me a critique on it!!
Okay so I didnt know where to post this exactly.. I have some MAJOR phobia's about photoing weddings. I did one and it turned out awesome.. the next one... well it went less then good.. and none of it my fault.. but it was so bad that I vowed never to do another wedding. ANYWAY.. I was asked by a...
Here are some photos from the last wedding I did in August.
I cant say I was bored... more amused by this idea...LOL
Canon G7, Canon 580exII, Canon CP-E3, Canon Off-shoe Cord, Accuframe
Taken with a polaroid instamatic...LOL
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Say goodbye to remanufactured steering gears. PSC brings you the all new large piston ram assist Jeep replacement gear box. Featuring a large piston for more brute turning force and a 13:1-16:1 variable ratio for tight and accurate steering. Top it off with PSCs original billet end cap for the ultimate Jeep steering gear replacement.
Headquartered in Fort, Texas, Performance Steering Components (PSC) grew out of founder Tom Allen's business to re-manufacture rack & pinion steering gears originally launched over 30 years ago. He graduated to custom steering gear and system builds for off-road and racing applications and the business grew. Now, PSC Motorsports boasts over 200 dealers and its sales staff maintains an avid interest in off-road related innovations and events. 4WD carries a wide spectrum of PSC products for Jeeps including power steering conversion kits, Jeep steering boxes and Jeep hydraulic steering assists to keep your trips on and off the trail safe and smooth. Shop PSC Steering Now


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Got this at a garage sale August 2011.
Added it to the front collection of White Bird of Paradise and Travellors Palm.
Has a new leaf so its not all that bad but its hardly thriving.
Doesnt seem to be doing too well.
Not alot happened over the Xmas period really, but its still alive.
After 2 months in the ground, its doing OK but nothing exciting. Looks a bit shocked if you ask me, maybe it doesnt like it there.
I dont know that this was a vine until after its been planted.... Maybe I can still make it work there, I could get a trestle or something.


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Government needs to empower ATF
As President Barack Obama looks to reduce gun violence after the Connecticut massacre through reforms like reinstating the assault weapons ban, he and supporters of sane gun laws in Congress need to be equally serious about strengthening the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, the beleaguered agency charged with enforcing federal firearm regulations.
Ending the bureau's leadership vacuum is the first challenge. The bureau, which has been mired in a scandal over Operation Fast and Furious, the botched scheme to investigate gun trafficking across the Mexican border, has been without a permanent full-time director for six years – ever since the National Rifle Association convinced Congress that the position should require Senate confirmation. Obama's 2010 nomination of Andrew Traver, now head of the bureau's Denver division, has stalled for no good reason, except for NRA opposition and White House reluctance to wage a battle to fill the post.
It is a fight worth having. The current acting director, B. Todd Jones, who also serves as the U.S. attorney in Minnesota, is the fifth acting director since 2006. Obama has called on the Senate to make confirming a permanent director "a priority." But it will take a lot more than a polite request to break the logjam.
One immediate task for Vice President Joe Biden, who is heading the new White House group on gun violence that will report recommendations in January, is to focus on dismantling the senseless obstacles impeding the bureau's day-to-day functioning.
The bureau — which should have a lead role in protecting the nation from gun crimes — has been severely hindered by an array of NRA-backed legislative restrictions. For example, a 1986 law prohibits ATF agents from making more than one unannounced inspection a year on a gun dealer, a rule that serves no purpose other than protecting unscrupulous dealers. (As it is, a lack of agents means that a gun shop can go years between inspections.)
The same law makes it extremely difficult to pull the licenses of rogue gun dealers. The government must show not just that the conduct was intentional but that the violator knew it was illegal.
Language included in every ATF appropriations bill since 1979 has prohibited the bureau from putting gun sales records into a central computer database. That means workers at the bureau's tracing center often must call gun makers and sellers and go through paper files to identify the buyer of a gun linked to a crime.
Finally, the Tiahrt amendments, attached to federal spending bills, require the federal government to destroy the background check records of gun buyers within 24 hours of approval. That makes it very hard to identify dealers who falsify sales records.
On "Meet the Press" on Sunday, Obama reiterated his commitment to lay out a package of gun reforms quickly and put his "full weight behind it." In addition to a tough assault weapons ban, he should be pushing to bar sales of high-capacity ammunition clips and to close the loophole that allows felons and other buyers to evade background checks at gun shows. Empowering the ATF is another step that clearly needs to be part of his agenda.
The New York Times


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Haven't got that box but do you have permenantvfdclock plugin installed? If not you should be able to get it in the feed.
Might as well make a start on this section
Not sure if anyone can shed any more light on this -
On my mega the front display only shows 8 digits so when in standby i get the date and the the first 2 digits of the time. I believe this is simply a driver issue and therefore something openvix aren't likely to fix with the amount of boxes i guess their firmware covers.
Does anyone know of any solutions to this? or even a setting i can change so that the front panel only shows the time and not the date ??
Haven't got that box but do you have permenantvfdclock plugin installed? If not you should be able to get it in the feed.
may be a bit different but some of the openatv front display are broke, well they are on the zgemma, maybe try opendroid see if its the same
also whats in system setting, usage and gui led display set up??
can you not use the lcd 4 linux pluggin on your box scrap that its a vfd display thought was lcd
Last edited by dan5284; 02-07-2017 at 20:51. Reason: info
tm twin tm800 hd orbital 80cm tm 2600 motor and tm f3/5 openbox c4s gigablue quad plus & gibertini op 150 vbox 18"super powerjack
Amazing, just re setup my box in place of an old freeview box in my lounge, installed some updates from the last few days and now the option to use 12 digit display is in the Front Display options .
Only a minor thing but looked odd before and now at least when its on standby (which is most of the day) it shows fully the date and time.
Thanks for the replies.


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By ,
Published January 13, 2015
Hiromi Mogi fired a 4-under 68 on Sunday to secure a victory at the World Ladies Championship Salonpas Cup.
Mogi carded five birdies and a single bogey and finished the event with a 9- under-par total for her first major title on the LPGA of Japan. It is the sixth JLPGA victory of the 36-year-old's career.
The next closest competitor was Miki Saeki, who ended at 7-under-par at Ibaraki Golf Club West Course. She was seeking her third JLPGA win of the season.
Overnight leader Rikako Morita took third place at 6-under, while 16-year-old Lydia Ko secured best amateur status with a minus-5 total. So Yeon Ryu and Ji Woo Lee also finished at 5-under.


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|From the boat
Today another group of Syrian and Palestinian refugees were arrested during a fail attempt to emigrate illegally from Egypt to Italy in one of a ship from Alexandria. It is not the first but today things went from bad to worse. The coastal guards opened their fire on one of those illegal emigration killing two of the refugees "30 years old and 50 years old" in the boat and injuring other refugees including a lady.
The rest of the refugees "about 100" were detained in inhuman conditions at the Monatzah 2nd police station. By the way another group of refugees "about 70" were arrested also today while they were at one of the cafes near the port.
I know what those refugees do from legal perspective totally illegal , totally wrong. They did a huge mistake and they will be deported eventually but instead of Italy, they will have other choices like Turkey, Jordan or even Syria.
I know they did a huge mistake against law , still my dear follow Egyptians we have been committing sins since last July against those Syrian guests who found in Egypt some safety heaven they did not find in any other place. These people were trying to escape from our country even if it would cost their lives for God sake !!
Since July 2013 and most of the Syrian refugees are being punished as a price for what the Muslim brotherhood did and for all the rumors on how Hamas and Syrians are helping the Muslim brotherhood. They have been the price for what the MB had done from using their independence flags and their songs in Raba'a sit in.
They have been paying the price for the media incitement against them.Thanks to the media and its current icons from racists like Youssef El Hossainy "on ONTV , a channel that once supported the Syrian revolution" and Tawfik Okasha.
Even Egyptian politicians participated in this shameful campaign like Mostafa El Gendy , the leading member of The Constitution Party who called to people to kill Syrians and Palestinians on the spot at the popular Checkpoints !! El Gendy is the head of the Public diplomacy delegation in Nile Basin countries by the way.
Syrians and Palestinians have been arrested in checkpoints in Egypt and some of them are still deported despite having a residency permit and refugee cards.In July and August Some Syrian families were afraid to go to the streets. Kids were attacked, Syrian restaurants and workshops in October and Damietta were attacked as well. It was like hell.
Now some Syrians fear to speak in their accent in the street to avoid harassments.
Syrian activist Rami Jarrah made this video showing how even Syrian kids are harassed in Egypt by other Egyptian kids who refuse to play with because they are Syrians. One of those kids , Mahmoud is among the Syrians who are currently detained in the police station with his family. They were among the families arrested in today's boat incident.
Reem Magued and Yosri Fouda are in a leave now and we do not know when they will come back.
I believe that the Egyptians will stop that blind hate and collective punishment when they see something different like for instance the crimes committed against Syrians "legal refugees" in Egypt documented at the UNHCR. Very sad stories that kill me.Those people did not flee war to be treated like that while they used to treat Egyptians generously in Syria in the past.
I do not understand at all how the media is claiming that Egypt stands with Syria because we were one in the past while it spreads hate towards the Syrians in Egypt at the same time !!
Rami Jarrah, the famous Alexander Page launched a petition to stop racism against Syrians.
There is also new campaign on the Facebook aimed to show solidarity with the Syrian refugees.
I am truly sorry and ashamed for what is happening to our Syrian brothers and sisters in Egypt nowadays.
I am extremely angry too and feel hopeless. I am angry because those people who came to avoid death in their country are now paying the price for the shit we made by our hands.


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Message Board
Prue Leith Message Board
Talk about the novels, new and used books that Leith has written!
Author Leith's Book Reviews
A Lovesome Thing
Dunne, Aug 2004, 23.95, 352 pp. ISBN: 0312326173 Middle-aged Sam Warren leaves his fortyish wife Lotte and their three children for a younger babe. Instead of crying at her loss, Lotte makes a major career move; she ends her work as an architect to study horticulture. Not long after she qualifies as a horticulturist, wealthy Irish business mogul Brody Keegan hires Lotte to work at his fifteenth century estate, Maddon Park. Lotte and her thre...
Dunne, Nov 2002, 23.95, 304 pp. ISBN: 0312287798 They grew up on a South African farm that was converted to a tourist game preserve, but relocated to England when their mother became ill. The older sister, the responsible Poppy, marries architect Eduardo, has two children with him, and they adopt a third. She also has cared for her mother while having success in the London theater. She seems to have a perfect life at least in the eyes of her s...


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Computer Information Systems (CIS)
The emphasis here is on business computing. Students take all the business classes (marketing, management, accounting) that form the business "core" and enhance that education with a variety of technical courses commonly used in a wide variety of businesses. Inter-personal and group communication is stressed in most of the upper level classes. Graduates are typically hired as Programmer/Analysts - they analyze Business requirements, evaluate alternative technologies, design effective solutions and present these to corporate executives. They apply existing state-of-the-art technologies to meet business needs that often result in more productive people/organizations .
Effective August 2013, the University has been accepted as a member of the SAP University Alliances. Headquartered in Walldorf, Germany, with locations in more than 130 countries, SAP AG is the world leader in enterprise software and software-related services. This allows us to access state-of-the-art technology and curriculum with great employment opportunities for our graduates. In the coming terms students will see a gradual introduction to understanding and using enterprise systems.
Core competencies: Programming, Database design, SQL, web technologies, business knowledge, teamwork and leaderships.
Hired by: Service industry, Manufacturing, and almost any organization that processes data. Some have chosen to operate as independent contractors.
Note: Like all Business programs in the college, the CIS program also has the distinction of being accredited by AACSB-International: The Association to Advance Collegiate Schools of Business. The process of accreditation is very selective and only 31.4% of the US Business schools are accredited.
Note: This information is based on the 2013-2014 Undergraduate bulletin. Please refer to the printed version for questions related to prior bulletins. Requirements for Honors program are NOT shown here.
Total curriculum requirements: 121-122 credit hours. - Download curriculum plan(s)
Minor in CIS (21 hours) - The department also offers a minor in Computer Information Systems for those interested
in the field, but with primary interest elsewhere. The courses required to complete
this minor include:
CSC101 - Introduction to Problem Solving Using Computers [Pre-req: Math ACT score of at least 20 or MAT097 or higher],
CSC199 - Introduction to Information Technology [Pre-req: Math ACT score of at least 19 or MAT096 (or higher)],
CSC232 - Introduction to Programming in C# [Pre-req: CSC101 or consent of instructor],
CSC125 - Internet and Web page design,
CIS307 - Decision Support Technologies [Pre-req: CSC101 and CSC199],
CIS317 - Principles of Information Systems Analysis and Design [Pre-req: CSC101]
and one course in CIS/CSC/TSM at the 3xx level or above (see bulletin for approved list).