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Struggling with Sciatica in Maplewood MN?
Medical professionals at hospitals often see patient visits from those suffering from sciatica. Countless individuals across the country deal with sciatica pain and search endlessly for relief. Often, the condition becomes more aggravated the longer it goes improperly treated. Our chiropractic clinic in Maplewood MN has put together the following information to clarify how best to manage sciatica and even find long-term relief.
Those who suffer from sciatica are all too familiar with the symptoms. Sciatica pain can range from mild to severe. The location of the pain is typically restricted to the lower extremities and can be intermittent in nature. It is not uncommon for individuals to feel the pain worsen if the condition goes untreated.
Sciatica in Maplewood MN
The regions of the spine that are most susceptible to being the root of sciatica problems are the lumbar and pelvic areas. At these locations, the delicate structures of the spine can make it challenging to find the root of the pain. Our staff is experienced at finding the root of your pain and afterward will work to realign your spine to correct the problem and relieve your pain.
Many of our patients before receiving treatment find that a simple task such as trying to tie their shoelaces kick-started their severe discomfort. It can seem that sciatica pain can suddenly affect people out of the blue, but the truth is that the root of sciatica develops over a long period of time and suddenly rears its head when the last needle breaks the haystack.
How Long Until My Sciatica is Treated?
The amount of time it takes for a patient to find relief from their sciatica can depend on a variety of factors, such as severity and length of time affected by the condition. It is not uncommon for some patients to find relief immediately while other patients respond after repeated, continuous treatments over a longer timeline. What drives healing is primarily the state of the spine and the discs within it that must be realigned. Thankfully, it is commonplace for us to help patients find relief much quicker than it took for them to develop the condition.
The number of Americans who go through risky medical procedures on their back is astonishing, with the number of fully successful surgeries woefully low. Some research shows that over a 5-year timeline, only fifteen out of every one hundred surgeries results in effective relief. You deserve better odds than that.
If you are ready to experience pain relief that lasts and avoiding costly surgeries that can irreversibly damage your back, contact the chiropractic team at Maplewood Chiropractic Health Center in Maplewood MN to take advantage of our new patient special.
8:00am - 11:00am
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8:00am - 11:00am
2:00pm - 6:00pm
8:00am - 11:00am
2:00pm - 6:00pm
8:00am - 11:00am
2:00pm - 6:00pm
10:00am - 2:00pm
Saturday & Sunday
Maplewood Chiropractic Health Center
1900 County Rd D E #150B
Maplewood, MN 55109

subset: commoncrawl


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In these years, Ohio changed from a virtually unpeopled frontier area within the Northwest Territory to the fourth most powerful state in federal elections. Its first significant elections were for the lower house of the Territorial Assembly in December 1798. Suffrage was restricted to adult males who owned fifty acres freehold (the most limited franchise in the nation), although Governor Arthur St. Clair extended the vote to those who owned town lots of comparable value. Voting took place viva voce at the county seat, under the supervision of men appointed by the governor, who also determined apportionment and could veto legislation and prorogue (postpone) and dissolve the Assembly. The upper house, the Council, was appointed by the president from a list of names drawn up by the house; Congress appointed the governor on the president's nomination. This authoritarian system was overthrown when Congress passed the Enabling Act of 1802, authorizing the calling of a convention elected virtually on the basis of manhood suffrage.
Ohio became a state in March 1803, operating under the constitution drafted in November 1802. That instrument gave little power or patronage, and no veto, to the governor, who was elected biennially. The all-powerful General Assembly was divided into two chambers: The House was elected annually by county constituencies, and the Senate was elected biennially, half the members each year, in districts made up of one or more counties. There were no property qualifications for membership in the Assembly. Every four years the state took a census of adult males and redistributed legislative seats, and congressional districts were reapportioned each decade immediately after Congress had reapportioned the federal House and electoral college. Beginning with the first presidential election in 1804, the electors were chosen by statewide popular vote. The right to vote was limited to white adult males who had been resident for one year and had paid a tax. However, because the state constitution defined compulsory work on the roads as a tax and all adult males between the ages of 18 and 55 were obliged to work on the roads (or buy a substitute), this amounted to a nearly all-inclusive franchise for white males. From the start, voting was by secret ballot, with ballots deposited in special locked boxes, and whereas under the territory, voters had had to travel to the few county seats to vote, people now voted at a central place in each of the rapidly multiplying townships.
This democratic electoral system produced elections that saw a surprising degree of partisan action and comparatively high—but fluctuating—voter involvement, especially after 1807 when the key elections began to coincide in even years. The Federalist predominance of the territorial period was overthrown in 1802—1803, and the then overwhelmingly dominant Democratic-Republican party soon divided along factional lines, notably over the role of the judiciary. In some parts of the state, the Federalist Party revived after 1807 but suffered a severe decline after 1816. As a consequence, nonpartisan elections became even more common, although old-party considerations operated in some local elections into the 1820s. In 1824 Ohio's first competitive election for the presidency saw turnout surge as voters began giving their allegiance to entirely new political formations.
Annual Report of the Secretary of the State to the Governor of the State of Ohio: including the statistical report to the general assembly for the year 1875. Colombus, OH: Nevins & Myers, State Printers, 1876. (Lists members of the General Assembly and their districts from the formation of the state)- Brown, Jeffrey P. and Andrew R. L. Cayton, eds.
The Pursuit of Public Power: Political Culture in Ohio, 1787–1861. Kent, OH: Kent State University Press, 1994. - Cayton, Andrew R. L.
The Frontier State: Ideology and Politics in the Ohio Country. Kent, OH: Kent State University Press, 1986. - Ohio Historical Society, Ohio Fundamental Documents Searchable Database,
http://www.ohiohistory.org/resource/database/funddocs.html - Ratcliffe, Donald J.
"Voter Turnout in Early Ohio," Journal of the Early Republic, 7 (1987): 223–251. Reprinted in New Perspectives on the Early Republic, ed. Ralph D. Gray and Michael A. Morrison. Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1994, pp. 269–297. - ________.
"The Mystery of Ohio's Missing Presidential Election Returns, 1804–1848," Archival Issues: The Journal of the Midwest Archives Conference, 17(2)(1992): 137–144. - ________.
Party Spirit in a Frontier Republic: Democratic Politics in Ohio, 1793–1821. Columbus, OH: Ohio State University Press, 1998. - ________.
The Politics of Long Division: The Birth of the Second Party System in Ohio, 1818–1828. Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 2000. - ________.
"The Changing Political World of Thomas Worthington." inThe Center of a Great Empire: The Ohio Country in the Early Republic , ed. Andrew R. L. Cayton and Stuart D. Hobbs. Athens: Ohio University Press, 2005, pp. 36–61. - Utter, William T.
The Frontier State, 1803–1825 , 1943 reprint ed. Columbus: Ohio Historical Society, 1968), Vol. 2 of Carl Wittke, ed., A History of the State of Ohio, 6 vols. Columbus: Ohio State Archaeological and Historical Society, 1941–1944.
What is today referred to as the Democratic Republican Party did not exist as such under that name.
"The party name which the Jeffersonians used most commonly in self-designation was Republican. Since nearly all Americans professed to be supporters of a republic, Federalists were reluctant to allow their opponents the advantage of this name, preferring to label them as Antifederalists, Jacobins, disorganizers, or, at best, Democrats." (Noble E. Cunningham, Jr., History of U.S. Political Parties Volume I: 1789-1860: From Factions to Parties. Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., ed. New York, 1973, Chelsea House Publisher. p. 240.)
"No precise date can be given for the establishment of the Republican party, for it did not spring suddenly into being, and even those leaders most intimately involved in its formation were not fully aware of what they were creating. The beginnings of what in course of time became the Republican party can be found in the Second Congress in the congressional faction that contemporaries referred to as the 'republican interest.' . . . An examination of roll calls during the Second Congress indicates that a voting bloc was forming around Madison in opposition to another bloc that united in support of Hamilton's program. While only about half of the membership of the House could be identified with one or the other of these factions, two such groups had not been observable in the First Congress." (Cunningham, p. 241)
"As members of Congress defended their legislative records and sought reelection, they took to the electorate the issues and the disputes that had divided Congress, and they tended in their campaigns for reelection to impart to the voters something of the partisanship that was developing in Congress. Thus, the party divisions in Congress filtered down to the voters through the electoral process, and voters came to align along the lines that divisions in Congress had marked out. In this process the congressional factions acquired the mass followings in the county necessary to transform them from capital factions into national political parties." (Cunningham, p. 244)
Though Thomas Jefferson was seen as the primary leader of the emerging Republican Party, his retirement in 1793 would force that mantle back upon James Madison. "Contemporaries referred to 'Madison's party,' and, when Jefferson was put forward for the presidency in 1796, he was recognized as the candidate of Madison's party. Adams's supporters warned that 'the measures of Madison and Gallatin will be the measures of the executive' if Jefferson were elected. Under Madison's leadership, the Republican party in Congress moved from a role characterized largely by opposition to administration measures, mostly Hamiltonian inspired, to one of offering policy alternatives and proposing Republican programs." (Cunningham, p. 246)
"As the country became dangerously polarized, the Federalists, in 1798 with the passage of the Alien and Sedition Laws, used the full power of the government in an effort to destroy their opponents, whom they saw as subversive. The Republicans, forced to do battle for their very survival, were compelled to change their strategy radically. Prior to 1798 they had optimistically believed that the people would repudiate leaders who supported antirepublican measures hostile to the general good of society. By 1798, however, the Federalists' electoral successes and their hold on the federal government seemed to belie that belief. Therefore, the Republicans shifted their focus of attention from the national to the state level. And by emphasizing a more overtly, self-consciously sectional, political enclave strategy, they left the clear implication that state secession and the breakup of the union might follow if the federal government refused to modify its policies and actions to make them more acceptable to opponents, especially Southerners." (American Politics in the Early Republic: The New Nation in Crisis. James Roger Sharp. New Haven, 1993, Yale University Press. p. 12)
"On the national level, Republican members of Congress through their informal associations in the national capital formed the basic national party structure. Many of them lodged together in boarding houses or dined together in small groups where there were ample opportunities to plot party tactics. They kept in close touch with political leaders and party organizations in their home states. In 1800, Republican members introduced what was to become the most important element of national party machinery and the most powerful device for the maintenance of congressional influence of the leadership of the party: the congressional nominating caucus." (Cunningham, p. 252)
"The coming to power of the Jeffersonians in 1801 marked the beginning of the Republican era that saw the presidency passed from Jefferson to Madison to Monroe. When the Virginia dynasty came to an end in 1825, the presidential office went to a former Federalist who had become a Republican while Jefferson was president. But, although John Quincy Adams was a Republican, the presidential election of 1824 shattered the Republican party and destroyed the congressional nominating caucus which had given direction to the party's national structure since 1800. Adams's presidency was a period of restructuring of parties - a transitional period from the first party system of the Federalists and the Jeffersonians to the second party system of the age of Jackson." (Cunningham, p. 258-259).
"During the period from its rise in the 1790's to its breakup in the 1820's, the Jeffersonian Republican party made contributions of major significance to the development of the american political system. It demonstrated that a political party could be successfully organized in opposition to an administration in power in the national government, win control over that government, and produce orderly changes through the party process. In challenging the Federalist power, Republicans were innovative in building party machinery, organizing poltical campaigns, employing a party press, and devising campaign techniques to stimulate voter interest in elections and support of republican candidates at the polls. In the process, it became acceptable for candidates to campaign for office and for their partisans to organize campaign committees, distribute campaign literature, see that voters get to the polls, and adopt other practices which, though subsequently familiar features of american political campaigns, previously had been widely regarded with suspicion and distrust. Many of the methods of campaigning and the techniques of party organization, introduced by the Jeffersonian Republicans, while falling into disuse by the end of the Republican era, would be revived by the Jacksonians. In taking office in 1801, the Jeffersonians led the nation through the first transfer of political power in the national government from one party to another; and Jefferson demonstrated that the president could be both the head of his party and the leader of the nation." (Cunningham, p. 271)
Additional Sources:
- History of U.S. Political Parties Volume I: 1789-1860: From Factions to Parties. Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., ed. New York, 1973, Chelsea House Publisher.
- American Politics in the Early Republic: The New Nation in Crisis. James Roger Sharp. New Haven, 1993, Yale University Press.
- Partisanship and the Birth of America's Second Party, 1796-1800: "Stop the Wheels of Government". Matthew Q. Dawson. Westwood, CT, 2000, Greenwood Press.
- Party of the People: A History of the Democrats. Jules Witcover. New York, 2003, Random House
Beginning in 1799, many Federalist papers began to refer to the Republican Party as Democrats or the Democratic Party. This continued throughout the first quarter of the 18th Century until what is currently known as the Democratic Party emerged among the followers of Andrew Jackson in the 1828 Presidential Election.
Republicans were also called by a variety of different terms in various newspapers throughout the period:
Though the Anti-Federalists were not quite the exact same group as the Republicans as they would develop after 1792, there were still some of those who referred to them as such. The term was used by the following newspapers in the following elections:
- Porcupine's Gazette (Philadelphia). October 22, 1798. Pennsylvania 1798 Assembly, Chester County.
- Virginia Gazette (Richmond). April 30, 1799. Virginia 1799 House of Delegates, New Kent County.
- The Virginia Federalist (Richmond). April 26, 1800. Virginia 1800 House of Delegates, Norfolk County.
- Virginia Gazette (Richmond). May 12, 1802. Virginia 1802 House of Delegates, Bedford County.
- Virginia Gazette (Richmond). May 12, 1802. Virginia 1802 House of Delegates, Pittsylvania County.
- The Salem Gazette. May 17, 1805. Massachusetts 1805 House of Representatives, Salem.
Democratic Republican:
Though the term is commonly used today to distinguish the Jeffersonian Republicans from the later Republican Party and because so many of those among the Jeffersonian Republicans eventually became Jacksonian Democrats, this term was extremely rare during the actual period. It was used by the Readinger Adler in the October 27, 1818 edition recording the 1818 county elections in Pennsylvania.
French / War / Warhawk / Jacobin:
Starting in 1798, various Federalist newspapers would refer to Republicans as Jacobins. ("In Newbern district the contest lay between two federalists -- No Jacobin had the effrontery to offer himself." United States Gazette. September 1, 1798.) These references continued through until at least 1810. ("From the Cooperstown Federalist: The election in this County has terminated in favor of the Jacobin Ticket for Assembly. An important revolution has been effected by the most shameful artifices. Never before were the jacobin ranks so completely formed and thoroughly drilled for action. We hope next week to be able to lay before our readers a correct statement of votes, and to exhibit to the world a picture of depravity in the conduct of some of the inspectors of the election which has no parallel." The American (Herkimer). May 3, 1810.)
Beginning in 1810, the Newburyport Herald (MA), began referring to Republicans as the French Party (as opposed to the "American" Party, who were Federalists). This continued in the 1811 elections.
Beginning in 1812 ("In laying before our readers the above Canvass of this county, a few remarks become necessary, to refute the Assertion of the war party, that the Friends of Peace are decreasing in this country." Northern Whig (Hudson). May 11, 1812.) and continuing through 1813 and 1814 a number of newspapers were referring to the Republicans as the War Party (or Warhawk Party, as the Merrimack Intelligencer (Haverhill) of March 19, 1814 used) due to their support of the Madison administration and the War of 1812 (most of these same papers referred to the Federalists as the Peace Party). These newspapers include the Trenton Federalist, the Columbian Centinel (Boston), the Northern Whig (Hudson), the Independent American (Ballston Spa), the Broome County Patriot (Chenango Point), the New York Spectator, the Commercial Advertiser (New York), the New York Evening Post, the Albany Gazette, the Political and Commercial Register (Philadelphia), the Merrimack Intelligencer (Haverhill), The Federal Republican (New Bern), the Freeman's Journal (Philadelphia), Alexandria Gazette, Poulson's, Middlesex Gazette (Middletown), the Raleigh Minerva and The Star (Raleigh).
Jackson / Jacksonian:
With the Presidential election of 1824 split among four candidates who were, ostensibly, members of the same political party, the divisions among the Republican Party began to be apparent.
The phrase "Jackson" or "Jacksonian" candidate was used in nearly every state election in Georgia in 1824 to distinguish between those were were supporters of Andrew Jackson as opposed to the supporters of William H. Crawford. The Maryland Republican (Annapolis) and the Federal Gazette (Baltimore) used the term "Jacksonian" in the Cecil County elections of 1824 (as opposed to "Adamite" or "Crawfordite") and the Allegheny and Butler county election in Pennsylvania in 1824.
The New Hampshire Gazette of March 5, 1816 would refer to the Republican ticket as the Whig Ticket and as being in favor of Peace and Commerce.
The Quids
In Pennsylvania, the Quids, known first as "Constitutionalists", arose out of a split among the Republicans in local Philadelphia politics.
The various Republican splinter movements in New York [Burrites, Lewisites and Clintonians] although most had underlying economic and reform issues, they often instead rallied around a central personality. As did most Republican splinter movements in Pennsylvania with exception of the Constitutional Republicans, a movement formed to prevent proposed judicial changes to the Pennsylvania Constitution. In addition to these, there were within Congress a group of individuals who were often classified as Quids. Among this group were congressmen from Virginia, Maryland, Kentucky, New Jersey and North Carolina. Mainly elected in 1804 and 1806 as Republicans, they began to question some actions and direction of their party. When reaction to the Embargo revitalized the Federalist; New York and Pennsylvania dissident Republican movements moved back into the main party. On the Congressional level, a few remained in opposition, some declined to run for re-election, and others were not re-nominated.
"The first evidence of this appeared in reports of a dinner of the 'Democratic Constitutional Republicans' held at the White Horse Tavern in Philadelphia on March 4, 1805, to celebrate Jefferson's second inauguration. A few days later the Freeman's Journal printed a proposal, dated March 14, for forming 'The Society of Constitutional Republicans.' This document recognized the sovereignity of the people, the principle of majority rule, and the right of the people, to alter and abolish their government as they saw fit. However, it described the Pennsylvania Constitution, along with the Federal Constitution, as 'the noblest invention of human wisdom, for the self-government of man' and avowed that it should be changed only when the motives and causes were 'obvious, cogent, general and conclusive.' Great political blessings were enjoyed under the Constitution, and it required no alteration. The list of the society's principles closed with an assertion of loyalty to the existing State and Federal administrations." (The Keystone in the Democratic Arch: Pennsylvania Politics, 1800-1816. Sanford W. Higginbotham. 1952. p 82-83)
"Continuing the practice of the preceding year, the Aurora referred to the Constitutional Republicans as Quids. The latter professed to find the title an honorable one. A writer on the Freeman's Journal asserted that a 'tertium quid' was a substance used in pharmacy to transform a poison into a medicine and avowed that there was a great need for such an element in politics. A third party would determine whether there would be 'liberty of despotism.'" (Higginbotham, p 91)
"The incident [the Special election of State Senator for District 1 in December of 1805] highlighted one aspect of the dilemma which faced the Pennsylvania Quids so long as they existed - how to avoid becoming a tail to the Federalist kite when the Democratic leaders would not permit them to rejoin their old party." (Higginbotham, p 105)
"With McKean ineligible for another term in 1808 and with national issues making union with the Federalists less and less palatable, the great majority of Constitutional Republicans wished to return to the Republican ranks. However, they had no desire to submit to the leadership of Leib and Duane after the many indignities they had suffered at their hands. An alliance with the country Republicans, who were also seeking to rid the party of the domination of Leib and Duane, seemed a logical and natural arrangement." (Higginbotham, p 138)
"The election of 1808 was a significant demonstration of the depth and strength of Pennsylvania Republicanism. The Federalists had been favored by many circumstances - Republican disunity over presidential candidates; the Leib-Boileau quarrel among the Democrats; Quid cooperation with them in the three preceding elections; and, most important, the economic hardships of the embargo. Yet they had lost by an overwhelming majority. Republican unity reappeared under the stimulus of a revived Federalism campaigning on national issues. Internal divisions were suppressed, and the Republicans gave undivided support to Madison and Snyder. The stresses of the campaign destroyed the Constitutional Republicans as a third party, though there were vestiges in a few counties." (Higginbotham, p 176)
"The strength and nature of this factionalism varied, but it never entirely disappeared. The first stage lasted from 1800 to 1805. Personal and local differences appeared almost immediately as the Federalists virtually abandoned politics. The struggle between Governor McKean and the country Democrats in the legislature over judicial reform and the failure of the attack on the judiciary culminated in the movement for a constitutional convention. Duane and Leib, whose arbitrary control of the party in Philadelphia had produced a violent schism, took sides against the Governor. Aided by the Federalists, the Constitutional Republicans, generally called Quids, were able to defeat the project for a convention and to re-elect McKean." (Higginbotham, p 328)
"Adapted from tertium quid, a 'third something,' the name 'Quid' was first prominently used in a political sense in Pennsylvania in 1804, and it was soon affixed to a faction of the Republican party officially calling itself the Society of Constitutional Republicans. The Pennsylvania Quids attracted Federalist support and in 1805 re-elected Governor Thomas McKean, who had been the choice of a united Republican party in 1802 but was opposed by the majority wing of the party in 1805. (fn: Sanford W. Higginbotham. The Keystone in the Democratic Arch: Pennsylvania Politics, 1800-1816, p. 69, 346.)." ("Who Were the Quids?" Noble E. Cunningham, Jr. The Mississippi Valley Historical Review. Vol. 50, No. 2 (Sep. 1963), p. 254)
"The use of 'Quid' to refer to various third-party factions which plagued the Jeffersonian Republicans must not, however, be construed to mean that all Quids were part of the same third-party movement. When John Randolph referred to the third party, he was not being accurate. There was no such thing. The Quids in Pennsylvania and in New York - the only states where they represented organized factions - were neither in league with each other nor supporters of Randolph. In both states, the Republican divisions were the products of local controversies over men, offices, and state policies, and the Quid factions had not direct connection with the schism produced in national politics by Randolph's defection." (Cunningham, p 255)
"The opponents of the Philadelphia Democrats and their rural allies were called at various times the Rising Sun Party (after a tavern where they first met in 1802), the Third Party, the Tertium Quids (Third Whats), and more often simply the Quids. The Quids hoped to tame popular politics by discrediting the radicalism that they blamed on the Philadelphia Democrats. To do so, they emphasized the nation's future greatness and the prosperity each citizen would enjoy in a vibrant economy with a peaceful representative politics committed to promoting internal economic development. Accepting, even welcoming, democracy in Pennsylvania, the Quids attempted to redefine the term. Popular politics would remain the instrument the citizens used to create the conditions that produced material independence. But democracy would only provide such indepedence of circumstances when Pensylvanians realized that their power should not be used to disrupt or hindred private energies or the use of property." (Crucible of American Democracy: The Struggle to Fuse Egalitarianism and Capitalism in Jeffersonian Pennsylvania. Andrew Shankman. University Press of Kansas. 2004. p. 96)
Additional Sources:
- The Keystone in the Democratic Arch: Pennsylvania Politics, 1800-1816. Sanford W. Higginbotham. 1952.
- Crucible of American Democracy: The Struggle to Fuse Egalitarianism and Capitalism in Jeffersonian Pennsylvania. Andrew Shankman. University Press of Kansas. 2004.
Electoral College
Elector: A member of the Electoral College chosen by the several States to elect the President and Vice-President.
Oxford English Dictionary
See President of the United States for the votes cast by the Electoral College for President.
Historical Note: These elections were vastly different from modern day Presidential elections. The actual Presidential candidates were rarely mentioned on tickets and voters were voting for particular electors who were pledged to a particular candidate. There was sometimes confusion as to who the particular elector was actually pledged to. Prior to the 12th Amendment, electors were pledged to two candidates as there was no distinction made in the Electoral College between President and Vice-President.
1789 - 1824: Alabama, Connecticut, Delaware, Georgia, Illinois, Indiana, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Mississippi, Missouri, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, North Carolina, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Tennessee, Vermont, Virginia
State Breakdown for Election of Members to the Electoral College:
Alabama: Legislature (1820), Popular Vote (1824)
Connecticut: Legislature (1789-1816), Popular Vote (1820, 1824)
Delaware: Popular Vote (1789), Legislature (1796-1824)
Georgia: Legislature (1789, 1792, 1800-1824), Popular Vote (1796)
Illinois: Popular Vote by District
Indiana: Legislature (1816, 1820), Popular Vote by District (1824)
Kentucky: Popular Vote by District
Louisiana: Legislature
Maine: Popular Vote by District
Maryland: Popular Vote (1789, 1792), Popular Vote by District (1796-1824)
Massachusetts: Popular Vote (1789-1796, 1804, 1824), Legislature (1800, 1808, 1816), Popular Vote by District (1812, 1820)
Mississippi: Popular Vote
Missouri: Legislature (1820), Popular Vote by District (1824)
New Hampshire: Popular Vote (1789-1796, 1804-1824), Legislature (1800)
New Jersey: Legislature (1789-1800, 1812), Popular Vote (1804, 1808, 1816-1824)
New York: Legislature
North Carolina: Legislature (1792, 1812), Popular Vote by District (1796-1808), Popular Vote (1816-1824)
Ohio: Popular Vote
Pennsylvania: Popular Vote (1789-1796, 1804-1824), Legislature (1800)
Rhode Island: Legislature (1792, 1796), Popular Vote (1800-1824)
South Carolina: Legislature
Tennessee: Popular Vote by District
Vermont: Legislature
Virginia: Popular Vote by District (1789-1796), Popular Vote (1800-1824)
Office Scope: Federal
Role Scope: State / District


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Cote d'Ivoireto
Cote d'IvoireThe life expectancy at birth in Cote d'Ivoire is 58.01 while in Nepal it is 67.19.
This entry contains the average number of years to be lived by a group of people born in the same year, if mortality at each age remains constant in the future. The entry includes total population as well as the male and female components. Life expectancy at birth is also a measure of overall quality of life in a country and summarizes the mortality at all ages. It can also be thought of as indicating the potential return on investment in human capital and is necessary for the calculation of various actuarial measures.
CIA World Factbook
The percentage of adults living with HIV/AIDS in Cote d'Ivoire is 3.20% while in Nepal it is 0.30%. 31,200 people in Cote d'Ivoire and 4,100 people in Nepal die from AIDS each year.
This entry gives an estimate of the percentage of adults (aged 15-49) living with HIV/AIDS. The adult prevalence rate is calculated by dividing the estimated number of adults living with HIV/AIDS at yearend by the total adult population at yearend.
CIA World Factbook
The number of deaths of infants under one year old in a given year per 1,000 live births in Cote d'Ivoire is 60.16 while in Nepal it is 40.43.
This entry gives the number of deaths of infants under one year old in a given year per 1,000 live births in the same year; included is the total death rate, and deaths by sex, male and female. This rate is often used as an indicator of the level of health in a country.
CIA World Factbook
12.40 in every 100,000 people are murdered annually in Cote d'Ivoire compared to 2.90 in Nepal
This entry contains the number of victims of an unlawful death purposefully inflicted on a person by another person. Data is originally sourced from either criminal justice or public health systems.
United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime
Per capita public and private health expenditures combined in Cote d'Ivoire are $87.90 USD while Nepal spends $35.90 USD
This entry contains the per capita public and private health expenditure at purchase power parity using US Dollars. This figure combines government, personal, and employer spending on health care
World Health Organization
The per capita consumption of electricity in Nepal is 88kWh while in Cote d'Ivoire it is 169kWh
This entry consists of total electricity generated annually plus imports and minus exports, expressed in kilowatt-hours. The discrepancy between the amount of electricity generated and/or imported and the amount consumed and/or exported is accounted for as loss in transmission and distribution.
CIA World Factbook
Nepal consumes 0.0252 gallons of oil per day per capita while Cote d'Ivoire consumes 0.0462
This entry is the total oil consumed in gallons per day (gal/day) divided by the population. The discrepancy between the amount of oil produced and/or imported and the amount consumed and/or exported is due to the omission of stock changes, refinery gains, and other complicating factors.
CIA World Factbook
The GDP per capita in Cote d'Ivoire is $1,800 while in Nepal it is $1,500
This entry shows GDP on a purchasing power parity basis divided by population as of 1 July for the same year. A nation's GDP at purchasing power parity (PPP) exchange rates is the sum value of all goods and services produced in the country valued at prices prevailing in the United States. This is the measure most economists prefer when looking at per-capita welfare and when comparing living conditions or use of resources across countries. The measure is difficult to compute, as a US dollar value has to be assigned to all goods and services in the country regardless of whether these goods and services have a direct equivalent in the United States (for example, the value of an ox-cart or non-US military equipment); as a result, PPP estimates for some countries are based on a small and sometimes different set of goods and services. In addition, many countries do not formally participate in the World Bank's PPP project that calculates these measures, so the resulting GDP estimates for these countries may lack precision. For many developing countries, PPP-based GDP measures are multiples of the official exchange rate (OER) measure. The differences between the OER- and PPP-denominated GDP values for most of the wealthy industrialized countries are generally much smaller.
CIA World Factbook
The GINI index measures the degree of inequality in the distribution of family income. In Cote d'Ivoire it is 41.50 while in Nepal it is 32.80.
This index measures the degree of inequality in the distribution of family income in a country. The index is calculated from the Lorenz curve, in which cumulative family income is plotted against the number of families arranged from the poorest to the richest. The index is the ratio of (a) the area between a country's Lorenz curve and the 45 degree helping line to (b) the entire triangular area under the 45 degree line. The more nearly equal a country's income distribution, the closer its Lorenz curve to the 45 degree line and the lower its Gini index, e.g., a Scandinavian country with an index of 25. The more unequal a country's income distribution, the farther its Lorenz curve from the 45 degree line and the higher its Gini index, e.g., a Sub-Saharan country with an index of 50. If income were distributed with perfect equality, the Lorenz curve would coincide with the 45 degree line and the index would be zero; if income were distributed with perfect inequality, the Lorenz curve would coincide with the horizontal axis and the right vertical axis and the index would be 100.
CIA World Factbook
43 in every 100,000 people are currently imprisoned in Cote d'Ivoire compared to 52 in Nepal
This entry contains the number of people in penal institutions, including pre-trial detainees. Comparability is hampered by differences in local practice, including whether psychiatrically ill offenders are under the authority of the prison administration. People held in a form of custody not under the authority of a prison administration are not included in this figure.
International Centre for Prison Studies
The annual number of births per 1,000 people in Cote d'Ivoire is 29.25 while in Nepal it is 21.07.
This entry gives the average annual number of births during a year per 1,000 persons in the population at midyear; also known as crude birth rate. The birth rate is usually the dominant factor in determining the rate of population growth. It depends on both the level of fertility and the age structure of the population.
CIA World Factbook
With its 22,848,945 people, Cote d'Ivoire is the 54th largest country in the world by population. It is the 69th largest country in the world by area with 322,463 square kilometers.
Close ties to France following independence in 1960, the development of cocoa production for export, and foreign investment all made Cote d'Ivoire one of the most prosperous of the West African states but did not protect it from political turmoil. In December 1999, a military coup - the first ever in Cote d'Ivoire's history - overthrew the government. Junta leader Robert GUEI blatantly rigged elections held in late 2000 and declared himself the winner. Popular protest forced him to step aside and brought Laurent GBAGBO into power. Ivorian dissidents and disaffected members of the military launched a failed coup attempt in September 2002 that developed into a rebellion and then a civil war. The war ended in 2003 with a cease fire that left the country divided with the rebels holding the north, the government the south, and peacekeeping forces a buffer zone between the two. In March 2007, President GBAGBO and former New Forces rebel leader Guillaume SORO signed an agreement in which SORO joined GBAGBO's government as prime minister and the two agreed to reunite the country by dismantling the buffer zone, integrating rebel forces into the national armed forces, and holding elections. Difficulties in preparing electoral registers delayed balloting until 2010. In November 2010, Alassane Dramane OUATTARA won the presidential election over GBAGBO, but GBAGBO refused to hand over power, resulting in a five-month stand-off. In April 2011, after widespread fighting, GBAGBO was formally forced from office by armed OUATTARA supporters with the help of UN and French forces. Several thousand UN peacekeepers and several hundred French troops remain in Cote d'Ivoire to support the transition process. OUATTARA is focused on rebuilding the country's infrastructure and military after the five months of post-electoral fighting and faces ongoing threats from GBAGBO supporters, many of whom have sought shelter in Ghana. GBAGBO is in The Hague awaiting trial for crimes against humanity.
Check out the recommended reading list below for great sources of information on Cote d'Ivoire


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This summary of the book of Psalms provides information about the title, author(s), date of writing, chronology, theme, theology, outline, a brief overview, and the chapters of the Book of Psalms.
The titles "Psalms" and "Psalter" come from the Septuagint (the pre-Christian Greek translation of the OT), where they originally referred to stringed instruments (such as harp, lyre and lute), then to songs sung with their accompaniment. The traditional Hebrew title is tehillim (meaning "praises"; see note on Ps 145 title), even though many of the psalms are tephillot (meaning "prayers"). In fact, one of the first collections included in the book was titled "the prayers of David son of Jesse" (72:20).
The Psalter is a collection of collections and represents the final stage in a process that spanned centuries. It was put into its final form by postexilic temple personnel, who completed it probably in the third century b.c. As such, it has often been called the prayer book of the "second" (Zerubbabel's and Herod's) temple and was used in the synagogues as well. But it is more than a treasury of prayers and hymns for liturgical and private use on chosen occasions. Both the scope of its subject matter and the arrangement of the whole collection strongly suggest that this collection was viewed by its final editors as a book of instruction in the faith and in full-orbed godliness -- thus a guide for the life of faith in accordance with the Law, the Prophets and the canonical wisdom literature. By the first century a.d. it was referred to as the "Book of Psalms" (Lk 20:42; Ac 1:20). At that time Psalms appears also to have been used as a title for the entire section of the Hebrew OT canon more commonly known as the "Writings" (see Lk 24:44 and note).
Many collections preceded this final compilation of the Psalms. In fact, the formation of psalters probably goes back to the early days of the first (Solomon's) temple (or even to the time of David), when the temple liturgy began to take shape. Reference has already been made to "the prayers of David." Additional collections expressly referred to in the present Psalter titles are: (1) the songs and/or psalms "of the Sons of Korah" (Ps 42-49; 84-85; 87-88), (2) the psalms and/or songs "of Asaph" (Ps 50; 73-83) and (3) the songs "of ascents" (Ps 120-134).
Other evidence points to further compilations. Ps 1-41 (Book I) make frequent use of the divine name Yahweh ("the Lord"), while Ps 42-72 (Book II) make frequent use of Elohim ("God"). The reason for the Elohim collection in distinction from the Yahweh collection remains a matter of speculation. Moreover, Ps 93-100 appear to be a traditional collection (see "The Lord reigns" in 93:1; 96:10; 97:1; 99:1). Other apparent groupings include Ps 111-118 (a series of Hallelujah psalms; see introduction to Ps 113), Ps 138-145 (all of which include "of David" in their titles) and Ps 146-150 (with their frequent "Praise the Lord"; see NIV text note on 111:1). Whether the "Great Hallel" (Ps 120-136) was already a recognized unit is not known.
In its final edition, the Psalter contained 150 psalms. On this the Septuagint (the pre-Christian Greek translation of the OT) and Hebrew texts agree, though they arrive at this number differently. The Septuagint has an extra psalm at the end (but not numbered separately as Ps 151); it also unites Ps 9-10 (see NIV text note on Ps 9) and Ps 114-115 and divides Ps 116 and Ps 147 each into two psalms. Strangely, both the Septuagint and Hebrew texts number Ps 42-43 as two psalms whereas they were evidently originally one (see NIV text note on Ps 42).
In its final form the Psalter was divided into five Books (Ps 1-41; 42-72; 73-89; 90-106; 107-150), each of which was provided with a concluding doxology (see 41:13; 72:18-19; 89:52; 106:48; 150). The first two of these Books, as already noted, were probably preexilic. The division of the remaining psalms into three Books, thus attaining the number five, was possibly in imitation of the five books of Moses (otherwise known simply as the Law). At least one of these divisions (between Ps 106-107) seems arbitrary (see introduction to Ps 107). In spite of this five-book division, the Psalter was clearly thought of as a whole, with an introduction (Ps 1-2) and a conclusion (Ps 146-150). Notes throughout the Psalms give additional indications of conscious arrangement (see also chart, p. 1048-1051).
Of the 150 psalms, only 34 lack superscriptions of any kind (only 17 in the Septuagint, the pre-Christian Greek translation of the OT). These so-called "orphan" psalms are found mainly in Books III-V, where they tend to occur in clusters: Ps 91; 93-97; 99; 104-107; 111-119; 135-137; 146-150. (In Books I-II, only Ps 1-2; 10; 33; 43; 71 lack titles, and Ps 10 and 43 are actually continuations of the preceding psalms.)
The contents of the superscriptions vary but fall into a few broad categories: (1) author, (2) name of collection, (3) type of psalm, (4) musical notations, (5) liturgical notations and (6) brief indications of occasion for composition. For details see notes on the titles of the various psalms.
Students of the Psalms are not agreed on the antiquity and reliability of these superscriptions. That many of them are at least preexilic appears evident from the fact that the Septuagint translators were sometimes unclear as to their meaning. Furthermore, the practice of attaching titles, including the name of the author, is ancient. On the other hand, comparison between the Septuagint and the Hebrew texts shows that the content of some titles was still subject to change well into the postexilic period. Most discussion centers on categories 1 and 6 above.
As for the superscriptions regarding occasion of composition, many of these brief notations of events read as if they had been taken from 1,2 Samuel. Moreover, they are sometimes not easily correlated with the content of the psalms they head. The suspicion therefore arises that they are later attempts to fit the psalms into the real-life events of history. But then why the limited number of such notations, and why the apparent mismatches? The arguments cut both ways.
Regarding authorship, opinions are even more divided. The notations themselves are ambiguous since the Hebrew phraseology used, meaning in general "belonging to," can also be taken in the sense of "concerning" or "for the use of" or "dedicated to." The name may refer to the title of a collection of psalms that had been gathered under a certain name (as "Of Asaph" or "Of the Sons of Korah"). To complicate matters, there is evidence within the Psalter that at least some of the psalms were subjected to editorial revision in the course of their transmission. As for Davidic authorship, there can be little doubt that the Psalter contains psalms composed by that noted singer and musician and that there was at one time a "Davidic" psalter. This, however, may have also included psalms written concerning David, or concerning one of the later Davidic kings, or even psalms written in the manner of those he authored. It is also true that the tradition as to which psalms are "Davidic" remains somewhat indefinite, and some "Davidic" psalms seem clearly to reflect later situations (see, e.g., Ps 30 title -- but see also note there; and see introduction to Ps 69 and note on Ps 122 title). Moreover, "David" is sometimes used elsewhere as a collective for the kings of his dynasty, and this could also be true in the psalm titles.
The word Selah is found in 39 psalms, all but two of which (Ps 140; 143, both "Davidic") are in Books I-III. It is also found in Hab 3, a psalm-like poem. Suggestions as to its meaning abound, but honesty must confess ignorance. Most likely, it is a liturgical notation. The common suggestions that it calls for a brief musical interlude or for a brief liturgical response by the congregation are plausible but unproven (the former may be supported by the Septuagint rendering). In some instances its present placement in the Hebrew text is highly questionable.
Hebrew superscriptions to the Psalms acquaint us with an ancient system of classification: (1) mizmor ("psalm"); (2) shiggaion (see note on Ps 7 title); (3) miktam (see note on Ps 16 title); (4) shir ("song"); (5) masvkil (see note on Ps 32 title); (6) tephillah ("prayer"); (7) tehillah ("praise"); (8) lehazkir ("for being remembered" -- i.e., before God, a petition); (9) letodah ("for praising" or "for giving thanks"); (10) lelammed ("for teaching"); and (11) shir yedidot ("song of loves" -- i.e., a wedding song). The meaning of many of these terms, however, is uncertain. In addition, some titles contain two of these (especially mizmor and shir), indicating that the types are diversely based and overlapping.
Analysis of content has given rise to a different classification that has proven useful for study of the Psalms. The main types that can be identified are: (1) prayers of the individual (e.g., Ps 3-7); (2) praise from the individual for God's saving help (e.g., Ps 30; 34); (3) prayers of the community (e.g., Ps 12; 44; 79); (4) praise from the community for God's saving help (e.g., Ps 66; 75); (5) confessions of confidence in the Lord (e.g., Ps 11; 16; 52); (6) hymns in praise of God's majesty and virtues (e.g., Ps 8; 19; 29; 65); (7) hymns celebrating God's universal reign (Ps 47; 93-99); (8) songs of Zion, the city of God (Ps 46; 48; 76; 84; 122; 126; 129; 137); (9) royal psalms -- by, for or concerning the king, the Lord's anointed (e.g., Ps 2; 18; 20; 45; 72; 89; 110); (10) pilgrimage songs (Ps 120-134); (11) liturgical songs (e.g., Ps 15; 24; 68); (12) didactic (instructional) songs (e.g., Ps 1; 34; 37; 73; 112; 119; 128; 133).
This classification also involves some overlapping. For example, "prayers of the individual" may include prayers of the king (in his special capacity as king) or even prayers of the community speaking in the collective first person singular. Nevertheless, it is helpful to study a psalm in conjunction with others of the same type. Attempts to fix specific liturgical settings for each type have not been very convincing. For those psalms about which something can be said in this regard see introductions to the individual psalms.
Of all these psalm types, the prayers (both of the individual and of the community) are the most complex. Several speech functions are combined to form these appeals to God: (1) address to God: "O Lord," "my God," "my deliverer"; (2) initial appeal: "Arise," "Answer me," "Help," "Save me"; (3) description of distress: "Many are rising against me," "The wicked attack," "I am in distress"; (4) complaint against God: "Why have you forsaken me?" "How long will you hide your face from me?"; (5) petition: "Be not far from me," "Vindicate me"; (6) motivation for God to hear: "for I take refuge in you," "for your name's sake"; (7) accusation against the adversary: "There is no truth in their mouths," "Ruthless men seek my life" ("the wicked" are often quoted); (8) call for judicial redress: "Let them be put to shame," "Call him to account for his wickedness"; (9) claims of innocence: "I have walked in my integrity," "They hate me without cause"; (10) confessions of sin: "I have sinned against you," "I confess my iniquity"; (11) professions of trust: "You are a shield about me," "You will answer me"; (12) vows to praise for deliverance: "I will sing your might," "My lips will praise you"; (13) calls to praise: "Magnify the Lord with me," "Sing praise to the Lord"; (14) motivations for praise: "for you have delivered me," "for the Lord hears the needy."
Though not all these appear in every prayer, they all belong to the conventions of prayer in the Psalter, with petition itself being but one (usually brief) element among the rest. On the whole they reflect the then-current conventions of a court trial, the psalmists presenting their cases before the heavenly King/Judge. When beset by wicked adversaries, the petitioners appeal to God for a hearing, describe their situation, plead their innocence ("righteousness"), lodge their accusations against their adversaries, and appeal for deliverance and judicial redress. When suffering at the hands of God (when God is their adversary), they confess their guilt and plead for mercy. Attention to these various speech functions and their role in the psalmists' judicial appeals to the heavenly Judge will significantly aid the reader's understanding of these psalms.
It should be noted that reference to "penitential" and "imprecatory" psalms as distinct psalm "types" has no basis in the Psalter collection itself. The former ("penitential") refers to an early Christian selection of seven psalms (6; 32; 38; 51; 102; 130; 143) for liturgical expressions of penitence; the latter ("imprecatory") is based on a misconstrual of one of the speech functions found in the prayers. What are actually appeals to the heavenly Judge for judicial redress (function 8 noted above) are taken to be curses ("imprecation" means "curse") pronounced by the psalmists on their adversaries. See note on 5:10.
The Psalter is from first to last poetry, even though it contains many prayers and not all OT prayers were poetic (see 1Ki 8:23-53; Ezr 9:6-15; Ne 9:5-37; Da 9:4-19) -- nor, for that matter, was all praise poetic (see 1Ki 8:15-21). The Psalms are impassioned, vivid and concrete; they are rich in images, in simile and metaphor. Assonance, alliteration and wordplays abound in the Hebrew text. Effective use of repetition and the piling up of synonyms and complements to fill out the picture are characteristic. Key words frequently highlight major themes in prayer or song. Enclosure (repetition of a significant word or phrase at the end that occurs at the beginning) frequently wraps up a composition or a unit within it. The notes on the structure of the individual psalms often call attention to literary frames within which the psalm has been set.
Hebrew poetry lacks rhyme and regular meter. Its most distinctive and pervasive feature is parallelism. Most poetic lines are composed of two (sometimes three) balanced segments (the balance is often loose, with the second segment commonly somewhat shorter than the first). The second segment either echoes (synonymous parallelism), contrasts (antithetic parallelism) or syntactically completes (synthetic parallelism) the first. These three types are generalizations and are not wholly adequate to describe the rich variety that the creativity of the poets has achieved within the basic two-segment line structure. When the second or third segment of a poetic line repeats, echoes or overlaps the content of the preceding segment, it usually intensifies or more sharply focuses the thought or its expression. They can serve, however, as rough distinctions that will assist the reader. In the NIV the second and third segments of a line are slightly indented relative to the first.
Determining where the Hebrew poetic lines or line segments begin or end (scanning) is sometimes an uncertain matter. Even the Septuagint (the pre-Christian Greek translation of the OT) at times scans the lines differently from the way the Hebrew texts now available to us do. It is therefore not surprising that modern translations occasionally differ.
A related problem is the extremely concise, often elliptical writing style of the Hebrew poets. The syntactical connection of words must at times be inferred simply from context. Where more than one possibility presents itself, translators are confronted with ambiguity. They are not always sure with which line segment a border word or phrase is to be read.
The stanza structure of Hebrew poetry is also a matter of dispute. Occasionally, recurring refrains mark off stanzas, as in Ps 42-43; 57. In Ps 110 two balanced stanzas are divided by their introductory oracles (see also introduction to Ps 132), while Ps 119 devotes eight lines to each letter of the Hebrew alphabet. For the most part, however, no such obvious indicators are present. The NIV has used spaces to mark off poetic paragraphs (called "stanzas" in the notes). Usually this could be done with some confidence, and the reader is advised to be guided by them. But there are a few places where these divisions are questionable -- and are challenged in the notes.
Close study of the Psalms discloses that the authors often composed with an overall design in mind. This is true of the alphabetic acrostics, in which the poet devoted to each letter of the Hebrew alphabet one line segment (as in Ps 111-112), or a single line (as in Ps 25; 34; 145), or two lines (as in Ps 37), or eight lines (as in Ps 119). In addition Ps 33; 38; 103 each have 22 lines, no doubt because of the number of letters in the Hebrew alphabet (see Introduction to Lamentations: Literary Features). The oft-voiced notion that this device was used as a memory aid seems culturally prejudiced and quite unwarranted. Actually people of that time were able to memorize far more readily than most people today. It is much more likely that the alphabet -- which was relatively recently invented as a simple system of symbols capable of representing in writing the rich and complex patterns of human speech and therefore of inscribing all that can be put into words (one of the greatest intellectual achievements of all time) -- commended itself as a framework on which to hang significant phrases.
Other forms were also used. Ps 44 is a prayer fashioned after the design of a ziggurat (a Babylonian stepped pyramid; see note on Ge 11:4). A sense of symmetry is pervasive. There are psalms that devote the same number of lines to each stanza (as Ps 12; 41), or do so with variation only in the introductory or concluding stanza (as Ps 38; 83; 94). Others match the opening and closing stanzas and balance those between (as Ps 33; 86). A particularly interesting device is to place a key thematic line at the very center, sometimes constructing the whole or part of the poem around that center (see note on 6:6). Still other design features are pointed out in the notes. The authors of the psalms crafted their compositions very carefully. They were heirs of an ancient art (in many details showing that they had inherited a poetic tradition that goes back hundreds of years), and they developed it to a state of high sophistication. Their works are best appreciated when carefully studied and pondered.
The Psalter is for the most part a book of prayer and praise. In it faith speaks to God in prayer and of God in praise. But there are also psalms that are explicitly didactic (instructional) in form and purpose (teaching the way of godliness). As noted above (Collection, Arrangement and Date), the manner in which the whole collection has been arranged suggests that one of its main purposes was instruction in the life of faith, a faith formed and nurtured by the Law, the Prophets and the canonical wisdom literature. Accordingly, the Psalter is theologically rich. Its theology is, however, not abstract or systematic but doxological, confessional and practical. So a summation of that "theology" impoverishes it by translating it into an objective mode.
Furthermore, any summation faces a still greater problem. The Psalter is a large collection of independent pieces of many kinds, serving different purposes and composed over the course of many centuries. Not only must a brief summary of its "theology" be selective and incomplete; it will also of necessity be somewhat artificial. It will suggest that each psalm reflects or at least presupposes the "theology" outlined, that there is no "theological" tension or progression within the Psalter. Manifestly this is not so.
Still, the final editors of the Psalter were obviously not eclectic in their selection. They knew that many voices from many times spoke here, but none that in their judgment was incompatible with the Law and the Prophets. No doubt they also assumed that each psalm was to be understood in the light of the collection as a whole. That assumption we may share. Hence something, after all, can be said concerning seven major theological themes that, while admittedly a bit artificial, need not seriously distort and can be helpful to the student of the Psalms.
Unquestionably the supreme kingship of Yahweh (in which he displays his transcendent greatness and goodness) is the most basic metaphor and most pervasive theological concept in the Psalter -- as in the OT generally. It provides the fundamental perspective in which people are to view themselves, the whole creation, events in "nature" and history, and the future. All creation is Yahweh's one kingdom. To be a creature in the world is to be a part of his kingdom and under his rule. To be a human being in the world is to be dependent on and responsible to him. To proudly deny that fact is the root of all wickedness -- the wickedness that now pervades the world.
God's election of Israel and subsequently of David and Zion, together with the giving of his word, represent the renewed inbreaking of God's righteous kingdom into this world of rebellion and evil. It initiates the great divide between the righteous nation and the wicked nations, and on a deeper level between the righteous and the wicked, a more significant distinction that cuts even through Israel. In the end this divine enterprise will triumph. Human pride will be humbled, and wrongs will be redressed. The humble will be given the whole earth to possess, and the righteous and peaceable kingdom of God will come to full realization. These theological themes, of course, have profound religious and moral implications. Of these, too, the psalmists spoke.
One question that ought yet to be addressed is: Do the Psalms speak of the Christ? Yes, in a variety of ways -- but not as the prophets do. The Psalter was never numbered among the "prophetic" books. On the other hand, when the Psalter was being given its final form, what the psalms said about the Lord and his ways with his people, about the Lord and his ways with the nations, about the Lord and his ways with the righteous and the wicked, and what the psalmists said about the Lord's anointed, his temple and his holy city -- all this was understood in light of the prophetic literature (both Former and Latter Prophets). Relative to these matters, the Psalter and the Prophets were mutually reinforcing and interpretive.
When the Psalms speak of the king on David's throne, they speak of the king who is being crowned (as in Ps 2; 72; 110 -- though some think 110 is an exception) or is reigning (as in Ps 45) at the time. They proclaim his status as the Lord's anointed and declare what the Lord will accomplish through him and his dynasty. Thus they also speak of the sons of David to come -- and in the exile and the postexilic era, when there was no reigning king, they spoke to Israel only of the great Son of David whom the prophets had announced as the one in whom God's covenant with David would yet be fulfilled. So the NT quotes these psalms as testimonies to Christ, which in their unique way they are. In him they are truly fulfilled.
When in the Psalms righteous sufferers -- who are "righteous" because they are innocent, not having provoked or wronged their adversaries, and because they are among the "humble" who trust in the Lord -- cry out to God in their distress (as in Ps 22; 69), they give voice to the sufferings of God's servants in a hostile and evil world.
These cries became the prayers of God's oppressed "saints," and as such they were taken up into Israel's book of prayers. When Christ came in the flesh, he identified himself with God's "humble" people in the world. He became for them God's righteous servant par excellence, and he shared their sufferings at the hands of the wicked. Thus these prayers became his prayers also -- uniquely his prayers. In him the suffering and deliverance of which these prayers speak are fulfilled (though they continue to be the prayers also of those who take up their cross and follow him).
Similarly, in speaking of God's covenant people, of the city of God, and of the temple in which God dwells, the Psalms ultimately speak of Christ's church. The Psalter is not only the prayer book of the second temple; it is also the enduring prayer book of the people of God. Now, however, it must be used in the light of the new era of redemption that dawned with the first coming of the Messiah and that will be consummated at his second coming.
From the NIV Study Bible, Introductions to the Books of the Bible, Psalms
Copyright 2002 © Zondervan. All rights reserved. Used with permission.


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Our canvas is a wrapped canvas that is 3/4" deep. Our framed canvas consists of a wrapped canvas mounted within a floating frame which measures 1" wide (the facing edge of the frame is 3/8"), and it is available in black and natural wood. All sizes except 5" x 7" and 13" x 19" are available as canvas or framed canvas, except 27" x 40", which is not available framed.
All of our frames are made in-house by our printing partner. They are solid wood, and the black and white frames have a matte finish.
All of our sizes are industry-standard to make framing easy! The dimensions in the dropdown menu refer to the entire sheet or page, including the white border. We incorporate a white border in many of our prints to provide the look of a mat and to have space for text. We offer most prints in both vertical and horizontal orientations.
As thoughtful mementos of special occasions and places, our prints make great gifts! We offer many options to make them even more meaningful with customization. Add personalized text to commemorate a wedding or summit date or add names to a gift, add a location marker to highlight a spot on the map, or add color to match any decor. Check out all of our standard customization options, or send us a message to discuss something else you have in mind!
Don't see your desired location available in our shop yet? Order a custom topographic print, and we'll be happy to make it for you from scratch. If it's a well-loved place that others are also likely to enjoy, this may be possible at no extra charge! Send us a note if you'd like to chat about your ideas.
Covid-19 update: Orders are shipping on schedule! Due to postal service challenges due to the pandemic and other delays, some orders are taking longer to arrive than usual. You'll get an email from us as soon as your order is placed and another email with a tracking number once it ships. Unfortunately we are not able to guarantee arrival dates with our standard shipping methods, but please contact us for pricing if you need expedited or guaranteed delivery. For more specific shipping info, check out our FAQ page.
Your order will be custom-made just for you! Since we offer so many designs, sizes, and customization options, we do not keep any inventory in stock. All prints are therefore final sale. If your order arrives damaged, which happens very rarely, please do let us know right away so we can get a replacement out to you as soon as possible.
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What is the Greatest Common Factor (GCF) of 1 and 119?
Are you on the hunt for the GCF of 1 and 119? Since you're on this page I'd guess so! In this quick guide, we'll walk you through how to calculate the greatest common factor for any numbers you need to check. Let's jump in!
Want to quickly learn or show students how to find the GCF of two or more numbers? Play this very quick and fun video now!
First off, if you're in a rush, here's the answer to the question "what is the GCF of 1 and 119?":
GCF of 1 and 119 = 1
What is the Greatest Common Factor?
Put simply, the GCF of a set of whole numbers is the largest positive integer (i.e whole number and not a decimal) that divides evenly into all of the numbers in the set. It's also commonly known as:
- Greatest Common Denominator (GCD)
- Highest Common Factor (HCF)
- Greatest Common Divisor (GCD)
There are a number of different ways to calculate the GCF of a set of numbers depending how many numbers you have and how large they are.
For smaller numbers you can simply look at the factors or multiples for each number and find the greatest common multiple of them.
For 1 and 119 those factors look like this:
- Factors for 1: 1
- Factors for 119: 1, 7, 17, and 119
As you can see when you list out the factors of each number, 1 is the greatest number that 1 and 119 divides into.
Prime Factors
As the numbers get larger, or you want to compare multiple numbers at the same time to find the GCF, you can see how listing out all of the factors would become too much. To fix this, you can use prime factors.
List out all of the prime factors for each number:
- Prime Factors for 1: 1
- Prime Factors for 119: 7 and 17
Now that we have the list of prime factors, we need to find any which are common for each number.
Since there are no common prime factors between the numbers above, this means the greatest common factor is 1:
Find the GCF Using Euclid's Algorithm
The final method for calculating the GCF of 1 and 119 is to use Euclid's algorithm. This is a more complicated way of calculating the greatest common factor and is really only used by GCD calculators.
If you want to learn more about the algorithm and perhaps try it yourself, take a look at the Wikipedia page.
Hopefully you've learned a little math today and understand how to calculate the GCD of numbers. Grab a pencil and paper and give it a try for yourself. (or just use our GCD calculator - we won't tell anyone!)
Cite, Link, or Reference This Page
If you found this content useful in your research, please do us a great favor and use the tool below to make sure you properly reference us wherever you use it. We really appreciate your support!
Greatest Common Factor of 1 and 119
"Greatest Common Factor of 1 and 119". VisualFractions.com. Accessed on July 25, 2024. http://visualfractions.com/calculator/greatest-common-factor/gcf-of-1-and-119/.
"Greatest Common Factor of 1 and 119". VisualFractions.com, http://visualfractions.com/calculator/greatest-common-factor/gcf-of-1-and-119/. Accessed 25 July, 2024.
Greatest Common Factor of 1 and 119. VisualFractions.com. Retrieved from http://visualfractions.com/calculator/greatest-common-factor/gcf-of-1-and-119/.


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Export 3 results:
Author Title [ Type] Year Filters: Author is Alley, Richard B. [Clear All Filters]
"Ice-front variation and tidewater behavior on Helheim and Kangerdlugssuaq Glaciers, Greenland", Journal of Geophysical Research: Earth Surface, vol. 113, pp. 1–11, 2008.
, "Seasonal to decadal scale variations in the surface velocity of Jakobshavn Isbrae, Greenland: Observation and model-based analysis", J. Geophys. Res., vol. 117, pp. 1–20, 2012.
, "Sensitivity of Pine Island Glacier to observed ocean forcing", Geophysical Research Letters, vol. 43, pp. 10,817–10,825, 2016.


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Continental Race King ProTection 27.5-inch Tubeless
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UST (Universal Standard for Tubeless) is a specific type of tubeless system that dictates the shape of the rim and tire bead. UST rims should be paired with UST-specific tires for best results.


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STD tests are best performed prior to starting any antibiotics. If you are on an antibiotic, inform the doctor. Discuss the nature of sex with the doctor.
Some STDs are tested regionally. For example, Chlamydia and Gonorrhea tested in genitalia will not reveal these infections in throat or rectum. Relevant sites should be tested independently based on the nature of the exposure.
Cosmocare Medical Center, Dermatology is equipped to provide full service STD screening, treatment and if necessary, referral services.
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Way back in 1590, William Shakespeare started the helment debate in his play, "The Training of the Fred," when the titular character uttered his now-famous soliloquy:
"Helments. To wear or not to wear? Whether 'tis nobler in the mind to don a bulbous foamy brain-bucket, or to forego the overpriced beer cooler and let thine pate shine heavenward..."
It rages to this day.
But let's set the debate part aside for the moment and instead focus on the helments themselves. For thousands of years, bicycle helments remained unchanged, from the one worn by Spartacus in the first century BC:
To the one worn by Spartacus in the 21st century AD:
Sure, they may look a little different, but wind tunnel tests confirm that the Spartacus BC helment is in fact slightly more aerodynamic.
However, in recent years this has changed, and thanks to technology and computers and electronics and stuff humankind is now witnessing helment innovation for the first time since a caveman had the brilliant idea to strap an armadillo to his head before riding his pet dinosaur. Granted, almost all of this innovation is utterly useless and patently ridiculous, but nevertheless it exists, and therefore it's about time some bike blogger undertook a comprehensive survey of the futuristic helment technology available to cyclists today--and I is those bloggers:
So let's begin. After this commercial message:
I have a recurring nightmare in which a group of robotic triathletes emerge from a German luxury car and pursue me, and I was utterly horrified to discover that it's actually been put to video.
Now let's begin.
The first futuristic helment in my definitive guide is the so-called MindReader, as forwarded by a reader, which purports to do exactly what its name suggests:
At first, I was skeptical. Why do I need a helment that can read my mood while I'm riding my bicycle? Not only do I already have this information, but so does everyone else around me when I give them the finger. Also, what's the point of this?
In the coming weeks we're going to put a bunch of MindRiders on our friends and bike the streets of Manhattan, where we'll be developing a psycho-geographic map of the city.
Psycho-geographic map?!? Whatever. I've already completed the same project, and all I needed was a pen and a pad. Basically, I just rode around Manhattan and stopped every few blocks to take note of how I felt. Here's the result, which I subsequently paid a graphic design firm $30,000 to digitize:
Back in the 20th century the area around Times Square might have read "mildly aroused," but those days are long gone.
Nevertheless, I kind of wanted one of these helments anyway, because I thought it would be fun to wear while watching TV. So I visited the website:
My first reaction was to point out that I already let my brain express itself with my mouth, but then I realized that the MindReader effectively bypasses your super-ego and is pure, unalloyed id distilled into three colors: red, yellow and green. Then it hit me:
It's only a matter of time before the streets are taken over by self-driving cars. However, there still won't be any self-riding bicycles. So, what will happen is that they (it's always "they") will make MindRider helments mandatory, and as soon as your little mood light turns red you'll be pulled over by the Thought Police who will bring you to a rider reeducation camp, where they will fit you with a device they call the "Happy Helment:"
Your light will stay green and you'll be a good little cyclist after that, believe me.
And as for the "psycho-geographic map," the red is where the proles live:
Brooklyn is at war with Portland. Brooklyn has always been at war with Portland.
And so forth.
Needless to say, I signed myself up for a test helment:
I can't wait for my helment to confirm that I hope the driver who just cut me off crashes into a lamppost, and that his airbag malfunctions and somehow forces him into the act of autofellatio.
The next helment in my survey is the LifeBeam SMART helment, which measures your heart rate:
Monitor your heart-rate without using a chest strap while riding.
The world's first cycling helmet that continuously measures your heart-rate without using a chest strap. SMART uses electro-optical technology to continuously measure your heart-rate. The optical sensor is placed on the helmet's front, gently touching your forehead. The sensor samples the blood pulse in a high frequency and transmits a raw signal to the processing unit, which is placed in the helmet back.
Assuming you give a shit what your heart rate is or need confirmation that you're still alive while cycling, you may be wondering what happens if you decide to wear a hat under it. Do the sensors still work?
Well, probably not.
But LifeBeam has that covered, because now there's the Sports Headband!
Just have your local tailor sew one of these into every one of your cycling hats. See that? Much better than a chest strap.
Okay, so now you have a helment that confirms you're still alive. But what if you've crashed, and the life is slowly draining out of you? Well, if you're wearing a helment it's extremely unlikely this will happen, because nothing bad ever happens to people wearing helments. Even so, better safe than sorry, so here's ICEdot, the helment that will alert others if you go ass over tea kettle, scranus over coffee maker, vulvanus over French press, or whatever your preferred body part/beverage maker metaphor combo may be:
I've mentioned the ICEdot before, but I can't be bothered to look up where or when, so instead I'll just point out the following: A popular cyclocross star like Jeremy Powers probably has lots of friends--so many that he can program his ICEdot helment to send texts to his ten (10) closest pals in the unlikely event that his awesome skillz fail him and he goes ballsack over soda fountain machine on his next training ride.
But what about the rest of us? If you're a cyclist odds are you have few friends as it is, and if you're riding alone, well it's probably because you don't have any friends, so it's totally not viable. Take this guy I know who's not me. He doesn't really work per se, he mostly just goofs off on the Internet. He also has no friends, because nobody can stand him, so his riding basically consists of knocking around behind shopping malls in the middle of the week. Now let's say this guy gets an ICEdot helment and he crashes, which he's bound to do because he sucks so bad. Then the ICEdot goes into his phone's contacts, but because he's such a loser the only contact in his phone is his wife, and he's not even supposed to be riding, he's supposed to clean the house before she gets home because what the hell does he even do all day? So basically he's in pain and he's in trouble.
Thanks for nothing, ICEdot.
Of course, when you're talking about helments it's easy to get carried away by the safety aspect, but what good is being safe if you don't know where you're going? Here's a helment that purports to keep you both safe and oriented, which I'm also sure I've mentioned before at some point but can't be bothered to verify:
Yep, a helment that warns you with bright lights when you venture outside of the gentrified parts of town. It had to happen.
And lastly but certainly not leastly (as far as helments go anyway), don't forget the helment that goes pee-pee on your head:
If that guy had a MindReader helment, the "Fucking Moron" light would be strobing like crazy.