text:
Click Here for Larger View Copyright © 2001 by Virtualology®.
JACKSON, Andrew, seventh president of the United States, born in the Waxhaw settlement on the border between North and South Carolina, 15 March, 1767; died at the Hermitage, near Nashville, Tennessee, 8 June, 1845. His father, Andrew Jackson, came over from Carrickfergus, on the north coast of Ireland, in 1765. His grandfather, Hugh Jackson, had been a linen-draper. His mother's name was Elizabeth Hutchinson, and her family were linen-weavers. Andrew Jackson, the father, died a few days before the birth of his son.
The log cabin in which the future president was born was situated within a quarter of a mile of the boundary between the two Carolinas, and the people of the neighborhood do not seem to have had a clear idea as to which province it belonged. In a letter of 24 December, 1830, in the proclamation addressed to the nullifiers, in 1832, and again in his will, General Jackson speaks of himself as a native of South Carolina; but the evidence adduced by Patton seems to show that the birthplace was north of the border. Three weeks after the birth of her son Mrs. Jackson moved to the house of her brother-in-law, Mr. Crawford, just over the border in South Carolina, near the Waxhaw creek, and there his early years were passed. His education, obtained in an "old-field school," consisted of little more than the "three R's," and even in that limited sphere his attainments were but scanty. He never learned, in the course of his life, to write English correctly.
His career as a fighter began early. In the spring and early summer of 1780, after the disastrous surrender of Lincoln's army at Charleston, the whole of South Carolina was overrun by the British. On 6 August, Jackson was present at Hanging Rock when Sumter surprised and destroyed a British regiment. Two of his brothers, as well as his mother, died from hardships sustained in the war. In after years he could remember how he had been carried as prisoner to Camden and nearly starved there, and how a brutal officer had cut him with a sword because he refused to clean his boots; these reminiscences kept alive his hatred for the British, and doubtless gave unction to the tremendous blow dealt them at New Orleans.
In 1781, left quite alone in the world, he was apprenticed for a while to a saddler. At one time he is said to have done a little teaching in an "old field school." At the age of eighteen he entered the law-office of Spruce McCay, in Salisbury. While there he was said to have been "the most roaring, rollicking, game-cocking, horse-racing, card-playing, mischievous fellow" that had ever been seen in that town. Many and plentiful were the wild-oat crops sown at that time and in that part of the country; and in such sort of agriculture young Jackson was much more proficient than in the study of jurisprudence. He never had a legal tone of mind, or any but the crudest knowledge of law; but in that frontier society a small amount of legal knowledge went a good way, and in 1788 he was appointed public prosecutor for the western district of North Carolina, the district since erected into the state of Tennessee.
The emigrant wagon-train in which Jackson journeyed to Nashville carried news of the ratification of the Federal constitution by the requisite two thirds of the states. He seems soon to have found business enough. In the April term of 1790, out of 192 cases on the dockets of the county court at Nashville, Jackson was employed as counsel in 42; in the year 1794, out of 397 cases he acted as counsel in 228; while at the same time he was practicing his profession in the courts of other counties. The great number of these cases is an indication of their trivial character. As a general rule they were either actions growing out of disputed land-claims or simple cases of assault and battery.
Court day was a great occasion in that wild community, bringing crowds of men into the county town to exchange gossip, discuss politics, drink whiskey, and break heads. Probably each court day produced as many new cases as it settled. Amid such a turbulent population the public prosecutor must needs be a man of nerve and resource. It was a state of chronic riot, in which he must be ever ready to court danger. Jackson proved himself quite equal to the task of introducing law and order in so far as it depended on him. "Just inform Mr. Jackson," said Governor Blount when sundry malfeasances were reported to high: "he will be sure to do his duty, and the offenders will be punished." Besides the lawless-ness of the white pioneer population, there was the enmity of the Indians to be reckoned with. In the immediate neighborhood of Nashville the Indians murdered, on the average, one person every ten days.
From 1788 till 1795 Jackson performed the journey of nearly two hundred miles between Nashville and Jonesboro twenty-two times; and on these occasions there were many alarms from Indians, which sometimes grew into a forest campaign. In one of these affairs, having nearly lost his life in an adventurous feat, Jackson made the characteristic remark: "A miss is as good as a mile; you see how near I can graze danger." It was this wild experience that prepared the way for Jackson's eminence as an Indian-fighter. In the autumn of 1794 the Cherokees were so thoroughly punished by General Robertson's famous Nickajack expedition that henceforth they thought it best to leave the Tennessee settlements in peace. With the rapid increase of the white population which soon followed, the community became more prosperous and more orderly. In the general prosperity Jackson had an ample share, partly through the diligent practice of his profession, partly through judicious purchases and sales of land.
With most men marriage is the most important event of their life; in Jackson's career his marriage was peculiarly important. Rachel Donelson was a native of North Carolina, daughter of Colonel John Donelson, a Virginia surveyor in good circumstances, who in 1780 migrated to the neighborhood of Nashville in a very remarkable boat-journey of 2,000 miles down the Holston and Tennessee rivers and up the Cumberland. During an expedition to Kentucky some time afterward, the blooming Rachel was wooed and won by Captain Lewis Robards. She was an active, sprightly, and interesting girl, the best horsewoman and best dancer in that country; her husband seems to have been a young man of tyrannical and unreasonably jealous disposition. In Kentucky they lived with Mrs. Robards, the husband's mother; and, as was common in a new society where houses were too few and far between, there were other boarders in the family--among them the late Judge Overton, of Tennessee, and a, Mr. Stone. Presently Robards made complaints against his wife, in which he implicated Stone. According to Overton and the elder Mrs. Robards, these complaints were unreasonable and groundless, but the affair ended in Robards sending his wife home to her mother in Tennessee.
This was in 1788. Colonel Donelson had been murdered, either by Indians or by white desperadoes, and his widow, albeit in easy circumstances, felt it desirable to keep boarders as a means of protection against the Indians. To her house came Andrew Jackson on his arrival at Nashville, and thither about the same time came Overton, also fresh from his law studies. These two young men were boarded in the house and lodged in a cabin hard by. At about the same time Robards became reconciled with his wife, and, having bought land in the neighborhood, came to dwell for awhile at Mrs. Donelson's. Throughout life Jackson was noted alike for spotless purity and for a romantic and chivalrous respect for the female sex. In the presence of women his manner was always distinguished for grave and courtly politeness. This involuntary homage to woman was one of the finest and most winsome features in his character. As unconsciously rendered to Mrs. Robards, it was enough to revive the slumbering demon of jealousy in her husband. According to Overton's testimony, Jackson's conduct was irreproachable, but there were high words between him and Robards, and, not wishing to make further trouble, he changed his place of abode.
After some months Captain Robards left his wife and went to Kentucky, threatening by and by to return and "haunt her" and make her miserable. In the autumn of 1790 rumors of his intended return frightened Mrs. Robards, and determined her to visit some friends at distant Natchez in order to avoid him. In pursuance of this plan, with which the whole neighborhood seems to have concurred, she went down the river in company with the venerable Colonel Stark and his family. As the Indians were just then on the war-path, Jackson accompanied the party with an armed escort, returning to Nashville as soon as he had seen his friends safely deposited at Natchez. While these things were going on, the proceedings of Captain Robards were characterized by a sort of Machiavelian astuteness.
In 1791 Kentucky was still a part of Virginia, and, according to the code of the Old Dominion, if a husband wished to obtain a divorce on account of his wife's alleged unfaithfulness, he must procure an act of the legislature empowering him to bring the case before a jury, and authorizing a divorce conditionally upon the jury's finding a verdict of guilty. Early in 1791 Robards obtained the preliminary act of the legislature upon his declaration, then false, that his wife had gone to live with Jackson. Robards deferred further action for more than two years. Meanwhile it was reported and believed in the west that a divorce had been granted, and, acting upon this report, Jackson, whose chivalrous interest in Mrs. Robards's misfortunes had ripened into sincere affection, went, in the summer of 1791, to Natchez and married her there, and brought her to his home at Nashville.
In the autumn of 1793 Captain Robards, on the strength of the facts that undeniably existed since the act of the Virginia legislature, brought his case into court and obtained the verdict completing the divorce. On hearing of this, to his great surprise, in December, Jackson concluded that the best method of preventing future cavil was to procure a new license and have the marriage ceremony performed again and this was done in January. Jackson was certainly to blame for not taking more care to ascertain the import of the act of the Virginia legislature. By a carelessness peculiarly striking in a lawyer, he allowed his wife to be placed in a false position. The irregularity of the marriage was indeed atoned by forty years of honorable and happy wedlock, ending only with Mrs. Jackson's death in December, 1831 and no blame was attached to the parties in Nashville, where the circumstances were well known. But the story, half understood and maliciously warped, grew into scandal as it was passed about among Jack on s personal enemies or political opponents; and herein some of the bitterest of his many quarrels had their source. His devotion to Mrs. Jackson was intense, and his pistol was always ready for the rash man who should dare to speak of her slightingly.
In January, 1796, we find Jackson sitting in the convention assembled at Knoxville for making a constitution for Tennessee, and tradition has it that he proposed the name of the "Great Crooked River" as the name for the new state. Among the rules adopted by the convention, one is quaintly significant; "He that digresseth from the subject to fall on the person of any member shall be suppressed by the speaker." The admission of Tennessee to the Union was effected in June, 1796, in spite of earnest opposition from the Federalists, and in the autumn Jackson was chosen as the single representative in congress. When the house had assembled, he heard President Washington deliver in person his last message to congress. He was one of twelve who voted against the adoption of the address to Washington in approval of his administration. Jackson's chief objections to Washington's government were directed against two of its most salutary and admirable acts--the Jay Treaty with Great Britain, and Hamilton's financial measures. His feeling toward the Jay Treaty was that of a man who could not bear to see anything but blows dealt to Great Britain. His condemnation of Hamilton's policy was mingled with the not unreasonable feeling of distrust which he had already begun to harbor against a national bank.
The year 1797 was a season of financial depression, and the general paralysis of business was ascribed --no doubt too exclusively--to the over-issue of notes by the national bank. Jackson's antipathy to such an institution would seem to have begun thus early to show itself. Of his other votes in this congress, one was for an appropriation to defray the expenses of Sevier's expedition against the Cherokees, which was carried "three others were eminently wise and characteristic of the man" 1. For finishing the three frigates then building and destined to such renown--the "Constitution," "Constellation," and "United States." 2. Against the further payment of blackmail to Algiers. 3. Against removing "the restriction which confined the expenditure of public money to the specific objects for which each sum was appropriated." Another vote, silly in itself, was characteristic of the representative from a rough frontier community it was against the presumed extravagance of appropriating $14,000 to buy furniture for the newly built White House.
Jackson's course was warmly approved by his constituents, and in the following summer he was chosen to fill a vacancy in the Federal senate. Of his conduct as senator nothing is known beyond the remark, made by Jefferson in 1824 to Daniel Webster, that he had often, when presiding in the senate, seen the passionate, Jackson get up to speak and then choke with rage so that he could not utter a word. As Parton very happily suggests, one need not wonder at this if one remembers what was the subject chiefly before the senate during the winter of 1797-'8. The outrageous insolence of the French Directory was enough to arouse the wrath of far tamer and less patriotic spirits than Jackson's. Yet in a letter written at that time he seems eager to see the British throne overturned by Bonaparte.
In April, 1798, he resigned his seat in the senate, and was appointed judge in the supreme court of Tennessee. He retained this office for six years, but nothing is known of his decisions, as the practice of recording decisions began only with his successor, Judge Overton. During this period he was much harassed by business troubles arising from the decline in the value of land consequent upon the financial crisis of 1798. At length, in 1804, he resigned his judgeship in order to devote his attention exclusively to his private affairs. He paid up all his debts and engaged extensively both in planting and in trade. He was noted for fair and honorable dealing, his credit was always excellent, and a note with his name on it was considered as good as gold. He had a clear head for business, and was never led astray by the delusions about paper money by which American frontier communities have so often been infested. His plantation was well managed, and his slaves were always kindly and considerately treated.
But while genial and kind toward his inferiors, he was among his fellow-citizens apt to be rough and quarrelsome. In 1795 he fought a duel with Avery, an opposing counsel, over some hasty words that had passed in the court-room. Next year he quarreled with John Sevier, governor of Tennessee, and came near shooting him "at sight." Sevier had alluded to the circumstances of his marriage. Ten years afterward, for a similar offence, though complicated with other matters in the course of a long and extremely silly quarrel, he fought a duel with Charles Dickinson. The circumstances were revolting, but showed Jackson's wonderful nerve and rare skill in "grazing danger." Dickinson was killed, and Jackson received a wound from the effects of which he never recovered. In later years, when he was a candidate for the presidency, the number of his violent quarrels was variously reckoned by his enemies at from a dozen to a hundred.
In 1805 Jackson was visited by Aaron Burr, who was then preparing his mysterious southwestern expedition. Burr seems to have wished, if possible, to make use of Jackson s influence in raising troops, but without indicating his purpose. In this he was unsuccessful, but Jackson appears to have regarded the charge of treason brought against Burr as ill-founded. At Richmond, while Burr's trim was going on, Jackson made a speech attacking , Jefferson. He thus made himself obnoxious to Madison, then secretary of state, and afterward, in 1808, he declared his preference for Monroe over Madison as candidate for the presidency. He was known as unfriendly to Madison's administration, but this did not prevent him from offering his services, with those of 2,500 men, as soon as war was declared against Great Britain in 1812.
Since 1801 he had been commander-in-chief of the Tennessee militia, but there had been no occasion for him to take the field. Late in 1812, after the disasters in the northwest, it was feared that the British might make an attempt upon New Orleans, and Jackson was ordered down to Natchez at the head of 2,000 men. He went in high spirits, promising to plant the American eagle upon the ramparts of Mobile, Pensacola, and St. Augustine, if so directed. On 6 February, as it had become evident that the British were not meditating a southward expedition, the new secretary of war, Armstrong, sent word to Jackson to disband his troops. This stupid order reached the general at Natchez toward the end of March, and inflamed his wrath. He took upon himself the responsibility of marching his men home in a body, an act in which the government afterward acquiesced and reimbursed Jackson for the expense involved. During this march Jackson became the idol of his troops, and his sturdiness won him the nickname of "Old Hickory," by which he was affectionately known among his friends and followers for the rest of his life.
Shortly after his arrival at Nashville there occurred an affray between Jackson and Thomas H. Benton, growing out of an unusually silly duel in which Jackson had acted as second to the antagonist of Benton's brother. In a tavern at Nashville, Jackson undertook to horsewhip Benton, and in the ensuing scuffle the letter was pitched down-stairs, while Jackson get a bullet in his left shoulder which he carried for more than twenty years. Jackson and Benton had formerly been friends. After this affair they did not meet again until 1823, when both were in the United States senate. Their friendship was then renewed. Click Here for an illustration of Jackson as US Senator - Copyright © 2001 by Virtualology®.
The war with Great Britain was complicated with an Indian war which could not in any case have been avoided. The westward progress of the white settlers toward the Mississippi river was gradually driving the red man from his hunting-grounds; and the celebrated Tecumseh had formed a scheme, quite similar to that of Pontiac fifty years earlier, Of uniting all the tribes between Florida and the Great Lakes in a grand attempt to drive back the white men. This scheme was partially frustrated in the autumn of 1811 while Tecumseh was preaching his crusade among the Cherokees, Creeks, and Seminoles. During his absence his brother, known as the Prophet, attacked General Harrison at Tippecanoe and was overwhelmingly defeated. The war with Great Britain renewed Tecumseh's opportunity, and his services to the enemy were extremely valuable until his death in the battle of the Thames. Tecumseh's principal ally in the south was a half-breed Creek chieftain named Weathersford. On the shore of Lake Tensaw, in the southern part of what is now Alabama, was a stockaded fortress known as Fort Mimms. There many of the settlers had taken refuge. On 30 August, 1813, this stronghold was surprised by Weathersford at the head of 1,000 Creek warriors, and more than 400 men, women, and children were massacred. The news of this dreadful affair aroused the people of the southwest to vengeance.
Men and money were raised by the state of Tennessee, and, before he had fully recovered from the wound received in the Benton affray, Jackson took the field at the head of 2,500 men. Now for the first time he had a chance to show his wonderful military capacity, his sleepless vigilance, untiring patience, and unrivalled talent as a leader of men. The difficulties encountered were formidable in the extreme. In that frontier wilderness the business of the commissariat was naturally ill managed, and the men, who under the most favorable circumstances had little idea of military subordination, were part of the time mutinous from hunger. More than once Jackson was obliged to use one half of his army to keep the other half from disbanding. In view of these difficulties, the celerity of his movements and the force with which he struck the enemy were truly marvellous. The Indians were defeated at Talluschatches and Talladega. At length, on 27 March, 1814, having been re-enforced by a regiment of United States infantry, Jackson struck the decisive blow at Tohopeka, otherwise known as the Horseshoe Bend or the Tallapoosa river. In this bloody battle no quarter was given, and the strength of the Creek nation was finally broken. Jackson pursued the remnant to their place of refuge called the Holy Ground, upon which the medicine-men had declared that no white man could set foot and live. Such of the Creek chieftains as had not fled to Florida now surrendered. The American soldiers were ready to kill Weathersford in revenge for Fort Mimms; but Jackson, who was by no means wanting in magnanimity, spared his life and treated him so well that henceforth he and his people remained on good terms with the white men.
Among the officers who served under Jackson in this remarkable campaign were two who in later years played an important part in the history of the southwest--Samuel Houston and David Crockett. The Creek war was one of critical importance. It was the last occasion on which the red men could put forth sufficient power to embarrass the United States government. More than any other single battle that of Tohopeka marks the downfall of Indian power. Its immediate effects upon the war with Great Britain were very great. By destroying the only hostile power within the southwestern territory it made it possible to concentrate the military force of the border states upon any point, however remote, that might be threatened by the British. More specifically, it made possible the great victory at, New Orleans. Throughout the whole of this campaign, in which Jackson showed such indomitable energy, he was suffering from illness such as would have kept any ordinary man groaning in bed, besides that for most of the time his left arm had to be supported in a sling. The tremendous pluck exhibited by William of Orange at Neerwinden, and so justly celebrated by Macaulay, was no greater than Jackson showed in Alabama. His pluck was equaled by his thoroughness. Many generals after victory are inclined to relax their efforts. Not so Jackson, who followed up every success with furious persistence, and whose admirable maxim was that in war "until all is done, nothing is done."
On 31 May, 1814, Jackson was made major-general in the regular army, and was appointed to command the Department of the South. It was then a matter of dispute whether Mobile belonged to Spain or to the United States. In August, Jackson occupied the town and made his headquarters there. With the consent of Spain the British used Florida as a base of operations and established themselves at Pensacola. Jackson wrote to Washington for permission to attack them there; but the government was loth to sanction an invasion of Spanish territory until the complicity of Spain with our enemy should be proved beyond cavil. The letter from Sec. Armstrong to this effect did not reach Jackson. The capture of Washington by the British prevented his receiving orders and left him to act upon his own responsibility, a kind of situation from which he was never known to flinch. On 14 September the British advanced against Mobile; but in their attack upon the outwork, Fort Bowyer, they met with a disastrous repulse. They retreated to Pensacola, whither Jackson followed them with 3,000 men. On 7 November he stormed the town.
His next move would have been against Fort Barrancas, six miles distant at the mouth of the harbor. By capturing this post he would have entrapped the British fleet and might have forced it to surrender; but the enemy forestalled him by blowing up the fort and beating a precipitate retreat. By thus driving the British from Florida--an act for which he was stupidly blamed by the Federalist press--Jackson now found himself free to devote all his energies to the task of defending New Orleans, and there, after an arduous journey, he arrived on 2 December The British expedition directed against that city was more formidable than any other that we had to encounter during that war. Its purpose was also more deadly. In the north the British warfare had been directed chiefly toward defending Canada and gaining such a foothold upon our frontier as might be useful in making terms at the end of the war.
The burning of Washington was intended chiefly for all insult and had but slight military significance; but the expedition against New Orleans was intended to make a permanent conquest of the lower Mississippi valley and to secure for Great Britain the western bank of the river. The fall of Napoleon had set, free Some of Wellington's finest troops for service in America, and in December a force of 12,000 men, under command of Wellington's brother-in-law, the gallant Sir Edward Pakenham, was landed below New Orleans. To oppose these veterans of the Spanish peninsula, Jackson had 6,000 of that sturdy race whose fathers had vanquished Ferguson at King's Mountain, and whose children so nearly vanquished Grant at Shiloh. After considerable preliminary maneuvering and skirmishing, Jackson entrenched himself in a strong position near the Bienvenu and Chalmette plantations and awaited the approach of the enemy. His headquarters, the McCarte mansion, is shown below.
On 8 January, Pakenham was unwise enough to try to overwhelm him by a direct assault. In less than half an hour the British were in full retreat, leaving 2,600 of their number killed and wounded. Among the slain was Pakenham. The American loss was eight killed and thirteen wounded. Never, perhaps, in the history of the world has a battle been fought between armies of civilized men with so great a disparity of loss. It was also the most complete and overwhelming defeat that any English army has ever experienced. News traveled so slowly then that this great victory, like the three last naval victories of the war, occurred after peace had been made by the commissioners at Ghent. Nevertheless, no American can regret that the battle was fought. The insolence and rapacity of Great Britain had richly deserved such castigation. Moreover, if she once gained a foothold in the Mississippi valley, it might have taken an armed force to dislodge her in spite of the treaty, for in the matter of the western frontier posts after 1783 she had by no means acted in good faith.
Jackson's victory decided that henceforth the Mississippi valley belonged indisputably to the people of the United States. It was the recollection of that victory, along with the exploits of Hull and Decatur, Perry and McDonough, which caused the Holy Alliance to look upon the Monroe doctrine as something more than an idle threat. All over the United States the immediate effect of the news was electric, and it was enhanced by the news of peace which arrived a few days later. By this "almost incredible victory," as the "National Intelligencer" called it, the credit of the American arms upon land was fully restored. Not only did the administration glory in it, as was natural, but the opposition lauded it for a different reason, as an example of what American military heroism could do in spite of inadequate support from government. Thus praised by all parties, Jackson, who before the Creek war had been little known outside of Tennessee, became at once the foremost man in the United States. People in the north, while throwing up their hats for him, were sometimes heard to ask: "Who is this General Jackson? To what state does he belong?" Henceforth until the civil war he occupied the most prominent place in the popular mind.
After his victory Jackson remained three months in New Orleans, in some conflict with the civil authorities of the town, which he found it necessary to hold under martial law. In April he returned to Nashville, still retaining his military command of the southwest. He soon became involved in a quarrel with Mr. Crawford, the secretary of war, who had undertaken to modify some provisions in his treaty with the Creeks. Jackson was also justly incensed by the occasional issue of orders from the war department directly to his subordinate officers; such orders sometimes stupidly thwarted his plans. The usual course for a commanding general thus annoyed would be to make a private representation to the government; but here, as ordinarily, while quite right in his position, Jackson was violent and overbearing in his methods. He published, 22 April, 1817, all order forbidding his subordinate officers to pay heed to any order from the war department unless issued through him.
Mr. Calhoun, who in October succeeded Crawford as secretary of war, gracefully yielded the point; but the public had meanwhile been somewhat scandalized by the collision of authorities. In private conversation General Scott had alluded to Jackson's conduct as savoring of mutiny. This led to an angry correspondence between the two generals, ending in a challenge from Jackson, which Scott declined on the ground that dueling is a wicked and unchristian custom.
Affairs in Florida now demanded attention. That country had become a nest of outlaws, and chaos reigned supreme there. Many of the defeated Creeks had found a refuge in Florida, and runaway Negroes from the plantations of Georgia and South Carolina were continually escaping thither. During the late war British officers and adventurers, acting on their own responsibility upon this neutral soil, committed many acts which their government would never have sanctioned. They stirred up Indians and Negroes to commit atrocities on the United States frontier. The Spanish government was at that time engaged in warfare with its revolted colonies in South America, and the coasts of Florida became a haunt for contraband traders, privateers, and filibusters. One adventurer would announce his intention to make Florida a free republic; another would go about committing robbery on his own account; a third would set up an agency for kidnapping Negroes on speculation.
The disorder was hideous. On the Appalachicola river the British had built a fort, and amply stocked it with arms and ammunition, to serve as a base of operations against the United States. On the departure of the British, the fort was seized and held by Negroes. This alarmed the slave-owners of Georgia, and in July, 1816, United States troops, with permission from the Spanish authorities, marched in and bombarded the Negro fort. A hot shot found its way into the magazine, three hundred Negroes were blown into fragments, and the fort was demolished. In this case the Spaniards were ready to leave to United States troops a disagreeable work, for which their own force was incompetent. Every day made it plainer that Spain was quite unable to preserve order in Florida, and for this reason the United States entered upon negotiations for the purchase of that country. Meanwhile the turmoil increased. White men were murdered by Indians, and United States troops, under Colonel Twiggs, captured and burned a considerable Seminole village, known as Fowltown. The Indians retorted by the wholesale massacre of fifty people who were ascending the Appalachicola river in boats; some of the victims were tortured with firebrands.
Jackson was now ordered to the frontier, he wrote at once to President Monroe: "Let it be signified to me through any channel (say Mr. John Rhea) that the possession of the Floridas would be desirable to the United States, and in sixty days it will be accomplished." Mr. Rhea was a representative from Tennessee, a confidential friend of both Jackson and Monroe. The president was ill when Jackson's letter reached him, and does not seem to have given it due consideration. On referring to it a year later he could not remember that he had ever seen it, before. Rhea, however, seems to have written a letter to Jackson, telling him that the president approved of his suggestion. As to this point the united testimony of Jackson, Rhea, and Judge Overton seems conclusive. Afterward Mr. Monroe, through Rhea, seems to have requested Jackson to burn this letter, and an entry on the general's letter-book shows that it was accordingly burned, 12 April, 1819. There can be no doubt that, whatever the president's intention may have been, or how far it may have been correctly interpreted by Rhea, the general honestly considered himself authorized to take possession of Florida on the ground that the Spanish government had shown itself incompetent to prevent the denizens of that country from engaging in hostilities against the United States. Jackson acted upon this belief with his accustomed promptness.
He raised troops in Tennessee and neighboring states, invaded Florida in March, 1818, captured St. Marks, and pushed on to the Seminole headquarters on the Suwanee river. In less than three months from this time he had overthrown the Indians and brought order out of chaos. His measures were praised by his friends as vigorous, while his enemies stigmatized them as high-handed. In one instance his conduct was open to serious question. At St. Marks his troops captured an aged Scotch trader and friend of the Indians, flamed Alexander Arbuthnot; near Suwanee, some time afterward, they seized Robert Ambrister, a young English lieutenant of marines, nephew of the governor of New Providence. Jackson believed that these men had incited the Indians to make war upon the United States, anti were now engaged in aiding and abetting them in their hostilities. They were tried by a court-martial at St. Marks. On very insufficient evidence Arbuthnot was found guilty and sentenced to be hanged. Appearances were somewhat more strongly against Ambrister. He did not make it clear what his business was in Florida, and threw himself upon the mercy of the court, which at first condemned him to be shot, put on further consideration commuted the sentence to fifty lashes and a year's imprisonment. Jackson arbitrarily revived the first sentence, and Ambrister was accordingly shot. A few minutes afterward Arbuthnot was hanged from the yardarm of his own ship, declaring with his last breath that his country would avenge him. In this lamentable affair Jackson doubtless acted from a sense of duty, as he himself said, "My God would not have smiled on me, had I punished only the poor ignorant savages, and spared the white men who set them on." Here, as elsewhere, however, when under the influence of strong feeling, he showed himself utterly incapable of estimating evidence the ease against both the victims was so weak that a fair-minded and prudent commander would surely have pardoned them; while the interference with the final sentence of the court, in Ambrister's ease, was an act that can hardly be justified. Throughout life Jackson was perpetually acting with violent energy upon the strength of opinions hastily formed and based upon inadequate data. Fortunately, his instincts were apt to be sound, and in many most important instances his violent action was highly beneficial to his country; but a man of such temperament is liable to make serious mistakes.
On his way home, hearing that some Indians had sought refuge in Pensacola, Jackson captured the town, turned out the Spanish governor, and left a garrison of his own there. He bad now virtually conquered Florida, but he had moved too fast for the government at Washington. He had gone further, perhaps, than was permissible in trespassing upon neutral territory; and his summary execution of two British subjects aroused furious excitement in England. For a moment we seemed on the verge of war with Great Britain and Spain at once. Whatever authority President Monroe may have intended, through the Rhea letter, to confer upon Jackson, he certainly felt that the general had gone too far. With one exception, all his cabinet agreed with him that it would be best to disavow Jackson's acts and make reparation for them. But John Quincy Adams, secretary of state, felt equal to the task of dealing with the two foreign powers, and upon his advice the administration decided to assume the responsibility for what Jackson had done. Pensacola and St. Marks were restored to Spain, and an order of Jackson's for the seizing of St. Augustine was countermanded by the president. But Adams represented to Spain that the American general, in his invasion of Florida, was virtually assisting the Spanish government in maintaining order there; and to Great Britain he justified the execution of Arbuthnot and Ambrister on the ground that their conduct had been such that they had forfeited their allegiance and become virtual outlaws.
Spain and Great Britain accepted the explanations; had either nation felt in the mood for war with the United States, it might have been otherwise. As soon as the administration had adopted Jackson's measures, they were for that reason attacked in congress by Clay, and this was the beginning of the bitter and lifelong feud between Jackson and Clay. In 1819 the purchase of Florida from Spain was effected, and in 1821 Jackson was appointed governor of that territory. In 1823 he was elected to the United States senate. Some of his friends, under the lead of William 13. Lewis, had already conceived the idea of making him president. At first General Jackson cast ridicule upon the idea. "Do they suppose," said he, "that I am such a damn fool as to think myself fit for president of the United States? No, sir, I know what I am fit for. I can command a body of men in a rough way, but I am not fit to be president." Such is the anecdote told by H. M. Brackenridge, who was Jackson's secretary in Florida.
In 1821 the general felt old and weak, and had made up his mind to spend his remaining days in peace on his farm. Of personal ambition, as ordinarily understood, Jackson had much less than many other men. But he was, like most men, susceptible to flattery, and the discovery of his immense popularity no doubt went far to persuade him that he might do credit to himself as president. On 20 July, 1822, he was nominated for that office by the legislature of Tennessee. On 22 February, 1824, he was nominated by a Federalist convention at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, and on 4 March following by a Republican convention at the same place, the regular nominee of the congressional caucus was W. H. Crawford, of Georgia. The other candidates were J. Q. Adams and Henry Clay. There was a general agreement upon Calhoun for the vice presidency. All the candidates belonged to the Republican party, which had kept the presidency since Jefferson's election in 1800.
The Federalists were hopelessly discredited by their course in the war of 1812-'15. Of the four candidates, Adams and Clay were loose constructionists, while Crawford and Jackson were strict constructionists, and in this difference was foreshadowed a new division of parties. At the election in November, 1824, there were 99 electoral votes for Jackson, 84 for Adams, 41 for Crawford, and 37 for Clay. As none of the candidates had a majority, it was left for the house of representatives to choose a president from the three highest names on the list, in accordance with the twelfth amendment to the constitution. As Clay was thus rendered ineligible, there was naturally some scheming among the friends of the other candidates to secure his powerful co-operation. Clay and his friends quite naturally supported the other loose-constructionist candidate, Adams, with the result that 13 states voted for Adams, 7 for Jackson, and 4 for Crawford. Adams thus became president, and Jackson's friends, in their disappointment, hungered for a "grievance" upon which they might vent their displeasure, and which might serve as a "rallying cry" for the next campaign. Benton, who was now one of Jackson's foremost supporters, went so far as to maintain that, because Jackson had a greater number of electoral votes than any other candidate, the house was virtually "defying the will of the people" in choosing any name but his. To this it was easily answered that in any case our electoral college, which was one of the most deliberately framed devices of the constitution, gives but a very indirect and partial expression of the "will of the people"; and furthermore, if Benton's argument was sound, why should the constitution have provided for an election by congress, instead of allowing a simple plurality in the college to decide the election?
The extravagance of Benton's objection, coming from so able a source, is an index to the bitter disappointment of Jackson's followers. The needed "grievance" was furnished when Adams selected Clay as his secretary of state. Many of Jackson's friends interpreted this appointment as the result of a bargain whereby Clay had made Adams president in consideration of obtaining the first place in the cabinet, carrying with it, according to the notion then prevalent, a fair prospect of the succession to the presidency. It was natural enough for the friends of a disappointed candidate to make such a charge. It was to Benton's credit that he always scouted the idea of a corrupt bargain between Adams and Clay. Many people, however, believed it. In congress, John Randolph's famous allusion to the coalition between Blifil and Black George --"the Puritan and the blackleg" -- led to a duel between Randolph and Clay, which served to impress the matter upon the popular mind without enlightening it; the pistol is of small value as an agent of enlightenment. The charge was utterly without support and in every way improbable. The excellence of the appointment of Clay was beyond cavil, and the sternly upright Adams was less influenced by what people might think of his actions than any other president since Washington. But the appointment was no doubt ill-considered. It made it necessary for Clay, in many a public speech, to defend himself against the cruel imputation. To mention the charge to Jackson, whose course in Florida had been censured by Clay, was enough to make him believe it; and he did so to his dying day.It is not likely that the use made of this "grievance" had much to do with Jackson's victory in 1828.
The causes at work lay far deeper. The population west of the Alleghenies was now beginning to count for much in politics. Jackson was our first western president, and his election marks the rise of that section of our country. The democratic tendency was moreover a growing one. Heretofore our presidents had been men of aristocratic type, with advantages of wealth, or education, or social training. A stronger contrast to them than Jackson afforded cannot well be imagined. A man with less training in statesmanship would have been hard to find. In his defects he represented average humanity, while his excellences were such as the most illiterate citizen could appreciate. In such a man the ploughboy and the blacksmith could feel that in some essential respects they had for president one of their own sort. Above all, he was the great military hero of the day, and as such he came to the presidency as naturally as Taylor and Grant in later days, as naturally as his contemporary Wellington became prime minister of England. A man far more politic and complaisant than Adams could not have won the election of 1828 against such odds. He obtained 83 electoral votes against 178 for Jackson. Calhoun was re-elected vice president. Jackson came to the presidency with a feeling that he had at length succeeded in making good his claim to a violated right, and he showed this feeling in his refusal to call on his illustrious predecessor, who he declared had got the presidency by bargain and sale.
In Jackson's cabinet, as first constituted, Martin Van Buren, of New York, was secretary of state; Samuel D. Ingham, of Pennsylvania, secretary of the treasury; John H. Eaton, of Tennessee, secretary of war; John Branch, of North Carolina, secretary of the navy; John M. Berrien, of Georgia, attorney-general; William T. Barry, of Kentucky, postmaster-general. As compared with earlier cabinets--not merely with such men as Hamilton, Madison, or Gallatin, but with Pickering. Wolcott, Monroe, or even Crawford--these were obscure names. The innovation in the personal character of the cabinet was even more marked than the innovation in the presidency. The autocratic Jackson employed his secretaries as clerks. His confidential advisers were a few intimate friends who held no important offices. These men--W. B. Lewis, Amos Kendall, Duff Green, and Isaac Hill--came to be known as the "kitchen cabinet." Lewis had had much to do with bringing Jackson forward as a candidate for the presidency in 1821. Green and Hill were editors of partisan newspapers. Kendall was a man of considerable ability and many good qualities, but a "machine politician" of the worst sort. He was on many occasions the ruling spirit of the administration, and the cause of some of its most serious mistakes. Jackson's career as president cannot be fully understood without taking into account the agency of Kendall; yet it is not always easy to assign the character and extent of the influence which he exerted.
A yet more notable innovation was Jackson's treatment of the civil service. The earlier presidents had proceeded upon the theory that public office is a public trust, and not a reward for partisan services. They conducted the business of government upon business principles, and as long as a postmaster showed himself efficient in distributing the mail they did not turn him out of office because of his vote. Between 30 April, 1789, and 4 March, 1829, the total number of removals from office was seventy-four, and out of this number five were defaulters. Between 4 March, 1829, and 22 March, 1830, the number of changes made in the civil service was about 2,000. This was the inauguration upon a national scale of the so-called "spoils system." The phrase originated with William L. Marcy, of New York, who in a speech in the senate in 1831 declared that "to the victors belong the spoils."
The system had been perfected in the state politics of New York and Pennsylvania, and it was probably inevitable that it should sooner or later be introduced into the sphere of national politics. The way was prepared in 1820 by Crawford, when he succeeded in getting the law passed that limits the tenure of office to four years. This dangerous measure excited very little discussion at the time. People could not understand the evil until taught by hard experience. Jackson did not understand that he was laying the foundations of a gigantic system of corruption, which within a few years would develop into the most serious of the dangers threatening the continuance of American freedom, he was very ready to believe ill of political opponents, and to make generalizations from extremely inadequate data. Democratic newspapers, while the campaign frenzy was on them, were full of windy declamation about the wholesale corruption introduced into all parts of the government by Adams and Clay. Nothing was too bad for Jackson to believe of these two men, and when the fourth auditor of the treasury was found to be delinquent in his accounts it was easy to suppose that many others were, in one way or another, just as bad. In his wholesale removals Jackson doubtless supposed he was doing the country a service by "turning the rascals out."
The immediate consequence of this demoralizing policy was a struggle for control of the patronage between Calhoun and Van Buren, who were rival aspirants for the succession to the presidency. A curious affair now came in to influence Jackson's personal relations to these men. Early in 1829 Eaton, secretary of war, married a Mrs. Timberlake, with whose reputation gossip had been busy. It was said that he had shown her too much attention during the lifetime of her first husband. Jackson was always slow to believe charges against a woman. His own wife, who had been outrageously maligned by the Whig newspapers during the campaign, had lately died, and there was just enough outward similarity between Eaton's marriage and his own to make him take Mrs. Eaton's part with more than his customary vehemence. Mrs. Calhoun and the wives of the secretaries would not recognize Mrs. Eaton. Mrs. Donelson, wife of the president's nephew, and mistress of ceremonies at the White House, took a similar stand. Jackson scolded his secretaries and sent Mrs. Donelson home to Tennessee; but all in vain. He found that vanquishing Wellington's veterans was a light task compared with that of contending against the ladies in an affair of this sort.
Foremost among those who frowned Mrs. Eaton out of society was Mrs. Calhoun. On the other hand, Van Buren, a widower, found himself able to be somewhat more complaisant, and accordingly rose in Jackson's esteem. The fires were fanned by Lewis and Kendall, who saw in Van Buren a more eligible ally than Calhoun. Presently intelligence was obtained from Crawford, who hated Calhoun, to the effect that the latter, as member of Monroe's cabinet, had disapproved of Jackson's conduct in Florida. This was quite true, but Calhoun had discreetly yielded his judgment to that of the cabinet led by Adams, and thus had officially sanctioned Jackson's conduct. These facts, as handled by Eaton and Lewis, led Jackson to suspect Calhoun of treacherous double-dealing, and the result was a quarrel which broke up the cabinet.
In order to get Calhoun's friends--Ingham, Branch, and Berrien--out of the cabinet, the other secretaries began by resigning. This device did not succeed, and the ousting of the three secretaries entailed further quarrelling, in the course of which the Eaton affair and the Florida business were beaten threadbare in the newspapers, and evoked sundry challenges to deadly combat. In the spring and summer of 1831 the new cabinet was formed, consisting of Edward Livingston, secretary of state; Louis McLane, treasury; Lewis Cass, war; Levi Woodbury, navy; Roger B. Taney, attorney-general; in post office no change. On Van Butch's resignation, Jackson at once appointed him minister to England, but there was a warm dispute in the senate over his confirmation, and it was defeated at length by the casting-vote of Calhoun. This check only strengthened Jackson's determination to have Van Buren for his successor in the presidency. The progress of this quarrel entailed a break in the "kitchen cabinet," in which Duff Green, editor of the "Telegraph" and friend of Calhoun, was thrown out. His place was taken by Francis Preston Blair, of Kentucky, a man of eminent ability and earnest patriotism. To him and his sons, as energetic opponents of nullification and secession, our country owes a debt of gratitude which can hardly be overstated. Blair's indignant attitude toward nullification brought him at once into earnest sympathy with Jackson. In December, 1830, Blair began publishing the "Globe," the organ henceforth of Jackson's party. For a period of ten years, until the defeat of the Democrats in 1840, Blair and Kendall were the ruling spirits in the administration. Their policy was to re-elect Jackson to the presidency in 1832, and make Van Buren his successor in 1836.
During Jackson's administration there came about a new division of parties. The strict constructionists, opposing internal improvements, protective tariff, and national banks, retained the name of Democrats, which had long been applied to members of the old Republican party. The term Republican fell into disuse. The loose constructionists, under the lead of Clay, took the name of Whigs, as it suited their purposes to describe Jackson as a kind of tyrant; and they tried to discredit their antagonists by calling them Tories, but the device found little favor. On strict constructionist grounds Jackson in 1829 vetoed the bill for a government subscription to the stock of the Maysville turnpike in Kentucky, and two other similar bills he disposed of by a new method, which the Whigs indignantly dubbed a "pocket veto."
Photo by: National Statuary Hall Collection
The Congressional Evolution of the United States Henry Middleton
Unauthorized Site: This site and its contents are not affiliated, connected, associated with or authorized by the individual, family, friends, or trademarked entities utilizing any part or the subject's entire name. Any official or affiliated sites that are related to this subject will be hyper linked below upon submission and Evisum, Inc. review.
Copyright© 2000 by Evisum Inc.TM. All rights reserved. Evisum Inc.TM Privacy Policy
Image Use
Please join us in our mission to incorporate The Congressional Evolution of the United States of America discovery-based curriculum into the classroom of every primary and secondary school in the United States of America by July 2, 2026, the nation's 250th birthday. , the United States of America: We The People. Click Here
Historic Documents
Articles of Association
Articles of Confederation 1775
Articles of Confederation
Article the First
Coin Act
Declaration of Independence
Emancipation Proclamation
Gettysburg Address
Monroe Doctrine
Northwest Ordinance
No Taxation Without Representation
Thanksgiving Proclamations
Mayflower Compact
Treaty of Paris 1763
Treaty of Paris 1783
Treaty of Versailles
United Nations Charter
United States In Congress Assembled
US Bill of Rights
United States Constitution
US Continental Congress
US Constitution of 1777
US Constitution of 1787
Virginia Declaration of Rights
Historic Events
Battle of New Orleans
Battle of Yorktown
Cabinet Room
Civil Rights Movement
Federalist Papers
Fort Duquesne
Fort Necessity
Fort Pitt
French and Indian War
Jumonville Glen
Manhattan Project
Stamp Act Congress
Underground Railroad
US Hospitality
US Presidency
Vietnam War
War of 1812
West Virginia Statehood
Woman Suffrage
World War I
World War II
Is it Real? Declaration of Independence
Digital Authentication Click Here
America's Four Republics The More or Less United States
Continental Congress U.C. Presidents
Peyton Randolph
Henry Middleton
Peyton Randolph John Hancock
Continental Congress U.S. Presidents
John Hancock
Henry Laurens
John Jay
Samuel Huntington
Constitution of 1777 U.S. Presidents
Samuel Johnston Elected but declined the office
Thomas McKean
John Hanson
Elias Boudinot
Thomas Mifflin
Richard Henry Lee
John Hancock [Chairman David Ramsay]
Nathaniel Gorham
Arthur St. Clair
Cyrus Griffin
Constitution of 1787 U.S. Presidents George Washington John Adams Federalist Party Thomas Jefferson Republican* Party James Madison Republican* Party James Monroe Republican* Party John Quincy Adams Republican* Party Whig Party
Andrew Jackson Republican* Party Democratic Party Martin Van Buren Democratic Party William H. Harrison Whig Party
John Tyler Whig Party James K. Polk Democratic Party David Atchison** Democratic Party Zachary Taylor Whig Party
Millard Fillmore Whig Party
Franklin Pierce Democratic Party
James Buchanan Democratic Party Abraham Lincoln Republican Party Jefferson Davis*** Democratic Party Andrew Johnson Republican Party Ulysses S. Grant Republican Party
Rutherford B. Hayes Republican Party James A. Garfield Republican Party Chester Arthur Republican Party
Grover Cleveland Democratic Party Benjamin Harrison Republican Party
Grover Cleveland Democratic Party
William McKinley Republican Party
Theodore Roosevelt Republican Party
William H. Taft Republican Party
Woodrow Wilson Democratic Party
Warren G. Harding Republican Party Calvin Coolidge Republican Party
Herbert C. Hoover Republican Party Franklin D. Roosevelt Democratic Party
Harry S. Truman Democratic Party
Dwight D. Eisenhower Republican Party
John F. Kennedy Democratic Party
Lyndon B. Johnson Democratic Party Richard M. Nixon Republican Party
Gerald R. Ford Republican Party
James Earl Carter, Jr. Democratic Party
Ronald Wilson Reagan Republican Party George H. W. Bush Republican Party William Jefferson Clinton Democratic Party George W. Bush Republican Party
Barack H. Obama Democratic Party
Please Visit
Forgotten Founders Norwich, CT
Annapolis Continental Congress Society U.S. Presidency & Hospitality
© Stan Klos


text:
A lot of you often comment on my ability to get so much done - blogging, sewing, and working a full time job. I don't know that I ever really feel that way, that I'm accomplishing so much. My life circumstances certainly allow me to have the schedule I do. After all, I have no kids. (Minus Henry, who will always be my sweet little boy! Yes, I know he's a cat.) I adore my job and work hard at it, but I'm a mid-level employee without direct reports so my job responsibility level outside of working hours is manageable. My husband does (way more than) his share of the housework, including cooking almost every night. Yep, he's the best!*
But yes, I do have to make a point to dedicate a lot of time to the things I love to do. I get most of my sewing done during the weekends, when I can devote long stretches of time to a project. (Is there anything more delicious than sewing for hours at a time? Throw in a case of Coke Zero and the Glee soundtrack, and I'm in heaven.) During the week, evenings are often taken up with blogging. I usually write my posts at night and then set them to automatically publish at 7:00 am the next day while I'm still blissfully unconscious (Unlike Jeff, I am SO not a morning person). But depending on what I'm writing, I find I can usually slip in a little sewing these evenings as well - whether it's just cutting something out or sewing a hem.
The weeks I don't find time for this stealth sewing, like this one, I feel a little out of sorts. There's nothing like sewing to get you to slow down, breathe, step away from the computer, and just enjoy working with your hands for a bit. But I think it's important to be realistic about what one can really accomplish, and if sewing has to go on the back burner for a week to save my sanity, than so be it. It will make me appreciate it all the better when I can get back to it, right?
How about you? If you work, do you sew during the week? And how do you manage it? I'm interested to hear how others with different schedules (like stay-at-home moms) manage their sewing time too. I'm sure we all have a lot we could learn from each other!
*(Speaking of Jeff, I don't think anyone understands dedication to an artistic pursuit better than he does. He's been getting up at 6:00 am every day for the last several years to work on his writing. I've always been in awe of his tenacity and work ethic. It's all paying off today, when his fantastic novel is going to auction between several bidding publishing companies. Congrats, baby!)

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Parish meetings are held annually on a day between the 1st of March and the 1st of June and, if there is no separate parish council, on one other occasion during the year. Parish meetings are open to the public but only registered electors for the parish are permitted to vote on any proposal.
No upcoming parish meetings have been added to this web page.
No parish meetings from the past have been added to this web page.


text:
The battle between the Obama administration and the House Oversight and Government over the Fast and Furious operation just ratcheted up another notch. There's word that the White House is exerting executive privilege over documents that the committee's Republican majority has subpoenaed.
That news, from NPR's Carrie Johnson and others on the story, broke just minutes before a committee hearing at which lawmakers are expected to vote on whether to hold Attorney General Eric Holder in contempt of Congress for failing to turn over those documents. That hearing is to be webcast here.
Reuters is reporting that a committee aide says the panel will go forward with the majority plan to cite Holder for contempt.
As Carrie reported for us in February:
"Fast and Furious broke into public view after the December 2010 death of a U.S. Border Patrol agent. Two guns connected to the botched gun-trafficking operation were found near the body of Brian Terry, igniting two congressional probes and an ongoing investigation by the Justice Department's inspector general."
Holder appeared before the panel on June 7 where he faced a grilling from Chairman Darrel Issa, R-Calif. and other Republican lawmakers. Issa asked Holder if his department knew of the tactics used in the flawed gunrunning operation, and Republicans accused him of not coming clean and not complying with subpoenas.
Update at 3:25 p.m. ET: The committee is now going through some proposed amendments to the contempt citation.
Update at 2:20 p.m. ET: Obviously, there hasn't been a vote before 2 p.m. ET. We'll keep an eye out and report back when it happens.
Update at 1:25 p.m. ET. Vote Before 2 p.m. ET?
Issa just announced a recess, and said the committee will reconvene 10 minutes after the last House vote of the day, which he said would come at 1:30 p.m. ET. So, that would imply a committee vote on the contempt citation sometime after 1:40 p.m. ET.
Update at 1:10 p.m. ET. Still Debating:
The committee has not yet voted on the contempt citation. Members are still arguing along partisan lines, for (Republicans) and against (Democrats) citing Holder for contempt.
Update at 12:15 p.m. ET. On Contempt:
The Associated Press writes that if the committee does vote to hold Holder in contempt, "the contempt citation would then go to the full House. Eventually, there could be a federal case against Holder, but past examples suggest the matter won't get that far."
The lawmakers are still talking. They have not yet voted.
Update at 11:40 a.m. ET. Still Making Opening Statements:
Committee members are still giving their opening statements. So far they've been along part lines — Republicans saying that the Obama administration has been resisting efforts to get information about Fast and Furious; Democrats saying the administration has more than fully cooperated.
Update at 10:30 a.m. ET. Hearing Opens, Letters Released:
At the start of the hearing, Issa said the committee did not set out to hold Holder in contempt, but rather to "get the information the committee needs to complete its work." Of the exertion of executive privilege, he said it was "not spoken of last night" when committee staffers and Justice Department officials were negotiating.
He called it "an untimely assertion by the Justice Department."
Carrie forwarded us the two letters written by Justice about the assertion of executive privilege. Click on the titles to pop up larger versions:
Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.


text:
Stock photos provided by the manufacturers may not represent the actual item. Please verify this picture accurately reflects the product described by the title and description before you place your order.
CCD imagers will find Baader's Premium Narrowband CCD passfilters to deliver the absolute highest contrast deep sky images in H-Alpha, H-Beta, Oxygen III, and Sulfur-II, with the shortest exposures possible. Their ultra-narrow bandwidths have extremely high transmissions, while completely rejecting light pollution as well as the important blocking of longer wavelengths.
The high optical quality of the Baader narrowband filters guarantees no loss in sharpness or contrast. Each substrate is fine-optically polished plane parallel to deliver a smooth and accurate 1/4 wavefront over the entire surface. This special custom polishing operation sets Baader filters apart from the standard commercially precision polished filter substrates used by most other filter manufacturers.
In addition to their transmission properties, the Baader coatings were developed with another key goal in mind - eliminate the annoying reflections present in other narrowband astro-filters. To achieve this freedom from reflections, along with excellent out of band blocking, required careful design and testing of the coating stacks.
Coatings are professionally applied in Germany by the most sophisticated equipment available today, ensuring high consistency for bandpass centering, transmission, and out of band blocking. The anti-reflection coatings are designed to prevent halos and balanced to prevent physical deformation of the optically flat substrates. The ultra-hard ionbeam deposition ensures the coatings will never degrade from use or normal cleaning. Each filter is coated individually, permanently sealing the coating edges, in order to guarantee lifetime coating durability and uniformity. Baader mil-spec coatings won't degrade, peel or flake off, unlike the coatings of filters that have been simply cut out of pre-coated sheets of glass. This cutting operation leaves the coating edges rough and torn which enables penetration of moisture between the coatings and substrate.


text:
Graham Spanier, who lost his job as president of Penn State University for allegedly not doing enough to investigate whether former assistant football coach Jerry Sandusky was molesting young boys, has "launched a full-throttle defense" against charges that he cared more about the university's reputation than Sandusky's victims, Harrisburg's Patriot-News writes.
Spanier and his attorney are firing back at The Freeh Report, named for former FBI Director Louis Freeh who was in charge of producing it, which concluded that Spanier, former head football coach Joe Paterno and two other top university officials "failed to take any steps for 14 years to protect the children who Sandusky victimized ... [and] never demonstrated, through actions or words, any concern for the safety and well-being of Sandusky's victims until after Sandusky's arrest."
In an interview with ABC News, Spanier says:
"Never in my time as president of Penn State did I ever receive a report or even a hint that Jerry Sandusky was engaged in child abuse, a sexual act, criminal activity or anything resembling that with any child. Had I known that, or even suspected it, I would have forcefully intervened. But I never heard a report like that."
"The Freeh report is wrong, it's unfair, it is deeply flawed, it has many errors and omissions. I know that they had a lot of very good people on that team working on this. They interviewed, they say, over 430 people; many of those folks have spoken to me about their interviews. Many of them describe those interviews to me as a witch-hunt. They felt like it was back in the era of McCarthyism. ...
"But if they interviewed 430 people, why did they only cite a few of them? If 400 people, for example, might have said to them, 'No, we never saw anything, we never heard anything, we've seen Graham Spanier make hundreds of decisions, he doesn't operate that way,' why not then a single mention of the other side of the story, or the other possible explanation? On what basis did they totally discount my testimony to them, that never in my 16 years as president of Penn State did any individual ever suggest to me that there was child abuse, sexual abuse, anything criminal. ..."
Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.


text:
At Stack Exchange, we believe moderation starts with the community itself, so in addition to all users gaining privileges through reputation earned, each site has moderators elected through popular vote. We hold regular elections to determine who these community moderators will be (except in the case of new beta sites, which have moderators pro tempore, who are appointed by Stack Exchange staff in the occasion that an election is not competitive). Moderators are elected for life, though they may resign (or, in very rare cases, be removed).
We generally expect that moderators:
- are patient and fair
- lead by example
- show respect for their fellow community members in their actions and words
- are open to some light but firm moderation to keep the community on track and resolve (hopefully) uncommon disputes and exceptions
Furthermore, all moderators must abide by our moderator agreement.
Moderators are human exception handlers, there to deal with those exceptional conditions that could otherwise disrupt the community.
The most common moderator task is to follow up on flagged posts. Every post contains a small flag link, which anyone with 15 reputation can use. Posts can be flagged as spam, offensive, or just general "needs moderator attention" with an explanatory comment or link. Once flagged, a post increments a flag count that shows up in the topbar for every moderator.
If you see anything in the system that is evil, weird, or in any way exceptional and deserving of moderator attention for any reason… flag it! That's the primary job of a moderator: to look at every flagged post, and take action if necessary.
Moderators also have some special abilities necessary to handle those rare exceptional conditions:
- Moderator votes are binding. Any place we have voting — close, open, delete, undelete, offensive, migration, etc. — that vote will reach the threshold and take effect immediately if a single moderator casts a vote.
- Moderators can lock posts. Locked posts cannot be voted on or changed in any way.
- Moderators can protect questions. Protected questions only allow answers by users with more than 10 reputation.
- Moderators can see more data in the system, including vote statistics (but not 'who voted for this post') and user profile information.
- Moderators can place users in timed suspension, and delete users if necessary.
- Moderators can perform large-scale maintenance actions such as merging questions and tags, tag synonym approvals, and so forth.
A lot of the moderation work is mundane: deleting obvious spam, closing blatantly off-topic questions, and culling some of the worst-rated posts on the site. The ideal moderator does as little as possible, but those little actions may be powerful, visible, and highly concentrated.
If you have questions about the reasoning behind a moderator's actions, bring them up for discussion on meta. Remember to be constructive and polite; moderators have the best interest of the site in mind, but they may occasionally make mistakes or have to deal with controversial issues on which not everyone agrees.
Please see A Theory of Moderation for information on our moderation philosophy.
Moderators act as a liaison between the community and Stack Exchange the company.
Site moderators can also escalate issues of moderation by contacting the Stack Exchange team for guidance and administrative or technical tasks.
Additionally, moderators can help draw extra attention to bugs, feature requests, or other issues that affect their site if the community is unable to resolve the issue on their meta site.
Site moderators are distinguished from normal users by the diamond (♦) displayed beside their user names. Some Stack Exchange employees also have diamonds next to their user names; these are usually developers or community managers, or other employees who work directly with our users to resolve bugs or address other community concerns. Stack Exchange employees identify themselves as such in their user profiles.
Find out who the moderators for this site are, or explore a list of moderators on all Stack Exchange sites.


text:
- Nonprofessionals (or similarly: Unprofessionals)
- Library Helpers
- Information Custodians
- The Others
- "Librarians"
Wednesday, October 11, 2006
Support Staff, Naming
29 comments:
- teabird said...
I agree with Janet that upper case Ls can be far less effective when they do so-called "professional" duties : reference, cataloging, human-to-human communications... Nothing about the MLS guarantees anything except that the graduate can do classwork.
Incidentally, I am a capital-L, cataloger, webmistress, and assistant director of a public library. I've been in this field for 28 years, and I am a realist. Whomever does a job best, regardless of academic level, should do the job. I've had pages and computer technicians help weed and suggest purchases for the computer section. Likewise, I've had a circulation clerk for the poetry section, musicians on staff for the CD collection, tech clerks and a children's assistant for various crafts that they do, and fine art. All of these staff members do their own work, and look forward to the additional tasks because they are being honored for their knowledge.
Am I a bad administrator for encouraging staff - regardless of title - to better the library? I don't think so. Would some criticize me for having them do things that are "out of title?"
Bah. Humbug! - 10:08 AM
- Anonymous said...
Remember the paraprofessional as well!
- Anonymous said...
Paraprofessional! That's what I am! 1/2 of a professional. And fellow employees wonder which one is my non-professional half :>)
Seriously, I like Others much better. That goes right along with the mysterious "they" people that we blame all the time.
If you labeled staff Others, then you could blame them for all the bad stuff that goes on in the library all the time.
And you could fit the trouble making caused by the Others under that other mysterious phrase, "other duties as assigned."
hmmmmmmmmmmm - 12:15 PM
- duda said...
The Others are the bad guys! ...or are they? Don't you watch Lost?
Somebody has to be the big dog... and somebody has to plan the Christmas party. God help us if it's the same person! - 11:09 PM
- tiny robot said...
Don't forget "faculty."
- Anonymous said...
I believe that since "does" is not a form of the verb "to be," the correct usage would be "whoever," not "whomever" - "whom" being the objective case. - 6:58 PM
- Anonymous said...
teabird17, yes, you are a bad administrator.
- f is for Fer; he failed to floss said...
How about "the people who work the lousy hours, do the crappy tasks, and basically carry our ass for about 40% of the salary that capital-L Librarians make"...?
I know I know, it should be more pithy than that. One needs either a great handle or a catchy acronym to live, thrive, and survive on the grid of information professionalism. - 1:54 PM
- Anonymous said...
How about Librarian-light?
- Anonymous said...
Our director prefers the simple term "staff." Said in the same tone one would use to describe pond scum.
- Mike said...
So sensitive. Let's see, do we call everyone who works in a law office a lawyer? No, there are paralegals who do a lot of the work. How about Doctor offices? Is everyone there called Dr? No. So everyone in a library is a Librarian whether they earned the degree, went through trouble of getting the correct civil service paperwork, of dept. of ed requirements? No. sorry, stop whining. It's not a high paying position, at least let me get something out of all the time spent going through this process.
- Anonymous said...
Right on, Mike!
How does this acronym sound =
"T.L.T.G.T.D.'s" =
Too Lazy To Get The Degree. - 12:49 PM
- Anonymous said...
I'm Canadian. We're Library Technicians up here. (I'm actually a Library and Information Technician myself.)
And no. I wasn't too lazy to get my masters and I'm not secretly jealous of librarians. (BTW, your obvious contempt for your co-workers is probably felt and being returned - it's not because they really want to be you.)
I was in University getting a BA so I could get my MLS and figured out while working in the university library that I was on the wrong path. Why? The two librarians I had contact with were a director who in three years said not one word to the student assistants (not even a hello when walking by if you can believe it) and who would occasionally pass on impractical orders that we'd follow for a week then ignore, and a librarian who sat at the ref desk scowling at people who would wander by then veer away when they saw her expression. Students used to flood the desk for help when the serials technician came on for her shift. The techs were the people who actually ran the library and had contact with people. The librarians were to be avoided.
If I had had contact with a librarian like teabird17 I might have stayed on my original career path, but to be honest, I don't regret my choice at all. I like being a library tech. - 11:59 PM
- Anonymous said...
cathy, I am also Canadian and I am married to a Library Technician. However, not all non-librarians working in a library are Library Technicians. Some are clerks of some sort, or have other job titles (Library Assistant, etc.) because they are not qualified Library Technicians with a Library Technician diploma. Most circ staff are not Library Technicians, for example. (At least not in the libraries I've worked in.)
- Anonymous said...
Hmm, yes I did know that. I was thinking more along the lines of library technician = paraprofessional, which is a term I hadn't even heard of until I came across it on the internet a couple of years after I started working.
Personally I never assume anything about employees I encounter in a public library (I work in a medical library myself). I tend to label everyone as "Library staff." :) - 7:26 PM
- Kevin Musgrove said...
I've no problem with Librarians being Librarians and the rest of us being library staff, or human beings, depending on the audience.
What really gets up my nose is "Librarian" = "Professional," especially as some of the ones who cling hardest to that and boast loudest of it are some of the biggest amateurs in Christendom. Professional is what you are, not what you call yourself, and most of our non-library-school-educated staff are extremely professional (and some have more paper qualifications than the librarians!)
Librarians have -- or should have -- important skills that need to be acknowledged. That doesn't have to be done by discounting the people they need to work with.
Teabird17: you may be an abomination in the eyes of some librarians but you're a good manager. - 2:48 PM
- Anonymous said...
Another Canadian Library Technician here. In my library (public), I'm a "Tech", the Librarians are all Department Heads (and all quite lovely people. We're very lucky.) and all others fall under the category of "library assistants".
We all plan the Christmas party aaaand the library board even buys us pizza every Christmas. Sadly, they eat with us but it's once a year and frankly, we'll do anything for free food. - 3:05 PM
- Anonymous said...
Cathy's post struck at chord with me. I am also a Library Technician from Canada (maybe can start our own humourous blog?? I think we have lots of similar stories we could share!)
I earned a B.A. but, after a brief foray into teaching (and realizing it wasn't for me), I chose a diploma program and it has proved to be more useful and valuable to me than an MLS.
There is nothing stopping me from going down that path eventually, but I like the work I am doing, there is room for growth, and I feel very comfortable in a university library, (without having to 'pretend' to be a Manager, simply because I have a higher level of education).
Choosing not to do an MLS isn't about laziness. In a more perfect world, I just wish that L-Librarians would have a bit more respect for their counterparts. We're very competent individuals, but unappreciated at times. - 9:15 AM
- Anonymous said...
I think this discussion is ultimately about the value of the MLS degree itself, which, to me, as it stands now, isn't much. Most of what I've know I learned on the job. The "theory" of my work could be covered in a weekend.
- Anonymous said...
I work as a library technology assistant in a public library. I have a BA in English and decided during my senior year I would rather work in a library than be a teacher. I thought about getting an MLS, but one of the things I do from time to time is take care of payroll and I've seen how much the director makes. At only $2,000 a year more than I do it's not worth it to me. Plus I would not have to deal with the board and all that!
- Anonymous said...
Oops, that last sentence should have read that I would Not like to have to deal with the board and all that. I live in an area where the closest school that will let me get an accredited MLS is 4 hours away and at 31 with other responsibilities besides work I just don't have time for all that! It's not being lazy-it's being realistic. Actually it turns out that in my state there are lots of directors (especially in the more rural areas) who do not have anthing above a BA! I was told they do that so they don't have to pay them as much.
- Anonymous said...
I'm a Canadian L-Librarian. I've been fortunate enough to teach at courses in the Library Technician program, and work with some of my graduated students.
Some Library technicians could run circles around the MLS grads. Truthfully, the ones I taught took almost identical courses, and have very similar skills.
I'm glad I did the MLIS, because I feel it gives me more career options - such as teaching in the Lib Tech program - but I don't see it as a case of 'us' and 'them'. - 12:58 PM
- Anonymous said...
I'm a capital L and I have a lot of respect for my "non-cap" co-workers. There was an assistant-level woman at one of my old jobs who had 20 years of ILL experience, and I was neither stupid nor arrogant enough to think that my then-recent degree trumped that. I did however feel a bit bad a times knowing that I would always make more money than her (and others like her) despite the difference in experience. That's the problem with academic fields - no matter how much experience you get (and no matter how useless the degree may be), not having the degree will put an eternal glass-ceiling on your career.
And yes, like many I feel I learned more in the first week of my first real library job than I did in library school, but there are classes that were an exception to this. I wouldn't trade my electronic searching classes or web design classes for more experience, but most of the rest I would. - 1:27 PM
- Anonymous said...
Here's some I made up for my library. My boss is constantly talking with two phones attached to his ear, so I call him by his Indian name, "John Two Phones". My less than punctual coworker I call her by her Indian name of "Dragging Ass". The matriarch of the group, an older lady that hushes people constantly- well, I call her "Mary Big Hush".
- Anonymous said...
I am a Librarian in Canada who works as a Library Technician in a school for a variety of reasons. There is a common attitude that anyone can run a library which seriously devalues my work and training. I have seen too many libraries operated by untrained people that are left in a dreadful mess because of lack of training. Who remembers "Librarianship: The Erosion of a Woman's Profession" by
Roma Harris? We can all be as snarky and witty as we like but the reality is that all our jobs are seen by many (perhaps not in academia) as essentially unskilled. - 12:08 PM
- Anonymous said...
Roma Harris. There is a blast from the past. You must be UWO SLIS :)
- 3dotsforme said...
Call us what you will (I prefer Information Staff) but I believe all MLIS students should learn to shelve and check out books so they know how the library functions at ALL levels. The best Libs I've worked with have been Lib Assistants or pages at one point. The worst come out of grad school never having worked one shift in a library and don't understand the importance of customer service. The theory and history of library science doesn't bring patrons in through the door. Just my 2 cents!
- Anonymous said...
Many of these comments seem to suggest that those of us capital L's are sitting around while other staffers do all the work. To which I would say two words: budget cuts. Budget cuts mean for me that I get to do whatever needs to be done. That includes the ten minutes I spent yesterday scraping chewing gum out of the carpet in the YA area. We are all in the boat, at least in my library. When it's your turn to bail, you'd better be scooping water out of the boat!!
- Anonymous said...
Librarianship is not a licensed profession. You can be punished by law for calling yourself an doctor, lawyer, architect, or engineer unless you are licensed to practice. In California you can't charge money for cutting hair if you don't have a license. So, why hasn't the so-called profession of librarianship demanded licensing standards? Anyone who works in the library field can call themselves a librarian and they would not be doing anything wrong. Until the so-called professionals subject themselves to the same type of standards of other true professions, they should stop trying to make their co-workers feel inferior by giving them insulting working titles.


text:
TED2013 Talent Search
From April to June 2012, TED held special salons in 14 cities on six continents seeking to uncover new talents, voices and ideas the world needs to hear. In each city, we worked with local TEDx organizers who have demonstrated their ability to put on powerful events. The entire TED community then had a chance to vote on the most promising presenters, of which 33 were chosen to be speakers at TED2013.
Explore the salons below to to watch over 290 videos from TED's Worldwide Talent Search, with speakers and performers from many countries vying for a spot at TED2013.
Who were we looking for?
Anyone who had not spoken at a TED Conference, TEDGlobal or TEDActive, and those who did not have talks posted on TED.com/talks, were encouraged to apply. We were especially looking for:
- The Inventor, sharing an innovation with world-changing potential
- The Teacher, sharing valuable knowledge in a memorable way to teenagers or adults
- The Prodigy, young talent ready to break out
- The Artist, who can showcase their work in a compelling, new way
- The Performer, music, dance, comedy, drama ... or something entirely different
- The Sage, wisdom the world needs from those who have learned it the hard way
- The Enthusiast, with an infectious passion about a topic they can share
- The Change Agent,helping shape the world's future with work that matters
- The Storyteller, vivid, original, meaningful ... with a talent for connection
- The Spark, with a powerful idea worth spreading
Who weren't we looking for?
Product-hawkers, jargon-junkies, dullards, wafflers, motivator wannabes, self-promoters, spouters of new-age fluff.
Where was the search held?
The salons took place between April and June, in Amsterdam, Bangalore, Doha, Johannesburg, London, Nairobi, New York, São Paulo, Seoul, Shanghai, Sydney, Tokyo, Tunis and Vancouver. In each city we worked with local TEDx organizers who have demonstrated their ability to put on powerful events. The first audition was held in April 2012 in Doha, as part of the TEDxSummit.
What was the process to apply to give a talk?
There was an online application process, which was open separately for each city, at least two months before each event. Applicants were encouraged to include a short video of themselves, and of that large pool, we invited around 30 of the best applicants to each salon. Applicants were encouraged to apply to their nearest city even if they were from a different country. In some exceptional cases we agreed to contribute the cost of attending the audition. The presentations were 3-6 minutes long, and the language was English. As all the events have already taken place, applications are now closed.
How were winners selected?
We posted all the videos from each of the worldwide events on the TED2013 Conference site. All members of the public had a chance to vote for the ones they thought were best. Voting was closed on August 31, 2012. As a result, 33 successful candidates were given the chance to deliver a longer talk or performance at TED2013, and were offered coaching and AV support as needed. TED covered speakers' travel to Long Beach, California and their accommodation for the entire conference. Videos were then made available for viewing on YouTube.


text:
ETSIT / UVa |
Intranet Access
The project can be done in either Autumn or Spring, or even along the full year.
Doing the project can imply taking two UVa courses: one of the available bachelor's or master's final project (course codes and different effort in ECTS vary among the programs we offer), optionally complemented by an internship in the research group to make a deeper final project.
Students will have to develop a project in the area of Telecommunications. Two departments will offer projects to international students: Signal Theory, Communications and Telematic Engineering, and Electronics. When a student wants to take a project, she/he must contact the ETSIT International Coordinator (IC) (email@example.com) and send him both a Curriculum Vitae and a list of areas of interest. If the CRI considers that she/he is eligible, the IC will distribute the CV between the different research groups working in the areas suggested by the students. Research groups interested in the students will contact her/him directly and offer different topics for the project. When the student reaches an agreement with the research group, she/he will contact the IC and the research group to confirm the agreement. This process has to be completed before signing any learning agreement.


text:
New Chrysler, Dodge, Jeep, RAM
Stock# 23N0005
- ENGINE: 2.4L I4 ZERO EVAP M-AIR w/ESS
Certain specifications, prices and equipment data have been provided under license from Chrome Data Solutions (\'Chrome Data\'). © 2024 Chrome Data Solutions, LP. All Rights Reserved. This information is supplied for personal use only and may not be used for any commercial purpose whatsoever without the express written consent of Chrome Data. Chrome Data makes no guarantee or warranty, either expressed or implied, including without limitation any warranty of merchantability or fitness for particular purpose, with respect to the data presented here. All specifications, prices and equipment are subject to change without notice.
EPA mileage ratings are supplied by Chrome Data Solutions, LP for comparison purposes only. Your actual mileage will vary, depending on how you drive and maintain your vehicle, driving conditions, battery pack age/condition (hybrid models only) and other factors.
Vehicle pricing is believed to be accurate. Tax, title and registration are not included in the prices shown unless otherwise stated. Manufacturer incentives may vary by region and are subject to change. Vehicle information & features are based upon standard equipment and may vary by vehicle. Monthly payments may be higher or lower based upon incentives, qualifying programs, credit qualifications, residency & fees. Woody's has a $399.00 administration fee not required by law. No claims, or warranties are made to guarantee the accuracy of vehicle pricing, payments, or actual equipment. Price changes that occur before a deal is finalized could affect trade value and other terms of the deal. Please email us to confirm the accuracy of any information.
Please email us at for location/availability, price, rebates, certification verification, and visit www.wowwoodys.com for more detailed information. *Actual mileage will vary with options, driving conditions, habits, and vehicle condition. **After all applicable rebates & discounts, see dealer for details. Excludes tax, title, license fees. The image may not represent the actual vehicle in stock. Discount, when financed through a Woody's lender with approved credit one thousand. See dealer for details. We strive to provide accurate and complete information throughout our website; however, errors sometimes occur regarding pricing, vehicle mileage, financing details, vehicle descriptions, vehicle availability and other content. We reserve the right to correct these errors and may not be held accountable for them. We appreciate your understanding and apologize for any errors and ask that you please email us to verify mileage, availability, and anything else of importance to you before making a trip to our dealership.


text:
Heart flower gold necklace
For orders by phone: 055-9994981
delivery options
- Home delivery - (5-10 business days) - Each country has a different shipping cost. You can ask our customer service how much shipping costs to your country.
*Gold jewelry - (10 - 20 business days)
- Designed photos category - Small photo up to 1.40 cm: shipping cost NIS 39
Large picture over 1.40 cm: shipping cost 180 NIS
- For fast delivery, you can contact the customer service at the number: 055-999-4981
Whether the size doesn't fit, you didn't connect with the design, or you're buying the item as a gift and you're not sure if they'll like it:
You can get your money back (except for shipping fees) or exchange for another item within 14 days of receiving the product!
All you have to do is keep the product intact, do not use it in any way, and leave it in its original packaging.
Contact us on WhatsApp or by email, and that's all!
We will send a courier to your home who will make the return or exchange easily and quickly.
When the item is received back by us, your money will be deposited with you, except for the shipping fees!
*There will be no possibility of exchange/return of items from the "gold jewelry" category purchased through the website, which are not due to a defect, except in the cases stipulated by law, in the regulations.
*Jewelry whose value exceeds NIS 3,000 does not have the right to cancel a transaction.
Gold and diamond jewelry from the MN fine jewelry collection The collection was created at a level that meets international standards and standards. The jewelry was created by hand, 14 carat yellow / pink gold, with manual inlaying of high-quality and luxurious CVD diamonds of D-vs color and cleanliness grade, at the highest level of finish. All materials are monitored by our quality control for your safety
Dimensions of the pendant: 2x1 cm


text:
Pool Table Room Sizes
Proper pool table room sizes based on pool table dimensions
If you're thinking about buying a pool table or if you already have one in pieces. Please consider the dimensions of the room where you want it installed. We have listed the approximate pool table room sizes to help you out when buying a table or deciding which room to have it installed considering you use a standard 58" cue stick.
Make Room In Your Life For Pool – Make Room In Your Home For A Pool Table!
Also, consider the furniture you already have in the room or furniture you plan to purchase in the near future since this will definitely affect the gameplay.
Once the pool table assembly has already been taking care of, it is already installed and you want to move it even if it is just a few inches, then it is necessary to disassemble it in order to move it.
Why is it important to know the pool table room dimensions before installing your pool table?
Many people don't consider this very important question when purchasing a pool table for their home, will it fit in the room? This plus the furniture that you already have in the room or that you plan on adding to the room is of extreme importance since it affects the size of the pool table you can get so that you enjoy a good playing experience.
Our experienced pool table movers have been taking care of pool table moves, installations and repairs for quite a few years, so we can definitely help you verify if the pool table you're interested in will fit in the room.
Please measure the room dimensions, you may also use the chart we have put together for your convenience. Give us a call if you are ready to have your table moved or properly setup.
The dimensions of your game room will determine the size of the pool table you can purchase so that you can enjoy a comfortable playing experience.
If you're interested in a used pool table be sure to ask the seller for the pool table dimensions, specifically the playing surface area, this is the true size of the pool table and it helps to figure out the appropriate pool table room size and also the right cut of pool table cloth in case you need to take care of your pool table recovering during setup.
Complications can be avoided by knowing the right pool table room dimensions and pool table sizes
If the pool table turns out to be a different size this could really complicate the job for the pool table installers because the table may not fit in the room and also the cut of felt may not cover the entire table. In most cases, this will change the price of the service, whether it is a pool table setup, installation or a complete move.
The industry norm is supplied, pre-cut pool table felt for the refelting service. If an 8-foot table is expected to be serviced and we encounter a 9-foot table then we may not even have the correct cloth size to finish your job which could also incur additional trip charges.
Please be aware that if a pool table repair went unnoticed at the time of the purchase and you find out about it once the pool table is in pieces. If said repair is minor we may be able to fix it right then if the issued needs other materials that we were not aware of we will have to come back for a second appointment.
Pool table room sizes are important for a successful job and it's super handy to know when checking the pool table size you can get.
Pool Table Room Sizes Chart
Please take into consideration that this is assuming you use a standard 58" cue stick.
7′ x 3 ½' – 7 foot pool table needs roughly 17′ x 13½'
8′ x 4′ – 8 foot pool table needs roughly 18′ x 14′
9′ x 4 ½' – 9 foot pool table needs roughly 19′ X 14½'
Measure from tip of bumper to tip of bumper across the width of your pool table to find your table size. You can find the pool table room sizes required by determining what size your pool table is.
This is especially important when calling for pricing, refelting or moving because this will change the pricing on both services.
Call our professionals if you're ready to move and install your pool table.
Visit our pool table recovering page for details about a proper pool table refelting.
Further reading