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Alternative Jersey
Alternative Jersey
Isadore's Alternative Jersey is made from two highly technical Italian mesh performance fabrics. Lightweight and breathable with a slim but comfortable fit, it is the perfect Jersey for warm summer rides.
- High performance jersey
- Longer sleeves with bonded edge hem aid airflow
- Bottom hem with elastic silicone tape keeps jersey in place
- Hidden semi-autolock YKK® zipper for easy one-hand opening and closing
- Three spacious rear compartment pockets
- Odor repellent
- Reflective detailing
- Made from 100% recycled material
Size & Fit
Material & Care
Brand Info
Free U.S. shipping
We offer free express shipping on all U.S. orders. Orders are shipped via all major carriers (UPS, DHL, FedEx, USPS) and should arrive within 3 to 5 business days.
Processing time
Most orders are shipped within 1-2 business day. Processing time is in addition to transit/delivery time. Once your order ships you will receive a confirmation email with your shipment and tracking details.
If you order multiple items, you may get multiple deliveries. We'll send you a shipping confirmation email for each shipment along with shipping notifications throughout transit so you'll know exactly what to expect and when to expect it.
P.O. Boxes and APO/FPO
At this time we do not ship to P.O. Boxes or APO/FPO addresses.
International shipping
At this time, we are not able to ship to countries outside the U.S.
Possible delays
We do our best to ensure the timely delivery of all orders. Please keep in mind that we are only provided with an estimated delivery date from our carriers and cannot guarantee delivery estimates.
Free 30-day returns on all U.S. orders
If you are not completely satisfied with your purchase or you simply wish to return it, you have 30-days from the day your order was delivered to send it back to us. Returns are complementary and hassle-free. All products must be returned in a new and unused state, in perfect condition, and with all original tags attached.
To make an exchange, visit our portal and enter your order number and shipping zip code. From there, select the item(s) you would like to exchange. If you would like to exchange for a completely different item, please reach out to us.
How to make a return?
- Click here to start your return or simply log in to your account
- Enter your order number, email or zip for identification and click "Get Started"
- Select the items you want to return from your order and select the return reason
- Select your return credit option: Refund or Store Credit and click "Complete"
- Download our pre-paid Return Label and attach it to your package (remove or cover any previous shipping labels to avoid shipping delays)
- Drop off your return at any USPS location. Make sure to keep your receipt
Final-Sale items
Items marked "Final Sale" cannot be returned once purchased.
Refund processing
Returns are processed within 3-5 business days after they arrive at our warehouse. Refunds will be credited to the original form of payment, and a confirmation email will be sent to you once it has been issued. It may take up to 7 additional days for the funds to show in your account.
Late or refused returns
Your item(s) should be sent back to us within 30 days of receiving you order. Returns outside this timeframe may be accepted at our discretion and may only be refunded as a store credit. We reserve the right not to accept returns if the product shows signs of wear or has been used or altered from its original condition in any way.
All shoes should be tried on a carpeted surface and returned in a new, unused condition with the original tags, shoe box, and packaging. Cleats should not be installed on cycling shoes. Returns without a shoe box, in a damaged shoe box, or with scratched soles will not be accepted and will be sent back.
Alternative Jersey
- Fits true to size, take your normal size
- If you have a slim frame (typically XS or S) and would like a second-skin fit we recommend sizing down from your normal size
- Stretch fabric
- Model is 5'7" height, 31" bust, 23" waist, and wears size XXS
- For accurate measurements consult the brand's size guide
Isadore Women's Size Guide
US / INT (International) | 3XS | XXS | XS | S | M | L | XL |
Chest | < 32.6 | 32.6-35 | 35-37.4 | 37.4-39.7 | 39.7-42.1 | 42.1-44.4 | 44.4-46.8 |
Waist | < 23.2 | 23.2-25.5 | 25.5-27.9 | 27.9-30.3 | 30.3-32.6 | 32.6-35 | 35-37.4 |
Hips | < 32.3 | 32.3-34.6 | 34.6-37 | 37-39.3 | 39.3-41.7 | 41.7-44 | 44-46.4 |
Height | 5'1"-5'2" | 5'2"-5'4" | 5'4"-5'6" | 5'6"-5'7" | 5'7"-5'9" | 5'9"-5'10" | 5'10"-6'0" |
- Choosing a selection results in a full page refresh.


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Disney Raya and the Last Dragon Raya and Tuk Tuk Christmas Ornament
Disney Raya and the Last Dragon Raya and Tuk Tuk Christmas Ornament
- This artist crafted Keepsake Ornament comes pre-packaged in a box for easy gift giving, preservation and storage. Dated 2021 in copyright.
- Christmas tree ornament measures 3.23" W x 4.29" H x 4.7" D.
Shipping Policy
Shipping Policy
Shipping Policy
We can ship to virtually any address in the U.S. Note that there are restrictions on some products.
Standard Shipping is UPS or United States Postal Service.
We will do our best to ship orders placed Sunday through Friday within 48 hours of receipt. Orders placed on the weekend will ship at the start of the new business week. If we are unable to do so we will contact you via email or phone.
Return Policy
Return Policy
Return Policy
You may return most new, unopened items within 30 days of delivery for a full refund. We'll also pay the return shipping costs if the return is a result of our error (you received an incorrect or defective item, etc.).
You should expect to receive your refund within four weeks of giving your package to the return shipper, however, in many cases you will receive a refund more quickly. This time period includes the transit time for us to receive your return from the shipper (5 to 10 business days), the time it takes us to process your return once we receive it (3 to 5 business days), and the time it takes your bank to process our refund request (5 to 10 business days).
If you need to return an item, please Contact Us with your order number and details about the product you would like to return. We will respond quickly with instructions for how to return items from your order.
All sales final on seasonal and sale product.
For the health and safety of our customers and staff we are unable to accept returns on personal protection items including face masks, hand sanitizers and other "clean and safe" items as detailed in the item descriptions.

subset: commoncrawl


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Table of Contents
Best 5 High Call Girls in Ludhiana Escort Sex Cash Payment.
Hello friends welcome all of you to 2callgirlno.com, through this website you will be provided Top Best High Profile Call Girls in Ludhiana Escort Service. We will give you some information which will make it very easy for you to get the service. The information you will get is price list, girl service, girl's information, agent, hotel, home, etc.
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Is Available Cash Payment Call Girl in Ludhiana Escort Service?
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Cash on Delivery option we have kept this option for your satisfaction. You can make payment at the same time when our agent comes to drop the girl at your location.
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Online UPI payment mode is a very good option. Sometimes it happens that there is no cash on the client, then this option is very beneficial for them. You can pay directly on the agent's mobile number or by scanning the agent's QR code.
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If you want to give the payment in the hands of the call girl, then you can also give it directly in the girl, but you have to keep in mind that you will give the girl service only when you give the payment to the girl and that girl confirms this to her agent. Will tell that I have got the payment.
Customer Rating
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Call Girl
Top Best High Profile Call Girls in Ludhiana Escort Service
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No, Phone Video Sex Worker Call Girls in Ludhiana Escort Service is not available. Phone video sex is not done because today's technology has become so great that while doing video sex that is made viral. Due to which this video can be misused, the problem that come is:- Video viral, misuse and online payment not coming.
Viral Video :-
When video sex is done on the phone, either the boy or the girl from both the sides can blackmail them. Due to which their life can be affected very badly. That's why no video calls are made due to privacy from both sides.
Misuses Video :-
When video sex is done on the phone, then the potential for that video to be misused increases. In today's time there are many social media platforms so that either boy or girl can upload that video on social media and it can cause a lot of damage.
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This is a very big issue, any person of Phone Video Sex Worker Call Girls in Ludhiana Escorts Service does video sex, after that he says that my work is done and after that disconnects the phone and blocks it. With this, the girl who gives service does not get the money for her hard work.
Per Shot
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How do I Direct Whatsapp Number Call Girl in Ludhiana Escort Service?
If you want to talk to How do I Direct Whatsapp Number Call Girls in Ludhiana Escort Service then you have to keep some things in mind. If you make a call through any website, then you will always have to first talk to the agent (broker). After that you book the service and that girl comes to you then you can make setting about it while taking service from her.
Through of Website:-
If you go to any website and contact and talk there, then the agent there cannot make you talk directly. The reason for this is that the agent will feel that if both of you talk directly, then the commission of the agent will not be available. So that he can't talk.
While Taking Service :-
To talk directly to the call girl, first you have to ask one girl for escort service, after that you talk to that girl and tell that girl that if I ever need service in future, can you come direct? Then you have to depend on the girl if she accepts your deal then it is very good for you otherwise you will have to call another girl.
Through of Agent :-
The best offer is for you that you only talk to the agent for Direct Whatsapp Number Call Girl in Ludhiana Escort Service. Whenever you talk to the agent, you must keep in mind that if you talk to the agent for any work, then that agent will definitely take his commission. Only after that you can take service from that girl in future.
How do I Cheap Low Rate Price Call Girls in Ludhiana Escort Service?
If you want to take Cheap Low Rate Price Call Girls in Ludhiana Escort Service, then this option will be the best for you because many people want to satisfy their heart and body and you can take service in this work. Let us tell you some options and tips, which will be very helpful for you to take this service.
Categories :-
We have created some categories in this Cheap Low Rate Price Call Girls in Ludhiana Escort Service, so that you can take the service at a low cost and they have also been explained in detail. You can enjoy the service with the help of the points given below.
Call Girls Quality :-
Quality of call girl will work in low rate, meaning you will not get VIP, high profile, girls service. You will be provided only local girls service. You will have to choose one girl from the images that will be sent to you on WhatsApp.
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You will also get shot work at a low price. In this you will get one less rate and will not get to shoot more than 3 shots. For more information about this, you can get information by contacting the contact number given to you on this site Best 5 High Call Girl in Ludhiana Escort Sex Cash Payment.
Most frequent questions and answers
No, You can't Direct Contact of Call Girl.
Yes, You Can Pay Cash & Online Both Payment Available.
No, Whatsapp is not Real Photo because of Call Girl's Privacy.
No, there is no fraud on the service by the site, if this happens then you can complain on the E-mail given below.
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Let us tell you about how the call girl & escort service works today.
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About Call Girl.
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You will need to contact our agent before availing the service. To contact, you will get the contact number of our agent through internet, justdial, google, all these. You will have to talk to the agent about booking call girls. Agent who will ask – Hotel or Home, Per Shot or Full Night, at what location and at what time. Phone Video Sex Worker Call Girls Ludhiana Escorts Service After that, the answers of your questions will be found in these and if still you have any such question which you did not get the answer for then you can ask.
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- makemytrip.com
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- Maharaja Ranjit Singh War Museum
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Understand Animal Characteristics
Whatever you're hunting, a basic understanding of an animal's characteristics will help you develop an effective strategy for identifying and tracking it.
- Animals can be identified by four basic characteristics.
- Distinctive Markings: The black cheek patch on male pronghorns; the "flags" of the white-tailed deer; the face pattern on a gray fox; the green head on a mallard drake; the red, white, and blue on the head of a male turkey
- Sounds: The wild call of the sandhill crane, the familiar honk of the goose, the gobble of a strutting "tom," the grunt of the deer, the howl of the coyote
- Movement: The bounce of mule deer, the strut of a tom turkey, the fast or slow wing beats of some waterfowl, the zigzag in-flight pattern of the common snipe when flushed
- Group Behavior: Flock patterns, such as the familiar V shape of certain migratory birds; various types of herd behavior
- Further study will help you learn other ways to identify and understand your quarry, including signs the animal leaves, camouflage capability, and behavior.


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Rep Ken Buck (R-NY) justifies civilian use of AR-15s because you need to be able to protect your chickens.
For nearly 20 years we have been exposing Washington lies and untangling media deceit, but now Facebook is drowning us in an ocean of right wing lies. Please give a one-time or recurring donation, or buy a year's subscription for an ad-free experience. Thank you.


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Two New Jazz Albums Recall The Wide Open Spaces of The West.
Oregon saxophonist Rich Halley takes inspiration from the Wallowa mountain range on his new album Crossing the Passes. On Boss of the Plains, Chicago-based trio Wheelhouse makes music that evokes the Great Plains and wind chimes on a porch when the weather changes.
Related Topics
Other segments from the episode on July 9, 2013
July 9, 2013
Guest: Alfredo Corchado
DAVE DAVIES, HOST:This is FRESH AIR. I'm Dave Davies, in for Terry Gross, who's off this week. When my guest Alfredo Corchado went to cover Mexico for the Dallas Morning News, he was determined not to focus on drugs and crime but to cover issues critical to the country's future: immigration, education and the economy.
But it seems the drug cartels had other plans. Corchado spent years covering the savage violence of drug gangs and the corruption and ineptitude that enabled their reign of terror in much of the country. The story is particularly painful for Corchado, who was born in Mexico but grew up mostly in the U.S. in a family of California farm workers. He has family on both sides of the border now, and his new book is in part a memoir, and in part the story of Mexico's struggle for peace and prosperity in an age of chaos.
It's called "Midnight in Mexico: A Reporter's Journey Through a Country's Descent Into Darkness." Alfredo Corchado, welcome to FRESH AIR. Let's begin with a moment, kind of in the middle of the story, 2005, and you go into a restaurant in Nuevo Laredo, the border town across from Laredo, Texas, with an old friend of yours, Ramon, who runs the newspaper in Nuevo Laredo. Just tell us a little about him, first of all, and what his newspaper's been - has been through dealing with the drug cartels.
ALFREDO CORCHADO: I had known Ramon for a few months, and he was - had been going through I guess nightmarish experiences. His brother had been kidnapped, released by members of organized crime. His editor had been killed. And Ramon needed someone on the U.S. to kind of inform people what was going on, try to keep the story alive because he was in the middle of it's now called a zone of silence.
So in many ways we became fast friends. I was trying to understand northeastern Mexico, what was happening in that region, and he was trying to reach out to an American correspondent.
DAVIES: Now this was a time when there was a lot of violence. This particularly violent group, the Zetas, were operating in that area. And you mention that his brother was kidnapped. That actually brought him into direct contact with some cartels, and they made it clear what they expected him and his newspaper to do. Do you want to tell that story?
CORCHADO: Yeah, I mean, Ramon had lived in that area for many years. I mean, he was born in Laredo and raised in Old Laredo. And the Zetas paramilitary group had taken over the city. And I guess to try to get their message across, they decided to kidnap his brother.
The paper had had a history of being one of the most independent papers in that region, and they were trying to find a way to get the message that there was a new law, if you will, in the city. So they picked up his brother, kidnapped him, and through an intermediary Ramon was able to make contact with the leaders.
They released the brother, and Ramon took this unusual step of saying I want to come back to you. I want to sit down or talk and find out what you have in mind. I mean, what is it that you want? But I want my brother to be with me. So he picks up the brother, they - I think they met sometime around midnight, and the members of organized crime, the Zetas, were very, very clear.
We don't want you to investigate who we are. We don't want you to investigate our activities. We don't want the name Zetas in your stories. And from that moment on, Ramon basically obeyed them. He didn't - I mean, he stuck to what they wanted. And so the paper went through this incredible transformation of being one of the most independent papers in the region to basically being silent.
DAVIES: And this was at a time when you had been writing a lot of stories about the cartels, the drug violence. And you traveled to the region, and you met your friend Ramon not on the Mexican side but on the American side, in the town of Laredo at a restaurant. And tell us what happened.
CORCHADO: Well, you know, at the time it was really getting more and more difficult to meet on the Nuevo Laredo side. People were beginning to find refuge on the U.S. side. And it was a place called (Spanish spoken) in Laredo, Texas. I mean, we had just sat, we were about to order, when these guys come in, and they looked like - to me they looked like gang members.
And one of them takes his hand out, one of his - his right hand and points at me and does the - what seemed me to like he was using a gun, bam, bam, bam. And I looked at him, and I didn't know whether that was a new greeting in Laredo, and I kind of looked at Ramon. I said what was that about? And he said, well, that's strange.
The manager then comes up to us and says you guys need to leave now. Ramon gets really upset about that, and he says what's going on. He says you need to leave. And just by the sound of his voice, I thought OK, this is urgent. So I said look, let's just grab a burger somewhere else. Let's just leave.
As we were leaving, a waiter comes over with some tequila shots and said these are for you. I said, well, you must have the wrong person. We're about to leave. He says no, they're from this guy at the corner. And the guy at the corner, I mean, I saw someone just walking, and suddenly this person's hand around my shoulder, as though we were old friends.
And he just starts, you know, telling me how great it is that the morning news is interested in covering Laredo and Old Laredo, and isn't it a great town, and, you know, so much activity going on. And, you know, I start kind of thinking well, maybe this guy's with the Chamber of Commerce or City Hall or something.
And he says, you know, you get into problems when you start asking questions about the Zetas, and who they are, and how they operate, and their ties to Texas and so forth. And we had been doing stories, I guess, for weeks at that point, and suddenly it just kind of felt like, you know, this was not a guy from the Chamber of Commerce.
Ramon looks over and, you know, puts his hand on him and says, you know, OK, that's enough, leave him alone. He says words in Spanish, you know, kind of some cuss words. And the guy just keeps insisting. He says I'm just here to deliver a message. This is, you know, this comes from these guys, and you need to lay off, and here's what happens to people who don't listen to the message.
And he describes in horrible detail how they, you know, take you, chop you to pieces, put you - the pieces in acid. And he says, you know, the worst thing is that your mother might never know what happened to you. And the guy was just there for just, you know, a few minutes more and left, and that was it.
DAVIES: The interesting thing about this is that you're coming into Laredo, and they knew who you were, right?
DAVIES: I mean, you weren't wearing a name tag, and they knew Alfredo Corchado and who he was and what he was doing.
CORCHADO: You know, they - what was interesting is that they knew who I had met with that day, and one of them was - had been a federal agent.
DAVIES: And they referred to this in their conversation with you.
CORCHADO: Right.
DAVIES: So they clearly had been all over you.
CORCHADO: Exactly. They said it doesn't matter who's helping you, who's protecting you. Even that U.S. federal agent won't be able to do anything to help you. And it just kind of sunk, you know. I mean, there - I think the human intelligence that they have, it's amazing. I mean, I just looked at him like wow, we are on the U.S. side of the border, I mean we're in Texas, and I mean - I guess it really makes you understand what transnational criminal groups can do or what they're capable of.
DAVIES: And there were a couple of times, I mean, you did get threatened more than once by the cartels, and there were a couple of times I think you said that you left the country. Did you ever censor yourself at all as a result of any of that?
CORCHADO: Never. I've never censored myself. I think, you know, what's interesting is how the paper has reacted. I mean, the newspaper reacted to protecting and making sure that we continue telling the story. I mean, at some point they put other reporters on particular stories to make sure that the cartels understood this was not personal. This, I mean, we were just doing journalism.
But given what the situation with their Mexican colleagues, I mean, our situation pales in comparison. These guys have no protection. You hear the stories, and the last thing you ever want to do is censor yourself or become silent like they have. So you keep telling the stories because they're stories that have to be told.
It's, you know, it's a historic time in Mexico, it's a transformative time in Mexico, and I think it also speaks to the power of journalism.
DAVIES: And we should note that, what, 70 Mexican journalists have been murdered over the course of all this.
CORCHADO: It depends on the numbers. Sometimes - some people say it's 45. Other people say it's more than 100. But what we can say is there are regions in Mexico where cartels are in control, and they've become zones of silence.
DAVIES: We're speaking with Alfredo Corchado. He is the Mexico bureau chief for the Dallas Morning News, and his new book is called "Midnight in Mexico." We'll talk more after a short break. This is FRESH AIR.
DAVIES: This is FRESH AIR, and if you're just joining us, our guest is Alfredo Corchado. He is a journalist. He is the Mexico bureau chief for the Dallas Morning News. His new book is called "Midnight in Mexico: A Reporter's Journey Through a Country's Descent Into Darkness."
You know, the book is in part a story of some of the harrowing experiences you have covering the cartels but also sort of a story of Mexico and a prayer for progress. And, you know, there was a big, big change in 2000, when the PRI, the P-R-I, the Institutional Revolutionary Party, which had been in control for decades, was finally overturned, and a new president, Vicente Fox, of a rival party comes to power.
Drug violence grows, rather than lessoning. You know, the endemic corruption still seems to be there. And you describe in 2003 going to investigate some disappearance and murders of young women in Juarez. Tell us a little bit about that trip, that investigation.
CORCHADO: Sure. I mean, I think Juarez really became the key to understanding what was happening to Mexico, if you will. This was 2003, and the paper wanted to kind of get into who was killing so many women in Juarez. I think at the time more than 100 women had been killed over 10 years. There were signs that maybe there was a serial killer involved.
We didn't know. I mean, typical in Mexico, you never really know because there aren't very credible investigations. There's always impunity involved. So for some reason, you know, I look back now, and I kind of laugh because I think the paper really thought I could get to the bottom of this. And they said look, it doesn't matter the time you spent. Just let's try to get some real answers.
And it became very clear to me that with the election of Fox, you had the central power, if you will, suddenly it moves to the state levels. And suddenly these governors become little fiefdom leaders, and you see the mess. I mean, you see the mess evolving before your eyes.
It was interesting covering the women of Juarez because you saw how investigators were just, you know, just doing rookie mistakes with some of the investigations, some of the evidence they collected and so forth. And that's I think when I started thinking this is not going to end well.
DAVIES: So you said you kind of laugh when you think that the newspaper thought you were going to go and solve this investigation, but what did you find? What did you find out about this pattern of these young women being missing and then found murdered?
CORCHADO: I think I found a lot more questions than answers. I mean, yes, there were some indications that some of the women were victims of organized crime. One person I met, a lawyer, kind of helped me understand, you know, that there was a group called La Linea, and we started using that word even before I think the local media or before anyone else did, a group called La Linea who were part of the Juarez cartel.
And they were in effect - I mean, they were so powerful they could just decide what to do, who to do, who to kill, et cetera, and according to this one theory they would target certain women of certain age, of certain build, et cetera. And they would have parties. And they'd bring the women forcefully, and then they'd have sex orgies, et cetera, and after a while they would just discard them.
DAVIES: You're talking about gang rapes, you're not talking about anything consensual.
CORCHADO: Exactly gang rapes, and at the same time, I mean, you had a lot of other cases that seemed to be much more domestic situations. But the frustrating things, you know, going back to Mexican impunity, is that you could never really get to the bottom of, you know, even one murder. I mean, there was always questions about this, questions about that.
And it just, I think it made me understand just how weak the institutions were in Mexico and how, I mean, it's a country with all these great laws on the books but really no rule of law or at least a very weak rule of law.
DAVIES: Throughout all these years, I mean, the cartels get stronger, the violence increases, and then we have a new president in 2006, Felipe Calderon. And you, as you watched him prepare to take office, I mean, you interviewed these guys. You were in Mexico City. You knew them well. And you write that at some point when you saw Calderon looking at the violence and just what a serious threat it proposed, you said you wrote down in your notebook he gets it. What was different?
CORCHADO: I did. I did, I mean, you know, going back to 2005 with Ramon in Old Laredo and seeing these paramilitary leaders take over a town, and you see how these communities were just crumbling slowly, and you kept questioning why isn't Vicente Fox doing more, why isn't the president doing more.
And, you know, there was a time when even President Fox would call the - call our people at the Dallas Morning News and question why we were so determined with this story, why were we so obsessed when really it was just part of the whole democratic thing in Mexico.
So when Felipe Calderon comes in, and he's very clear, and you kind of see this determination in him, I know it was September, a few months before he took office, and I just thought this guy really has the courage to stand up and realize, you know, what the problem is in Mexico, and he's going to do something about it.
I mean, that was the moment, you know. In hindsight you can question a lot of things, and I think, you know, it remains a debate what - whether he used the right strategy. I mean, here we are six years later, more than 100,000 people either killed or disappear. So there's a lot to debate, a lot to question.
DAVIES: Right, so you have here a situation in which the cartels, some of them, had become paramilitary organizations. I mean, they had heavy weaponry, you know, and ballistics vests and helmets in some cases. And so he brings in the military. He's going to match power with power. And he's determined. What happens? Why doesn't it work?
CORCHADO: I think the corruption inside, I mean, I look back now, I mean hindsight, here we are again, you know, Monday morning quarterbacking, and I often ask myself, you know, what happened. And I think it really shows just how much corruption permeated every institution in Mexico, especially law enforcement.
I remember talking to a U.S. source who said, you know, you give these guys the intelligence, you give them files of intelligence, and within seconds, if not minutes, the enemy knows what you're doing. I mean, they have all the information. And I think that was a real chilling example of what went wrong.
You know, I talked to Mexican officials later who I've asked them, you know, what happened. And they tell you we thought we were - we thought we had everything planned. And then you march up the hill, and you realize you're not on a horse, but you're on a donkey. You look around you, and there's not, you know, the cavalry's going in different directions. I think that kind of sums up the Calderon years.
DAVIES: You know, that was an evocative quote that you - and it's in the book. What did the guy mean, the cavalry's going in the other direction, we're riding donkeys?
CORCHADO: There was no plan. There was no real strategy. There was no real trust within the agencies. I mean, all of the sudden all these agencies who, at one point, you know, he explained, you know, you have one agency, the federal police, you had the attorney general's office. They were all split. Some of them had taken sides with one cartel over the other.
And suddenly within weeks, if not months, you were trying to force them to take on cartels. The cavalry was not - I mean, they were all going in different directions. I mean, everybody kind of had their own loyalties.
DAVIES: All right, so the intelligence you need, for example, to go and arrest a leader is no good because the leader gets tipped off. And then the people who have to build the cases, the prosecutors, they're on somebody's side. They fall apart. So in effect did things get worse with the offensive?
CORCHADO: You know, I've gone back and forth with officials on both sides of the border. And they say, no, it's easy to criticize Calderon now, but the way the country was moving, you also have the question we were on the verge of becoming a narco-state. Did we do the right thing? I think it'll take years for people to really get an answer on that.
I mean, but then again what do you tell people who lost a loved one or loved ones are disappeared? I mean, it's a tough question for Mexico, and I think the country's trying to go through this soul-searching, if you will. You know, was it worth it? Was it - what happened with Calderon?
And this is really an important time for Mexico to do that because, you know, the PRI is back, the regime that covered Mexico for 71 years. So I think it's really testing Mexicans like never before. And it's testing to see just how far they've come as a civil society. How much can it keep the government accountable?
And the question really is: Will this country really become a better country in the future? Will Mexico really prosper? Will Mexico really become a nation of laws?
DAVIES: Has the violence subsided at all? I mean, have some of the big kingpins been arrested?
CORCHADO: None, none. I mean, that's what's so chilling, and that's what's so troubling today is you have the new administration talk about how things have gotten better. The violence, some say, has gone down, you know, by 14 percent. Yet you talk to independent analysts, and they question whether maybe they're maybe using different criteria.
Some of the same killings are still happening. You find five heads, six heads, seven bodies dangling. It's just not getting the same kind of coverage or the same kind of attention that it did in the last six years. But I think the violence overall is pretty much the same. Does it mean that we, you know, that we shouldn't be covering other stories, like maybe the more prosperous side of Mexico? No, but you can't cancel one story over the other.
DAVIES: Alfredo Corchado will be back in the second half of the show. His book is "Midnight in Mexico: A Reporter's Journey Through a Country's Descent Into Darkness." I'm Dave Davies, and this is FRESH AIR.
DAVIES: This is FRESH AIR. I'm Dave Davies, in for Terry Gross, who is off this week. We're speaking with journalist Alfredo Corchado. As Mexico bureau chief for the Dallas Morning News, he spent years covering the violence of drug gangs and the efforts of a succession of Mexican presidents to stem the carnage and bring change to the country.
It's a painful story for Corchado, who spent much of his life in the U.S., but has deep emotional and family ties to Mexico. His new book is called "Midnight in Mexico.
I want to talk a little bit about your life. You were born in Mexico. Tell us about the village, what your life was there when you were young.
CORCHADO: I was born in some small little town called San Luis de Cordero Durango; not very far from I guess the biggest city is Gomez Palacio, bordering the state of Chihuahua, northern part of the state. About 2,000 people, roughly. Mostly farmers, people who grow corn. And a lot of the - I think the majority of the men would spend their time in the United States. This was during the program of the Bracero, the guest worker program, so you had men who were only there may be two, three months out of the year, spend most of their time in Texas, Arizona and California. My father spent most of his life in the San Joaquin Valley. But it was a pretty good life because we had continuous money coming from the north. It was a very comfortable life. It was a very good life.
DAVIES: You know, you write that even at that young age you knew you didn't want to go the United States. But your family decided, and partly because there was a tragedy in your family; you had a sister who drowned. But you made your way to the fields of California. You grew up in a trailer there for a lot of years, right? Now were you actually working the fields with their parents? Were you going to school? What was your life like then?
CORCHADO: We lived in the trailer house for a few months and then we left another camping grounds - if you will - owned by ranchers throughout the San Joaquin Valley. And yes, we were working in the fields. I think I was maybe seven - six/seven - when I started working in the fields, Tomatoes, picking oranges. And it, you know, it's not as horrible as it sounds. I mean it's not, you know, child labor. It was actually kind of a fun time because you were around family all the time or you were around friends all the time. And I think at that age when you're trying to make the transition from Mexico to the United States, it was important to feel that kind of support, that kind of help around you. But, yes, I think for at least the first 10, 12 years in California, I mean we worked in the fields, we worked as farm workers. My parents were members of the United Farm Workers, which was the head was Cesar Chavez. So it was that kind of experience, you know, field and then school during the school year.
DAVIES: What kind of a future did you see for yourself?
CORCHADO: The fields. I really thought that, you know, I had made it. I thought, you know, I knew some English. I thought I was in love with the - one of the rancher's daughters. And I thought, you know, this is the easy way out. I will some day be the mero mero, or the supervisor.
CORCHADO: Because all I saw around me were, you know, other Mexican-American kids who ended up in the fields. He didn't matter how educated they were. It didn't matter how smart they were. They usually ended up in the field.
DAVIES: The mero mero, that's an expression meaning what? The big guy, right?
CORCHADO: The big guy. Right.
DAVIES: Right. Right. You're in the fields of California, you know, living with your family, going to public school. You dropped out of high school but you end up as a journalist and a respected one. How did you get there?
CORCHADO: Well, I ended up at El Paso Community College and ended up studying journalism later at the University of Texas at El Paso. And covering Mexico - which is right across El Paso and (unintelligible) Juarez, eventually I end up becoming the bureau chief for the Dallas Morning News based in Mexico City. And part of my job is really covering the whole country, you know, Mexico itself, also the U.S./Mexico border. So there's always a lot of crisscrossing the border. One day you may be in El Paso or you may be in Dallas or Laredo and then suddenly, you're in Mexico, Mexico City, Ciudad Durango, et cetera.
DAVIES: Now I want to clarify one thing about your personal story. You were born in Mexico, spent a lot of time in the States. Are you an American citizen?
CORCHADO: I am an American citizen, yeah, back I think more than 20 years now.
DAVIES: So did you just go through the naturalization process? Yeah.
CORCHADO: Nationalization. I was working at the time at the Wall Street Journal and I told my editor some day I want to work as a foreign correspondent. He said, look, the first thing you got to do is become a U.S. citizen.
DAVIES: Right, which because now you have after that you have a U.S. passport. And it comes up at times when you get into these tough situations in Mexico. You're an American journalist, you know, covering Mexico, but you don't exactly look like an American. I mean did you have the protection that other American journalists have?
CORCHADO: I do and I don't. I mean a source of mine once said - I once asked him, you know, how likely is it that a drug cartel would target an American journalist? And he said - he says look, I have good news and bad news. The good news is that cartels do not want to mess with Americans because it messes - it gets in the way of their billion-dollar industry. Bad news is that you just don't look American. And that really hit me hard. I mean he's right, but it kind of made you question what exactly is an American?
DAVIES: You know, the book is about your life as a journalist, but also about your life. And you, while you're reporting in Mexico and, you know, north of the border, you have family in El Paso, relatives in Mexico and there are a number of moments in which, you know, the terrible violence that the country is experiencing directly impacts friends and family. And I want you to tell me about when your Uncle Delfino dies in Ciudad, Juarez, and the experience of his death and burial when that city was going through such terrible violence.
CORCHADO: You know, Dave, the book in many ways is my effort to try to answer my mother's question, you know, which is, why would you want to go back to Mexico when we did so much to sacrifice to leave Mexico? She sacrificed a lot for the homeland, etcetera. And my Uncle Delfino as a child was really, I mean he was like a father figure to me. I didn't really know I had a father because he was gone to work in California for so much part of the year. So my Uncle Delfino felt that there was another side to Mexico that people didn't understand, you know, the generosity of its people and the potential of the country. And it was something as a child I think really marked me when I left Mexico. It was at his funeral when he - I mean he died of a heart attack. He was getting off the bus and it was horrible, this was during Juarez's most dreadful days. He dies and people kind of looked at another body on the ground and didn't really go there to try to help him. I mean, you know, he was just another body. And he, the day of his burial - I mean first of all, there were so many corpses at the morgue that they couldn't keep him anymore, so they brought him earlier. My uncle's body lay out in the sun, I mean August summer in El Paso, Juarez sun, the worst.
DAVIES: You know, under normal circumstances, the body would've remained at the morgue. It would have been kept refrigerated until the family was ready to assemble the burial. In this case what? They simply bring you the body and say sorry, you're going to have to take it now?
CORCHADO: Sorry, there are too many bodies. You're going to have to take it now. And we're sorry that you're waiting for your loved ones to come back from California and Mexico and Colorado but, you know, this is the new reality in a Juarez. So my cousin did the next best thing, I mean she put a fan over the body, over the coffin, you know, to try to keep it fresh and I showed up and just went up to the coffin and, I mean I still get emotional thinking about it because it was like a conversation with my uncle. You know, Delfino, was this the Mexico you so believed in? And the day of the burial on the way to the church, there was a shooting outside some store right across the church. And the next thing I know I mean, there were military people and there were people with guns, you know, pointing at you and pointing at the whole procession. My instinct was to try to get my camera and I started taking pictures and then somebody with a gun, you know, just pointed it - I mean direct it at you and it was like another day for them.
We continued on to the cemetery. The guy carrying the casket kept looking at his watch and finally comes up to me and says look, we have to leave. I have to leave. There's so much, you know, so many killings in Juarez that they need my services. We have to move, keep moving bodies, et cetera. And I looked at him and I said, you know, in my uncle's honor, can just you stay for a couple of minutes and I'll find a way to get someone else to help us lower the body and bury my uncle? He kept looking at his watch. I finally walked up to him, I said you can leave. Two other people had stepped in and said, you know, we'll help you. So we had family members and bureau guys help us put the body down and we put dirt over him. And, you know, it was a very sad moment, but at the same time we couldn't wait to just leave Juarez, which is very sad because a lot of family had come from California and Colorado and they just couldn't wait to get back to the U.S. side of the border.
DAVIES: So there you were in, you know, surrounded by this military activities and it just didn't feel safe to do what every family does when someone dies, which is to stay and share memories.
CORCHADO: I kept, you know, just listening to the sirens that were outside and all the other people burying loved ones. I mean I couldn't tell whether people were, I mean that were victims of violence and so forth, but there were just so much death around you. And one thing that this guy had told me when I was carrying my uncle's casket, he said, you know, the only business these days, he says the only business that's growing are funeral homes and people are talking about expanding cemeteries because we're running out of space. I think that was one of the saddest things I heard that day.
DAVIES: We're speaking with Alfredo Corchado. His new book is called "Midnight in Mexico." We'll talk more after a break. This is FRESH AIR.
DAVIES: This is FRESH AIR, and our guest is journalist Alfredo Corchado. He is the Mexico bureau chief for the Dallas Morning News. He has a new book called "Midnight in Mexico: A Reporter's Journey Through a Country's Descent Into Darkness."
You know, as somebody who's worked for years as a journalist covering government in the United States, I mean I'm so impressed with what you were doing there in Mexico. But it also made me wonder, you know, there's a tradition of the investigative journalist that, you know, muckraking brings change. You know, you expose environmental pollution or unsanitary, you know, food packaging and that leads to more regulation or inspection. Or you find a local official who is corrupt and they are indicted or they resign and reform results.
I have to say, when I read about some of the experiences in Mexico, the corruption seems so deeply endemic that it almost feels like you risk your life and go to write stories and people read them and say yeah, I already knew that. I already knew that there was no justice, that the authorities are in with the criminals. And I wonder if it ever just feels futile?
CORCHADO: There are times when I ask myself that question a lot. I mean, but I've got to tell you I think sometimes covering Mexico is really like covering two or three countries. I mean there are those regions in Mexico where, you know, there's silence. I mean there's nothing there reported or people depend on social media to get news. But there's also, I think, other parts, like Mexico City, Guadalajara, Monterrey where there's a lot more aggressive investigative journalism. I mean, one of the Pulitzer winners this year is Alejandra Xanic, a freelance reporter in Mexico City who helped The New York Times win another Pulitzer, by helping uncover the whole corruption in Wal-Mart. And it was during her, you know, this investigation that I think a lot of Mexicans, I think it really opened a lot of eyes to people and really make them understand that there is so much more to do.
And that yes, there's a lot of cynicism, a lot of, you know, what we really do, does it really matter? Do people already, you know, people know about the corruption? But I think when you start putting names and you start putting faces I mean to what seems at times to be ghosts, I think it really changes the way people think about things. And I think that it's also homage to our profession as journalists. I go from Mexico City where there's, you know, people beginning to take whole government accountable, to a place in the middle of Laredo where people don't know much about upcoming elections or about what happened, you know, why three or four bodies appear, and you see the difference and you, I think, respect and understand the value of journalism that much more.
DAVIES: How do you feel about Mexico's future?
CORCHADO: I remain hopeful. I mean I really remain hopeful. I think if you look at Mexico in the last six weeks or the last six days or the last six years, you tend to get depressed and that whole dread thing comes in. But when I look at Mexico over the last 20 years and I see a much more open society. I see a press trying to hold government accountable. I see governmental officials, you know, on radio shows, on newspapers, on TV giving their explanations. You see competition with political parties. It gives me hope for the country. I mean, you know, the whole name "Midnight in Mexico," I mean I had to explain that to my mother like, you know, why would you name your book "Midnight in Mexico" when really what you want to do is talk about the possibility? I said Mom, during the darkest moments of the night is when you're looking for that crack of light, you're looking for that...
...in Mexico, when really what you want to do is talk about the possibility. I said, Mom, during the darkest moment of the night is when you're looking for that crack of light. You're looking for that flickering light, and you believe in the promise of a new day. And that's why I remain hopeful about Mexico. I think there are better days that will come.
But here's the deal: You know, is it going to happen in my lifetime? I'm not so sure. But I think things are changing. I think things are moving.
DAVIES: Your family's changed, too. You know, you were born in Mexico, and then of course lived in California working the fields, ended up in El Paso. Now you work for a Dallas newspaper covering Mexico, living mostly in Mexico. And there's a scene where you describe a big family gathering. I guess it's in El Paso. And a lot of members of your extended family are speaking English, and their Spanish isn't so good. Where - what's your identity?
CORCHADO: My identity's like, I think - that's a great question, Dave. I - it's - I have a Mexican heart, but I think I have the American brain. And I think that's how I tried to write this book. You know, you feel with one, and you think with the other. And my family, I think, it's a timeless tradition of the United States, you know, the whole immigrant experience, where suddenly you look around and you listen, and the only Spanish you hear is when your parents speak Spanish. Everyone else has become so assimilated, that English becomes a dominant language.
And I keep reminding them, you know, Mexico isn't going anywhere. Whether you're Asian, whether you're African-American, whether you're Mexican, whether you want to embrace your roots or not embrace your roots, Mexico isn't going anywhere. It's 2,000 miles along the border. It's right there.
The music we listen to, the food we eat, the gas in our gas tanks, the cars we drive, it's increasingly Mexico. And, you know, we have to kind of come to some kind of reconciliation over that. I mean, I always think about this book as, you know, love for the homeland, love for the family, redefining who you are. You know, reinventing ourselves.
And I think as immigrants, we kind of continue to reinvent ourselves when we're on the U.S. side of the border. But it's also reconciliation among the Mexicans in Mexico, but also Americans on this side of the border and Mexico itself.
DAVIES: Well, Alfredo Corchado, thanks so much for speaking with us.
CORCHADO: Dave, it was my pleasure.
DAVIES: Alfredo Corchado has spent years covering drug violence and the efforts to stem it in Mexico as the Mexico City Bureau Chief for the Dallas Morning News. His new book is "Midnight in Mexico: A Reporter's Journey Through a Country's Descent into Darkness." Coming up, FRESH AIR's jazz critic Kevin Whitehead has some music inspired by the open spaces of the American West and the Central Plains. This is FRESH AIR.
DAVE DAVIES, HOST: Our jazz critic Kevin Whitehead says in times like these, when major record labels show limited interest in jazz, musicians turn to issuing recordings on their own labels. Kevin looks at two new indie recordings from far-flung saxophonists - Oregon's Rich Halley and Chicago's Dave Rempis.
KEVIN WHITEHEAD, BYLINE: Portland tenor saxophonist Rich Halley's quartet, from "Crossing the Passes" on his Pine Eagle label. The album commemorates a week-long trek over the Wallowa Mountain Range in northeast Oregon, where Halley's been climbing since he was a boy. We could talk about his dual obsessions with music and nature as cultivating a love of wide-open, improvisational spaces. He's got one band that only plays outdoors.
But all that climbing also has practical benefits. It builds lung power. Rich Halley has a big, full-throated sound that may recall prime Sonny Rollins.
WHITEHEAD: You could look at Rich Halley's interest in remote locales as a metaphor for how his music developed, far from the jazz capitals. Not that he's out of touch. He's learned volumes from studying Ornette Coleman, Charles Mingus and others. But one's individual voice is also a function of who you improvise with. What you react to helps shape what you play.
His colleagues come from up and down the West Coast: the great Vancouver bassist Clyde Reed, Los Angeles' brash and burly trombonist Michael Vlatkovich, and the saxophonist's son and climbing partner Carson Halley on drums. They bring clarity and counterpoint even to the improvised pieces, like a themeless blues.
WHITEHEAD: Rich Halley's been recording for three decades, about twice as long as Chicago saxophonist Dave Rempis, who shares his interest in orderly improvising with long-term collaborators. Rempis is involved with so many bands, he started his own label, Aerophonic. One of their debut releases is by the trio Wheelhouse, with a fine, non-egotistical bassist, Nick McBride, and one of the great vibraphonists of our time, Jason Adasiewicz.
WHITEHEAD: Wheelhouse's CD is called "Boss of the Plains," the original name for the broad-brimmed Stetson that evolved into the hat of choice for cowboys and Boy Scouts. The photo inside the CD sleeve depicts a vintage GMC truck cab dominating a flat landscape. There's an air of wide open spaces above this mostly subdued music, too, but then Chicago does lie at the edge of the Central Plains.
Jason Adasiewicz's vibes can evoke wind chimes on a farmhouse porch when the weather changes and light and dark clouds billowing on the horizon.
WHITEHEAD: Of course, Chicago's a sprawling city, too, and in Wheelhouse's music, you can also hear the screech of an L train rounding a curve or the factory across the highway. The trio's music also relates to the South Side's influential AACM cooperative, whose musicians likewise favor unusual combinations and plenty of unrestricted horizontal space.
WHITEHEAD: One of the strengths of jazz or improvised music is that it's susceptible to influences from all over. It's never about just one thing. So we're not arguing for geographical determinism, but where an artist lives does make a difference, even when the effect isn't as obvious as on these two new CDs.
DAVIES: Kevin Whitehead writes for Point of Departure, Down Beat, and eMusic and is the author of "Why Jazz?" He reviewed "Crossing the Passes" by Rich Halley's quartet and "Boss of the Plains" by the Dave Rempis trio Wheelhouse. You can download podcasts of our show at freshair.npr.org. Follow us on Twitter @nprfreshair, and on Tumblr at nprfreshair.tumblr.com.
Transcripts are created on a rush deadline, and accuracy and availability may vary. This text may not be in its final form and may be updated or revised in the future. Please be aware that the authoritative record of Fresh Air interviews and reviews are the audio recordings of each segment.


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Today, the Conservative Party of Canada became the first party to register all of their candidates with Elections Canada.
The deadline for candidates to register for the upcoming election is Monday, September 30th at 2 PM.
"The Conservative Party team is diverse, experienced, and ready to put more money in your pockets so that you can get ahead," said Hamish Marshall, the National Campaign Manager for the Conservative Party of Canada. "This is a team that is ready to win on October 21st and a team that is ready to stand-up for Canadians as part of a new Conservative Government."
The Conservative Party slate of candidates includes a record 107 women candidates, as well as Indigenous Canadians, LGBTQ+ Canadians, Muslims, Sikhs, Jewish Canadians, Christians, Hindus, and Buddhists."
The candidates also come from a variety of professional backgrounds:
- Veterans
- Police officers
- Small business owners
- Public servants
- Farmers
- Teachers
- Stay-at-home parents
- Healthcare professionals
- Financial professionals
- Engineers
- Journalists
- Professional athletes
- A Juno-award winning country music star
- A Paralympic gold-medalist
- An Olympic gold-medalist
"This election will be about one thing: who do you trust to help you get ahead," added Marshall. "Andrew Scheer and the Conservatives are the only party that will lead a government that lives within its means and puts more money in your pockets."
Andrew Scheer and the Conservatives will:
- Scrap the Trudeau Carbon Tax, lowering the cost of everyday essentials like gas, groceries and home heating.
- Introduce the Universal Tax Cut, saving a couple earning average salaries $850.
- Take the GST off home heating costs, saving your family $107 every year.
- Introduce the Green Public Transit Tax Credit, saving a family of four who take transit up to $1,000.
- Make maternity benefits tax-free, putting up to $4,000 back in the pockets of new parents.
- Introduce the Children's Fitness Tax Credit, allowing parents to claim up to $1,000 for sports activities.
- Introduce the Children's Arts and Learning Tax Credit, letting parents claim up to $500 for arts and learning programs.
- Expand the Age Credit, benefiting the lowest income Canadians the most and giving a senior couple up to $300.
- Boost government-matching to RESPs by 50 per cent, helping parents get more for their kids' education.
- Introduce the Green Home Renovation Tax Credit, putting up to $3,800 back in the pockets of Canadians for green home improvements.


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UPDATE 12/3/2009 @ 12:20PM: I received a phone call from an executive at TeleStrategies, the firm who organized the ISS World conference. He claimed that my recordings violated copyright law, and asked that I remove the mp3 recordings of the two panel sessions, as well as the YouTube/Vimeo/Ikbis versions I had embedded onto this blog. While I believe that my recording and posting of the audio was lawful, as a good faith gesture, I have taken down the mp3s and the .zip file from my web hosting account, and removed the files from Vimeo/YouTube/Ikbis.
Executive Summary
Sprint Nextel provided law enforcement agencies with its customers' (GPS) location information over 8 million times between September 2008 and October 2009. This massive disclosure of sensitive customer information was made possible due to the roll-out by Sprint of a new, special web portal for law enforcement officers.
The evidence documenting this surveillance program comes in the form of an audio recording of Sprint's Manager of Electronic Surveillance, who described it during a panel discussion at a wiretapping and interception industry conference, held in Washington DC in October of 2009.
It is unclear if Federal law enforcement agencies' extensive collection of geolocation data should have been disclosed to Congress pursuant to a 1999 law that requires the publication of certain surveillance statistics -- since the Department of Justice simply ignores the law, and has not provided the legally mandated reports to Congress since 2004.
"[Service providers] have, last time I looked, no line entry in any government directory; they are not an agent of any law enforcement agency; they do not work for or report to the FBI; and yet, you would never know that by the way law enforcement orders them around and expects blind obedience."
-- Albert Gidari Jr., Keynote Address: Companies Caught in the Middle, 41 U.S.F. L. Rev. 535, Spring 2007.
"The reason we keep [search engine data] for any length of time is one, we actually need it to make our algorithms better, but more importantly, there is a legitimate case of the government, or particularly the police function or so forth, wanting, with a Federal subpoena and so forth being able to get access to that information."
-- Eric Schmidt, CEO of Google, All Things Considered, NPR interview between 5:40 and 6:40, October 2, 2009.
Internet service providers and telecommunications companies play a significant, yet little known role in law enforcement and intelligence gathering.
Government agents routinely obtain customer records from these firms, detailing the telephone numbers dialed, text messages, emails and instant messages sent, web pages browsed, the queries submitted to search engines, and of course, huge amounts of geolocation data, detailing exactly where an individual was located at a particular date and time.
These Internet/telecommunications firms all have special departments, many open 24 hours per day, whose staff do nothing but respond to legal requests. Their entire purpose is to facilitate the disclosure of their customers' records to law enforcement and intelligence agencies -- all following the letter of the law, of course.
'Juking' the stats
If you were to believe the public surveillance statistics, you might come away with the idea that government surveillance is exceedingly rare in the United States.
Every year, the US Courts produce the wiretap report which details every 'intercept' order requested by Federal, state and local law enforcement agencies during that year. Before the police, FBI, DEA or other law enforcement agents can tap a phone, intercept an Internet connection, or place a covert bug into a suspect's home, they must obtain one of these orders, which law professor and blogger Orin Kerr describes as a "super warrant," due to the number of steps the government must go through in order to obtain one.
The official wiretap reports reveal that there are approximately 2000 intercept orders sought and approved by judges each year.
As you might expect, the vast majority of these intercept orders are for phone wiretaps. Thus, for example, of the 1891 intercept orders granted in 2008, all but 134 of them were issued for phone taps.
The number of electronic intercept orders, which are required to intercept Internet traffic and other computer assisted communications is surprisingly low. There were just 10 electronic intercept orders requested in 2008, and only 4 of those were from the Federal government -- which was itself a massive increase over the one single order sought by the entire Department of Justice in both 2006 and 2007.
This graph, and the information contained within it, simply does not make sense. The number of electronic intercepts should, like the number of phone wiretaps, be going up over time, as more people purchase computers, and as criminals or other persons of government interest start to use computers to communicate and plan their business activities. Why were there almost 700 total (federal and state) electronic intercept orders obtained in 1998, but only 10 in 2008?
While I have no way of proving it, I suspect that there have never been a large amount of electronic intercept orders obtained in order to monitor computer communications. The electronic intercept orders, as reported by the US Courts, include those used to monitor computers, fax machines, and pagers. The wiretap report doesn't break down the numbers for these individual technologies -- but I suspect that the nearly 700 electronic intercept orders granted in 1998 were largely for fax machines and pagers. Thus, as these technologies died out, it is only natural that the number of electronic intercept orders declined
That still leaves us with one large question though: How often are Internet communications being monitored, and what kind of orders are required in order to do so.
The stats don't cover all forms of law enforcement surveillance
As I described at the beginning of this article, the government routinely obtains customer records from ISPs detailing the telephone numbers dialed, text messages, emails and instant messages sent, web pages browsed, the queries submitted to search engines, and geolocation data, detailing exactly where an individual was located at a particular date and time.
However, while there are many ways the government can monitor an individual, very few of these methods require an intercept order.
In general, intercept orders are required to monitor the contents of real time communications. Non-content information, such as the To/From
While wiretaps require a "superwarrant" which must be evaluated and approved by a judge following strict rules, government attorneys can obtain pen register orders by merely certifying that the information likely to be obtained is relevant to an ongoing criminal investigation -- a far lower evidentiary threshold.
In addition to the fact that they are far easier to obtain, pen register orders are also not included in the annual US courts wiretap report. Not to fear though -- a 1999 law requires that the Attorney General compile annual statistics regarding DOJ's use of pen register orders, which he must submit to Congress.
Unfortunately, the Department of Justice has ignored this law since 2004 -- when five years worth of reports were provided to Congress in the form of a single document dump covering 1999-2003. Since that one submission, both Congress and the American people have been kept completely in the dark regarding the Federal government's extensive use of pen registers.
Since we don't have any pen register stats for the last five years, it is difficult to do a current comparison. However, for the five years worth of data that we do have, it is possible to make a few observations.
First, in 2003, Federal agents used 15 times more pen registers and trap & traces than intercepts. Perhaps this was because each of the 578 Federal intercept orders obtained in 2003 had to be thoroughly evaluated and then approved by a judge, while the 5922 pen registers or 2649 trap & trace devices each received a cursory review at best.
Second, the number of pen registers and trap & trace orders went down after 9/11, at a time when the FBI and other parts of DOJ were massively increasing their use of surveillance. 4210 pen registers were used in 2000, 4172 in 2001, and 4103 in 2002.
It is important to note that these numbers only reveal part of the picture, as these statistics only cover the use of pen registers/trap & traces by the Department of Justice. There are no public stats that document the use of these surveillance methods by state or local law enforcement. Likewise, these stats only cover the requests made for law enforcement purposes -- pen register surveillance performed by the intelligence community isn't reported, even in aggregate form.
Stored Communications
The reporting requirements for intercepts and pen registers only apply to the surveillance of live communications. However, communications or customer records that are in storage by third parties, such as email messages, photos or other files maintained in the cloud by services like Google, Microsoft, Yahoo Facebook and MySpace are routinely disclosed to law enforcement, and there is no legal requirement that statistics on these kinds of requests be compiled or published.
There is currently no way for academic researchers, those in Congress, or the general public to determine how often most email, online photo sharing or social network services deliver their customers' data to law enforcement agents.
While these firms deliver sensitive customer data to government agents on a daily basis, they go out of their way to avoid discussing it.
"As a matter of policy, we do not comment on the nature or substance of law enforcement requests to Google."Only Facebook and AOL have publicly disclosed the approximate number of requests they receive from the government -- 10-20 requests per day and 1000 requests per month, respectively.
"We do not comment on specific requests from the government. Microsoft is committed to protecting the privacy of our customers and complies with all applicable privacy laws."
"Given the sensitive nature of this area and the potential negative impact on the investigative capabilities of public safety agencies, Yahoo does not discuss the details of law enforcement compliance. Yahoo responds to law enforcement in compliance with all applicable laws."
Follow the money
"When I can follow the money, I know how much of something is being consumed - how many wiretaps, how many pen registers, how many customer records. Couple that with reporting, and at least you have the opportunity to look at and know about what is going on.Telecommunications carriers and Internet firms do not just hand over sensitive customer information to law enforcement officers. No -- these companies charge the government for it.
-- Albert Gidari Jr., Keynote Address: Companies Caught in the Middle, 41 U.S.F. L. Rev. 535, Spring 2007.
Cox Communications, the third largest cable provider in the United States, is the only company I've found that has made its surveillance price list public. Thus, we are able to learn that the company charges $2,500 for the first 60 days of a pen register/trap and trace, followed by $2,000 for each additional 60 days, while it charges $3,500 for the first 30 days of a wiretap, followed by $2,500 for each additional 30 days. Historical data is much cheaper -- 30 days of a customer's call detail records can be obtained for a mere $40.
Comcast does not make their price list public, but the company's law enforcement manual was leaked to the Internet a couple years ago. Based on that 2007 document, it appears that Comcast charges at least $1000 for the first month of a wiretap, followed by $750 for each month after that.
In the summer of 2009, I decided to try and follow the money trail in order to determine how often Internet firms were disclosing their customers' private information to the government. I theorized that if I could obtain the price lists of each ISP, detailing the price for each kind of service, and invoices paid by the various parts of the Federal government, then I might be able to reverse engineer some approximate statistics. In order to obtain these documents, I filed Freedom of Information Act requests with every part of the Department of Justice that I could think of.
The first agency within DOJ to respond was the U.S. Marshals Service (USMS), who informed me that they had price lists on file for Cox, Comcast, Yahoo! and Verizon. Since the price lists were provided to USMS voluntarily, the companies were given the opportunity to object to the disclosure of their documents. Neither Comcast nor Cox objected (perhaps because their price lists were already public), while both Verizon and Yahoo! objected to the disclosure.
I then filed a second request, asking for copies of the two firms' objection letters. Those letters proved to be more interesting than the price lists I originally sought.
Click here for the complete Verizon price list letter.
Click here for the complete Yahoo! price list letter.
First, Verizon revealed in its letter that it "receives tens of thousands of requests for customer records, or other customer information from law enforcement."
Assuming a conservative estimate of 20,000 requests per year, Verizon alone receives more requests from law enforcement per year than can be explained by any published surveillance statistics. That doesn't mean the published stats are necessarily incorrect -- merely that most types of surveillance are not reported.
In its letter, Verizon lists several reasons why it believes that its price list should remain confidential. Of these reasons -- two stand out. First, the company argues, customers might "become unnecessarily afraid that their lines have been tapped, or call Verizon to ask if their lines are tapped (a question we cannot answer.)"
The second interesting reason is that:
"Our pricing schedules reveal (for just two examples) that upon the lawful request of law enforcement we are able to [redacted by USMS]. In cooperation with law enforcement, we do not release that information to the general public out of concern that a criminal may become aware of our capabilities, see a change in his service, correctly assume that the change was made at the lawful request of law enforcement and alter his behavior to thwart a law enforcement investigation."
I'm not sure what capabilities this section is referring to -- but I'd love to find out more.
Yahoo!'s letter is far less exciting, and doesn't even hint at the number of requests that the company receives. There is one interesting tidbit in the letter though:
"It is reasonable to assume from these comments that the [pricing] information, if disclosed, would be used to "shame" Yahoo! and other companies -- and to "shock" their customers. Therefore, release of Yahoo!'s information is reasonably likely to lead to impairment of its reputation for protection of user privacy and security, which is a competitive disadvantage for technology companies."
"Federal officials are routinely asking courts to order cellphone companies to furnish real-time tracking data so they can pinpoint the whereabouts of drug traffickers, fugitives and other criminal suspects, according to judges and industry lawyers." Ellen Nakashima, Cellphone Tracking Powers on Request, The Washington Post, November 23, 2007.
"Law enforcement routinely now requests carriers to continuously 'ping' wireless devices of suspects to locate them when a call is not being made ... so law enforcement can triangulate the precise location of a device and [seek] the location of all associates communicating with a target."
-- Christopher Guttman-McCabe, vice president of regulatory affairs for CTIA -- the Wireless Association, in a July 2007 comment to the Federal Communications Commission.
As mobile phones have become ubiquitous, the law enforcement community has learned to leverage the plentiful, often real-time location information that carriers can be compelled to provide. Location requests easily outnumber wiretaps, and as this article will reveal, likely outnumber all other forms of surveillance request too.
In terms of legal requirements, this information can often be gained through the use of a hybrid order, combining a Stored Communications Act request and a Pen Register request. As noted before, the former law has no reporting requirement, and the law requiring reports for the Pen Register requests has been ignored by the Department of Justice since 2004.
In March of this year, telecommunications lawyer Al Gidari, who represents many of the major telcos and ISPs, gave a talk at the Berkman Center at Harvard University. During his speech, he revealed that each of the major wireless carriers receive approximately 100 requests per week for customers' location information.
100 requests per week * 4 wireless major carriers (Sprint, Verizon, AT&T, T-Mobile) * 52 weeks = 20k requests per year.
While Gidari's numbers were shocking when I first heard them, I now have proof that he significantly underestimated the number of requests by several orders of magnitude.
Hanging with the spooks
Several times each year, in cities around the globe, representatives from law enforcement and intelligence agencies, telecommunications carriers and the manufacturers of wiretapping equipment gather for a closed door conference: ISS World: Intelligence Support Systems for Lawful Interception, Criminal Investigations and Intelligence Gathering.
ISS World is no stranger to the privacy community. Back in 2000, FBI agents showed off a prototype of the Carnivore interception system to attendees at ISS World. Days later, stories appeared in both the Wall Street Journal and The New York Times after one attendee leaked information to the press.
ISS World had been on the list of events that I'd wanted to attend for a long time, even moreso after my research interests started to focus on government surveillance. Thus, in October of this year, just a month after moving to Washington DC, I found myself at the Washington DC Convention Center, attending ISS World.
Looking around at the name badges pinned to the suits milling around the refreshment area, it really was a who's who of the spies and those who enable their spying. Household name telecom companies and equipment vendors, US government agencies (both law enforcement and intel). Also present were representatives from foreign governments -- Columbia, Mexico, Algeria, and Nigeria, who, like many of the US government employees, spent quite a bit of time at the vendor booths, picking up free pens and coffee mugs while they learned about the latest and greatest surveillance products currently on the market.
The main draw of the event for me was two panel discussions: A presentation on "Regulatory and CALEA Issues Facing Telecom Operators Deploying DPI Infrastructure", and a "Telecom Service Providers Roundtable Discussions"
Not knowing ahead of time what the speakers would say, and not wanting to be called a liar if I later cited an interesting quote in a research paper, I decided to make an audio recording of the two panels.
One wireless company, 50 million customers, 8 million law enforcement requests for customer GPS information in one year
Both panels are fascinating, and worth listening to in full.
Click here for an mp3 of the complete the Deep Packet Inspection Panel.
Click here for mp3 of entire telecom panel.
However, by far the most jaw-dropping parts of the telecom service providers roundtable were the following quotes:
"[M]y major concern is the volume of requests. We have a lot of things that are automated but that's just scratching the surface. One of the things, like with our GPS tool. We turned it on the web interface for law enforcement about one year ago last month, and we just passed 8 million requests. So there is no way on earth my team could have handled 8 million requests from law enforcement, just for GPS alone. So the tool has just really caught on fire with law enforcement. They also love that it is extremely inexpensive to operate and easy, so, just the sheer volume of requests they anticipate us automating other features, and I just don't know how we'll handle the millions and millions of requests that are going to come in.
-- Paul Taylor, Electronic Surveillance Manager, Sprint Nextel.
"In the electronic surveillance group at Sprint, I have 3 supervisors. 30 ES techs, and 15 contractors. On the subpoena compliance side, which is anything historical, stored content, stored records, is about 35 employees, maybe 4-5 supervisors, and 30 contractors. There's like 110 all together."
-- Paul Taylor, Electronic Surveillance Manager, Sprint Nextel, describing the number of employees working full time to comply with requests for customer records.
"Cricket doesn't have as many subscribers so our numbers are going to be less. I think we have 4.5 - 5 million subscribers. We get approximately 200 requests per calendar day, and that includes requests for records, intercepts. We don't have the type of automation they do, and we can't do the location specificy that they can, because we don't have GPS."
-- Janet A. Schwabe, Subpoena Compliance Manager, Cricket Communications
"Nextel's system, they statically assign IP addresses to all handsets ... We do have logs, we can go back to see the IP address that used MySpace. By the way - MySpace and Facebook, I don't know how many subpoenas those people get, or emergency requests but god bless, 95% of all IP requests, emergencies are because of MySpace or Facebook... On the Sprint 3G network, we have IP data back 24 months, and we have, depending on the device, we can actually tell you what URL they went to ... If [the handset uses] the [WAP] Media Access Gateway, we have the URL history for 24 months ... We don't store it because law enforcement asks us to store it, we store it because when we launched 3G in 2001 or so, we thought we were going to bill by the megabyte ... but ultimately, that's why we store the data ... It's because marketing wants to rifle through the data."
-- Paul Taylor, Electronic Surveillance Manager, Sprint Nextel.
"Two or three years ago, we probably had less than 10% of our requests including text messaging. Now, over half of all of our surveillance includes SMS messaging."
-- Paul Taylor, Electronic Surveillance Manager, Sprint Nextel.
As the information presented in this article has demonstrated, the publicly available law enforcement surveillance statistics are, at best misleading, and at worst, deceptive. It is simply impossible to have a reasonable debate amongst academics, public policy makers, and members of the public interest community when the very scale of these surveillance programs is secret.
As an example, consider the following quote from the November 4, 2009 markup hearing of the House Judiciary Committee, which is currently considering a bill to expand the government's PATRIOT Act surveillance powers. During the hearing, Rep. Lamar Smith, the Ranking (Minority) Member said the following:
Unlike other tools which actually collect content, such as wiretaps, pen registers and trap-and-trace devices merely request outgoing and incoming phone numbers. Because the government cannot collect any content using pen registers, a minimization requirement makes no sense. What is there is there to minimize?After reading this article, it should be clear to the reader that pen registers and trap & trace devices are used for far more than just collecting phone numbers dialed. They are used to get email headers (including To, From
The reason I'm quoting Rep. Smith isn't to poke fun at his expense, but to make a serious point. How can we have a serious public debate about law enforcement surveillance powers, when the senior most Republican on the committee responsible for the oversight of those powers doesn't understand how they are being used? Likewise, this paragraph should by no means be read as an attack on Rep. Smith. How can he be expected to understand the extensive modern use of pen registers, when the Department of Justice continues to break the law by failing to provide yearly statistics on the use of pen registers to Congress?
My point is this: The vast majority of the government's access to individuals' private data is not reported, either due to a failure on DOJ's part to supply the legally required statistics, or due to the fact that information regarding law enforcement requests for third party stored records (such as email, photos and other data located in the cloud) is not currently required to be collected or reported.
As for the millions of government requests for geo-location data, it is simply disgraceful that these are not currently being reported...but they should be.