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Monomorphism restriction
The "monomorphism restriction" is a counter-intuitive rule in Haskell type inference. If you forget to provide a type signature, sometimes this rule will fill the free type variables with specific types using "type defaulting" rules. The resulting type signature is always less polymorphic than you'd expect, so often this results in the compiler throwing type errors at you in situations where you expected it to infer a perfectly sane type for a polymorphic expression.
A simple example is plus = (+)
. Without an explicit signature for plus
, the compiler will not infer the type (+) :: (Num a) => a -> a -> a
for `plus`, but will apply defaulting rules to specify plus :: Integer -> Integer -> Integer
. When applied to plus 3.5 2.7
, GHCi will then produce the somewhat-misleading-looking error, No instance for (Fractional Integer) arising from the literal '3.5'
The restriction is turned on by default in compiled modules, and turned off by default at the GHCi prompt (since GHC 7.8.1). You can override these defaults by using the MonomorphismRestriction and NoMonomorphismRestriction language pragmas.
The exact definition of the restriction is fairly technical; it can be found in section 4.5.5 of the Haskell 2010 Report. To a first approximation it means that you often cannot overload a function unless you provide an explicit type signature. In summary:
-- This yields f1 :: (Show x) => x -> String
f1 x = show x
-- But this doesn't. Instead, f2 :: () -> String
f2 = \x -> show x
-- ...but we can fix that with an explicit type signature.
f3 :: (Show a) => a -> String
f3 = \x -> show x
-- Similarly this produces () -> String
f4 = show
-- ...but this is allowed
f5 :: (Show a) => a -> String
f5 = show
Arguably, these should all be equivalent, but thanks to the monomorphism restriction, they are not.
The difference between the first and second version is that the first version binds x via a "function binding" (see section 4.4.3 of the Haskell 2010 Report), and is therefore unrestricted, but the second version does not. The reason why one is allowed and the other is not is that it's considered clear that sharing f1 will not share any computation, and less clear that sharing f2 will have the same effect. If this seems arbitrary, that's because it is. It is difficult to design an objective rule which disallows subjective unexpected behaviour. Some people are going to fall foul of the rule even though they're doing quite reasonable things.
The monomorphism restriction is probably the most annoying and controversial feature of Haskell's type system. All seem to agree that it is evil - it is commonly called "The Dreaded Monomorphism Restriction" - but whether or not it is considered a necessary evil depends on whom you ask.
So why is the restriction imposed? The reasoning behind it is fairly subtle, and is fully explained in section 4.5.5 of the Haskell 2010 Report. Basically, it solves one practical problem (without the restriction, there would be some ambiguous types) and one semantic problem (without the restriction, there would be some repeated evaluation where a programmer might expect the evaluation to be shared). Those who are for the restriction argue that these cases should be dealt with correctly. Those who are against the restriction argue that these cases are so rare that it's not worth sacrificing the type-independence of eta reduction.
- An example, from A History of Haskell: Consider the
function, fromData.List
genericLength :: Num a => [b] -> a
- And consider the function:
f xs = (len,len)
len = genericLength xs
has typeNum a => a
and, without the monomorphism restriction, it could be computed twice. --ARG
(This introductory section slightly expanded and re-arranged by YitzGale.)
It is not clear to me how this whole thing about being computed once or twice works. Isn't type checking/inference something that happens at compile-time and shouldn't have any effect on what happens at run-time, as long as the typecheck passes? Dainichi
The trouble is that typeclasses essentially introduce additional function parameters -- specifically, the dictionary of code implementing the instances in question. In the case of typeclass polymorphic pattern bindings, you end up turning something that looked like a pattern binding -- a constant that would only ever be evaluated once, into what is really a function binding, something which will not be memoised. CaleGibbard 23:46, 1 February 2008 (UTC)
The type of f
, if no signature is given, then the compiler doesn't know that the two elements of the returned pair are of the same type. It's return value will be:
f::(Num a, Num b) => [x] -> (a, b)
This means that while compiling f the compiler is unable to memoise len - clearly if a /= b then different code is executed to compute the first and second appearance of len in the pair. It's possible the compiler could do something more clever when f is actually applied if a == b, but I'm supposing this isn't a straight-forward thing to implement in the compilers. Dozer 23:54, 4 February 2008 (GMT)
Thank you, the nature of the problem is getting clearer now, but I'm still confused about how the restriction of top level definitions is supposed to solve this problem. To me, the given example explains why f's type is inferred to beNum a => [x] -> (a, a)
(Num a, Num b) => [x] -> (a, b)
Maybe I need to read up on the Hindley–Milner type system, but this seems related to the existence of functions (such as genericLength and read) that are polymorphic in their return type. Would MR need to exist without these functions?
I'm a bit confused about functions like this, since I somehow feel they belong to more of a system with dependent types.
--Dainichi 06:53 15 Aug 2011 (UTC)
The following compiles for me on ghc 7.4.1:
module Main where
import Data.List
main = putStrLn $ show (f [])
f xs = (len,len)
len = genericLength xs
If i add f2 = \x -> show x
, compilation fails, demonstrating that i still have the monomorphism restriction enabled.
This is not due to type inference from the putStrLn $ show (f []) doing anything; in fact, this compiles fine:
module Main where
import Data.List
main = putStrLn ""
f xs = (len,len)
len = genericLength xs
-- f2 = \x -> show x
whereas this fails to compile:
module Main where
import Data.List
main = putStrLn ""
--f xs = (len,len)
-- where
-- len = genericLength xs
f2 = \x -> show x
Why does the example from History of Haskell not fail? -- BayleShanks
Oversimplifying the debate somewhat: Those in favour tend to be those who have written Haskell Implementations and those against tend to be those who have written complex combinator libraries (and hence have hit their collective heads against the restriction all too often). It often boils down to the fact that programmers want to avoid legalese, and language implementors want to avoid cruft.
In almost all cases, you can get around the restriction by including explicit type declarations. Those who are for the restriction are usually quick to point out that including explicit type declarations is good programming practice anyway. In a few very rare cases, however, you may need to supply a type signature which is not valid Haskell. (Such type signatures require a type system extension such as Scoped type variables.) Unless you're writing some weird combinator libraries, or are in the habit of not writing type declarations, you're unlikely to come across it. Even so, most Haskell Implementations provide a way to turn the restriction off.
See also: Section 4.5.5, Haskell 98 report.
Some question or suggestion: As I understand the problem arises from the situation that two different forms of assignment are described by the same notation. There are two forms of assignment, namely the inspection of data structures ("unpacking", "pattern binding") and the definition of functions ("function binding"). Unique examples are:
let f x = y -- function definition
let F x = y -- data structure decomposition
In the first case we have the identifier f starting with lower case. This means this is a function binding. The second assignment starts with F, which must be a constructor. That's why this is a pattern binding. The monomorphism restriction applies only to the pattern binding. I think this was not defined in order to please compiler writers, but has shown to be useful in practice, or am I wrong? But the different handling of these binding types leads to a problem since both types have a common case.
let x = y -- function or pattern binding?
So, what speaks against differentiating the assignments notationally, say
let f x = y -- function definition
let F x <= y -- data structure decomposition
and keep the monomorphism restriction as it is?
The problem isn't just pattern bindings, it's that pattern bindings which are typeclass polymorphic are actually function bindings in disguise, since the usual implementation of typeclasses adds parameters to such definitions, to allow the definition to take the typeclass dictionaries involved. Thus, such pattern bindings have different properties with respect to sharing (they're generally less shared than you want). In especially bad cases, without the MR, it is possible to have programs which run exponentially slower without type signatures than when signatures are added. Just distinguishing pattern bindings with a new notation doesn't solve the problem, since they'll have to be converted into function bindings in that case anyway. If you intend to keep the MR, then you don't need to change anything. The issue with the MR is just the fact that it's annoying to have eta-reduction fail in the absence of explicit type signatures, and the fact that it makes otherwise perfectly valid programs fail to compile on speculation that there might be loss of sharing (when there usually isn't, or at least the impact isn't large enough to worry about).
John Hughes recently advocated the removal of the MR on the Haskell Prime mailing list, and suggested replacing it with two forms of pattern binding: one for call-by-name (polymorphic, not shared), and one for call-by-need (monomorphic, guaranteed shared). This might be similar to what you're suggesting. If you look at it too closely, it seems like a good solution, but the overall impact on Haskell code seems too large to me, to resolve a distinction which it ought to be statically possible to determine.
I'm of the opinion that it would be better to find a way to restore sharing lost through the typeclass transformation in some way, or else implement typeclasses in an altogether different way which doesn't run into this problem. Additional runtime machinery seems like a likely candidate for this -- the interactions with garbage collection are somewhat subtle, but I think it should be doable. It's also possible to restore the sharing via whole-program analysis, but advocates of separate compilation will probably complain, unless we were to find a mechanism to fix the problem from the object code (and potentially temporaries) at link time.
I think it'd be useful to collect a set of examples of the Monormorphism Restriction biting people in an unexpected way. This may help to inform the debate over the MR by giving real-life examples. Add more examples here if (an only if) they constitute an unexpected MR-related incident in your life or someone else's. No invented examples! -- Simon Peyton Jones
- GHC Trac bug 1749
- In trying to build an editor with undoable actions:
class EditAction e a | e -> a where
apply :: a -> e -> a
data ListAction a = Append a | Remove
instance EditAction (ListAction a) [a] where
apply list (Append a) = a:list
apply (x:xs) Remove = xs
-- Apply all the EditActions to the input
--edit :: EditAction e a => a -> [e] -> a -- monomorphism restriction - I have to put this in!
edit = foldl apply
Back before forM was in the Control.Monad library, I once spent about 1/2 an hour trying to figure out why my action in the ST monad was having its 's
' parameter squished to ()
. I tore the code apart for quite a while before discovering that it was that the MR was applying to my definition of forM
forM = flip mapM
I recently got tired of typing print "blah"
in a ghci shell session and tried let p = print
. Thanks to MR and Haskell defaulting, the type of p
silently became () -> IO ()
. No surprise that my new "short" version of print was only capable of printing void values -
Prelude> p () () Prelude> p "blah" <interactive>:1:2: Couldn't match expected type `()' against inferred type `[Char]' In the first argument of `p', namely `"blah"' In the expression: p "blah" In the definition of `it': it = p "blah"
import Graphics.UI.Gtk
import Graphics.UI.Gtk.Glade
-- xmlGetWidget' :: WidgetClass widget => (GObject -> widget) -> String -> IO widget
xmlGetWidget' = xmlGetWidget undefined
main :: IO ()
= do
window <- xmlGetWidget' castToWindow "window1"
button <- xmlGetWidget' castToButton "button1"
widgetShowAll window
If I comment main, I cannot compile this code because of the monomorphism restriction. With main, it'll infer the type:
xmlGetWidget' :: (GObject -> Window) -> String -> IO Window
And give me a type error in the button line. If I uncomment the type signature, it'll work.
I wasn't expecting the following to fail...
square :: (Num a) => a -> a
square x = x * x
dx = 0.0000001
deriv1 :: (Fractional a) => (a -> a) -> (a -> a)
deriv1 g = (\x -> ((g (x + 2) - (g x)) / dx ))
main = printf "res==%g %g\n" (square 5.12::Double) ((deriv1 square) 2::Float)
and for this to work.
square :: (Num a) => a -> a
square x = x * x
dx = 0.0000001
deriv1 :: (Fractional a) => (a -> a) -> (a -> a)
deriv1 g = (\x -> ((g (x + 2) - (g x)) / 0.0000001 ))
main = printf "res==%g %g\n" (square 5.12::Double) ((deriv1 square) 2::Float)
The fix was to add
dx :: Fractional a => a
Along the same lines as Simon's question above, does anyone have any real examples of being bitten by the lack of MR? I know what it's for, but I can't really think of any realistic cases when it would be a problem. --pumpkin
I tried to define foldl in terms of foldr, and discovered
foldl' = foldr (\x y -> (\a h -> y (h a x) h)) const
doesn't typecheck while
foldl' xs v f = foldr (\x y -> (\a h -> y (h a x) h)) const xs v f
does. Spent a solid couple hours trying to find where my derivation went wrong before accidentally stumbled upon the solution. -- wzy


text:
Total width (A) | 154cm |
Total height (B) | 87cm |
Total depth (C) | 95cm |
Seat height (D) | 48cm |
Arm height (E) | 69cm |
Height without feet (F) | 75cm |
Front leg height (G) | 12cm |
Back leg height (G) | 12cm |
Arm width (H) | 14cm |
Seat width (I) | 126cm |
Seat depth (J) | 60cm |
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Battlefield Basing Set
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Jim Waters Insurance
Jan 09, 2015
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Are winter tires for you?
Winter tires are specially designed to provide the best traction and handling in ice, snow and cold-weather conditions. If you live in an area where temperatures regularly drop below 45 degrees Fahrenheit, it's a good idea to get a set. And note that we said "a set" – using only two winter tires instead of four can create handling issues caused by mismatched traction between the front and rear.
How are they different from all-season tires?
Winter tires have greater tread depth and use siping (slits in the tread) to increase the number of edges that are in contact with the road. They are also made using rubber compounds that stay soft when the weather gets cold, which helps to provide better traction.
What kind of winter tires is best?
There are two main categories: performance winter tires, for light snow and ice, and studless snow and ice tires, which are for severe weather conditions. The latter is the best tire for deep snow and heavy ice, says auto site Edmunds.com, unless studded tires are allowed in your area. But, while studded tires provide excellent traction on ice, you can likely get the same benefits by using chains, when necessary. And, your chains won't cause damage to the roadway like studs do, either.
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Research Highlights
Atmospheric histories and global emissions of the anthropogenic hydrofluorocarbons HFC-365mfc, HFC-245fa, HFC-227ea, and HFC-236fa." Journal of Geophysical Research: Atmospheres 116, no. D8 (2011): D08304.
"Characterization of uncertainties in atmospheric trace gas inversions using hierarchical Bayesian methods." Atmospheric Chemistry and Physics 14, no. 8 (2014): 3855-3864.
"Corrigendum to "Global and regional emission estimates for HCFC-22", Atmos. Chem. Phys., 12, 10033–10050, 2012." Atmos. Chem. Phys. 14, no. 10 (2014): 4857-4858.
"Emissions of Halogenated Compounds in East Asia Determined from Measurements at Jeju Island, Korea." Environmental Science & Technology 45, no. 13 (2011): 5668-5675.
"Global and regional emission estimates for HCFC-22." Atmospheric Chemistry and Physics 12, no. 21 (2012): 10033-10050.
"History of atmospheric SF6 from 1973 to 2008." Atmos. Chem. Phys. 10, no. 21 (2010): 10305-10320.
"Increase in CFC-11 emissions from eastern China based on atmospheric observations." Nature 569, no. 7757 (2019): 546-550.
"Overview of the findings from measurements of halogenated compounds at Gosan (Jeju Island, Korea) quantifying emissions in East Asia." Journal of Integrative Environmental Sciences 9, no. sup1 (2012): 71-80.
"Quantifying aluminum and semiconductor industry perfluorocarbon emissions from atmospheric measurements." Geophysical Research Letters 41, no. 13 (2014): 2014GL059783.
"Regional atmospheric emissions determined from measurements at Jeju Island, Korea: Halogenated compounds from China." Geophysical Research Letters 37, no. 12 (2010): L12801.
"Source Identification and Apportionment of Halogenated Compounds Observed at a Remote Site in East Asia." Environmental Science & Technology 48, no. 1 (2014): 491-498.
"Trends and seasonal cycles in the isotopic composition of nitrous oxide since 1940." Nature Geoscience 5, no. 4 (2012): 261-265.


text:
Last year's most surprising, provocative, and inspiring findings on the science of living a meaningful life.
The science we cover here on Greater Good—aka, "the science of a meaningful life"—has exploded over the past 10 years, with many more studies published each year on gratitude, mindfulness, and our other core themes than we saw a decade ago.
2012 was no exception. In fact, in the year just past, new findings added nuance, depth, and even some caveats to our understanding of the science of a meaningful life. Here are 10 of the scientific insights that made the biggest impression on us in 2012—the findings most likely to resonate in scientific journals and the public consciousness in the years to come, listed in roughly the order in which they were published.
1. There's a personal cost to callousness.
In March, researchers at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, published a study in Psychological Science that should make anyone think twice before ignoring a homeless person or declining an appeal from a charity.
Daryl Cameron and Keith Payne found that after people were instructed to restrain feelings of compassion in the face of heart-wrenching images, those people later reported feeling less committed to moral principles. It was as if, by regulating compassion, the study participants sensed an inner conflict between valuing morality and living by their moral rules; to resolve that conflict, they seemed to tell themselves that those moral principles must not have been so important. Making that choice, argue Cameron and Payne, may encourage immoral behavior and even undermine our moral identity, inducing personal distress.
"Regulating compassion is often seen as motivated by self-interest, as when people keep money for themselves rather than donate it," write the researchers. "Yet our research suggests that regulating compassion might actually work against self-interest by forcing trade-offs within the individual's moral self-concept."
2. High status brings low ethics.
They may have more money, but it seems that the upper class are poorer in morality. In a series of seven studies, published in March in PNAS, researchers found that upper-class people are more likely than the lower class to break all kinds of rules—to cut off cars and pedestrians while driving, to help themselves to candy they know is meant for children, to report an impossible score in a game of chance to win cash they don't rightfully deserve.
While the results surprised some, they didn't come out of nowhere: They were the latest, if perhaps the most damning, in a series of studies in which researchers, including Greater Good Science Center Faculty Director Dacher Keltner, have looked at the effects of status on morality and kind, helpful (or "pro-social") behavior.
Previously, as we've reported, they've found that upper-class people are less generous, less compassionate, and less empathic. (Many of these findings were summarized in a Greater Good article by Editor-in-Chief Jason Marsh, "Why Inequality is Bad for the One Percent," published in September.) Considered together, this line of research suggests not that the rich are inherently more unethical but that experiencing high status makes people more focused on themselves and feel less connected to others—an important lesson in this age of growing inequality.
"The rich aren't bad people, they just live in insular worlds," study co-author Paul Piff told Greater Good earlier this year. "But if you're able to reduce the extremes that exist between the haves and the have-nots, you're going to go a long way toward closing the compassion and empathy gap."
3. Happiness is about respect, not riches.
And there was other discouraging news for the wealthy this year. Research has long suggested that money doesn't buy happiness; a study published in Psychological Science in July confirms that finding and goes a step further, changing the stakes of what we think of as high status: It turns out that if we're looking to money, we're looking in the wrong place.
Instead, the study found that happiness is more strongly associated with the level of respect and admiration we receive from peers. The study's researchers, led by UC Berkeley's Cameron Anderson (and again including Keltner), refer to this level of respect and admiration as our "sociometric status," as opposed to socioeconomic status.
In one experiment, college students high in sociometric status in their group—their sorority, for example, or their ROTC group—were happier than their peers, whereas socioeconomic status didn't predict happiness. Similarly, a broader, nationwide survey, which boasted people from a variety of backgrounds, income, and education levels, found that those who felt accepted, liked, included, and welcomed in their local hierarchy were happier than those who were simply wealthier.
"You don't have to be rich to be happy," Anderson told Greater Good, "but instead be a valuable contributing member to your groups."
4. Kindness is its own reward—even to toddlers.
Several studies over the past six years have found that kids as young as 18 months old will spontaneously help people in need. But do they do so just to please adults? Apparently not: In July, researchers published evidence that their kindness is motivated by deep, perhaps innate, feelings of compassion for others.
The researchers found that toddlers' pupil sizes increased—a sign of concern—when they saw someone in need of help; their pupil size decreased when that person received helped. The kids' pupils got smaller when they were the ones who helped—but also when they watched someone else help. These results, published in Psychological Science, suggest that toddlers' kindness springs from genuine feelings of concern, not simply a concern for their own reputation.
This argument gains support from a study published around the same time in PLOS ONE. In that study, children just shy of their second birthday appeared happier when they gave away a treat than when they received a treat. What's more, they seemed even happier when they gave away one of their own treats than when they were allowed to give away a treat that didn't belong to them. In other words, performing truly altruistic acts—acts that involve some kind of personal sacrifice—made the kids happier than helping others at no cost to themselves.
"While other studies have suggested adults are happier giving to others than to themselves and that kids are motivated to help others spontaneously," Delia Fuhrmann, a Greater Good research assistant, wrote in August, "this is the first study to suggest that altruism is intrinsically rewarding even to very young kids, and that it makes them happier to give than to receive."
When a behavior is intrinsically rewarding like this, especially at the earliest stages of life, it suggests to scientists that it has deep evolutionary roots. Watch the video below to see one toddler going through the experiment.
5. We can train ourselves to be more compassionate.
For decades, psychology was preoccupied with alleviating negative emotional states like depression, chronic anger, or anxiety. More recently, we've come to understand that we can also "treat" people to cultivate positive emotions and behaviors, and that traits like empathy and happiness are skills we can consciously develop over time.
But what about compassion? This has been less investigated, which is why a study published in the July issue of the Journal of Happiness Studies stands to be so influential.
Stanford researcher Hooria Jazaieri and colleagues (including GGSC Science Director Emiliana Simon-Thomas) randomly assigned 100 adults to a nine-week compassion cultivation training program or to a waitlist control condition. Before and after taking the compassion course, participants completed surveys that "measured compassion for others, receiving compassion from others, and self-compassion."
The results have important implications: Across all three domains, participants showed big increases in compassion. More research needs to be done, but this paper clearly suggests that we can train people—in schools, workplaces, churches, and elsewhere—to ease suffering in themselves and other people.
6. Gratitude sustains relationships through tough times.
Several studies have shown that feeling grateful for one's romantic partner can improve one's relationship. But this year, new research by Amie Gordon built on that research significantly, factoring in another critical dimension: the extent to which people feel appreciated by their partner.
Synthesizing the science of successful relationships with recent research on gratitude, Gordon and her colleagues developed a new model of what it takes to sustain a good relationship. They found that feeling appreciated by our partner gives us a sense of security that allows us to focus on what we appreciate about him or her—which, in turn, make us more responsive to his or her needs and more committed to the relationship in general … which then makes our partner feel more appreciated as well.
So when we hit a rocky patch, this research suggests, it's the upward spiral of gratitude that encourages us to risk vulnerability, tune in to our partner's needs, and resolve the conflict, rather than turning away from him or her. "Feeling appreciated helps people with relationship maintenance by giving them the security they need to recognize they have a valuable relationship worth maintaining," write Gordon and her co-authors in their study, published in August in the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. "Cultivating appreciation may be just what we need to hold onto healthy, happy relationships that thrive."
7. Humans are quicker to cooperate than compete.
In a September paper published in Nature, a group of Harvard researchers took on an age-old question: Are humans instinctively selfish or cooperative?
To get at an answer, they had more than 1,000 people play a game that required them to decide how much money to contribute to a common pool. In a blow to conventional wisdom, the researchers found that people who made their decision quickly—in less than 10 seconds—gave roughly 15 percent more to the pool than people who deliberated for more time. In a second study, the researchers instructed some people to make their decision in less than 10 seconds and other people to think for longer than that; again, they found that quick decisions led to more generosity while deliberating bred selfishness.
"These studies provide strong evidence that people, on average, have an initial impulse to behave cooperatively—and with continued reasoning, become more likely to behave selfishly," writes GGSC Science Director Emiliana Simon-Thomas. "The authors caution that their data do not prove that cooperation is more innate than selfishness at a genetic level—but they point out that life experience suggests that, in most cases, cooperation is advantageous, so that's generally not a bad place to start by default."
8. There's a dark side to pursuing happiness.
As we often report here on Greater Good, happy people have it better: They've got more friends, they're more successful, and they live longer and healthier lives. But in May, Yale psychologist June Gruber wrote a Greater Good essay outlining "Four Ways Happiness Can Hurt You." Based on research Gruber and others have conducted over the past few years, she explained how feeling happy can actually make us less creative, less safe, and, in some cases, less able to connect with other people.
Then, in October, some of Gruber's collaborators published a study deepening the dark side to happiness: It seems that wanting to be happy might make us feel lonely.
Led by UC Berkeley's Iris Mauss, the study, published in the journal Emotion, found that the more people value happiness, the more likely they are to feel lonely during stressful events. What's more, Mauss and her colleagues found that inducing people to value happiness increases feelings of loneliness and even causes a hormonal response associated with loneliness—troubling news given how much emphasis our culture places on happiness, particularly through the media.
Why this effect? The researchers argue that, at least in the West, the more people value happiness, the more likely they are to focus on the self—often at the expense of connecting with others, and those social connections are a key to happiness. "Therefore," they write in their Emotion paper, "it may be that to reap the benefits of happiness people should want it less."
9. Parenthood actually does make most—but not all—people happier.
American parents tend to say that parenthood is stressful and hard on marriages, a feeling seemingly confirmed by many studies. One 2004 paper even found that moms prefer watching TV, shopping, and cooking to parenting their children. These findings led to a spate of media coverage claiming that parenthood will screw up your life.
But most of these studies have had a weakness: They didn't directly compare the well-being of parents to that of non-parents. Moreover, they were contradicted by many other studies suggesting that men and women can find tremendous meaning and satisfaction in parenthood, even despite high stress levels.
To correct for these weaknesses, psychologist S. Katherine Nelson and colleagues (including GGSC friend Sonja Lyubomirsky) ran three studies. The first used the massive World Values Survey to compare the happiness of parents to non-parents; the second tested moment-to-moment happiness of both parents and non-parents; the third looked specifically at how parents felt about taking care of children, compared to other daily activities.
Taken together, these three studies found that, overall, parents seem to be happier and more satisfied with their lives—and that as a group they derived tremendous meaning and positive feelings from parenting.
However, these findings, published in November by Psychological Science, come with several rather important caveats.
First, parenthood makes men happier than women—quite a bit happier, though mothers still reported less depression and more positive emotion than did child-free women. And contrary to conventional wisdom, single parenthood does not automatically lead to unhappiness. Parents without a partner did tend to be less happy than child-free peers—but they also reported fewer depressive symptoms than non-parents without a partner, largely, it seems, because they derived more meaning from their lives.
10. Kindness makes kids popular.
In some ways, researcher Kristin Layous and her colleagues are like everyone in middle school: They pay attention to the popular kids. But their research stood out this year for how it explored what makes those kids popular in the first place.
The researchers gave more than 400 students one of two simple tasks: Every week for four weeks, they were either to perform three acts of kindness or visit three places. At the end of the four weeks, all the kids in the study, who ranged in age from 9 to 11, reported greater happiness than they had before, and more of their peers said they wanted to spend time with them. But the kind kids saw a much greater spike in their popularity, gaining an average of 1.5 friends—roughly twice as many as their counterparts.
In other words, the results, published in December by PLOS ONE, offer perhaps the most convincing argument you could make to a tween for why they should share their lunch with someone or give their mom a hug when she's feeling stressed (two of the kind acts students said they performed): Kids who are kind to others are more well-liked, helping their own popularity even as they help other people.
What's more, Layous and her colleagues point out that, according to prior research, kids who are well-liked are less likely to bully and more likely to do nice things for others, and classrooms with an even distribution of popularity have higher average mental health. So a lesson for teachers: For a classroom of happy kids, consider adding to your curriculum the purposeful practice of pro-social behavior.
This article originally appeared in Greater Good.
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You can retrieve a specific work of art record using the Query by System Number under the Search menu. System numbers are the Index's unique identifier for a specific work of art and can be found linked within search results and at the top of each work of art record. Entering an exact database system number on this search line will bring you directly to that database record.
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Town: Ellington
Incorporated: May 1786
Incorporated from: East Windsor
Connecticut is currently divided into 169 "towns" with distinct geographical boundaries. These boundaries changed as parishes were set off from larger town-tracts, and the towns we know today may contain incorporated cities, boroughs, or villages. In fact, you might be surprised to learn that the "town" you live in is not actually a town at all. A great example of this is Storrs, which is a village, or census-designated place, within the town of Mansfield.
The independent town has been the foundation of Connecticut government from the arrival of the earliest English settlers. After the American Revolution the first United States Census was conducted in 1790, under the Secretary of State Thomas Jefferson. This decennial (every 10 years) census is mandated by the United States Constitution. The data collected in the first census included the name of the head of the family and it categorized inhabitants as follows: free white males at least 16 years of age, free white males under 16 years of age, free white females, all other free persons (reported by sex and color), and slaves.


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The headlines on the press releases that started showing up yesterday, here at The Salt certainly got our attention. Just one sample: "BREAKING NEWS: New Study Links Genetically Engineered Food to Tumors."
The reason for all the excitement was a study published this week in the well-respected journal Food and Chemical Toxicology. The French scientists who conducted the study basically concluded that rats fed a diet of genetically modified corn and small amounts of herbicides got sicker faster than their counterparts eating regular corn and no herbicides.
Based on the study, several anti-GMO groups are calling for a ban and the French government is calling for more investigation, but many scientists met the research with a heavy dose of skepticism.
The study describes an experiment in which scientists fed 18 different groups of rats (ten rats in each group) various concentrations of a genetically engineered kind of corn and/or small amounts of the herbicide Roundup. (Roundup is widely used in combination with genetically engineered "Roundup Ready" crops.)
Two control groups got a diet of non-modified corn and no Roundup. The experiment went on for two years, an unusually long time. Most experiments with rats that attempt to measure the toxic effects of chemicals last only 90 days.
On average, the rats that ate GM corn or drank water laced with Roundup did worse than the control group. Tumors showed up earlier (at least in some of the groups) and more rats died than in the control groups. The contrast was most stark among female rats.
So is this solid evidence that GM corn (or other crops) are bad for you? The author of the paper, Gilles-Eric Seralini, who has been campaigning against GM crops since 1997, says yes. Definitely yes.
Other scientists say, absolutely not.
Some of their complaints about the study are aimed at the study's methods. Critics point out that the type of experimental rats used in this study are particularly prone to tumors. So if you divide up 200 of them into twenty groups, as this study did, you are likely to get very high tumor rates in some of the groups. And the fact that such clusters of tumors didn't show up in the two small control groups could easily be due to random chance.
One particularly irreverent critic, Michael Grayer, a medical statistician, pointed out that the study included 18 groups of rats that were exposed to GMOs or Roundup (nine each for male and female rats), compared to only two control groups. "The potential for cherry-picking the nice positive results here from a sea of boring null ones is immense," he wrote on his blog. "Not saying they did it, of course, but it's certainly a concern."
Also, if this experiment truly showed a link between genetically engineered food and tumors, one might expect the rats that ate more of the GM corn to develop more tumors. In fact, the opposite happened. The rats eating a diet of 33 percent GMO corn stayed healthier than animals eating food with a GMO concentration of just 11 percent.
Seralini, for his part, says that this simply shows that GMOs are toxic in a different way. They merely need to rise above a certain threshold level to have harmful effects; increasing the concentration doesn't increase the harm.
Some scientists were inclined to dismiss the study simply based on Seralini's history of anti-GMO claims. "I know this guy. He has published a lot of rubbish," says Harry Kuiper, a Dutch scientist who used to be in charge of the European Commission's research program on the safety of genetically modified foods. That program sponsored many previous studies, including animal feeding studies, which came to less alarming conclusions and got much less attention than Seralini's.
In fact, Kuiper and many of his colleagues don't even think that animal feeding studies are a very good tool for studying the safety of GM foods. If there was a harmful chemical hidden in GM corn, they say, such studies wouldn't be likely to catch it, because rats can't eat enough corn for them to get a harmful dose of the toxic or cancer-causing substance.
But apart from methodological concerns and personal animosity, there's a deeper reason why scientists like Kuiper give little credence to Seralini's studies. There's a saying in science: Extraordinary claims require extraordinary evidence. For most of the scientists who have been studying the safety of GMOs, it's an extraordinary claim, at this point, to assert that the current generation of genetically modified crops are harmful to human health.
There's no apparent reason why that should be true; No one has found new toxic substances in these crops. And the giant feeding experiment that's been going on for the past fifteen years — hundreds of millions of Americans consuming GMO ingredients — hasn't produced evidence of harm, either.
It would take a lot more evidence that the results of this study to change their minds.
Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.


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To Set your Combo Plans Selling Price
Follow the steps below to set the Selling Price for your Combo Plans.
Step 1: Log in to your control panel. Learn how
Step 2: Navigate to the Combo Plans page.
In the Menu, navigate to Settings and click Manage Products and Pricing.
Click the Combo Plans link.
Step 3: Set the Selling Price.
The process is the same for Customers.
A Combo Plans order can be purchased for a duration of 12 months only.
Price can be any number (upto 2 decimal places). Hence, 3.00, 3, 3.19 are all valid prices.
A Plan Name can be customized by clicking the Edit link next to it and submitting a new Plan Name. Plan Name of existing Orders will be updated to reflect the new Plan Name.
The SuperSite and PartnerSite contain Pricing information about the Products and Services you offer to your Customers and Sub-Resellers respectively. Once you have updated your Prices, the changes are reflected on your SuperSite and PartnerSite automatically.
Additional Information
Your Sub-Resellers Pricing is available under the Sub-Resellers tab and pricing for Customers Pricing is available under the the Customers tab. To set Pricing for Sub-Resellers, click on the Sub-Resellers tab.
Click the Manage Price link under the Action column against any Plan.
Add the per month Selling Price and click on the Update button to save your changes.


text: The Cat People Tarot paints a picture of faraway lands trod by mystical archetypes and their feline companions. This deck is a perfect tool for dreamers and idealists, and is a great choice for divining the nature of human imagination. If you would like your own copy of the Cat People Tarot, you can buy it now!


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Join Our Advertising Program for Nitche User Targeting
Our advertising program offers several channels for advertisers. At Koalat cafe, we utilize several advertising technologies. All advertising will appear on our website (koalatcafe.com), and will rotate with other advertisers. You only pay for clicks, but you can monitor views and ctr %. Our fee schedule is simple, and allows advertisers to get started right away. If you're interested in joining our program, simply complete and submit the application below.


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Chapter 19
Gideon seeks to slay King Noah—The Lamanites invade the land—King Noah suffers death by fire—Limhi rules as a tributary monarch. About 145–121 B.C.
1 And it came to pass that the army of the king returned, having searched in vain for the people of the Lord.
2 And now behold, the forces of the king were small, having been reduced, and there began to be a division among the remainder of the people.
3 And the lesser part began to breathe out threatenings against the king, and there began to be a great contention among them.
4 And now there was a man among them whose name was Gideon, and he being a strong man and an enemy to the king, therefore he drew his sword, and swore in his wrath that he would slay the king.
5 And it came to pass that he fought with the king; and when the king saw that he was about to overpower him, he fled and ran and got upon the tower which was near the temple.
6 And Gideon pursued after him and was about to get upon the tower to slay the king, and the king cast his eyes round about towards the land of Shemlon, and behold, the army of the Lamanites were within the borders of the land.
7 And now the king cried out in the anguish of his soul, saying: Gideon, spare me, for the Lamanites are upon us, and they will destroy us; yea, they will destroy my people.
8 And now the king was not so much concerned about his people as he was about his own life; nevertheless, Gideon did spare his life.
9 And the king commanded the people that they should flee before the Lamanites, and he himself did go before them, and they did flee into the wilderness, with their women and their children.
10 And it came to pass that the Lamanites did pursue them, and did overtake them, and began to slay them.
11 Now it came to pass that the king commanded them that all the men should leave their wives and their children, and flee before the Lamanites.
12 Now there were many that would not leave them, but had rather stay and perish with them. And the rest left their wives and their children and fled.
13 And it came to pass that those who tarried with their wives and their children caused that their fair daughters should stand forth and plead with the Lamanites that they would not slay them.
14 And it came to pass that the Lamanites had compassion on them, for they were charmed with the beauty of their women.
15 Therefore the Lamanites did spare their lives, and took them captives and carried them back to the land of Nephi, and granted unto them that they might possess the land, under the conditions that they would deliver up king Noah into the hands of the Lamanites, and deliver up their property, even one half of all they possessed, one half of their gold, and their silver, and all their precious things, and thus they should pay tribute to the king of the Lamanites from year to year.
16 And now there was one of the sons of the king among those that were taken captive, whose name was Limhi.
17 And now Limhi was desirous that his father should not be destroyed; nevertheless, Limhi was not ignorant of the iniquities of his father, he himself being a just man.
18 And it came to pass that Gideon sent men into the wilderness secretly, to search for the king and those that were with him. And it came to pass that they met the people in the wilderness, all save the king and his priests.
19 Now they had sworn in their hearts that they would return to the land of Nephi, and if their wives and their children were slain, and also those that had tarried with them, that they would seek revenge, and also perish with them.
20 And the king commanded them that they should not return; and they were angry with the king, and caused that he should suffer, even unto death by fire.
21 And they were about to take the priests also and put them to death, and they fled before them.
22 And it came to pass that they were about to return to the land of Nephi, and they met the men of Gideon. And the men of Gideon told them of all that had happened to their wives and their children; and that the Lamanites had granted unto them that they might possess the land by paying a tribute to the Lamanites of one half of all they possessed.
23 And the people told the men of Gideon that they had slain the king, and his priests had fled from them farther into the wilderness.
24 And it came to pass that after they had ended the ceremony, that they returned to the land of Nephi, rejoicing, because their wives and their children were not slain; and they told Gideon what they had done to the king.
25 And it came to pass that the king of the Lamanites made an oath unto them, that his people should not slay them.
26 And also Limhi, being the son of the king, having the kingdom conferred upon him by the people, made oath unto the king of the Lamanites that his people should pay tribute unto him, even one half of all they possessed.
27 And it came to pass that Limhi began to establish the kingdom and to establish peace among his people.
28 And the king of the Lamanites set guards round about the land, that he might keep the people of Limhi in the land, that they might not depart into the wilderness; and he did support his guards out of the tribute which he did receive from the Nephites.
29 And now king Limhi did have continual peace in his kingdom for the space of two years, that the Lamanites did not molest them nor seek to destroy them.


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text: Mr. Burberry Eau de Parfum is an intense interpretation of the original Mr. Burberry, the fragrance captures the essence and anticipation of London at night-time. A warm, sensual and woody scent with fresh and aromatic top notes of tarragon and comforting, spicy cinnamon, layered delicately on rich patchouli with a base of amber and smokey vetiver. The bottle honours the black Heritage Trench Coat and its signature design details. Bold and masculine, the weighted cap references horn-look buttons, while a hand-tied knot in English-woven gabardine sits around the neck, celebrating the innovative fabric invented by Thomas Burberry more than 100 years ago. The dark lacquer bottle conveys the sensuality and warmth of the scent and the accompanying campaign. Available to monogram, the initials will be engraved on to the front of the bottle, creating a truly unique gift for a loved one or for yourself.


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Our Caricature Artists in Rome GA
Our Rome GA caricature artists will make your party or event a blast! In just moments, our entertainers will sketch hilarious cartoon pictures of you and your guests. Kids are thrilled, adults are entertained, and everyone leaves with a drawing as a party favor. Whether it's a corporate event or private party, our performers lend the perfect touch at birthday parties, conventions, wedding receptions, bar mitzvah, banquets, trade shows, holiday parties, late night graduation parties, corporate functions, mall events, picnics, college events…you get the picture!
Caricatures add a unique touch of excitement and activity to any party, reception, or corporate event. Whether or not they know it, most people love to see themselves drawn into a silly, exaggerated cartoon version of themselves! Keep your guests laughing with humorous drawings of themselves to take home from your party. Caricatures can be customized through our agency with special themes, goofy faces, backgrounds, and more! With hundreds of cartoonists available nationwide, About Faces is sure to have someone with just the right style for your upcoming event in Rome GA.
We Also Have Talented Digital Caricature Artists!