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Other segments from the episode on February 13, 2014
February 13, 2014
Guest: Eric Lipton
TERRY GROSS, HOST: This is FRESH AIR. I'm Terry Gross. Corporations work hard to influence Congress and public opinion. My guest, Eric Lipton, is an investigative reporter for the New York Times who's been writing about how corporations work in opaque ways to shape debates on issues ranging from whether we should raise the minimum wage to whether high-fructose corn syrup is less healthy than sugar.
He's written about the revolving door between Congress and lobby groups. He's exposed nonprofit think-tanks and consumer groups that are really funded by industry groups that want to present information that backs up the industry position. He's also written about how some corporations have become concerned that the Republican Party has drifted too far to the right.
Eric Lipton, welcome back to FRESH AIR. You cover lobbying for the New York Times, but if I were to give your beat a name, judging from what you've been writing lately, the beat would be the secret corporate influence on American policy and public opinion. Does that work for you?
ERIC LIPTON: Yeah, I mean I sort of think of it as self-interested parties trying to influence the system to their own benefit. And that's sort of like what I'm looking for when I think about what's an interesting story.
GROSS: So one of the things you've been investigating is how corporate lobby groups are funding research that will influence both lawmakers and popular opinion. And one of the ways they're doing that is by funding think-tanks. And give us an example of a think-tank that is funded by a lobby group, although you wouldn't know that if you were reading the research that the think-tank turned out.
LIPTON: Well, there's - for example, there's a group called the Employment Policies Institute, which puts out reports that examines what would happen if we raise the minimum wage, what impact will it have on unemployment and on poverty in the United States. And if you look at the reports, they're very academic-looking, and they say they're, you know, a nonpartisan research organization.
But in fact, as you learn more about the group, you find out that one of their main supporters financially is the restaurant industry and that when you look at the reports...
GROSS: And the restaurant industry opposes raising the minimum wage.
LIPTON: Right. They find that it would be sort of hurtful to their bottom line and perhaps would reduce employment. So they're actively lobbying Congress to try to avoid legislation that would increase the minimum wage. And the thing is, when you look at their reports, there's just this consistency to them that they again and again are putting out reports that make a similar point.
And then their reports turn up on the National Restaurant Association website, which then uses their reports to kind of reinforce their opposition to the legislative proposal. So it becomes this sort of Washington echo chamber where the think-tank makes an argument, then the organization that is trying to block the legislation then points to the think-tank as an authoritative source, and it buttresses its argument and tries to, you know, modestly change public opinion and perhaps modestly impact some of the moderate Republicans and moderate Democrats whose votes are still potentially up in the air.
GROSS: So the lobby group funds the think-tank, the think-tank turns out research that supports the lobby group's point of view. The lobby group quotes the think-tank as being impartial.
LIPTON: Yes.
GROSS: Now, in the Employment Policies Institute, the group that you mentioned that turns out research that opposes raising the minimum wage, they're actually directly connected to a PR firm led by somebody named Richard Berman. The PR firm is called Berman and Company. And this is an interesting group because they actually have created several, you know, think-tanks and, you know, consumer groups that are created because they're funded by a special interest.
LIPTON: For the most part. I mean there's, you know, the Center for Consumer Freedom. You know, there's ActivistCash.com. There's MercuryFacts.com, Teachers Union Facts, Employment Freedom Org, IncomeTaxFacts.org. There's, you know, more than a dozen websites or nonprofit groups that Berman and Company has set up that then typically have had some industry funding and then make arguments that are opposing sort of what you would consider, you know, consumer groups, and they become a part of the public debate.
GROSS: So these groups that appear on the surface to be activist groups or consumer groups are actually being funded by corporate interests with the intention of affecting public opinion or Congress. And the money doesn't go directly to the groups; it's funneled through this PR firm.
LIPTON: Yeah, I mean actually often it goes directly to the groups, and then it's paid back to the PR firm because the donations come through the nonprofit. But because you make a donation to the nonprofit, the IRS does not require that it be disclosed. So the nonprofits report, when they report what's called a 990 IRS tax form, they have to report the total amount of donations they took in and the amount that they spent, and generally what they spend it on, but they don't have to disclose who their donors are.
GROSS: You actually went to visit the research director of the Employment Policies Institute, and what did you find about the address of the Employment Policies Institute?
LIPTON: Yeah, I was - you know, set up an interview with the research director. I got the address of his office. I went to the eighth floor of the building on Vermont Avenue, like four blocks from the White House. The elevator opens, and it's Berman and Company. And I go in and, you know, there's a bunch of awards on the wall, advertising awards, public relations awards that Berman and Company has won for its work, you know, doing ad campaigns on behalf of various industry groups.
And so I didn't see any evidence at all that there was an Employment Policies Institute office. And in fact when I started to interview the people there, they explained that there are no employees at the Employment Policies Institute and that all the staff there works for Berman and Company, and then they sometimes are just detailed to the various think-tanks and various consumer groups that he operates out of his office.
And he bills them, sort of like a law firm would bill various clients.
GROSS: So in looking at the minimum wage debate, is there a think-tank on the left that's taking the other point of view, that raising the minimum wage is an important thing for the economy and for workers? And if so, who's funding that think-tank?
LIPTON: Yeah, there's another group, a very similar name. It's hard to avoid getting them confused. This one's called the Economic Policy Institute instead of the Employment Policies Institute. And the Economic Policy Institute, you go to their website, and every article you can see is, you know, the case for raising the minimum wage, more than 600 economists endorse the $10.10 minimum wage, which is the higher level.
The minimum wage is not enough to keep workers out of poverty. But then, you know, as you dig down into their website, and you go to their annual report, and you look through who the contributors are, I found more than 20 labor unions that are among their major contributors. And the organization told me that 30 percent of their money does, in fact, come from labor unions.
And again, I mean they argue just like the Employment Policies Institute argues, that their academic research is not in any way influenced by who makes contributions and that it's peer-reviewed in some cases and then in fact published in academic journals, some of their work, both of them do that on occasion, and that they are just, you know, doing good data-based research, and then they issue their conclusions.
But the consistency of, you know, the one from the labor-union-funded keeps saying that raise the minimum wage, and the one from the restaurant industry and other corporate, you know, says it's a bad idea, don't do it. You know, it's just - there's a correlation that seems unavoidable.
GROSS: Does the Economic Policy Institute, the liberal economic think-tank, do they actually have an office? Do they actually have, like, independent researchers who aren't members of a PR group?
LIPTON: Yeah, it's a very different organization. They have an office. They have a very large staff. Their staff is, you know, quite a number of, you know, economists with very, you know, good, good reputations. And, you know, so it's not as much of a slight of hand. They are a real organization that does put out reports, and it's an organization that probably has greater influence in Washington.
But that said, they get funding from - of a place that correlates with the message they generally project.
GROSS: So as a reporter, when you are looking at research, and the research comes out of a think-tank, how do you weigh that, and what do you want to know about the think-tank before quoting somebody who's done research for it?
LIPTON: I mean, it depends on the think-tank. And there are some that are - the results of their reports are less predictable and therefore, you know, less prone to be influenced by the funding source, you know, or to echo what they think the funding source might want. But you know, again, you know, the key to all of this is transparency.
I mean in the case of the left, you know, leaning group, the Economic Policy Institute, they do at least publish an annual report that lists all their donors. With the Employment Policies Institute, run by Berman and Company, they don't disclose who all their donors are. And so, you know, I think transparency, it's the same thing with campaign finance in Washington, and part of the reason that sort of the whole money in politics has become sort of so kind of potentially damaging to society is that so much money goes into politics now that you don't know where it comes from.
And there's a similar thing with the kind of research institutions. There are quite a number of them in Washington that don't disclose their donor base. So it's hard to be able - you can't really evaluate, you know, so who might be potentially influencing the way that they're thinking or at least asking them to have an outcome that will please the donors.
GROSS: If you're just joining us, my guest is Eric Lipton. He's an investigative reporter for the New York Times who writes about lobbying and the influence of corporations not only on Congress but also on public opinion.
So one of the things you've been writing about lately is the revolving door between Congress and lobby groups. And you had a recent article focusing on congressional staffers, not on the lawmakers themselves but on their staffers. And there are laws that are supposed to prevent congressmen or their staffers from going right from Congress to joining a lobby group. What are those laws designed to prevent? What's the problem?
LIPTON: The problem is if you have relationships and special information, and you can perhaps leave one day and the next day come back and, you know, A) cash in on that, on those relationships and information, and B) potentially influence the process in an inappropriate way because your relationships are so strong, and the level of information is so high.
So essentially there's a cooling-off period in which generally the senior employees of Congress and the federal government at large are supposed to not be able to go back and lobby their former associates for one year. And so that there's - so there's a little time that passes and that they - they don't just essentially cash in on their connections.
So one example of the ways in which staffers get around the one-year ban is that in the House of Representatives the ban frequently only applies to a small circle of people that you immediately work with. For example, if you work with a chief of staff for a lawmaker, the ban only applies to the office that you worked in, not the committee that the lawmaker served on.
If you work for the leadership of the House of Representatives, you can lobby almost any committee in the House of Representatives or any other member of the House of Representatives. You just can't lobby the leadership. And so the ban is very narrowly crafted in the House of Representatives, unlike in the Senate, it's a much broader ban.
And so you can leave one day and register to lobby the next day and lobby all kinds of people that you knew very well and worked with frequently in the House of Representatives in a way that seems to evade the intent of the ban.
GROSS: Now, there's a salary cap in this ban too that's supposed to prevent staffers from coming back immediately as lobbyists. But they get around that too. Can you explain that?
LIPTON: Yeah, the salary cap is $130,000 currently, and so there are some staffers who told us that they might keep their salary, if they know they're about to leave, and they're close to that 130 cap, you know, at say 129, and that they may, you know, seek to avoid actually getting a raise to go into the 130 figure so that they - if they're planning on leaving so that - because they're much more marketable to a lobbying firm if they can immediately go back and lobby their former colleagues.
And if you're below the 130 cap, you have no restrictions at all in the House of Representatives. The next day you can leave and you can lobby literally any member of the House or any staffer. You're what's called uncovered. Again, in the Senate it's different. If you have - it doesn't matter what your salary is in the Senate. If you leave, you're not allowed to lobby the people in the office that you formerly worked for, even if you're uncovered.
So the Senate rules are broader, and therefore they're harder to evade.
GROSS: Is one of the concerns here that if you know you can come back as a lobbyist, as a high-paid, probably, lobbyist, that you're going to be more sympathetic to the lobby group while you're in Congress or while you're an aide to a congressman or to a committee?
LIPTON: I haven't heard as much sort of suggestion of that. I think that, you know, the advantage that having a former aide as your lobbyist brings you is that, I mean, you know, I'm hearing - I frequently hear stories about how, say a bank executive is called to testify. You know, often that bank executive knows the questions they're going to be asked, and they are able to essentially be coached on those questions because the lobbyist who used to work for the committee will approach the committee and say, you know, what are you going to ask, and ask his former buddy.
And his buddy will say here's what my boss is going to ask your executive. And then the question gets back to the executive, and the executive is completely prepared for the questions and, you know, and is able to appear very poised. I mean, similarly, the former staffer can actually draft provisions that are going to go into law and present that language to their buddy who works at the House, the Committee on Financial Services, and say, you know, we were just working on this piece of legislation together. I think this is a good idea to change this provision, and here's the language and how I think it should be changed.
And we found instances where, in fact, you know, whole sections of bills were crafted by lobbyists who were former aides. So there's - you know, the relationship is actually quite important for the lobbyist. And the thing that's interesting is if you look at the overall number of lobbyists who are former government officials, it's increased tremendously in the last 15-or-so years.
The bulk of - almost half of all lobbyists in Washington today are former government officials. It used to be a much smaller percentage.
GROSS: If you're just joining us, my guest is Eric Lipton. He's an investigative reporter for the New York Times. He covers lobbying. Let's take a short break, and then we'll talk some more. This is FRESH AIR.
GROSS: If you're just joining us, my guest is Eric Lipton. He's an investigative reporter for the New York Times. His focus is lobbying, and he's been writing a lot of articles about how corporate money, how lobby groups are affecting public opinion and what lawmakers do.
You've been writing about how lobby groups sometimes pay for trips for congressmen. What are the potential ethical questions that raises?
LIPTON: Yeah, this is another really interesting area. So you know, Congress passed legislation that made it illegal for lobbyists to give gifts to lawmakers. You know, it seems an obvious thing you'd want to do; you don't want a lobbyist to give, you know, something of value to a lawmaker in exchange for, you know, legislation or some other favor.
So therefore, you know, you can't travel to Vail and go skiing if the lobbyist pays the bills. But the way that lawmakers do it is that they have a fundraising event in Vail or Park City or in, you know, in Bermuda or in Puerto Rico or in Las Vegas, in many other destinations that people would, you know, love the opportunity to travel to.
And they present it as a campaign fundraising event, and you know, maybe 50 or 60 different lobbyists fly there, and they make contributions of somewhere between $2,500 and $5,000, and they would be larger, but there are actually limits on how much they can give, and then the money is collected, and that money is used to pay for the catering bills for these events and the hotel bills and the airfare bills and even sometimes the ski lift bills for the lawmakers.
So the lawmakers', you know, trips to these resort destinations have been subsidized by the lobbyists, but it's not an illegal gift because it went through their campaign accounts. And so, I mean I went on the first weekend of the year, I flew to Park City, Utah, where Senator Kelly Ayotte was having a fundraising event at, you know, these exclusive resort destinations.
She stayed at this beautiful hotel. You left the hotel and walked out and went skiing. And she, you know, went skiing the morning that I was there. She then went to a luncheon and told the lobbyists and the crowd, you know, I'd love it if you want to join me for a run. And this is the kind of access that lobbyists really crave, an opportunity to take a ride up a ski lift with a U.S. senator to chit-chat with her, not necessarily to make a hard pitch to her but to build a relationship with her so that, you know, the next time comes around that they want to try to influence something, that they can call up her chief of staff and say, oh yeah, you know, that was a great ski trip, wasn't that fun.
And so - and then that same weekend in Vail, you had five members of the House of Representatives who were having their own, you know, weekend getaway with dozens of lobbyists. Many of those guys actually run the Energy and Commerce Committee. Some of the lobbyists there were from electric utilities that wanted legislation introduced that would prohibit the federal government from designating coal ash as a hazardous waste.
And for example, Ed Whitfield, who was one of the lawmakers that was there in Vail, was a co-sponsor of that legislation. And one of the lobbyists that was there was from PPL, an electric utility that supported that legislation that would, you know, save them money by avoiding coal ash being designated as hazardous.
And so, you know, they both benefit there. The electric utility is able to say thank you to the lawmaker. The lawmaker is able to get a nice weekend at the Four Seasons resort in Vail, Colorado, which is quite a beautiful place. I didn't actually stay there. I stayed near the airport.
GROSS: Is there any way of knowing for sure if these getaways actually directly affect congressional votes or legislation that's introduced?
LIPTON: I don't think that they do in such an explicit way. It's really about building relationships. And it's - you know, the day that I got to Vail, the first event started at I think 5:30, and it was nearly midnight at the bar at the Four Seasons hotel, and one of the lawmakers, Adrian Smith, was there - well, maybe 11 o'clock, I don't want to exaggerate - and he was still, he was at the lounge.
He was not drinking. He was there chatting with some of the lobbyists. So you had, you know, basically six hours of access. They had had a reception. They had a dinner in a private room. Then they moved over to the hotel lounge. And there's a relationship-building that goes on in that setting that you just, that lobbyists, you know, really they die for because, you know, when you're back in Washington then and you call up the chief of staff and you say my client, you know, has this issue, they want to - we'd love to work with you on it, you have - you know, you know them.
Maybe their kids have come along on the trip. You know their kids. You just have built a rapport that you just wouldn't get in Washington if you just went to the restaurant for the, you know, the cocktail party reception, in an out the lawmaker goes. So, you know, I don't - no one is, I think, asking them vote this way at that event, but it's all about maintaining and building relationships that then do help them move the agendas of their clients.
GROSS: Eric Lipton will be back in the second half of the show. He's an investigative reporter for the New York Times who covers lobbying. I'm Terry Gross, and this is FRESH AIR.
GROSS: This is FRESH AIR. I'm Terry Gross back with Eric Lipton, an investigative reporter for The New York Times, who covers lobbying and how corporations try to influence Congress as well as public opinion.
So overall, would you say that the role of lobbyists has changed in Congress or the tactics of lobbyists?
LIPTON: I think that since 2007 and the whole Abramoff scandal where you had a lobbyist who was really doing illegal things and went to jail for it and there was a lawmaker Bob Ney, who also went to jail and his former chief of staff also went to jail, or at least was convicted of wrongdoing. And then there was an effort in 2007 to tighten the rules to try to avoid, you know, really obscene conflicts of interest and influence peddling, that there's a lot more scrutiny. And there also with the whole blogosphere and the whole, you know, the influence of Politico, there's a lot more coverage right now going on of Congress and of lobbying. So I think that the whole industry needs to be more creative in a way in doing things that aren't illegal and but just, you know, work the system effectively. And so, you know, I think that all the things we've talk about our within the confines of the law. They're not illegal or, you know, or immoral. These are people who are seeking ways to influence a system and, you know, to maximize their corporate dollar and to get what they want from Congress.
GROSS: You've written recently about how corporate interests are becoming concerned about how corporations are losing influence in the Republican Party, largely because of how far the party has drifted to the right and toward, you know, Tea Party issues. What are their concerns?
LIPTON: Well, it's interesting because, you know, just historically, traditionally the corporate world has had greater influence with the Republican Party. There's a shared value system belief in, you know, the limited role of government. And so, but so therefore, you know, it's not surprising that money from the corporate sector goes to the Republican Party. But there's a perception recently that the Republican Party, at least in the House Representatives, has not been sort of following through on its part of the bargain. The government shutdown is an example. The failure of immigration legislation to move forward is another example. So here you have the corporate sector that's invested, you know, tens of millions of dollars in the Republicans in the House and that, you know, that really wants immigration legislation passed because it was, you know, visas for high-tech workers, it wants agricultural workers to be able to come to the U.S. to, you know, do farming work, and it doesn't want the government shutdown, and it also wants tax reform passed so that it can lower the corporate tax rate. But, you know, in fact, a lot of the reasons that those things aren't happening is because the Republicans in the House.
So the corporations are saying we've got to get more involved in the elections, in fact, in the primaries and try to help pick who the Republican candidates are. And we can't simply just say, you know, let's contribute to the Republican candidate and we will get our agenda through. So there's been, this year in particular, there's been a major change in the role that corporate America is playing in the midterm elections and they're trying to play a much greater role in actually selecting Republican candidates for the House instead of simply helping them get elected.
GROSS: How are they doing that? Because you write that a lot of corporate groups are afraid to out and out back the opponents of Tea Party candidates because that could be used against the opponent. Like look, that opponent is sponsored by big business; we don't want him or her. So are there alternative approaches that they're taking to try to get more centrist candidates from the Republican Party?
LIPTON: Yeah. I mean it is delicate work because, you know, if you - if the business sort of supported candidate becomes, you know, identified as an establishment candidate then some of the Tea Party and more extreme conservative groups will mobilize to support the mainstream candidate's opponent and that does and will happen. You know, but I guess it's hard to sort of - for the elephant to move around in a delicate way. So it's hard for them to in fact even through independent expenditures to, you know, which isn't necessarily tied to the candidate, him or herself, it's hard for them to sort of step into a campaign without it being known what they're doing. So I think that they in fact are just doing it in a forward way and figure that if they put enough money into certain races that they see as important that they will perhaps be able to level the playing field some. Because, you know, the groups like the Club for Growth, which supports more extreme conservatives, have become a pretty major force in helping, you know, nominate Republican candidates whose fiscal conservatism is so extreme, you know, at least from the mainstream Republican perspective, that corporate America is not happy with them by and large.
GROSS: Can you give us an example of a race where this has played out?
LIPTON: Sure. I mean, you know, late last year, there was a special election in Alabama where the Tea Party had backed a businessman named Dean Young, but the business society decided that Dean Young was too conservative and he was sort of associated with Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and that he'd made some statements that sort of - that turned off the mainstream Republicans. And so they poured, literally poured cash into the accounts of another Republican candidate in this primary there named Bradley Byrne. You know, companies Caterpillar, AT&T, you know, and it just, you know, the National Retailers Association, I mean and they, you know, putting so much money that although some of the polls had suggested that Dean Young was going to - was a close, you know, was a close call, Brandon(ph) Byrne walked away with it.
And that was sort of the first test after the government shutdown that showed how serious the business community in the United States is about, you know, really playing an activist role in 2014 in trying to pick Republican candidates that are considered more business friendly. And they're going around the United States right now evaluating different races, deciding, you know, where can we have an impact, where is it worth trying to spend our money? And they're trying to basically get a House of Representatives that would be more willing to pass immigration legislation. Even though, you know, even Boehner and Cantor, the two leaders, and Republican leaders, both expressed support for it, but there's enough of a contingent of Republicans in the House that are opposed to it, so even though the business community wants it and the Republican leadership wants it, it can't happen. So the business community decides we're going to play a much more active role and that's happening as we speak.
GROSS: John Boehner just sent through a clean debt ceiling bill that passed. He brought it to the floor enabling it to pass, and he had been unwilling to do that until this week. Do you see any connection between his doing that and what you're talking about, how a lot of, you know, business groups have like turned against the far right of the Republican Party?
LIPTON: I mean I think there was intense pressure on Boehner from the business community to do just what he did, which is not, you know, flirt with the possibility of letting the U.S., you know, default on its debt again and not even entertaining that idea because it was disruptive to the U.S. economy. And so he had yet again, the same contingent of more conservative Republicans who are saying, you know, if we're going to do that we want to get concessions out of the Democrats. And, you know, Boehner entertained that idea and then ultimately walk away from it and, you know, went with the more moderate Republicans and the Democrats and then the House passed legislation. So, I mean that reflects potentially, it's hard to sort of, you know, to divvy up, you know, why that happened and what role the kind of the business roundtable and other corporate groups played in sort of twisting Boehner's arm. But there's no question they were attempting to influence Boehner to do just what he did. But it's hard to sort of, you know, backwards figure out what - how much of a factor that was.
GROSS: Is there a sense within the larger business community that they helped empower the far right of the Republican Party and now they feel like the far right has turned against them?
LIPTON: Well, it is interesting because, you know, there's, a lot of the Republican business groups helped fund redistricting efforts in states across the United States so that the various election districts were more conservative that, you know, more red or more blue. And so - and the net result of that was that you have more extreme, you know, Republicans or more extreme Democrats in the House of Representatives. And to some extent that was orchestrated by, you know, national organizations, including corporations, that wanted to redistrict, you know, the individual states in a way that they thought was going to benefit them. And so, you know, to some extent they are suffering from their own successes in having redistrict and created a much more divided, you know, House by them being from really hard red or hard blue districts.
GROSS: So the Koch brothers, who are very conservative, and have a lot of business interests and have funded a lot of far right groups and candidates, have they started to think that some of the groups or candidates they've funded no longer represent the business interests of the Koch company?
LIPTON: I mean, for the most part, I think that the candidates that they helped elect are, you know, support reducing federal spending, limiting federal regulation and, you know, just generally curbing the role of the federal government, which is, you know what the Koch brothers believe in. But I think at the same time they have helped fund the election of people who are such activists that at times these folks go beyond what the, you know, what the Koch brothers seem to really want, such as, you know, threatening to shut down and in fact, shutting down the federal government in an effort to defund the Obama health care program. That was not something that the groups supported by the Koch brothers were advocating. But some of the same people that that Koch brothers helped elect then went and in fact did that. So, you know, it's sort of like, you know, you don't necessarily control your kids, you know, once you set them loose. And sometimes the corporations are, you know, who have helped these people get elected are seeing that they aren't necessarily sticking with the program.
GROSS: If you're just joining us, my guest is Eric Lipton. He's an investigative reporter for The New York Times who writes about lobbying and the influence of corporations not only on Congress but also on public opinion.
Let's take a short break then we'll talk some more. This is FRESH AIR.
GROSS: If you're just joining us, my guest is Eric Lipton. He's an investigative reporter for The New York Times. He writes about lobbying, but not just about corporate influence on Congress, he also writes about corporate influence on public opinion.
What's an example of an issue where you feel lobby groups have effectively been working to influence the opinion of Democrats in Congress?
LIPTON: I mean one of the stories that I did was looking at the House Financial Services Committee and how seats on that committee, it's sometimes called the money committee or the cash committee because it is - it draws more money from lobbying and from corporate players than any other committee because, you know, it is the committee that regulates Wall Street. And so freshman are put on that committee because it's a great way for them to raise a lot of money quickly and to defend their seat after their first term. And as a member of Congress you're most vulnerable after you've gotten elected in your second election. And if you win your second election, unless you do something really bad, or there's a major, you know, change in the politics of the United States, you're pretty safe.
So freshman are put on financial services because they want to quickly raise money and but, you know, you look Dodd-Frank for example, a legislation, you know, that came out of the recession and there's bills that would revise Dodd-Frank in a major way. And the freshman who are on financial services who are busy raising money from Wall Street, most of them went along with the provisions that would change Dodd-Frank in a major way. And so I did a story that...
GROSS: And ease restrictions.
LIPTON: Ease restrictions on the banks. And then the more senior members, by and large Democrats, along with the administration, spoke up against those changes and said you're rolling back, you know, one of the most important pieces of legislation, you know, post-recession to have passed and that many of these regulations still have not been approved. And so there's a case where there's a, you know, it's a perverse incentive for freshman that's put on financial services because there's intense pressure on them to raise money but they must raise money from the same, you know, world that they're supposedly regulating. And so, you know, how do you raise money from Wall Street and at the same time, you know, be tough on them? And so if you look at some of the votes that they've taken, the folks who are under the most pressure to raise money tend to be the folks that are voting in favor of the legislation that the lobbyists from Wall Street are pushing.
GROSS: I'm wondering if covering lobbying is just like a recipe for making you incredibly cynical about politics because the way our system works, as we all know, politicians need to raise a lot of money to get elected and to stay in office. A lot of that money comes from corporations. They're also supposed to be regulating corporations and, you know, dealing with all kinds of legislation that will have a direct effect one way or another on corporations. So, you know, how is it possible for people in Congress to remain neutral on these issues?
LIPTON: I mean, there's no question that you talk to a lawmaker and one of the least favorite parts of their job is raising money. And there's an incredible pressure on them to just constantly be asking for money. And it's unfortunate. And, you know, as I was saying it creates a sort of perverse incentive to try to not alienate the same industries that they're supposedly regulating.
Because how are you supposed to raise money if you can't raise it from the people that want to influence you? Because they're the most likely ones that want to support you. And so, I mean, does it make me cynical? I guess I think that there's a huge back story in Washington, that if you simply focus on the legislation and the policies, which in themselves are very important, that you miss a lot of what's going on.
And that, you know, I'm not suggesting in any way that, you know, the lobbying efforts, you know, determine the course of these laws. But I think that they definitely play a part. They literally - they write legislation at times. They write the questions that are asked at hearings, you know. And so, you know, they have influence and I think that it's important that we also bring some light to that sort of, you know, world that isn't so obvious.
It doesn't have a bill number, you know, and there isn't a roll call vote but it's definitely a factor in the outcome of these events.
GROSS: Before you started investigating lobbying and corporate influence, did you ever make a big mistake and accept something at face value when you shouldn't have?
LIPTON: Yeah. I mean, you know, as a Metro reporter and at the Washington Post where I used to work, I mean, I went through some budge cycles covering local governments' budgets and I got caught up and, you know, the government officials are constantly coming to you telling you just how terrible the financial situation is and how, you know, drastic the cuts they're going to have to make in the libraries and the schools and everywhere, you know.
And then you write a front page story where, you know, the government official will make a proposal for, you know, huge cuts and then of course by the time the whole budget process is over the cuts have largely been gone and funding has been found and maybe tax revenues have been increased. And the newspaper reporter has sort of been used as part of the strategy to find other money.
And, you know, I guess - I mean, reporters are constantly - I mean, I get calls every day and emails from different, you know, PR firms that are trying to get me to write about their causes. And, you know, a story in a newspaper is much more valuable than a press release. And once there's a story in the newspaper then the industry group can point to the story as proof of their case.
And so, you know, we are definitely targets of the whole, you know, the whole influence machine and I think we need to be careful to not be used.
GROSS: Eric Lipton, thank you so much for talking with us.
LIPTON: OK. Thank you very much.
GROSS: Eric Lipton is an investigative reporter for the New York Times. This is FRESH AIR.
TERRY GROSS, HOST: This is FRESH AIR. This Saturday the CBS documentary series "48 Hours" presents a documentary that's far from its usual menu of murder and mayhem. It's a two hour special called "The Whole Gritty City" and it follows young student marching bands as they prepare for coveted spots in the Mardi Gras parade in New Orleans. Our TV critic David Bianculli has this review.
DAVID BIANCULLI, BYLINE: There are times when television really does try to put its best foot forward. Promoting a new fall season, for example. But it's an almost twisted rule of TV that sometimes the better a television offering is the more likely it is to be shown when even the network presenting it doesn't think many people will be watching. That's why CBS each year televises the Kennedy Center Honors during the dead week between Christmas and New Years.
It wants the prestige of showing one of the best variety specials of the year mixing opera and pop music and stars from both film and television but doesn't want to risk low ratings at a more competitive time. Similarly, that's also why CBS this weekend presents an uncharacteristically sensitive, intelligent, and inspirational edition of its "48 Hours" series. It's opposite NBC's ratings hogging coverage of the Winter Olympics so why not?
Why not, indeed? "48 Hours Presents The Whole Gritty City" is a documentary in the Fred Wiseman mold. The film by Richard Barber and Andre Lamberston has no narration - it just focuses on a specific subject for a lengthy amount of time and lets the camera record whatever happens. And then all that raw footage is edited. The only scene setting comes courtesy of Wynton Marsalis who appears at the beginning and a few more spots during the program to explain the concept, the context, and the stakes.
WYNTON MARSALIS: New Orleans buries too many of its young. Our city has one of the highest murder rates in the country and almost half of our kids live in poverty. I'm Wynton Marsalis, born and raised in New Orleans. It's a city I adore. I'm a jazz man and a teacher. I've seen many times what happens when a child picks up an instrument and learns to play. Quality music has a power to transform minds and hearts and can on occasion even save lives.
Tonight you'll meet some extraordinary young musicians and the band leaders will teach them about life.
BIANCULLI: The opening scene of "The Whole Gritty City" turns out to be a flash forward. We see and hear a very large group of young people playing band instruments outdoors as part of a funeral service. They're playing sometimes with more volume and emotion than precision, a few of them wiping tears away as they blow their horns.
BIANCULLI: We return to this scene at the end of the documentary. By then we know a lot more about these local bands and how much music means to the kids - and how they even inspire each other. One kid, an amazingly gifted young pre-teen, talks about how playing the trumpet is 25 percent of his life.
Then, holding a video camera, he takes us on a tour of some of the other 75 percent, including a street he runs down every day on his way to grade school, petrified because, he says, it has guns. We get to know the teachers and some of the members of three different bands, including a drum major nicknamed Scully who talks about the teacher who inspired him, Mr. Shavers.
SCULLY: He just came out of the blue, I'm thinking about starting a band. And if they let me you will be my first drum major. And I sat there and I said are you serious? He said - I said are you serious? He said yeah. I said man, thank you, thank you, thank you. You know, of course, he got killed.
UNIDENTIFIED WOMAN: Mel Shavers was a member of the Hot Eight brass band and a music teacher and band director at Rob Wood High School. He was shot as he was driving with his family on the main street. He later died in the hospital.
UNIDENTIFIED MAN: ...not the intended target. Police say a 15 year old stepson was the intended target because of an earlier argument.
BIANCULLI: Death is a big part of this New Orleans story - something the kids face every day and sometimes confront directly. One of the band members becomes an innocent victim of the shooting and he had thought enough about his own mortality to ask his band teacher that in the event of his death he wanted all of the local youth bands to join together to play at his funeral.
That's what they're doing at the start of "The Whole Gritty City" and again at the end, and it's what we see and hear in between that makes those bookends so memorable.
GROSS: David Bianculli is founder and editor of the website TV Worth Watching and teaches TV and film history at Rowan University in New Jersey.
Transcripts are created on a rush deadline, and accuracy and availability may vary. This text may not be in its final form and may be updated or revised in the future. Please be aware that the authoritative record of Fresh Air interviews and reviews are the audio recordings of each segment.


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subset: commoncrawl


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Pet Trainer Job Opening
Pet Trainer
• Bessemer, AlabamaPET TRAINER
Working at PetSmart is not a job, it's a community of those who work together for the love of pets. If you have a passion for pets, a Pet Trainer at PetSmart might be a great fit for you. You'll lead the pack (well, class) in terms of teaching engaging classes to pet parents for all stages of their pet's lives.
As a PetSmart Pet Trainer, you'll take part in our Pet Training Instructor Accreditation Program to learn proven techniques developed by leading dog trainers. When you complete the course, you'll emerge as a trusted Accredited Dog Trainer specializing in dog behavior and learning theory.
Upon completion, you'll be hands-on with pets and leading our Pet Training Programs. Through our broad range of class programs, you will:
- Teach classes to a variety of dog breeds, sizes and ages
- Lead each class with an emphasis on the safety and comfort for pets and pet parents
- Show patience to pet parents when training their very excited puppy
- Guide pets through our NEW (retail's first ever) Pet Therapy Training Program
- Have a lot of fun.
- Build strong bonds with all two legged and four legged members of your class!
While "sit" and "stay" are common words in our classes, they do not describe your career! Just as we are there for pets at every stage of their lives, we'll be with you at every stage of your career, too. With PetSmart, you will have opportunities to:
- Gain experience in a different business unit—from the store to the salon or the Pets Hotel
- Develop your leadership skills as a department manager
- Transfer to any one of our 1600 stores nationwide
We've highlighted job responsibilities as best as we could above—but the best parts of working at PetSmart can't be fully described in the job description.
- It's the excitement you feel when you help a little one pick out his very first fish. And not just any goldfish, but that one, right there, no not that one, this one, yea!
- It's the relief Rosie feels when you help her mom select the best food for her upset tummy and her delight when it turns out to be chicken flavored!!
- It's the pride of the giving Mickey a makeover in our salons watching him strut his stuff on the way out. Paws off, ladies, he's taken!
- It's the joy of reuniting Frankie with her family after a fun stay in our Pets Hotel.
- It's the celebration of Bella's birthday, Gizmo's graduation from puppy classes or Ace's adoption.
- It's the little things we do that add up to really big things that pets need.
Working at PetSmart is not a job, it's a community of those who work together for the love of pets.
Apply now to experience a career that loves you back.
Similar Job Titles – Dog Trainer, Pet Training Instructor, Dog Handler, Pet Trainer, Animal Trainer, Pet Therapy, Puppy Training, Puppy Classes
This job summary is intended to describe the general nature and level of work associates/leaders assigned to this job perform. It is not intended to include all duties and responsibilities. You will be provided a copy of a job description for the actual position you are hired in to.
PetSmart is an equal opportunity employer. All qualified applicants will receive consideration for employment without regard to race, color, religion, sex, age, national or ethnic origin, disability, as well as any other characteristic protected by federal, provincial or local law.
Applicants must be over the age of 18.
The employer will consider for employment qualified Applicants with Criminal Histories in a manner consistent with the Los Angeles Fair Chance Initiative for Hiring.


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Delivery & returns
Online returns policy
We hope you like your order from Patrickbourkemenswear.ie. If for any reason you would like to return an item, we are happy to offer you a refund or an exchange within 28 days of receipt of your order.
The item(s) must be in new, unused and unworn condition with tags attached and in original packaging. Please note we do not issue refunds on gift card orders. It is our policy to return goods to the purchaser if we suspect that any item(s) have been used or worn, are soiled, damaged or smell of smoke or any other odour.
In the event that an item is out of stock you will be contacted by a team member to discuss an alternative. If the alternative item is not suitable then a full refund will be issued
Please note that we do not offer free returns.
You can choose how you wish to return to us by using your local post office or in person in one of our stores. Please see further details on the options available below.
We are happy to exchange a product, if available pending the product being returned is new, unused and unworn condition with tags attached and in original packaging. If a different product is requested then a new order must be completed on the website by the user.
For reasons of health and hygiene we are unable to offer exchange or refund on the following products:- Underwear and swimwear
This policy does not affect your statutory rights relating to faulty or misdescribed goods or your right to cancel orders under the consumer protection. All dispatched orders will include a confirmation form outlining your purchase details, our contact details and return address. Please insert the original order form or a copy of the form in the returned parcel, without this we may not be able to track your details.
Following inspection of the returned goods and after your return has been processed you will be refunded the amount due through the original method of payment, excluding original postage charge.
We normally process return orders on the same working day that we received them. You should expect to see the refund in your account within 2/3 working days from receipt of this email; however some banks may take longer. If you have not received this money into your account after 10 working days you should contact firstname.lastname@example.com
The process is simple, you choose which way suits you best to return an item! Please insert the original order form received and mark the item you are returning. Simply repackage your purchase and enclose your form. We have two convenient ways available in which you can return your parcel –
Call instore and return your item/s at any till point with your order slip marked with the returning item and a colleague instore will take the form and returned item/s from you to bring to the online team for processing. Your refund will be issued and funds should reach your bank within 2/3 working days.
Please insert the original order form received and mark the item you are returning, enclose with your package, remove the DPD label with your address and attach a note with the Patrick Bourke Menswear address in its place.
Bring to your nearest postal office and organise to pay return postage. We advise registering the return so as you have proof of postage and can track the status on your return. When your return package has been received, your refund will be issued and funds should reach your bank within 5 working days.
Online Returns, Patrick Bourke Menswear, 2 High Street, Ennis, Co. Clare, Ireland, V95 X982.
This policy will differ to purchases bought instore.


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Latest News
About Us
Contact Us
September 2020-Creative Designs now part of Indigo Worldwide
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© Copyright Indigo Worldwide Ltd.
Our website makes use of non-invasive (no personal data) cookies to provide you with an enhanced user experience. By continuing to use the site, you consent to this.
The UK Law now requires us to get consent from you for the use of cookies
A cookie is a small file containing text and numbers generated by the website and passed from your browser back to our website when you revisit the site.
A cookie is used here to allow you to navigate the site, log in etc. Without this cookie (called a session cookie), this site would not work properly and so this has already been set.
We use an animation based rotating image which uses a cookie to know which image was last displayed so that as you move from page to page you are not seeing the same image every time.
We can also make use of third party services such as video clip players which can set cookies, for example to enable them to know that you part played a video clip previously, or to store customised settings such as brightness or volume.


text: Should I refinance my mortgage? How much do I need to save for my child's college education? As accounting professionals, these are some of the questions that are posed to us on a daily basis. We are providing these interactive financial calculators and other tools to assist you with some of the day-to-day questions and concerns that may arise. While these financial tools are not a substitute for financial advice from a qualified professional, they can be used as a starting point in your decision making process.


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Stop the war!
Остановите войну!
for scientists:
default search action
Sebastian M. Arnold
manage site settings
To protect your privacy, all features that rely on external API calls from your browser are turned off by default. You need to opt-in for them to become active. All settings here will be stored as cookies with your web browser. For more information see our F.A.Q.


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The 'beauty' of thermal infrared images is that they provide information on cloud cover and the temperature of air masses even during night-time, while visible satellite imagery is restricted to daylight hours.
However, the best method to interpret satellite images is to view visible and infrared imagery together.
UTC = Coordinated Universal Time
12 UTC = 13 BST (British Summer Time)


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Tableau Makes Visual Analytics Tool Free For Students
Students enrolled at accredited schools worldwide can use the data-visualization desktop client that usually sells for $2,000.
Big Data Analytics Masters Degrees: 20 Top Programs
Big Data Analytics Masters Degrees: 20 Top Programs (click image for larger view and for slideshow)
Eager to see more students learn data visualization, Tableau Software on Tuesday announced it would provide its desktop tool to students under a free, one-year license.
Tableau for Students is available for accredited colleges and universities, as well as K-12 institutions. Students can apply online to receive a product code for Tableau Desktop Professional.
Tableau had already offered a student discount for its desktop client, which retails for $2,000 per user.
But the free license offer points to the company's belief that data analytics should be understood by many more people -- and not just computer science and statistics majors. This could also help address the much-reported shortage of big data workers, Francois Ajenstat, Tableau's director of product management told InformationWeek in a phone call.
[ Can elementary school students handle big data? See Big Data Education: When Should It Start? ]
Some 10,000 organizations worldwide already use software from Tableau, which also makes an enterprise server. Commercial customers include Barclays, Deloitte, Ferrari, Intel, Johns Hopkins Hospital, SpaceX and Unilever.
In early 2010, the company released Tableau Public, a Web-based, free-to-use analytics tool. Tableau Public is limited to 100,000 rows of data and can be saved only to Tableau Public servers.
"Think of it as a YouTube for data," Ajenstat said about Tableau Public, which he said had been viewed some 100 million times since its launch.
The hope, Ajenstat said, is that teachers and students using the desktop client will post their work to Tableau Public, spurring comments and development, especially for data-visualization applications outside computer science and statistics. (A full list of academic institutions using Tableau today can be found here.)
Training for Tableau for Students will be handled by an existing series of free-to-watch videos and tutorials on the company's website.
After the year license for Tableau for Students expires, students can apply for a year extension, Ajenstat said.
Attend Interop Las Vegas May 6-10 and learn the emerging trends in information risk management and security. Use Priority Code MPIWK by March 22 to save an additional $200 off the early bird discount on All Access and Conference Passes. Join us in Las Vegas for access to 125+ workshops and conference classes, 300+ exhibiting companies, and the latest technology. Register today!
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Privacy Policy
PRIVACY POLICY for www.easypcsolutionslimited.com
We, at Easy PC Solutions Limited treat the privacy of our visitors with the highest importance. This policy details the measures we take to preserving and safely guarding your privacy when you visit or communicate with our site or personnel. A detailed explanation of how we may store or otherwise use personal information about you is explained in this Privacy Policy. Regular updates of the Privacy Policy are completed, requiring you to check back on this Policy from time to time.
1. Information Collection Operation of this site may require collection and processing of the following data:
1.1 Visit details to our site or any resources used on our site are not limited to just location and traffic data, weblogs or other communication information.
1.2 Information given to us when you contact us for any reason.
1.3 Data offered by filled out forms on our site, like a registration or purchase.
2. Cookies Our advertisers and us may have the occasion to collect information in regards to your computer for our services. The information is gained in a statistical manner for our use or advertisers on our site. Data gathered will not identify you personally. It is strictly aggregate statistical data about our visitors and how they used our resources on the site. No identifying personal information will be shared at any time via cookies. Close to the above, data gathering can be about general online use through a cookie file. When used, cookies are automatically placed in your hard drive where information transferred to your computer can be found. These cookies are designed to help us correct and improve our site's services or products for you. You may elect to decline all cookies via your computer. Every computer has the ability to decline file downloads like cookies. Your browser has an option to enable the declining of cookies. If you do decline cookie downloads you may be limited to certain areas of our site, as there are parts of our site that require cookies. Any of our advertisers may also have a use for cookies. We are not responsible, nor do we have control of the cookies downloaded from advertisements. They are downloaded only if you click on the advertisement.
3. Your Information and how it is Used Primarily, we collect and store data about you to help us provide better service and products to you. The following are purposes we may use your information for:
3.1 At anytime you request information from us via a form or other electronic transmission we may use your information to fulfil that request relating to our services and products. We may also communicate with you on other products or services you may find of interest, only when consent has been provided.
3.2 Contracts we make with you create a commitment, which may require contact or use of your information.
3.3 We have the right to notify you of changes to our website, products or services that could affect our service to you.
3.4 Information on products or services similar to those of an existing consumer purchase may be communicated to you. The information sent to you in a communication will be similar to the subject of a recent sale.
3.5 We may also use your information or allow a third party use of this data, to offer you information about unrelated products or services you may be interested in. We or third parties can only communicate if you have consented to such communication and data use.
3.6 New consumers can be contacted by our website or third parties only if consent has been granted, and only for those communications you have granted.
3.7 An opportunity for declining your consent is provided on our site. Use this opportunity to withhold your details from us or third parties, regarding data we may collect.
3.8 Be aware we do not reveal identifiable information about you to our advertisers, though we may at times share statistical visitor information with our advertisers.
4. Storage of Personal Data
4.1 The European Economic Area is large, but we may have to transfer data outside of this area. If data is transferred outside the European Economic Area it will be for storing and processing. A processing staff operating outside this area may belong to our website or a supplier, in which they can process or store your information. An example: to process and complete your sale or offer support services we may have to go outside the European Economic Area for the transfer. When you click submit of your payment details, personal information or other electronic communication you agree to the transfer for storage and processing. We take all necessary steps for security known to be in agreement with the Privacy Policy found here.
4.2 Information submitted by you is stored on secure servers we have. Any payment or transaction details will be encrypted for full safety measures to be in use.
4.3 As you know, transmission of data on the internet is never guaranteed regarding safety. It is impossible to guarantee your safety with electronic data and transmission. You are therefore at your own risk if you elect to transmit any data. When offered you may create a password, but you are responsible for keeping it confidential.
5. Information Sharing
5.1 If necessary, we may share personal information to our group members including such entities as subsidiaries, holding companies and their subsidiaries. Information is shared only when applicable.
5.2 Third party disclosure may be necessary in regards to personal information:
5.2.1 A sale of our business or its assets, in full or part, to a third party may require personal data sharing.
5.2.2 Legally, we may be asked to share and disclose data details.
5.2.3 To assist in reducing credit risk and fraud protection.
6. Third Party Links Links on our site that belong to third parties may be found. These websites have their Privacy Policy, which you agree to when you link to the site. You should read this third party policy. We do not accept claims of liability or responsibility in any way for these policies or links, as we have no way to control the third party sites.
7. Accessing Information The Data Protection Act 1998 provides you with the right to access the information that we collect about you. Please note any demand for access may be subject to a fee of £10 which covers our costs in providing you with the data requested. The contact information below needs to be used to request access about details we collect and store on you. 8. Contacting Us We welcome any queries, requests you may have regarding this Privacy Policy, or comments. Please do not hesitate and feel free to contact us at [email protected]


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Jassica Oliver
Content Writer
Jassica Oliver is known for her ability to take a creative brief and run with it, coming back with fresh ideas and a perfectly built design file every time. From digital design to long-format layouts, she blends beautiful and intuitive with each project she touches. She also happens to be the queen of deadline-crushing, all while maintaining a can-do, Zen attitude that keeps the whole Statement team centered.
When he's not building strong alliances with other creatives, project managers and stakeholders alike, you'll find him giving voice to client strategies with fresh, compelling concepts and delightfully clever messaging.


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Looking for a tax-advantaged college savings plan that has no age restrictions and no income phaseout limits — and one you can use to pay for more than just tuition? Consider 529 college savings plans, a popular way to save for higher-education expenses. Named after the section of the tax code that authorized them, 529 college savings plans are now offered in almost every state. You may find that 529 plans make saving for college a little easier than before.
There are two types of 529 plans. The original form of 529, the state-operated prepaid tuition plan, allows you to purchase units of future tuition at today's rates, with the plan assuming the responsibility of investing the funds to keep pace with inflation. Many state governments guarantee that the cost of an equal number of units of education in the sponsoring state will be covered, regardless of investment performance or the rate of tuition increase. Of course, each state plan has a different mix of rules and restrictions. Prepaid tuition programs typically will pay future college tuition at any of the sponsoring state's eligible colleges and universities (and some will pay an equal amount to private and out-of-state institutions).
The second type of 529 is the savings plan. It's similar to an investment account, but the funds accumulate tax deferred. Withdrawals from state-sponsored 529 college savings plans are free of federal income tax as long as they are used for qualified college expenses. Many states also exempt withdrawals from state income tax for qualified higher education expenses. Unlike the case with prepaid tuition plans, contributions can be used for all qualified higher-education expenses (tuition, fees, books, equipment and supplies, room and board), and the funds usually can be used at all accredited post-secondary schools in the United States. The risk with these plans is that investments may lose money or may not perform well enough to cover college costs as anticipated.
In most cases, 529 college savings plans place investment dollars in a mix of funds based on the age of the beneficiary, with account allocations becoming more conservative as the time for college draws closer. Many states have contracted professional money managers — many well-known investment firms — to actively manage and market their plans, so a growing number of investors can customize their asset allocations. Some states enable account owners to qualify for a deduction on their state tax returns or receive a small match on the money invested. Earnings from 529 college savings plans are not taxed when used to pay for eligible college expenses. And there are even consumer-friendly reward programs that allow people who purchase certain products and services to receive rebate dollars that go into state-sponsored college savings accounts.
Funds contributed to a 529 college savings plan are considered to be gifts to the beneficiary, so anyone — even non-relatives — can contribute up to $18,000 in 2024 (up from $17,000 in 2023) per beneficiary without incurring gift tax consequences. Contributions can be made in one lump sum or in monthly installments. And assets contributed to a 529 college savings plan are not considered part of the account owner's estate, therefore avoiding estate taxes upon the owner's death.
529 college savings plans generally allow people of any income level to contribute, and there are no age limits for the student. The account owner can maintain control of the account until funds are withdrawn — and, if desired, can even change the beneficiary as long as he or she is within the immediate family of the original beneficiary. A 529 college savings plan is also extremely simple when it comes to tax reporting — the sponsoring state, not you, is responsible for all income tax record keeping. At the end of the year when the withdrawal is made for college, you will receive Form 1099 from the state.
By comparing different 529 college savings plans, you can determine which plan might be best for you.
529 college savings plans can be a great way for grandparents to contribute substantial amounts to a student's college fund. At the same time, grandparents also control the assets and can retain the power to control withdrawals from the account. By accelerating use of the annual gift tax exclusion, a grandparent — as well as anyone, for that matter — could elect to use five years' worth of annual exclusions by making a single contribution of as much as $90,000, or $180,000 for a couple, per beneficiary in 2024 (up from $85,000/$170,000 in 2023), as long as no other contributions are made for that beneficiary for five years. If the account owner dies, the 529 college savings plan balance is not considered part of his or her estate for tax purposes. (However, if the donor makes the five-year election and dies during the five-year calendar period, part of the contribution could revert back to the donor's estate.)
As with other investments, there are generally fees and expenses associated with participation in a Section 529 college savings plan. In addition, there are no guarantees regarding the performance of the underlying investments in 529 college savings plans. The tax implications of a 529 college savings plan should be discussed with your legal and/or tax professionals because they can vary significantly from state to state. Also note that most states offer their own 529 college savings plans, which may provide advantages and benefits exclusively for their residents and taxpayers. These other state benefits may include financial aid, scholarship funds, and protection from creditors.
Before investing in a 529 college savings plan, please consider the investment objectives, risks, charges, and expenses carefully. The official disclosure statements and applicable prospectuses — which contain this and other information about the investment options, underlying investments, and investment company — can be obtained by contacting your financial professional. You should read these materials carefully before investing.
The information in this newsletter is not intended as tax, legal, investment, or retirement advice or recommendations, and it may not be relied on for the purpose of avoiding any federal tax penalties. You are encouraged to seek guidance from an independent tax or legal professional. The content is derived from sources believed to be accurate. Neither the information presented nor any opinion expressed constitutes a solicitation for the purchase or sale of any security. This material was written and prepared by Broadridge Advisor Solutions. © 2024 Broadridge Financial Solutions, Inc.


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Rifle-Firing Techniques
Using correct firing techniques will help you steady the rifle for the most accurate shooting. Bear in mind that these are only the basics. Further study will help you understand other factors that can affect your accuracy, such as wind, heat, and parallax.
- Shooting From a Rest: When shooting in the field, the safest and most accurate shots are taken from a rest—a log, large rock, or other stable object. Don't rest the barrel directly on a hard surface, or the rifle will fire higher than normal—put some padding, such as a hat or a jacket, under the rifle.
- Breathing: Your breathing can move the rifle just enough to throw off your shot.
- When you're ready to fire, draw a deep breath, and exhale about half of it.
- Then hold your breath as you squeeze the trigger.
- Bear in mind that if you hold your breath too long, your heart beats faster, which increases your pulse and causes the rifle to move. If you notice this happening, take another breath and start over.
- At times the excitement of spotting game will make it more difficult to control your breathing. Try to relax and follow the correct procedure.
- Trigger Squeeze: Jerking the trigger or abruptly clenching the trigger hand can move the gun enough to cause a miss.
- To squeeze the trigger without jarring the gun, simply apply slow, steady pressure until the gun fires.
- Practice makes breath control and proper trigger squeeze habitual.
- Follow Through: After the bullet fires, it's important to continue the squeeze or follow through. That prevents you from jerking the gun before the bullet has left the barrel.


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New conservative government to extend EI parental leave to parents in mourning
A new Conservative government will ensure that EI parental leave is extended for eight weeks following the death of a baby, affording parents experiencing unimaginable tragedy a much-needed opportunity to begin coping with their loss.
"With this policy, we hope to give grieving parents some much-needed support during a time of unimaginable loss," said Blake Richards, Conservative Candidate for Banff-Airdrie. "The government can, and must, do more to support Canadians undergoing such trying times."
The loss of a child is a situation no parents should ever have to face. Unfortunately, so many Canadians across the country are put in this terrible situation and parents are sometimes forced to return to work with no opportunity to begin to address the profound and recent tragedy that confronts them.
Currently, EI parental benefits end abruptly the week following the loss of a child, which comes as a shock to many. A parent's sadness should not be compounded by financial worry, and these parents should not have to worry about their bottom line. Extending EI parental benefits is the least a government can do.
"There is nothing that can prepare a parent for this experience. We hope that by offering more time, parents will have the important opportunity to cope, to seek help, and to be comforted by those around then," said Richards. "My deepest sympathies go out to parents who have struggled with the loss of a child. I am proud that a new Conservative government will do more to provide support and relief to Canadians experiencing such difficult times in their lives."
Andrew Scheer, Leader of Canada's Conservatives – "The death of a child, at any age is a painful experience – and the loss of a child is followed by the most intense grief. By extending EI benefits to grieving parents, a Conservative government will provide some relief to mourning parents."


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Bad food trends take two forms. Some are flashes in the cast-iron pan; others have exhibited a little too much staying power. Going forward into 2013, and surveying the nation's culinary landscape, these are the ones I'd like to see stopped in their tracks. I doubt any of them will end anytime soon, but I'm keeping my fingers crossed.
Rock slime as food. We haven't seen much of this, I'll grant you; mostly it's appeared in a few avant-garde restaurants. Let's hope, for the love of God, it stays there. Born out of the intrepid, terroir-crazed cauldron of the new Scandinavian cuisine, where nearly anything on or under the ground is considered fair game for foragers, the use of lichens, moss and other primal organisms functions, I believe, largely as shock value. If lichens taste like anything, it is something bad; that's why the stuff is more often the dinner of snails and bark lice than of people. It's not as revolting as the equally ostentatious bug-eating movement, but I believe it's more obnoxious for being more high-minded.
(MORE: Why 2012 Was a Terrible Year for Restaurants)
Pro-am charcuterie. Here's the thing about salumi, charcuterie and all the other forms of cured meats that we have come to know and love: they were always the province of experts. And there's a reason they were the province of experts: they are hard to do well. Now every other restaurant has its own in-house cured-meat program, and the results are often nasty: leathery hams, moldy sausages, and industrial-strength lardo, just for starters. The country's great salumi artisans, like Salumeria Biellese in New York City, Salumi in Seattle, Boccalone in San Francisco and Olympic Provisions in Portland have years of experience behind them, big facilities, impeccable hygiene and, most important, a sense of what the stuff is supposed to be like. (Read Boccalone's "Salumi Manifesto" if you want to be inspired.) Most beginners don't aspire to any ideal, any more than do their customers. Google "bad salumi." You won't find a single negative review anywhere on the Internet. That's bizarre and says something about how uncritically the stuff is eaten these days. Leave it to the pros!
(MORE: Have We Become Too Obsessed with "Energy?")
Fake smoke. A recent trend has been the use, or rather overuse, of artificial smoke as a flavoring agent or even as a theatrical effect. Often it comes from acrid camphor pans or, worse still, from a postmodern instrument called the Smoking Gun. It would be great if chefs could get real smoke flavor from these expedients, but they can't. Creating actual smoke flavor means burning actual wood, which requires the kind of dirty, dangerous equipment that few restaurant kitchens can handle. So various technologies have come into play involving the placement of a wood chip next to an electrical element – basically the same method used by pot vaporizers, which have sometimes been drafted for it. I realize this may seem like a peevish quibble, but it bothers me nonetheless, because it is frequently used in conjunction with equally unnatural modes of cooking like sous vide. You take a piece of pork or duck, cook it for 10 hours in a tepid bath and then try to impose a sham smoke flavor at the last minute with another equally ludicrous tool. This is one trend that contains its own punishment, though: the smoke these things produce tastes like a blend of old cigarette butts and stripper perfume.
Postmodern desserts. As David Kamp observed in The Food Snob's Dictionary, pastry chefs are "the most perverse of food-snob subcultures," and boy, was he right. Who in their right mind wants to eat an enormous meal, replete with bread, wine or liquor, meat, pasta, vegetables, the inevitable charcuterie and God knows what else, and then have to face a $14 plate of tiny mountains, swooping smears and little heaps of powder. What am I supposed to do with this? I'm not hungry at this point. It adds empty calories and a not-insignificant sum to the bill. And really, the only satisfaction derived from it by anyone at all is the chef who called it into being (and who never actually eats it). If I could have one wish come true for 2013, it would be dessert reform. A single scoop of sherbet is all any human being wants or needs at the conclusion of a big meal. It's time to take a step back from our gastronomical excesses. And this is the place we ought to start.
(MORE: What You Need to Know About Sugar)
Optional tipping. Remember the scene in Reservoir Dogs when Mr. Pink announces he doesn't believe in tipping? Well, there are a lot of Mr. Pinks out there. More than you think. And when you consider how much diners spend on some of the items mentioned above, their cheaping out on the staff is one of the grossest acts of impudence in modern society. I don't know what monster first conceived of the laws by which restaurateurs are allowed to pay sweatshop wages to their employees on the assumption that guests will do the right thing and make up the difference, but until the laws are repealed, we need to pay the people who serve us. I believe there should be a fixed percentage, a rock-bottom minimum of 15% that every diner has to pay. If we don't want to pay it, we are all welcome to eat cold cuts at home.


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Thank you for visiting our website.
The loss of a loved one can leave you with a lot of unanswered questions, feelings of stress and anxiety and grief that makes events difficult to handle. The experienced funeral directors at La Sagrada Familia Funerales y Crematorios will guide you through the aspects of the funeral service with compassion, dignity and respect. Our staff of dedicated professionals is available to assist you in making funeral service arrangements. From casket choices to funeral flowers, the funeral directors at La Sagrada Familia Funerales y Crematorios provide individualized funeral services designed to meet the needs of each family.
Our honest service and commitment to excellence have served our customers well, and you can rest assured that we can assist you in your time of need. Whether you have come to our site for information about an upcoming service or to make arrangements for one, we hope the information you find here will be helpful.
We have added new features for your web experience with us. They include:
• Choose services and order now
• Ordering flowers directly from our site
• Enhanced obituaries with a guest book
• Automatic email subscription when new notices are posted
• New ways to send condolences such as food gifts and sympathy cards
Please browse our website to learn more about our services and facilities.


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What is the turnaround time for the signs?
Welcome to Sculpt Neon. Currently, all signs are handmade to order and delivered within a time frame of 15 Business Days (Normally before that). If you're needing a sign sooner than this, you can opt for "Express Shipping" at the checkout which is a "Rush Order". Rush orders take 7 to 10 Business Days to be delivered. Thanks for your understanding and patience 🙂
How do I design my own Neon?
You can design your own neon easily on our website by typing in your text & choosing from a range of fonts & colours. You can also choose the size and acrylic backboard shape and prices appear instantly!
All our signs can be wall mounted through the pre drilled holes in the acrylic with the screws provided in the installation kit. We also provide a hanging kit upon the request for a hanging sign 🙂
I have requested a quote, when will I receive it?
Thanks for requesting a quote. You will receive a quote with a mockup within 1 - 2 Business days. Please note, sometimes our emails are filtered to junk/spam folders. Please make sure to look for our email there.
Why Choose Sculpt Neon For Buying Custom-made LED Neon Signs?
Any LED neon sign from Sculpt Neon is handmade to perfection using LED neon tubes that are safe, affordable and environment friendly. Some of the major reasons why you should go with us for custom-made LED neon signs are as follows:
- We're the most affordable custom neon sign developer you'll find this side of the hemisphere.
- All our items come with a year-long manufacturer warranty which covers all manufacturing defects.
- Our products are made using durable neon flex technology, which is much stronger and longer-lasting than regular glass neon.
- All our products are highly energy-efficient, environment-friendly, and have greater longevity than any other comparable product on the market.
- Our LED signs are made from neon LED tubes that are 100% safe, even for children. We don't use any breakable glass, and the LED lights don't heat up and are safe to touch.
- Sculpt Neon LED lights are extremely easy to install and come with convenient holes for easy hanging and wall mounting.
- Every product we make is tough and wear-resistant, along with requiring very low maintenance.
- The lightweight and portable nature of our products make them ideal gifting ideas.
- Sculpt Neon LED lights come equipped with a remote control that can be used to control the light brightness and flashing speeds.
What Are Sculpt Neon Signs Made Of?
Unlike traditional glass neon, all our neon products are made from advanced LED flex. Since LED flex is made with PVC and acrylic, they are durable and long-lasting. Each light is encased in flexible rubber tubing, and powered by LEDs.
Every LED flex product from sculpt neon is affordable, economical, and safer than traditional glass neon signs. At the same time, they provide a visual dazzle that's better than glass neon signs.
We have a wide range of products available, with multiple colours and styles to choose from. You can also select from various trendy designs and quotes available in our store. Apart from available designs, you can also opt for personalised, custom signs in any background, and mounting of your choice.
What's The Cost Of A Sculpt Neon Sign?
Not as high as you think! Every product that we make is highly affordable; plus, we also offer attractive prices on customised signs. In fact, we're so competitively priced that we guarantee you won't find better rates than ours at the same quality.
How Can Sculpt Neon Provide Signs At Such Low Prices?
Simply because we don't mark up our prices as much as other suppliers do! This allows us to provide you with quality products at affordable rates.
Where Are Sculpt Neon Signs Made?
Sculpt Neon signs are designed in Australia, USA and UK. The location you order from and the requirements for your sign determine the manufacturing source.
What Makes Sculpt Neon Signs Safer Than The Rest?
Since all our signs are made from LED flex, there's zero use of glass in our products. This prevents overheating, and ensures that the products are all energy efficient, and environment friendly. At the same time they are lighter, more durable and highly portable. Also, all our products come with UL certification.
Glass Neon Vs. LED Neon Flex FAQ
What Is The Difference Between Conventional Glass Neon And LED Neon?
We've all seen the traditional glass neon signs, and also the modern LED Neon variants. So, which is better, and which ones should you choose for your home or business? In this section, this is exactly what we're going to tackle to your satisfaction using this infographic.
Sculpt Neon Products And Production FAQs
How Are Sculpt Neon Light Signs Made?
Sculpt Neon light signs are made by hand, and according to your chosen designs. We use LED flex on acrylic backing material such as PVC. There is no use of hazardous substances such as mercury, neon or glass.
What Forms The Backing Material Of The LED Neon Flex Tube?
All neon signs that we make come attached to an acrylic backboard. There are a large variety of backboards that you can choose from, although often it's the design that determines the kind of backboard that must be used. The backboard can be shaped in any contour that you like. It can also be of any color, clear, metallic or even UV printed.
What Colors Are Available?
Our neon signs are available in a total of 21 colors, of which 8 are white when turned off. The remaining have a coloured covering on them so that the tubing shows the color even when turned off.
Can I Choose The Fonts?
Of course you can! We offer a massive range of over 55 fonts that you can select from. These include script fonts, block fonts and double-lined fonts. We don't know of any other LED maker that offers such versatility when it comes to selecting fonts. In case we don't have your required font currently, just let us know and we'll take care of it.
What If My Sign Isn't Part of Your Custom Designs?
We offer such a wide range of design variations that it's almost a certainty that you'll be able to find what you need from among our available designs. In case you're looking for something entirely unique, we can work with you on a custom design. Just let us know your ideas and we'll make it come true.
What Are The Charges For Your Design Service?
When you're purchasing a sign that's custom made by us, we offer our design services free of charge. If, however, you choose to cancel the order before it goes into production, you'll be given a full refund minus a token amount for the design consultancy. Keep in mind that once the design goes into production it can no longer be cancelled.
How Are Your LED Neon Signs Powered?
In general, most of our products plug into a wall socket; however, for smaller signs and lamps we offer battery packs. Our direct-to-power products come with a clear power cord that's 1-2 metres long, and can plug into an UL certified AC Adapter. Along with the adapter you also get another 1-2 metres of black cable that goes into the wall socket. All customers from Australia receive a standard 12V power plug. Dimmers and remotes can be purchased separately at checkout.
What's The Mounting Procedure For Your Neon Lights?
When trying to mount our custom neon signs, you'd be surprised by how lightweight they are. All our signs weigh between 3 and 6 kg, and mounting holes are already drilled on the acrylic backboard. This makes the signs portable and easily installable.
In case you want to mount the neon sign on a wall, you'll need to purchase one of our hanging kits dedicated for that purpose. If you don't want to purchase a kit, then you can also achieve the same results using fishing wires, ropes and high-quality hooks.
Note: Keep in mind that the above is merely a suggestion. Sculpt Neon is not responsible for mounting and installation of any product.
Is It Possible To Manufacture A LED Neon Light That Doesn't Need To Be Wall Mounted?
Sure thing! We have multiple display options available such as stand-up signs with an acrylic base, and lamps, lights and sculptures in transparent acrylic boxes.
What Kind Of Backboards Can I Get?
Sculpt Neon signs are mounted on acrylic backboards. Based on the design you've selected, we will assign the best type of backboard available. Backboards are usually contoured according to the sign's shape, or rectangular. Backboards can be transparent, coloured and even UV printed. Do let us know in case you have a preference.
Is A Remote/Dimmer Essential For My Neon Sign?
It's best that you get a remote and dimmer, as this will allow you to control the light brightness better. Using our dimmer and remote settings you can turn the lights on and off, change the brightness or make it flash, pulse and flicker. Properly adjusted settings will allow you to change the light's brightness, which can help in taking pictures in front of the sign.
Why Are There Small Marks On My Sign?
We've already mentioned that every Sculpt Neon sign is handmade to perfection. This means that at times there are small marks on the sign, such as on the acrylic, or glue marks where the tubing containing the LED flex is attached to the acrylic. Usually these marks can't be seen, especially not when the light is turned on.
Can The Neon Light I Purchased Be Used Outdoors?
While our standard Neon Lights are made for indoor use, they can be easily used for outdoor events and parties. The only thing you have to take care of is ensuring that they don't get wet, since our standard signs are not waterproof.
On request, we do create intricate outdoor neon signs. In order to get an outdoor sign, please select the same at checkout and contact us with the specifics. Be advised that outdoor signs will have transparent waterproofing marks which are visible when the light is turned off.
What Are The Types Of Signs That You Can Make?
We are experts at making outdoor and indoor neon signs, business neon signs, and neon signs for home decor, events such as weddings and also for personalized gifting. What's more, we even offer UV printing services to go with your neon sign.
Can I Get A Sign That's Partially Neon?
Sure you can! Since we also offer UV printing services, we can provide you with a combination of UV printing and LED neon lights.
Payment/Shipping/Returns/Warranty FAQs
What Are The Terms And Conditions For Payment And Invoicing?
The payment for all products ordered through the Sculpt Neon online store is accepted at the point of sale. You can select to pay via PayPal, credit card, Klarna or Afterpay.
The payment for custom neon signs designed and ordered online by you is also taken at the point of sale. Payment methods are the same as mentioned above.
Finally, for bespoke designs that are specially ordered, full payment must be made before the sign goes into production. After the design has been approved, the invoice is mailed to you. Post-payment (via PayPal or any major credit card), your product goes into production.
What Are Your Shipping Costs?
We have varying shipping charges based on the size of the sign you're buying. Shipping costs are calculated based on location; shipping costs are calculated at checkout. For delivery, orders take 2-3 weeks.
Shipping Timeframe?
All Sculpt neon signs are handmade, the signs are dispatched within 7 to 10 days; if you're in a hurry, please email us.
Do You Have A Return Policy In Place?
In case your product is faulty, we are happy to replace it for you; you can even opt for a full refund. We make every effort to resolve the issue as per Consumer Law. For any faulty product, the ultimate resolution is decided upon a case-by-case basis, depending on the fault's source.
What Is Your Return Procedure?
Should you wish to return any faulty product, please make a short video of your sign along with some still photographs, and send us an email at firstname.lastname@example.com. Please note that for speedy resolution, we require both photos as well as a video of the product fault area.
When a return is placed, the faulty product must be returned in its original condition, and within two weeks of receiving the same. We shall make every effort to issue a speedy replacement or refund.
Do Your Neon Signs Come With A Warranty?
Our indoor products come with a one-year warranty covering all electrical components, provided you use them appropriately. For outdoor products, the warranty is for a three month period. For faulty signs, we'll either replace the product or provide a refund.
For further enquiries, don't hesitate to contact us. We'll be happy to help you out with anything you need!


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About HEARING AID COMPANY OF TEXAS
HEARING AID COMPANY OF TEXAS is located at 13330 LEOPARD ST
STE 26 in 78410 CORPUS CHRISTI.
If you or someone close to you are concerned about possible hearing loss, simply get in touch with HEARING AID COMPANY OF TEXAS for a consultation with a hearing specialist to determine your best way forward.
Hearing Care services offered by HEARING AID COMPANY OF TEXAS
- Hearing Tests & Evaluations
- Signia Hearing Aids and Accessories
- Signia Hearing Aid Repair & Maintenance
- Tinnitus Management
- And other services …
Signia hearing aids that let you perform at your best
Every hearing loss is different and personal – so your hearing aids should fit your individual preferences.
With the advice of a dedicated hearing care professional, you can find the right Signia hearing aid that lets you be brilliant in your daily life.
To get started on a hearing experience tailor-made for you, just take a free five-minute online hearing test.


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- Medium: Limited Edition Print on Canvas
- Size (Inches H x W): Standard & Custom Sizes Available
- Original Painting Medium: Acrylic On Canvas
- Product code: GIC-SSLR
- Custom sized orders for giclées can be made as well. Please contact us to discuss custom options.
For more information, please see the links below:
If you have any other questions, please contact us for further assistance.
Steller Sea Lions: Rhapsody in Green
Released 2007
MARK HOBSON lives in Tofino, B.C. Canada on the rugged west coast of Vancouver Island, where he has painted professionally for over twenty-five years. Born in Vancouver in 1953 he grew up in various parts of B.C. alternating with living around the world in locations as far flung as Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, and Portugal. His teenage years were spent in boarding schools, including two years in Northern Ireland. Drawing almost every day in his early years he gradually taught himself skills in watercolour, oils, and acrylics. Mark is best known for his passionate portrayals of the wildlife and landscapes of the Canadian Pacific coast. From pounding surf to misty coves, from rainforests to the underwater realm the careful use of light is always present enhancing subtle drama in his work. Professionally trained as a biologist, he taught high school science for nine years before devoting his career full time to painting.
Complimentary shipping is available on giclée orders and applies to the majority of Canadian and US mainland addresses. A gallery representative will confirm with you if your order is eligible.