text:
About Us
Clear all selections
Go to clipboard
Load clipboard
Save clipboard
Global search
Advanced search »
Archival descriptions
People and Organisations
Archival institutions
Digital objects
Narrow your results by:
United Kingdom
, 1 results
, 1 results
Awards, tributes and honours
, 1 results
Honorary Degrees awarded to Mandela
, 1 results
Awards from Educational Institutions and related
, 1 results
Showing 1 results
Archival description
United Kingdom
Honorary Degrees awarded to Mandela
Advanced search options
Find results with:
Any field
Archival history
Scope and content
Extent and medium
Subject access points
Name access points
Place access points
Genre access points
Reference code
Digital object text
Finding aid text
Any field except finding aid text
Add new criteria
Limit results to:
A Voice : African American Voices in Congress
ActionAid Nederland
Africa Centre
Africa Educational Trust
African Activist Archive Project
African National Congress Archives
African Skies
African Union (AU)
Alan Paton Centre & Struggle Archives
Albany State University Libraries
Alexander Turnbull Library, National Library of New Zealand
Aluka Digital Library
Amsab-Institute of Social History
ANC Video Unit
Anglican General Synod Archives
Archive for alternative literature [Archiv für alternatives Schrifttum]
Archives Départementales du Val de Marne
Archives Hub
Archives of Ontario
Archives of the Anglican Church of Canada
Bailey's African History Archive
Baileys African History Archive ( BAHA )
Basler Afrika Bibliographien : Namibia Resource Centre, Southern Africa Library
BBC Archive
BBC World Service
Bedfordshire and Luton Archives and Record Service
Birmingham City Archives, Library of Birmingham
Brabant Historical Information Center [Brabants Historisch Informatie Centrum]
British Film Institute National Archive
British Library Newspapers
British Library Sound Archive
Campaign Against Arms Trade
Canadian Broadcasting Corporation
Canon Collins Educational and Legal Assistance Trust
Cape Town Archives Repository
Catholic University of Leuven [Katholieke Universiteit Leuven]
CBC Digital Archive
Center for Research Libraries
Central Intelligence Agency
Central Organisation of Finnish Trade Unions [Suomen Ammattiliittojen Keskusj
Central Organisation of Finnish Trade Unions [Suomen Ammattiliittojen Keskusjärjestö]
Christchurch City Libraries
Church of Norway Information Service
Church of Sweden Central Office
Clarity Films
Colombia College Chicago Archives
Columbia University, Butler Library
Columbia University, Center for Human Rights Documentation
Columbia University, Center for Human Rights Documentation & Research
Columbia University, Oral History Research Office
Cornell University Library, Division of Rare and Manuscript Collections
Coventry Archives
Danish State Archives [Statens Arkiver]
Danish Worker's Museum & Labour Movement Library and Archive [Arbejdermuseet & Arbejderbevægelsens Bibliotek og Arkiv]
Denis Goldberg Personal Collection
Digital Innovation South Africa
Digital National Security Archive
Docs Populi - documents for the public
Duke University
Duke University, David M. Rubenstein Rare Book & Manuscript Library
Edinburgh University Library
EU Archives and Library
European Commission Historical Archives
Evangelical Lutheran Church in America Archives
Finnish Labour Archives [Työväen Arkisto]
Florida State University, College of Law
Forward to Freedom : The history of the British anti-apartheid movement 1959-1994
Freedom Archives
Freedom Park
Gay and Lesbian Archive (GALA)
George Washington University, National Security Archive
Glasgow Caledonian University Archives
Glasgow Caledonian University, Special Collections
Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies [Institut Universitaire d'Etudes et Developpmente]
Guardian and Observer Digital Archive
Hackney Archives Department
Hampshire College Archives
Historical Archives of the European Union
Hoover Institution Archive
Howard University Libraries
Howard University, Moorland-Spingarn Research Center
Hull History Centre
Human Rights Internet (HRI)
Indiana University Bloomington, Black Film Center / Archive
Institute for Policy Studies
Institute for Security Studies
Institute of Commonwealth Studies
Institute of Developing Economies- Japan External Trade Organisation (IDE-JETRO)
Instituto Comafrica
International Institute for Non-Aligned Studies
International Institute for Social History (IISG)
International Labour Organisation Library
International Solidarity Foundation [Kansainvälinen Solidaarisuussäätiö]
ITN Source, South Africa Sales Office
KAIROS: Canadian Ecumenical Justice Initiatives [KAIROS Canada]
Kumbukumbu Finnish Evangelical Lutheran Mission Museum
Labour Movement Archives and Library, Sweden [Arbetarrörelsens arkiv och bibliotek]
Legal Resources Centre, Bram Fischer Library
Library and Archives Canada
Library of Congress
Liliesleaf Farm, Rivonia
London Metropolitan Archives
London Metropolitan University, TUC Library Collections
London University, School of Oriental and African Studies
Lyndon Baines Johnson Library and Museum, National Archives and Records Administration
M.E. Grenander Department of Special Collections and Archives
Mail and Guardian Archive
McMaster University
McMaster University, Mills Memorial Library
Merseyside Record Office
Michigan State University Libraries, G. Robert Vincent Voice Library
Michigan State University Library
Michigan State University Library, African Activist Archive
Michigan State University Library, Special Collections
Michigan State University, College of Law
Middlesex University
Movement Against Racism and for Friendship Among Peoples [Mouvement Contre le Racisme et pour l'Amitié entre les Peuples]
Museum Africa
Mwalimu Nyerere Memorial Academy
National Archives and Records Service of South Africa
National Archives at College Park
National Archives of Australia
National Archives of India
National Archives of Ireland
National Archives of Namibia
National Archives of Norway
National Archives of the United Kingdom
National Film, Video and Sound Archives
National Intelligence Agency
National Library of Australia
National Library of France [Bibliothèque nationale de France]
National Library of Ireland
National Library of New Zealand, Alexander Turnbull Library
National Library of South Africa, Cape Town
National Library of South Africa, Pretoria
National Library of Wales
National Public Broadcasting Archives
Nelson Mandela Centre of Memory
New York Public Library, Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture
New York University, Tamiment Library & Robert F. Wagner Labor Archives
Nordic Africa Institute
Northeastern University Libraries
Northwestern University Library, Herskovits Library of African Studies
Northwestern University, Deering Library
Northwestern University, Main & Deering Libraries
Northwestern University, Melville J. Herskovits Library of African Studies
Norwegian Church Aid [Kirkens Nødhjelp]
Norwegian Council for Africa
Norwegian Labour Movement Archives and Library [Arbeiderbevegelsens Arkiv og Bibliotek]
Nowergian Nobel Committee
Oberlin College Archives
Oldham Local Studies and Archives
Operation Day
Operation Day's Work [Operasjon Dagsverk]
Oxfam International
Oxfam Solidarity Belgium
People's Archive at the Social Archives Foundation, Finland
Pinnacle Data Management
Rhodes University, Cory Library for Historical Research
Rikkyo Research Center for Cooperative Civil Societies
Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History
Rutgers University Libraries, Special Collections and University Archives
Ryerson University Archives
SA National Film, Video and Sound Archive
SABC Sound Archive
Schaderberg Movie Company
Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture
Schomburg Centre for Research in Black Culture
School for Oriental and African Studies
Shakespeare Birthplace Trust
Sheffield Archives
Smith College, Sophia Smith Collection
South Afican History Archive (SAHA)
South Africa Initiative of Aachen, Germany [Aachener Südafrika Initiative]
South Africa Initiative of Aachen, The Netherlands [Aachener Südafrika Initiative]
South African Democracy Education Trust
South African Police Museum and Archives
Southampton Archives Office
Southern Africa Documentation and Cooperations Centre (SADOCC)
Southern African Development Community
Southern California Library for Social Studies and Research
Stanford University, Hoover Institution
State Archives of the Russian Federation
State Library of New South Wales
State Library of Queensland, John Oxley Library
Sunday Times Heritage Project
Swansea University (formerly University of Wales Swansea)
Swansea University, Archives, Library and Information Services
Swarthmore College
Swedish Labour Movement Archives and Library [Arbetarrörelsens arkiv och bibliotek]
Swiss Social Archive [Schweizerisches Sozialarchiv]
Temple University, Special Collections Research Center, Urban Archives
Tulane University, Amistad Research Centre
UCT Libraries
UNESCO Archives United Nations Information Centre (UNIC)
UNHCR Archives
United Church of Canada Archives
United Nations Archives and Records Management Section
United Nations Information Centre (UNIC) South Africa
University College Dublin Archives
University of California Berkeley, Bancroft Library
University of California Irvine, Langston Library
University of California San Francisco
University of Canterbury, Macmillan Brown Library
University of Cape Town Libraries
University of Cape Town, Manuscripts and Archives
University of Connecticut, Thomas J. Dodd Research Centre
University of Dar es Salaam
University of Denver, Penrose Library
University of Exeter Library
University of Fort Hare Library
University of Fort Hare Library - National Heritage and Cultural Studies Centre (NAHECS)
University of Fort Hare, Liberation Movement Archives
University of Hull, Brynmor Jones Library
University of Illinois Archives
University of KwaZulu-Natal, Campbell Collections
University of Leicester, Non-Stop Against Apartheid project
University of London, Institute of Commonwealth Studies
University of London, Institute of Latin American Studies
University of London, School of Oriental and African Studies
University of London, Senate House Libraries
University of Massachusetts Amherst, W.E.B. Du Bois Library Special Collections and University Archives
University of Melbourne, Archives and Special Collections
University of Michigan, Bentley Historical Library
University of Missouri, State Historical Society of Missouri
University of North Carolina, Charlotte, J. Murrey Atkins Library
University of North Carolina, Special Collections Library
University of Ohio, Alden Library Microforms Department
University of Oxford, Bodleian Library of Commonwealth and African Studies
University of Queensland, Fryer Library and Department of Special Collections
University of South Africa (UNISA) Library, Archives and Special Collections
University of South Africa (UNISA) Library, Audio-Visual Section
University of the Witwatersrand, Central Records Office
University of the Witwatersrand, Historical Papers Research Archive
University of Warwick Library, Modern Records Centre
Uppsala People's Movement
UWC Robben Island Mayibuye Archives
UWC-Robben Island Mayibuye Archives
Vanderbilt Television News Archive, Vanderbilt University
Västmanland Archive [Arkiv Västmanland]
Western Cape Archives and Records Service
William Ready Division of Archives and Research Collections
WilmerHale Law Firm
Wisconsin Historical Society
Wolverhampton City Archives
Worcester State College, Learning Resource Center
Worker's Museum & Labour Movement Library and Archive, Denmark [Arbejdermuseet & Arbejderbevægelsens Bibliotek og Arkiv]
Working Class Movement Library
World Bank Group Archives
World Council of Churches
World Council of Churches, Ecumenical Centre Library
World Council of Churches, Library and Archives
Yale University, Divinity School Library
Yale University, Sterling Memorial Library
York University, Borthwick Institute for Archives
Top-level description
Filter results by:
Level of description
Record Group
Digital object available
Finding aid
Copyright status
Public domain
Under copyright
General material designation
Architectural drawing
Cartographic material
Graphic material
Moving images
Multiple media
Philatelic record
Sound recording
Technical drawing
Textual record
Top-level descriptions
All descriptions
Filter by date range:
Use these options to specify how the date range returns results. "Exact" means that the start and end dates of descriptions returned must fall entirely within the date range entered. "Overlapping" means that any description whose start or end dates touch or overlap the target date range will be returned.
Print preview
Sort by:
Date modified
Reference code
Start date
End date
Honorary doctorate Doctor of Laws from the University of Fort Hare, South Africa
Add to clipboard
Honorary doctorate Doctor of Laws from the University of Fort Hare, South Africa


text:
Privacy PolicyWe take the privacy of our customers and website users very seriously and take great care to protect your information. Our Privacy Policy explains what information we collect about you, how we may use it, and some of the steps we take to ensure that it is kept secure. We also explain your rights and how to contact us. Please note, this website may contain links to other websites which are provided for your convenience. We are only responsible for the privacy practices and security of this site. We recommend that you check the privacy and security policies and procedures of each and every other website that you visit. What information do we collect? In order to provide you with services and to fulfill our legal obligations, we may collect personal information about you from our website, telephone conversations, emails and written and verbal communications. This can include your name, address, email address and telephone number. We will not hold your data any longer than is necessary to fulfill our obligations. How will we use your information? Any personal information you provide we will treated in accordance with current data protection legislation. We will primarily use your personal information to provide our products and services to you. We may also use it
You may also opt in so that we can keep you updated of new products, services or special offers that may be of interest to you. Disclosure of your information In order to provide our products and services to you, we may need to appoint other organisations to perform some of the processing activities on our behalf. These may include, for example, production partners and delivery agents. In these circumstances we will ensure that your information is properly protected and that it is only used in accordance with this policy. What to do if you do not want to receive details of offers If you have Opted In and have changed your mind about being contacted by us, you can simply click the unsubscribe link in the email, or contact us, or via the My Account area of this web site. Please note, if you choose to not receive information, we will be unable to keep you informed of new services, products, events or special offers that may interest you. Use of your information outside the UK and the European Union Some of the organisations to which we may disclose your personal information in order to fulfill your order may be situated outside of the European Union. In order to provide you with the products and services you require, we may need to transfer your personal information to these countries some of which do not have laws that protect privacy rights as extensively as in the EU and the United Kingdom. If we do transfer your personal information to other territories, we will take proper steps to ensure that your information is properly protected. Security of information We take the security of your personal information seriously. We do not have access to your credit card details and only use high quality encryption technology to guard your information. In addition, we have security procedures in place to protect our paper based systems and computerized databases from loss and misuse, and only allow access to them when it is absolutely necessary to do so, and then under strict guidelines as to what use may be made of the personal information contained within them. Monitoring We may monitor or record telephone calls for security purposes and to improve the quality of services that we provide to you. Changes to this privacy policy We aim to meet high standards and our policies and procedures are, therefore, constantly under review. From time to time we may change our security and privacy policies. Accordingly we recommend that you check this page periodically in order to review our current policies. Updating and correcting information You may correct your personal information by email or by changing your profile on our website. Please include your name, address and/or email address when you contact us as this helps us to ensure that we accept amendments only from the correct person. We encourage you to promptly update your personal information if it changes. Your rights to access your personal information You have the right to receive a copy of any personal information that we hold about you. Lawful Basis for Processing Personal Data This web site is operated by Media Storehouse. Media Storehouse is an online retailer offering print on demand services for a range of image contributors. Media Storehouse collects Personal Data for order fulfillment purposes and the delivery information is passed to select Authorised Third Parties for final fulfillment and shipping. As Media Storehouse ships globally it has written formal agreements with print production labs outside of the UK - including the USA, EU (Netherlands) and Australia – who can fulfill orders locally reducing shipping costs and lead times. Media Storehouse can also collect Personal Marketing Data for use by Media Storehouse only and is obtained by an informed Opt-In process that is compliant with current legislation (including GDPR). Data Retention It is our aim to automatically remove all Personal Data acquired during the Ordering process within 6 months. Personal Data includes Name, Email, Password, IP Address and any other data identified by legislation. For additional safety, emails (or other correspondence) that may contain personal information is removed within 12 months of receipt. Exceptions to these include Personal Data required to meet our legal obligations, and where an individual has explicitly opted-in for the data to be retained – for example by registering a user account or giving informed consent for marketing emails. As a further safeguard unused user accounts may automatically expire after 2 years of inactivity. Under their right to be forgotten, individuals can at any time request all their personal data be removed. This can be actioned by authorised support personnel or online by the person themselves via a simple tick box. In order to complete our obligations for Order Processing (including the handling of returned items etc.) this may not immediately affect Personal Data associated with a recent order. Any such Personal Data is automatically removed separately within 6 months of the order being placed. To aid after-sales support, beyond this 6 month period orders can still be identified by non-personal markers. Use of Personal Data for Marketing From April 2018 we have operated a clear Opt-In policy to obtain informed consent in order to retain contact information for the purposes of communications from Media Storehouse. Only individuals who have given clear consent after April 2018 to receive such communication will be contacted by email for marketing and related purposes. At no time shall we pass personal data onto third parties for marketing or other non-processing related activities. Individuals in the our database that were receiving emails from us prior to April 2018 have been contacted via their email address and given the opportunity to give informed opt-in consent to continue receiving emails. Any contacts who have not explicitly agreed to continue receiving emails will no longer be sent any email communications. In addition, after a reasonable period of time (and no longer than 6 months) all such accounts will be permanently removed from the system unless indicated otherwise (such as where a user account has been registered). Personal Data Storage We retain Personal Data in double encrypted database tables, with passwords having secure additional one-way encryption prior to storage. Media Storehouse production servers and data are currently located within the United Kingdom. We have upgraded all web sites under its control to HTTPS in order to benefit from secure encryption. All mediastorehouse.com sites and all payment pages are fully HTTPS compliant. There remains a small number of third party web sites operated by Media Storehouse which still use HTTP since their domains are not under the direct control of Media Storehouse. We are upgrading those as soon as the domain owner grants the permissions needed to obtain a Secure Certificate. Regardless of domain status, all of our sites will only request payment information via secure HTTPS. Furthermore, we do not retain any payment card data. All financial transactions are handled by secure proven third party financial services over a high level encrypted channel. These currently include Stripe, Braintree and PayPal. Data Flow We securely collects the minimal Personal Data needed in order to fulfill orders placed online or via telephone. This data is held in secure servers located within the United Kingdom. For order fulfillment the Delivery Name and Address is passed to an approved Production Partner with whom we have a formal contract, both for production and for their handling of any Personal Data supplied by ourselves. Once an order is produced it is shipped by an approved shipping agent to the requested destination address. Unless otherwise required, by default all Personal Data associated with an order is automatically removed after 6 months. In addition, all correspondence that may contain Personal Data (including the general support and sales email accounts) is deleted after 12 months. Consent Consent to retain Personal Data can be granted by an individual choosing to do either of the following during the ordering or registration process; (a) register an account and supply an acceptable password (b) give informed opt-in consent to receive updates Consent can be withdrawn at any time either via a simply Tick Box in the My Account area or by contacting Media Storehouse, including simply requesting by reply to emails sent from Media Storehouse. Rectification and Data Quality All Personal Data held by Media Storehouse can be amended at any time from the My Account area of the web site or by contacting Media Storehouse, including simply replying to any Order or Marketing Update email sent by Media Storehouse. Data Erasure and Retention All Personal Data held by Media Storehouse Consent can be removed at any time from the My Account area of the web site or by contacting Media Storehouse, including simply replying to any Order or Marketing Update email sent by Media Storehouse. In order to meet our obligations regarding order fulfillment and possible returns handling, Personal Data needed to fulfill an order is normally retained for up to 6 months regardless of Data Erasure Requests. By default, all Personal Data related to an order is removed after 6 months and all correspondence (including emails) removed after 12 months. Right to Object If an individual objects to our handling of their data they can log their objection via our Web Site Feedback Page, Electronic Mail or Physical Post to our published address. They can also use any of our other communications channels including social media to contact us. We aim to respond to all such inquires within 2 working days and to have a formal response within 30 days. Automated Decision Making and Profiling Media Storehouse does not perform any automated decision making or profiling. Personal Data is used purely for order delivery and, if opted in, email updates. Information from Single Sign On (SSO) authentication services If you decide to register for an account (or access your account) through an authentication service (such as Google or Facebook), we may collect your name and email address from these third-party services, consistent with your privacy settings in your account with the relevant Authentication Service. This is just so you can personalize your new account and we can send you invoices, updates, or other essential information. We won't use your name in marketing statements without your explicit permission either. Payment Services We use Stripe for payment, analytics, and other business services. Stripe collects identifying information about the devices that connect to its services. Stripe uses this information to operate and improve the services it provides to us, including for fraud detection. You can learn more about Stripe and read its privacy policy at https://stripe.com/privacy. Cookies and this website"Cookies" are small text files that are placed on your computer or phone by your web browser at the request of the websites that you visit. Cookies are used to make websites work more efficiently or more conveniently, as well as provide information to the site's operators. This site may set some or all of the following cookies: Strictly Necessary cookiesStrictly necessary cookies allow core website functionality such as user login and account management. The website cannot be used properly without strictly necessary cookies.
Performance cookiesPerformance cookies are used to see how visitors use the website, eg. analytics cookies. Those cookies cannot be used to directly identify a certain visitor.
Targeting cookiesTargeting cookies are used to identify visitors between different websites, eg. content partners, banner networks. Those cookies may be used by companies to build a profile of visitor interests or show relevant ads on other websites.
Functionality cookiesFunctionality cookies are used to remember visitor information on the website, eg. language, timezone, enhanced content.
How to contact usIf you would like any further information or have any comments about our privacy policy or any other aspect of our website or service, please contact our Data Protection Officer at our normal address. |

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Hiking Quilt Cuuhr
Hiking Quilt Cuuhr makes for a perfect item to bring on your next adventure. You'll be able to use it in both cold weather and warm, so make sure you don't forget about this! The quilt blanket is a perfect way to keep warm on those cold winter nights.
A great way to keep warm on those chilly nights is with Hiking Quilt Cuuhr. It's made from 100% poly cotton, so you can use it at home or while camping in cold weather without worrying about having an inferior product that will wear out quickly. As a quilt, it's ideal for camping, hiking, picnics and other outdoor activities. There are lots of colors to choose from so you can find the perfect match for your own personal taste, or complement the design of your tent perfectly.
Picking up a double-fold quilt blanket is not only the perfect gift for any family member but also allows you to stay cozy all year long. Our innovative printing technology ensures color remains vivid colors, sharp prints, and never fades or peels in any corner of paneling! Double-fold microfiber blankets are the perfect accessory for any home. They offer you and your family warmth all year round.
Do you want to add some color in your living room? Hiking Quilt Cuuhr will be perfect for display. It can also serve as a decoration, so why not get one today and start decorating! This handmade wall hanging is perfect for that special someone in your life who has a sense of humor. Don't be surprised if they want to hang it up themselves!
Make it a point to buy this blanket for your next camping trip. It will make the experience more memorable and you'll get more use out of it than any other blanket, making it a worthwhile purchase. This is a thoughtful gift for someone who loves watching tv in bed or taking naps. They'll surely appreciate the comfort and relaxation this blanket provides.
Give yourself the gift of happiness and get a custom quilt today. The perfect combination of cotton and polyester, this quilt is guaranteed to bring warmth and comfort into your life for years to come. It can even fluff up like a real down comforter! Please note that our products are 100% customizable and require no set up fees!
This is the perfect quilt for those people who cherish tradition and delightful fashion sense.
Care Instruction:
- Don't use bleach. It damages the quilt and can cause bad reactions.
- use cold water to wash and set the machine to a gentle cycle.
- Go for the gentler fabric detergents when washing the quilt.
- Quilts should be dried with low heat.
- To be on the safe side, do not completely dry the machine. Dry with the machine till it's damp then continue drying outside in the air.
Why should you go for our Quilt?
- We are an experienced quilt manufacturer.
- No setup fees- you only pay for the final price!
- One-of-a-kind designs created by professional designers, made with high-quality fabrics to meet your demands!
- Fast production time and shipping without sacrificing quality!
- Affordable prices so you don't have to spend all of your money just to enjoy this quilt!
- Unbeatable customer service that will help resolve any concerns, big or small, quickly and affordably!


text:
I have been cooking for a while now but I have not really been doing much in the way of baking. I still find baking to be a bit intimidating. I keep hearing that it is not like cooking where you can play around with the ingredients. Since I started food blogging I have been watching the Daring Bakers amazing creations. The things that they were baking always seemed to be very challenging. I thought, "What better way to improve my baking skills than to challenge myself?". And so I joined in on the Daring Bakers challenge.
This months Daring Bakers challenge was a Bostini Cream Pie. It is basically an orange chiffon cake, custard and chocolate. I was pretty happy with the choice of the recipe as it sounded really good and I had never made custard or a chiffon cake before. The original recipe made 8 serving so I cut the recipe in about half.
Orange Chiffon Cake
The chiffon cake was pretty straight forward. I was not able to find cream of tartar though… I made meringues a while ago so I was familiar with beating egg whites. I pulled out my trusty forks and whipped the egg whites into soft peaks in no time. (Getting a bit of exercise while baking is always good.) I baked the cake in 4 ramekins. They turned out pretty good, though they were not quite as light and fluffy as I was hoping for. The orange flavour in the cake was really good!
When I looked at the custard recipe I noticed that it looked a lot like a basic ice cream recipe. I was a bit worried as I have never actually been able to get ice cream to thicken enough to cover the back of a spoon. The ice creams turned out alright because they were frozen after and the custard would not be. It turned out ok though. I guess the cornstarch helped or I just finally got it right. The custard tasted great! It had a good texture and a really nice vanilla flavour. I wish I had been able to find a vanilla bean to try it with.
The assembly of the pie was pretty easy. I just placed some custard on a plate followed by the chiffon cakes and topped it with the chocolate glaze. It was really good! The orange chiffon cake went really well with the chocolate. (Orange and chocolate are such a great combination.) The custard rounded everything out with a nice cool creaminess.
In the end my first Daring Bakers challenge was a success! I did not run into any major problems. It took a bit of time to make and I did end up having to wash the dishes 3 times; once before starting, once in between making the custard and the cake and once after it was all done! But it was definitely worth the effort. Overall it a great learning experience and there was a tasty treat in the end.
Bostini Cream Pie
- 3/4 cups cake flour
- 6 tablespoons superfine sugar
- 2/3 teaspoons baking powder
- 1/3 teaspoon salt
- 2 tablespoons canola oil
- 2 tablespoons beaten egg yolks (~2 yolks)
- 6 tablespoons fresh orange juice
- 3/4 tablespoon grated orange zest
- 1 teaspoon vanilla extract
- 1/2 cup egg whites (~8 eggs)
- 1 teaspoon cream of tartar
- Mix the cake flour, sugar, baking powder and salt in a bowl.
- Add the oil, egg yolks, orange juice, zest and vanilla and stir until smooth.
- Beat the egg whites in a bowl until they form soft peaks.
- Fold the egg whites into the batter.
- Spray the cooking dish(s) with nonstick cooking spray and fill with the batter.
- Bake in a preheated 325F/170C oven until the cake bounces back when pressed lightly with a finger, about 25 minutes.
- 6 tablespoons whole milk
- 1 1/2 tablespoons cornstarch
- 1 whole egg (beaten)
- 4 egg yolks (beaten)
- 2 cups heavy cream
- 1 teaspoon vanilla extract
- 1/4 cup sugar
- Mix the milk and cornstarch in a bowl until smooth.
- Mix in the egg and yolks and beat until smooth.
- Mix the cream, vanilla and sugar in a sauce pan and carefully bring to a boil.
- When it just comes to a bowl ladle about 1/4 cup into the egg mixture and quickly whisk to temper the eggs.
- Mix the egg mixture into the sauce pan and cook until it is thick enough to cover the back of a spoon while stirring constantly.
- Strain the mixture and refrigerate to chill.
Chocolate Glaze
- 3 ounces butter
- 3 ounces semi or bitter sweet chocolate
- Melt the butter in a sauce pan.
- Remove from heat and stir in the chocolate to melt.


text:
Patina Products - F411 University of Montana Fire Pit, University of Montana Grizzlies, Natural Patina Rust Finish
Patina Products
Any Grizzlies fan knows that a University of Montana Fire Pit is a must for tailgate parties and grilling before the next big game. Alumni, students, and any die-hard fans will love our line of Collegiate Fire Pits. Each pit comes with a poker, a spark screen, and a bbq grill. These unique fire pits are a must for tailgate parties and grilling before the big game. Manufactured with pride by Patina Products, show your school spirit by ordering one today.
Special Features:
- Natural rust patina finish ages beautifully over time
- Portable design allows fire pit to move easily from patio to beach and beyond
- Safety ring surrounding fire pit also functions as footrest and handle
- Manufactured from cold-rolled steel for years of durability
- Sturdy legs are welded in place to prevent pit from wobbling
- Comes fully assembled for immediate use
- Five-year warranty. Fire pit guaranteed not to burn through or rust through for five years.
- Ships in 1-2 days
- Finish: Natural Rust Patina
- Bowl Diameter: 24 Inches
- Safety Ring Diameter: 30 Inches
- Overall Height: 16 Inches
- Weight: 53 lbs
- Materials: 16 Gauge Cold Rolled Steel
- Heat Source: Wood or Charcoal
- Included: Poker, BBQ Grill, Spark Screen and Weather Cover


text:
Export 26 results:
Author Title Type [ Year] Filters: Author is Guerrero, Ángel L [Clear All Filters]
"White matter abnormalities in chronic migraine patients are located in anterior corpus callosum: study using a new automatic tractography selection method", EUROPEAN JOURNAL OF NEUROLOGY, vol. 21: WILEY-BLACKWELL 111 RIVER ST, HOBOKEN 07030-5774, NJ USA, pp. 51–51, 2014.


text:
MarketWatch Quotes Tom On Taking Your RMD
Investors should be aware of delaying taking their required minimum distribution Continue Reading: MarketWatch Quotes Tom On Taking Your RMD
Investors should be aware of delaying taking their required minimum distribution Continue Reading: MarketWatch Quotes Tom On Taking Your RMD
Check the background of this investment professional on FINRA's BrokerCheck
Securities offered through Raymond James Financial Services, Inc., Member FINRA / SIPC
Investment advisory services offered through Raymond James Financial Services Advisors, Inc.
These services are not available in all states. We may only transact business in your state if first registered, excluded or exempted from state broker dealer, investment adviser, BD agent or IA rep registration requirements. Please contact us for approval in your state. No follow up or individualized responses will be made by the firm, or its representative, in the state unless all registration requirements have been complied with by the firm and its representatives. This site is published for residents of the United States only. Raymond James' Financial Advisors may only conduct business with residents of the states for which they are properly registered. Therefore, a response to a request for information may be delayed. Please note that not all of the investments and services mentioned are available in every state. Investors outside of the United States are subject to securities and tax regulations within their applicable jurisdictions that are not addressed on this site. Contact your local Raymond James office for information and availability.
Your privacy: Raymond James has policies that restrict access to nonpublic personal information about you to those employees, associates and others who have need for that information to help us run our business, manage your accounts, market or provide investment alternatives or services to you, or to employees, associates, and others who assist those who help us run our business, manage your accounts, or market or provide investment alternatives or services to you. Additionally, we maintain physical, electronic, contractual, and procedural safeguards to protect your nonpublic personal information. RJ Privacy Notice, RJ Legal Disclosures
Links to other websites: Links are being provided for information purposes only. Raymond James is not affiliated with and does not endorse, authorize or sponsor any of the listed websites or their respective sponsors. Raymond James is not responsible for the content of any website or the collection or use of information regarding any website's users and/or members.
"Certified Financial Planner Board of Standards Inc. owns the certification marks CFP®, CERTIFIED FINANCIAL PLANNER™, CFP® and CFP® in the U.S., which it awards to individuals who successfully complete CFP Board's initial and ongoing certification requirements. Any opinions are those of Thomas F. Scanlon and not necessarily those of Raymond James. Expressions of opinion are as of this date and are subject to change without notice. This material is being provided for information purposes only and is not a complete description, nor is it a recommendation.
360 East Center Street • Manchester, CT 06040 • Phone 860-645-1515


text:
Barack Obama Administration: Speech at Opening Ceremony of UN General Assembly
(September 24, 2013)
Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, fellow delegates, ladies and gentlemen: each year we come together to reaffirm the founding vision of this institution. For most of recorded history, individual aspirations were subject to the whims of tyrants and empires. Divisions of race, religion and tribe were settled through the sword and the clash of armies. The idea that nations and peoples could come together in peace to solve their disputes and advance a common prosperity seemed unimaginable.
It took the awful carnage of two world wars to shift our thinking. The leaders who built the United Nations were not naïve; they did not think this body could eradicate all wars. But in the wake of millions dead and continents in rubble; and with the development of nuclear weapons that could annihilate a planet; they understood that humanity could not survive the course it was on. So they gave us this institution, believing that it could allow us to resolve conflicts, enforce rules of behavior, and build habits of cooperation that would grow stronger over time.
For decades, the U.N. has in fact made a real difference – from helping to eradicate disease, to educating children, to brokering peace. But like every generation of leaders, we face new and profound challenges, and this body continues to be tested. The question is whether we possess the wisdom and the courage, as nation-states and members of an international community, to squarely meet those challenges; whether the United Nations can meet the tests of our time.
For much of my time as President, some of our most urgent challenges have revolved around an increasingly integrated global economy, and our efforts to recover from the worst economic crisis of our lifetime. Now, five years after the global economy collapsed, thanks to coordinated efforts by the countries here today, jobs are being created, global financial systems have stabilized, and people are being lifted out of poverty. But this progress is fragile and unequal, and we still have work to do together to assure that our citizens can access the opportunity they need to thrive in the 21st century.
Together, we have also worked to end a decade of war. Five years ago, nearly 180,000 Americans were serving in harm's way, and the war in Iraq was the dominant issue in our relationship with the rest of the world. Today, all of our troops have left Iraq. Next year, an international coalition will end its war in Afghanistan, having achieved its mission of dismantling the core of Al-Qaeda that attacked us on 9/11.
For the United States, these new circumstances have also meant shifting away from a perpetual war-footing. Beyond bringing our troops home, we have limited the use of drones so they target only those who pose a continuing, imminent threat to the United States where capture is not feasible, and there is a near certainty of no civilian casualties. We are transferring detainees to other countries and trying terrorists in courts of law, while working diligently to close the prison at Guantanamo Bay. And just as we reviewed how we deploy our extraordinary military capabilities in a way that lives up to our ideals, we have begun to review the way that we gather intelligence, so as to properly balance the legitimate security concerns of our citizens and allies, with the privacy concerns that all people share.
As a result of this work, and cooperation with allies and partners, the world is more stable than it was five years ago. But even a glance at today's headlines indicates the dangers that remain. In Kenya, we've seen terrorists target innocent civilians in a crowded shopping mall. In Pakistan, nearly 100 people were recently killed by suicide bombers outside a church. In Iraq, killings and car bombs continue to be a horrific part of life. Meanwhile, Al-Qaeda has splintered into regional networks and militias, which has not carried out an attack like 9/11, but does pose serious threats to governments, diplomats, businesses and civilians across the globe.
Just as significantly, the convulsions in the Middle East and North Africa have laid bare deep divisions within societies, as an old order is upended, and people grapple with what comes next. Peaceful movements have been answered by violence – from those resisting change, and from extremists trying to hijack change. Sectarian conflict has reemerged. And the potential spread of weapons of mass destruction casts a shadow over the pursuit of peace.
Nowhere have we seen these trends converge more powerfully than in Syria. There, peaceful protests against an authoritarian regime were met with repression and slaughter. In the face of carnage, many retreated to their sectarian identity – Alawite and Sunni; Christian and Kurd – and the situation spiraled into civil war. The international community recognized the stakes early on, but our response has not matched the scale of the challenge. Aid cannot keep pace with the suffering of the wounded and displaced. A peace process is still-born. America and others have worked to bolster the moderate opposition, but extremist groups have still taken root to exploit the crisis. Assad's traditional allies have propped him up, citing principles of sovereignty to shield his regime. And on August 21st, the regime used chemical weapons in an attack that killed more than 1,000 people, including hundreds of children.
The crisis in Syria, and the destabilization of the region, goes to the heart of broader challenges that the international community must now confront. How should we respond to conflicts in the Middle East and North Africa – conflicts between countries, but also conflicts within them? How do we address the choice of standing callously by while children are subjected to nerve gas, or embroiling ourselves in someone else's civil war? What is the role of force in resolving disputes that threaten the stability of the region and undermine all basic standards of civilized conduct? What is the role of the United Nations, and international law, in meeting cries for justice?
Today, I want to outline where the United States of America stands on these issues. With respect to Syria, we believe that as a starting point, the international community must enforce the ban on chemical weapons. When I stated my willingness to order a limited strike against the Assad regime in response to the brazen use of chemical weapons, I did not do so lightly. I did so because I believe it is in the security interest of the United States and the world to meaningfully enforce a prohibition whose origins are older than the U.N. itself. The ban against the use of chemical weapons, even in war, has been agreed to by 98 percent of humanity. It is strengthened by the searing memories of soldiers suffocated in the trenches; Jews slaughtered in gas chambers; and Iranians poisoned in the many tens of thousands.
The evidence is overwhelming that the Assad regime used such weapons on August 21st. U.N. inspectors gave a clear accounting that advanced rockets fired large quantities of sarin gas at civilians. These rockets were fired from a regime-controlled neighborhood, and landed in opposition neighborhoods. It is an insult to human reason – and to the legitimacy of this institution – to suggest that anyone other than the regime carried out this attack.
I know that in the immediate aftermath of the attack, there were those who questioned the legitimacy of even a limited strike in the absence of a clear mandate from the Security Council. But without a credible military threat, the Security Council had demonstrated no inclination to act at all. However, as I've discussed with President Putin for over a year, most recently in St. Petersburg, my preference has always been a diplomatic resolution to this issue, and in the past several weeks, the United States, Russia and our allies have reached an agreement to place Syria's chemical weapons under international control, and then to destroy them.
The Syrian government took a first step by giving an accounting of its stockpiles. Now, there must be a strong Security Council Resolution to verify that the Assad regime is keeping its commitments, and there must be consequences if they fail to do so. If we cannot agree even on this, then it will show that the U.N. is incapable of enforcing the most basic of international laws. On the other hand, if we succeed, it will send a powerful message that the use of chemical weapons has no place in the 21st century, and that this body means what it says.
Agreement on chemical weapons should energize a larger diplomatic effort to reach a political settlement within Syria. I do not believe that military action – by those within Syria, or by external powers – can achieve a lasting peace. Nor do I believe that America or any nation should determine who will lead Syria – that is for the Syrian people to decide. Nevertheless, a leader who slaughtered his citizens and gassed children to death cannot regain the legitimacy to lead a badly fractured country. The notion that Syria can return to a pre-war status quo is a fantasy. It's time for Russia and Iran to realize that insisting on Assad's rule will lead directly to the outcome they fear: an increasingly violent space for extremists to operate. In turn, those of us who continue to support the moderate opposition must persuade them that the Syrian people cannot afford a collapse of state institutions, and that a political settlement cannot be reached without addressing the legitimate fears of Alawites and other minorities.
As we pursue a settlement, let us remember that this is not a zero-sum endeavor. We are no longer in a Cold War. There's no Great Game to be won, nor does America have any interest in Syria beyond the well-being of its people, the stability of its neighbors, the elimination of chemical weapons, and ensuring it does not become a safe-haven for terrorists. I welcome the influence of all nations that can help bring about a peaceful resolution of Syria's civil war. And as we move the Geneva process forward, I urge all nations here to step up to meet humanitarian needs in Syria and surrounding countries. America has committed over a billion dollars to this effort, and today, I can announce that we will be providing an additional $340 million. No aid can take the place of a political resolution that gives the Syrian people the chance to begin rebuilding their country – but it can help desperate people survive.
What broader conclusions can be drawn from America's policy toward Syria? I know there are those who have been frustrated by our unwillingness to use our military might to depose Assad, and believe that a failure to do so indicates a weakening of America's resolve in the region. Others have suggested that my willingness to direct even limited military strikes to deter the further use of chemical weapons shows that we have learned nothing from Iraq, and that America continues to seek control over the Middle East for our own purposes. In this way, the situation in Syria mirrors a contradiction that has persisted in the region for decades: the United States is chastised for meddling in the region, and accused of having a hand in all manner of conspiracy; at the same time, the United States is blamed for failing to do enough to solve the region's problems, and for showing indifference toward suffering Muslim populations.
I realize some of this is inevitable, given America's role in the world. But these attitudes have a practical impact on the American peoples' support for our involvement in the region, and allow leaders in the region – and the international community – to avoid addressing difficult problems. So let me take this opportunity to outline what has been U.S. policy towards the Middle East and North Africa, and what will be my policy during the remainder of my presidency.
The United States of America is prepared to use all elements of our power, including military force, to secure these core interests in the region.
We will confront external aggression against our allies and partners, as we did in the Gulf War.
We will ensure the free flow of energy from the region to the world. Although America is steadily reducing our own dependence on imported oil, the world still depends upon the region's energy supply, and a severe disruption could destabilize the entire global economy.
We will dismantle terrorist networks that threaten our people. Wherever possible, we will build the capacity of our partners, respect the sovereignty of nations, and work to address the root causes of terror. But when its necessary to defend the United States against terrorist attacks, we will take direct action.
And finally, we will not tolerate the development or use of weapons of mass destruction. Just as we consider the use of chemical weapons in Syria to be a threat to our own national security, we reject the development of nuclear weapons that could trigger a nuclear arms race in the region, and undermine the global non-proliferation regime.
Now, to say these are America's core interests is not to say these are our only interests. We deeply believe it is in our interest to see a Middle East and North Africa that is peaceful and prosperous; and will continue to promote democracy, human rights, and open markets, because we believe these practices achieve peace and prosperity. But I also believe that we can rarely achieve these objectives through unilateral American action – particularly with military action. Iraq shows us that democracy cannot be imposed by force. Rather, these objectives are best achieved when we partner with the international community, and with the countries and people of the region.
What does this mean going forward? In the near term, America's diplomatic efforts will focus on two particular issues: Iran's pursuit of nuclear weapons, and the Arab-Israeli conflict. While these issues are not the cause of all the region's problems, they have been a major source of instability for far too long, and resolving them can help serve as a foundation for a broader peace.
The United States and Iran have been isolated from one another since the Islamic Revolution of 1979. This mistrust has deep roots. Iranians have long complained of a history of U.S. interference in their affairs, and America's role in overthrowing an Iranian government during the Cold War. On the other hand, Americans see an Iranian government that has declared the United States an enemy, and directly – or through proxies – taken Americans hostage, killed U.S. troops and civilians, and threatened our ally Israel with destruction.
I don't believe this difficult history can be overcome overnight – the suspicion runs too deep. But I do believe that if we can resolve the issue of Iran's nuclear program, that can serve as a major step down a long road towards a different relationship – one based on mutual interests and mutual respect.
Since I took office, I have made it clear – in letters to the Supreme Leader in Iran and more recently to President Rouhani – that America prefers to resolve our concerns over Iran's nuclear program peacefully, but that we are determined to prevent them from developing a nuclear weapon. We are not seeking regime change, and we respect the right of the Iranian people to access peaceful nuclear energy. Instead, we insist that the Iranian government meet its responsibilities under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and UN Security Council resolutions.
Meanwhile, the Supreme Leader has issued a fatwa against the development of nuclear weapons, and President Rouhani has just recently reiterated that the Islamic Republic will never develop a nuclear weapon.
These statements made by our respective governments should offer the basis for a meaningful agreement. We should be able to achieve a resolution that respects the rights of the Iranian people, while giving the world confidence that the Iranian program is peaceful. To succeed, conciliatory words will have to be matched by actions that are transparent and verifiable. After all, it is the Iranian government's choices that have led to the comprehensive sanctions that are currently in place. This isn't simply an issue between America and Iran – the world has seen Iran evade its responsibilities in the past, and has an abiding interest in making sure that Iran meets its obligations in the future.
We are encouraged that President Rouhani received from the Iranian people a mandate to pursue a more moderate course. Given President Rouhani's stated commitment to reach an agreement, I am directing John Kerry to pursue this effort with the Iranian government, in close coordination with the European Union, the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Russia and China. The roadblocks may prove to be too great, but I firmly believe the diplomatic path must be tested. For while the status quo will only deepen Iran's isolation, Iran's genuine commitment to go down a different path will be good for the region and the world, and will help the Iranian people meet their extraordinary potential – in commerce and culture; in science and education.
We are also determined to resolve a conflict that goes back even further than our differences with Iran: the conflict between Palestinians and Israelis. I have made clear that the United States will never compromise our commitment to Israel's security, nor our support for its existence as a Jewish state. Earlier this year, in Jerusalem, I was inspired by young Israelis who stood up for the belief that peace was necessary, just, and possible, and I believe there is a growing recognition within Israel that the occupation of the West Bank is tearing at the democratic fabric of the Jewish state. But the children of Israel have the right to live in a world where the nations assembled in this body fully recognize their country, and unequivocally reject those who fire rockets at their homes or incite others to hate them.
Likewise, the United States remains committed to the belief that the Palestinian people have a right to live with security and dignity in their own sovereign state. On the same trip, I had the opportunity to meet with young Palestinians in Ramallah whose ambition and potential are matched by the pain they feel in having no firm place in the community of nations. They are understandably cynical that real progress will ever be made, and frustrated by their families enduring the daily indignity of occupation. But they recognize that two states is the only real path to peace: because just as the Palestinian people must not be displaced, the state of Israel is here to stay.
The time is now ripe for the entire international community to get behind the pursuit of peace. Already, Israeli and Palestinian leaders have demonstrated a willingness to take significant political risks. President Abbas has put aside efforts to short-cut the pursuit of peace and come to the negotiating table. Prime Minister Netanyahu has released Palestinian prisoners, and reaffirmed his commitment to a Palestinian state. Current talks are focused on final status issues of borders and security, refugees and Jerusalem.
Now the rest of us must also be willing to take risks. Friends of Israel, including the United States, must recognize that Israel's security as a Jewish and democratic state depends upon the realization of a Palestinian state. Arab states – and those who have supported the Palestinians – must recognize that stability will only be served through a two-state solution with a secure Israel. All of us must recognize that peace will be a powerful tool to defeat extremists, and embolden those who are prepared to build a better future. Moreover, ties of trade and commerce between Israelis and Arabs could be an engine of growth and opportunity at a time when too many young people in the region are languishing without work. So let us emerge from the familiar corners of blame and prejudice, and support Israeli and Palestinian leaders who are prepared to walk the difficult road to peace.
Real breakthroughs on these two issues – Iran's nuclear program, and Israeli-Palestinian peace – would have a profound and positive impact on the entire Middle East and North Africa. But the current convulsions arising out of the Arab Spring remind us that a just and lasting peace cannot be measured only by agreements between nations. It must also be measured by our ability to resolve conflict and promote justice within nations. And by that measure, it is clear to all of us that there is much more work to be done.
When peaceful transitions began in Tunisia and Egypt, the entire world was filled with hope. And although the United States – like others – was struck by the speed of transition, and did not – in fact could not – dictate events, we chose to support those who called for change. We did so based on the belief that while these transitions will be hard, and take time, societies based upon democracy and openness and the dignity of the individual will ultimately be more stable, more prosperous, and more peaceful.
Over the last few years, particularly in Egypt, we've seen just how hard this transition will be. Mohammed Morsi was democratically elected, but proved unwilling or unable to govern in a way that was fully inclusive. The interim government that replaced him responded to the desires of millions of Egyptians who believed the revolution had taken a wrong turn, but it too has made decisions inconsistent with inclusive democracy – through an emergency law, and restrictions on the press, civil society, and opposition parties.
Of course, America has been attacked by all sides of this internal conflict, simultaneously accused of supporting the Muslim Brotherhood, and engineering their removal from power. In fact, the United States has purposely avoided choosing sides. Our over-riding interest throughout these past few years has been to encourage a government that legitimately reflects the will of the Egyptian people, and recognizes true democracy as requiring a respect for minority rights, the rule of law, freedom of speech and assembly, and a strong civil society.
That remains our interest today. And so, going forward, the United States will maintain a constructive relationship with the interim government that promotes core interests like the Camp David Accords and counter-terrorism. We will continue support in areas like education that benefit the Egyptian people. But we have not proceeded with the delivery of certain military systems, and our support will depend upon Egypt's progress in pursuing a democratic path.
Our approach to Egypt reflects a larger point: the United States will at times work with governments that do not meet the highest international expectations, but who work with us on our core interests. But we will not stop asserting principles that are consistent with our ideals, whether that means opposing the use of violence as a means of suppressing dissent, or supporting the principles embodied in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. We will reject the notion that these principles are simply Western exports, incompatible with Islam or the Arab World - they are the birthright of every person. And while we recognize that our influence will at times be limited; although we will be wary of efforts to impose democracy through military force, and will at times be accused of hypocrisy or inconsistency – we will be engaged in the region for the long haul. For the hard work of forging freedom and democracy is the task of a generation.
This includes efforts to resolve sectarian tensions that continue to surface in places like Iraq, Syria and Bahrain. Ultimately, such long-standing issues cannot be solved by outsiders; they must be addressed by Muslim communities themselves. But we have seen grinding conflicts come to an end before – most recently in Northern Ireland, where Catholics and Protestants finally recognized that an endless cycle of conflict was causing both communities to fall behind a fast-moving world.
In sum, the United States has a hard-earned humility when it comes to our ability to determine events inside other countries. The notion of American empire may be useful propaganda, but it isn't borne out by America's current policy or public opinion. Indeed, as the recent debate within the United States over Syria clearly showed, the danger for the world is not an America that is eager to immerse itself in the affairs of other countries, or take on every problem in the region as its own. The danger for the world is that the United States, after a decade of war; rightly concerned about issues back home; and aware of the hostility that our engagement in the region has engendered throughout the Muslim World, may disengage, creating a vacuum of leadership that no other nation is ready to fill.
I believe that would be a mistake. I believe America must remain engaged for our own security. I believe the world is better for it. Some may disagree, but I believe that America is exceptional – in part because we have shown a willingness, through the sacrifice of blood and treasure, to stand up not only for our own narrow self-interest, but for the interests of all. I must be honest, though: we are far more likely to invest our energy in those countries that want to work with us; that invest in their people, instead of a corrupt few; that embrace a vision of society where everyone can contribute – men and women, Shia or Sunni, Muslim, Christian or Jew. Because from Europe to Asia; from Africa to the Americas, nations that persevered on a democratic path have emerged more prosperous, more peaceful, and more invested in upholding our common security and our common humanity. And I believe that the same will hold true for the Arab World.
This leads me to a final point: there will be times when the breakdown of societies is so great, and the violence against civilians so substantial, that the international community will be called upon to act. This will require new thinking and some very tough choices. While the U.N. was designed to prevent wars between states, increasingly we face the challenge of preventing slaughter within states. And these challenges will grow more pronounced as we are confronted with states that are fragile or failing – places where horrendous violence can put innocent men, women and children at risk, with no hope of protection from national institutions.
I have made it clear that even when America's core interests are not directly threatened, we stand ready to do our part to prevent mass atrocities and protect human rights. Yet we cannot and should not bear that burden alone. In Mali, we supported both the French intervention that successfully pushed back Al-Qaeda, and the African forces who are keeping the peace. In Africa, we are working with partners to bring the Lord's Resistance Army to an end. And in Libya, when the Security Council provided a mandate to protect civilians, America joined a coalition that took action. Because of what we did there, countless lives were saved, and a tyrant could not kill his way back to power.
I know that some now criticize the action in Libya as an object lesson. They point to problems that the country now confronts – a democratically-elected government struggling to provide security; armed groups, in some places extremists, ruling parts of a fractured land – and argue that any intervention to protect civilians is doomed to fail. No one is more mindful of these problems than I am, for they resulted in the death of four outstanding U.S. citizens who were committed to the Libyan people, including Ambassador Chris Stevens – a man whose courageous efforts helped save the city of Benghazi. But does anyone truly believe that the situation in Libya would be better if Qadhafi had been allowed to kill, imprison, or brutalize his people into submission? It is far more likely that without international action, Libya would now be engulfed in civil war and bloodshed.
We live in a world of imperfect choices. Different nations will not agree on the need for action in every instance, and the principle of sovereignty is at the center of our international order. But sovereignty cannot be a shield for tyrants to commit wanton murder, or an excuse for the international community to turn a blind eye to slaughter. While we need to be modest in our belief that we can remedy every evil, and we need to be mindful that the world is full of unintended consequences, should we really accept the notion that the world is powerless in the face of a Rwanda or Srebrenica? If that's the world that people want to live in, then they should say so, and reckon with the cold logic of mass graves.
I believe we can embrace a different future. If we don't want to choose between inaction and war, we must get better – all of us – at the policies that prevent the breakdown of basic order. Through respect for the responsibilities of nations and the rights of individuals. Through meaningful sanctions for those who break the rules. Through dogged diplomacy that resolves the root causes of conflict, and not merely its aftermath. Through development assistance that brings hope to the marginalized. And yes, sometimes, all this will not be enough – and in such moments, the international community will need to acknowledge that the multilateral use of military force may be required to prevent the very worst from occuring.
Ultimately, this is the international community that America seeks – one where nations do not covet the land or resources of other nations, but one in which we carry out the founding purpose of this institution. A world in which the rules established out of the horrors of war can help us resolve conflicts peacefully, and prevent the kind of wars that our forefathers fought. A world where human beings can live with dignity and meet their basic needs, whether they live in New York or Nairobi; in Peshawar or Damascus.
These are extraordinary times, with extraordinary opportunities. Thanks to human progress, a child born anywhere on Earth can do things today that 60 years ago would have been out of reach for the mass of humanity. I saw this in Africa, where nations moving beyond conflict are now poised to take off. America is with them: partnering to feed the hungry, care for the sick, and to bring power to places off the grid.
I see it across the Pacific, where hundreds of millions have been lifted out of poverty in a single generation. I see it in the faces of young people everywhere who can access the entire world with the click of a button, and who are eager to join the cause of eradicating extreme poverty, combating climate change, starting businesses, expanding freedom, and leaving behind the old ideological battles of the past. That's what's happening in Asia and Africa; in Europe and the Americas. That's the future that the people of the Middle East and North Africa deserve – one where they can focus on opportunity, instead of whether they'll be killed or repressed because of who they are or what they believe.
Time and again, nations and people have shown our capacity to change – to live up to humanity's highest ideals, to choose our better history. Last month, I stood where fifty years ago Martin Luther King Jr. told America about his dream, at a time when many people of my race could not even vote for President. Earlier this year, I stood in the small cell where Nelson Mandela endured decades cut off from his own people and the world. Who are we to believe that today's challenges cannot be overcome, when we have seen what changes the human spirit can bring? Who in this hall can argue that the future belongs to those who seek to repress that spirit, rather than those who seek to liberate it?
I know what side of history I want to the United States of America to be on. We are ready to meet tomorrow's challenges with you – firm in the belief that all men and women are in fact created equal, each individual possessed with a dignity that cannot be denied. That is why we look to the future not with fear, but with hope. That's why we remain convinced that this community of nations can deliver a more peaceful, prosperous, and just world to the next generation.
Sources: Politico


text:
Home > Music Lovers > Stratocaster Guitar
(Details shown apply to the default selection)
This tie slide / clip is a 55m (approx. 2" 1/8) chrome bar with a 20mm (1/2 inch) disc holding a full colour image that is protected by a clear resin dome.
Metal Silver Coloured MetalBrand Family-crests.comMaterial Metal and Resin DomeMPN RT-KZ86Optional Extras Upgrade to Gift BoxStyle Tie Bar
Dispatch Time
Items are usually dispatched in about 2 working days. If you require your item quickly, please call us on 01646 621881 before you buy as many items are made to order.
Standard UK Delivery:
Delivery charges start from 90p for Large Letter and £3.30 for Small Parcel Items. You will be able see the delivery costs at checkout before you pay. Delivery charges are calculated by weight.
Signed For UK Delivery:
You can select a signed for delivery option for an additional charge. This means you will need to give a signature to receive your item. A tracking number will be added to your order for this service.
International Delivery:
International delivery starts from as little as £2.30 and is calculated on location, size and weight at checkout.
International post is sent by standard airmail. Please note that standard airmail is not tracked.
International Tracked and Signed Services:
You may chose an international signed or tracked option, at an additional cost at checkout. You will receive your tracking when your item is dispatched. Options are limited for some countries depending on available services.
Stratocaster Guitar Round Cufflink and Tie Clip Set£20.50
Flying V Guitar Round Tie Clip£7.50
Rickenbacker Guitar Round Tie Clip£7.50


text:
Interracial community. Interracial wives photos, videos, cam chat
I love interracial is interracial wives porn site. Our interracial community has more 750,000 members. It is the best place for interracial cuckold sex dating as well as romance. Couples submit homemade interracial porn pics and homemade xxx vids. User posted interracial wives photo and videos are sorted between public galleries as well as users share them as personal private albums for friend's profiles. Post your interracial profile with adult pics or videos and you will be in the centre of our interracial wives community and find a lot of interracial sex partners.
Online: | 32 | users, 1,801 guests |
Total: | 1,183,124 | users, |
579,432 | photos, | |
61,796 | videos. |
2 users are chatting now
We have improved our site and made a keyboard shortcuts for fast navigation specialy for you! Click HERE or press Shift + S to hide or show all keyboard shortcuts
Search results - "Amateur videos interracial"
DOMYWIFE.COM - YOUR Adult Homespace
DoMyWife.com amateur homemade porn community, where members can chat and exchange their own videos and pictures
Total: 952,813 users, 605,244 photos, 35,685 videos


text:
Liposomal Vitamin C 500 mg 100 vegcaps
$28.68 $29.99Description
Solaray Liposomal Vitamin C vegetable capsules contain 400mg of fat soluble vitamin C. Liposomal C is created by combining vitamin C with fatty acids designed to provide antioxidant support to cell membranes and aid in the absorption of vitamin C.* Vitamin C provides antioxidant activity and is intended to help support normal, healthy collagen synthesis, capillary and blood vessel integrity, cartilage and bone development, immune function and nerve impulse transmission.*
Solaray True Selection:
Solaray takes pride in offering great new products. No other brand offers a wider selection of vitamins, minerals, herbs and specialty products than Solaray. With over 900 products, Solaray is the most comprehensive supplement brand in the industry! Solaray has their own manufacturing facility to ensure that quality controls are applied at every level. Solaray knows what goes into their products so you can be confident of what goes into your body. Year after year, the Solaray brand is presented with the #1 Full Line Supplement Award by Whole Foods Magazine. Solaray is not just saying they're the best; discerning health food retailers and their educated customers are voting on Solaray's excellence.
True Tradition. A Natural Passion For 35 Years:
Solaray began in 1973 as a pioneer in formulating and marketing blended herbal products with complementary effects. From its inception, Solaray focused on encapsulated products, which offer rapid disintegration and are easy to swallow. By 1984, Solaray became a full line manufacturer, carrying not only the highest quality herbs, but also a full line of vitamins, minerals and specialty products. Over the years, Solaray has contributed significantly to the industry through the innovation of products. Today, Solaray products are sold in over 60 countries! Making a healthier world isn't something Solaray aspires to do...it's something Solaray is doing. This is Solaray's passion for over 35 years.
Solaray Means Quality:
Every Solaray product is subjected to rigorous testing and screening protocols. The process may vary by ingredient, but typically includes organoleptic (taste, touch, smell) testing to compare it to previous batches, and lab assays for microbial, identity, purity and potency validation. Only when an ingredient has passed all of the required assays is it released to manufacturing. Solaray adheres to all current good manufacturing practices (cGMP) and an independent auditing firm audits Solaray's facilities, laboratory and manufacturing protocols for compliance with the latest regulations.
Green Screened:
The Green Screened logo represents their commitment at Solaray to providing herbs of the utmost quality. The Solaray brand employs quality control standards in all areas of product development - from ensuring identification and authenticity by laboratory analysis to screening for microbes, herbicides and pesticides to heavy metal testing. Solaray rejects herbs they suspect are irradiated. Only after Solaray's laboratory analysis program confirms that the herbs meet Solaray's strict standards do they give the product their Green Screened approval.
Dietary Considerations
Suggested Use
Use only as directed. Take one vegcap daily with a meal or glass of water.
Serving Size: 1 Vegetable Capsule
Servings Per Container: 100
Amount Per Serving% Daily Value
Vitamin C (as liposomal ascorbyl palmitate)500 mg556%
Liposomal Blend Phosphatidylcholine (from sunflowers), Palmitic acid and oleic acid241 mg
Other Ingredients:
Vegetable cellulose capsule, cellulose
Do not use if safety seal is broken or missing. Keep out of reach of children. Keep your licensed health care practitioner informed when using this product
Storage: Store in a cool, dry place.


text:
Blue MX youth men women jersey personalized Motocross off-road UPF30+ dirt bike shirt racing PDT333
Specially designed for proud bikers. Let's wear this awesome jersey shirt and be bold.
- PERSONALIZED RIDING JERSEY: This super cool shirt is exactly what all bikers are looking for. Add your name/number to make it a unique one that bears your own imprints.
- UPF 30+ SPF PROTECTION: Be confident on your ride with this protective jersey from harmful UVA/UVB rays.
- UNISEX ADULTS & KIDS: Our riding jerseys are all ideal for men, women & youth bikers. Check the size chart to find your fitted size.
- COMFORTABLE AND BREATHABLE: Made from soft and lightweight material, the jerseys will bring riders the most fantastic feeling on your adventures, as well as show your passion and confidence on both on-road and off-road journeys.
- FOR TWO-WHEEL LOVERS: Grab this shirt as a perfect gift for off-road, on-road riders, motocross riders, supercross bikers, cruisers, motorcycle lovers, dad bikers, papa bikers, brother, husband, uncle, friend, motorcycle team and club uniform.
- ADJUSTABLE PRINT: Feel free to let us know if you want to change the designs/texts/patterns or add your images/logos to the shirts. Our artists will make the full 3D print as your request.
Once you placed successfully your order, it will be processed and printed exclusively for you within 3 - 5 days. You will receive your order within 10 - 17 business days after printing is complete.
USPS shipping costs $4.99 for order under $100.00.
As sizes might vary from your usual brands, we strongly recommend you CHECK OUR SIZE GUIDE before purchasing.
Allow for a tolerance level of 2.5cm/1in. If you're unsure it's always better to choose the larger size.
- Comfortable, chic and personalized
- Gender: Unisex adults & kids
- Material: Polyester
- UV Protective - UPF30+
- Pattern Type: Full print, Customizable
- Style: Casual, Sport, Outdoor
- Care: Gentle Machine Wash Cold, Do Not Bleach
NOTE: We are not responsible for any fees/taxes/duty caused at buyer's country.
Because this product is made to order, we can't accept returns due to size issues.


text:
Versatile and durable, Embold gives organizations the flexibility to adapt waiting spaces over time to meet changing needs. Moveable arms and seating configurations support a wide range of sizes, health and abilities.
With its consistent design aesthetic, Embold can be used across a healthcare system, from clinical waiting spaces to office and administrative areas.