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Monday, January 19, 2015
Seldom Do I Pause...Dr. King, Great American & Perhaps the Greatest
16 April 1963
My Dear Fellow Clergymen:
While confined here in the Birmingham city jail, I came across your recent statement calling my present activities "unwise and untimely." Seldom do I pause to answer criticism of my work and ideas. If I sought to answer all the criticisms that cross my desk, my secretaries would have little time for anything other than such correspondence in the course of the day, and I would have no time for constructive work. But since I feel that you are men of genuine good will and that your criticisms are sincerely set forth, I want to try to answer your statement in what I hope will be patient and reasonable terms.
I think I should indicate why I am here in Birmingham, since you have been influenced by the view which argues against "outsiders coming in." I have the honor of serving as president of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, an organization operating in every southern state, with headquarters in Atlanta, Georgia. We have some eighty five affiliated organizations across the South, and one of them is the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights. Frequently we share staff, educational and financial resources with our affiliates. Several months ago the affiliate here in Birmingham asked us to be on call to engage in a nonviolent direct action program if such were deemed necessary. We readily consented, and when the hour came we lived up to our promise. So I, along with several members of my staff, am here because I was invited here. I am here because I have organizational ties here.
But more basically, I am in Birmingham because injustice is here. Just as the prophets of the eighth century B.C. left their villages and carried their "thus saith the Lord" far beyond the boundaries of their home towns, and just as the Apostle Paul left his village of Tarsus and carried the gospel of Jesus Christ to the far corners of the Greco Roman world, so am I compelled to carry the gospel of freedom beyond my own home town. Like Paul, I must constantly respond to the Macedonian call for aid.
Moreover, I am cognizant of the interrelatedness of all communities and states. I cannot sit idly by in Atlanta and not be concerned about what happens in Birmingham. Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere. We are caught in an inescapable network of mutuality, tied in a single garment of destiny. Whatever affects one directly, affects all indirectly. Never again can we afford to live with the narrow, provincial "outside agitator" idea. Anyone who lives inside the United States can never be considered an outsider anywhere within its bounds.
You deplore the demonstrations taking place in Birmingham. But your statement, I am sorry to say, fails to express a similar concern for the conditions that brought about the demonstrations. I am sure that none of you would want to rest content with the superficial kind of social analysis that deals merely with effects and does not grapple with underlying causes. It is unfortunate that demonstrations are taking place in Birmingham, but it is even more unfortunate that the city's white power structure left the Negro community with no alternative.
In any nonviolent campaign there are four basic steps: collection of the facts to determine whether injustices exist; negotiation; self purification; and direct action. We have gone through all these steps in Birmingham. There can be no gainsaying the fact that racial injustice engulfs this community. Birmingham is probably the most thoroughly segregated city in the United States. Its ugly record of brutality is widely known. Negroes have experienced grossly unjust treatment in the courts. There have been more unsolved bombings of Negro homes and churches in Birmingham than in any other city in the nation. These are the hard, brutal facts of the case. On the basis of these conditions, Negro leaders sought to negotiate with the city fathers. But the latter consistently refused to engage in good faith negotiation.
Then, last September, came the opportunity to talk with leaders of Birmingham's economic community. In the course of the negotiations, certain promises were made by the merchants--for example, to remove the stores' humiliating racial signs. On the basis of these promises, the Reverend Fred Shuttlesworth and the leaders of the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights agreed to a moratorium on all demonstrations. As the weeks and months went by, we realized that we were the victims of a broken promise. A few signs, briefly removed, returned; the others remained.
As in so many past experiences, our hopes had been blasted, and the shadow of deep disappointment settled upon us. We had no alternative except to prepare for direct action, whereby we would present our very bodies as a means of laying our case before the conscience of the local and the national community. Mindful of the difficulties involved, we decided to undertake a process of self purification. We began a series of workshops on nonviolence, and we repeatedly asked ourselves: "Are you able to accept blows without retaliating?" "Are you able to endure the ordeal of jail?" We decided to schedule our direct action program for the Easter season, realizing that except for Christmas, this is the main shopping period of the year. Knowing that a strong economic-withdrawal program would be the by product of direct action, we felt that this would be the best time to bring pressure to bear on the merchants for the needed change.
Then it occurred to us that Birmingham's mayoral election was coming up in March, and we speedily decided to postpone action until after election day. When we discovered that the Commissioner of Public Safety, Eugene "Bull" Connor, had piled up enough votes to be in the run off, we decided again to postpone action until the day after the run off so that the demonstrations could not be used to cloud the issues. Like many others, we waited to see Mr. Connor defeated, and to this end we endured postponement after postponement. Having aided in this community need, we felt that our direct action program could be delayed no longer.
You may well ask: "Why direct action? Why sit ins, marches and so forth? Isn't negotiation a better path?" You are quite right in calling for negotiation. Indeed, this is the very purpose of direct action. Nonviolent direct action seeks to create such a crisis and foster such a tension that a community which has constantly refused to negotiate is forced to confront the issue. It seeks so to dramatize the issue that it can no longer be ignored. My citing the creation of tension as part of the work of the nonviolent resister may sound rather shocking. But I must confess that I am not afraid of the word "tension." I have earnestly opposed violent tension, but there is a type of constructive, nonviolent tension which is necessary for growth. Just as Socrates felt that it was necessary to create a tension in the mind so that individuals could rise from the bondage of myths and half truths to the unfettered realm of creative analysis and objective appraisal, so must we see the need for nonviolent gadflies to create the kind of tension in society that will help men rise from the dark depths of prejudice and racism to the majestic heights of understanding and brotherhood. The purpose of our direct action program is to create a situation so crisis packed that it will inevitably open the door to negotiation. I therefore concur with you in your call for negotiation. Too long has our beloved Southland been bogged down in a tragic effort to live in monologue rather than dialogue.
One of the basic points in your statement is that the action that I and my associates have taken in Birmingham is untimely. Some have asked: "Why didn't you give the new city administration time to act?" The only answer that I can give to this query is that the new Birmingham administration must be prodded about as much as the outgoing one, before it will act. We are sadly mistaken if we feel that the election of Albert Boutwell as mayor will bring the millennium to Birmingham. While Mr. Boutwell is a much more gentle person than Mr. Connor, they are both segregationists, dedicated to maintenance of the status quo. I have hope that Mr. Boutwell will be reasonable enough to see the futility of massive resistance to desegregation. But he will not see this without pressure from devotees of civil rights. My friends, I must say to you that we have not made a single gain in civil rights without determined legal and nonviolent pressure. Lamentably, it is an historical fact that privileged groups seldom give up their privileges voluntarily. Individuals may see the moral light and voluntarily give up their unjust posture; but, as Reinhold Niebuhr has reminded us, groups tend to be more immoral than individuals.
We know through painful experience that freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor; it must be demanded by the oppressed. Frankly, I have yet to engage in a direct action campaign that was "well timed" in the view of those who have not suffered unduly from the disease of segregation. For years now I have heard the word "Wait!" It rings in the ear of every Negro with piercing familiarity. This "Wait" has almost always meant "Never." We must come to see, with one of our distinguished jurists, that "justice too long delayed is justice denied."
We have waited for more than 340 years for our constitutional and God given rights. The nations of Asia and Africa are moving with jetlike speed toward gaining political independence, but we still creep at horse and buggy pace toward gaining a cup of coffee at a lunch counter. Perhaps it is easy for those who have never felt the stinging darts of segregation to say, "Wait." But when you have seen vicious mobs lynch your mothers and fathers at will and drown your sisters and brothers at whim; when you have seen hate filled policemen curse, kick and even kill your black brothers and sisters; when you see the vast majority of your twenty million Negro brothers smothering in an airtight cage of poverty in the midst of an affluent society; when you suddenly find your tongue twisted and your speech stammering as you seek to explain to your six year old daughter why she can't go to the public amusement park that has just been advertised on television, and see tears welling up in her eyes when she is told that Funtown is closed to colored children, and see ominous clouds of inferiority beginning to form in her little mental sky, and see her beginning to distort her personality by developing an unconscious bitterness toward white people; when you have to concoct an answer for a five year old son who is asking: "Daddy, why do white people treat colored people so mean?"; when you take a cross county drive and find it necessary to sleep night after night in the uncomfortable corners of your automobile because no motel will accept you; when you are humiliated day in and day out by nagging signs reading "white" and "colored"; when your first name becomes "$#@!," your middle name becomes "boy" (however old you are) and your last name becomes "John," and your wife and mother are never given the respected title "Mrs."; when you are harried by day and haunted by night by the fact that you are a Negro, living constantly at tiptoe stance, never quite knowing what to expect next, and are plagued with inner fears and outer resentments; when you are forever fighting a degenerating sense of "nobodiness"--then you will understand why we find it difficult to wait. There comes a time when the cup of endurance runs over, and men are no longer willing to be plunged into the abyss of despair. I hope, sirs, you can understand our legitimate and unavoidable impatience. You express a great deal of anxiety over our willingness to break laws. This is certainly a legitimate concern. Since we so diligently urge people to obey the Supreme Court's decision of 1954 outlawing segregation in the public schools, at first glance it may seem rather paradoxical for us consciously to break laws. One may well ask: "How can you advocate breaking some laws and obeying others?" The answer lies in the fact that there are two types of laws: just and unjust. I would be the first to advocate obeying just laws. One has not only a legal but a moral responsibility to obey just laws. Conversely, one has a moral responsibility to disobey unjust laws. I would agree with St. Augustine that "an unjust law is no law at all."
Now, what is the difference between the two? How does one determine whether a law is just or unjust? A just law is a man made code that squares with the moral law or the law of God. An unjust law is a code that is out of harmony with the moral law. To put it in the terms of St. Thomas Aquinas: An unjust law is a human law that is not rooted in eternal law and natural law. Any law that uplifts human personality is just. Any law that degrades human personality is unjust. All segregation statutes are unjust because segregation distorts the soul and damages the personality. It gives the segregator a false sense of superiority and the segregated a false sense of inferiority. Segregation, to use the terminology of the Jewish philosopher Martin Buber, substitutes an "I it" relationship for an "I thou" relationship and ends up relegating persons to the status of things. Hence segregation is not only politically, economically and sociologically unsound, it is morally wrong and sinful. Paul Tillich has said that sin is separation. Is not segregation an existential expression of man's tragic separation, his awful estrangement, his terrible sinfulness? Thus it is that I can urge men to obey the 1954 decision of the Supreme Court, for it is morally right; and I can urge them to disobey segregation ordinances, for they are morally wrong.
Let us consider a more concrete example of just and unjust laws. An unjust law is a code that a numerical or power majority group compels a minority group to obey but does not make binding on itself. This is difference made legal. By the same token, a just law is a code that a majority compels a minority to follow and that it is willing to follow itself. This is sameness made legal. Let me give another explanation. A law is unjust if it is inflicted on a minority that, as a result of being denied the right to vote, had no part in enacting or devising the law. Who can say that the legislature of Alabama which set up that state's segregation laws was democratically elected? Throughout Alabama all sorts of devious methods are used to prevent Negroes from becoming registered voters, and there are some counties in which, even though Negroes constitute a majority of the population, not a single Negro is registered. Can any law enacted under such circumstances be considered democratically structured?
Sometimes a law is just on its face and unjust in its application. For instance, I have been arrested on a charge of parading without a permit. Now, there is nothing wrong in having an ordinance which requires a permit for a parade. But such an ordinance becomes unjust when it is used to maintain segregation and to deny citizens the First-Amendment privilege of peaceful assembly and protest.
I hope you are able to see the distinction I am trying to point out. In no sense do I advocate evading or defying the law, as would the rabid segregationist. That would lead to anarchy. One who breaks an unjust law must do so openly, lovingly, and with a willingness to accept the penalty. I submit that an individual who breaks a law that conscience tells him is unjust, and who willingly accepts the penalty of imprisonment in order to arouse the conscience of the community over its injustice, is in reality expressing the highest respect for law.
Of course, there is nothing new about this kind of civil disobedience. It was evidenced sublimely in the refusal of Shadrach, Meshach and Abednego to obey the laws of Nebuchadnezzar, on the ground that a higher moral law was at stake. It was practiced superbly by the early Christians, who were willing to face hungry lions and the excruciating pain of chopping blocks rather than submit to certain unjust laws of the Roman Empire. To a degree, academic freedom is a reality today because Socrates practiced civil disobedience. In our own nation, the Boston Tea Party represented a massive act of civil disobedience.
We should never forget that everything Adolf Hitler did in Germany was "legal" and everything the Hungarian freedom fighters did in Hungary was "illegal." It was "illegal" to aid and comfort a Jew in Hitler's Germany. Even so, I am sure that, had I lived in Germany at the time, I would have aided and comforted my Jewish brothers. If today I lived in a Communist country where certain principles dear to the Christian faith are suppressed, I would openly advocate disobeying that country's antireligious laws.
I must make two honest confessions to you, my Christian and Jewish brothers. First, I must confess that over the past few years I have been gravely disappointed with the white moderate. I have almost reached the regrettable conclusion that the Negro's great stumbling block in his stride toward freedom is not the White Citizen's Counciler or the Ku Klux Klanner, but the white moderate, who is more devoted to "order" than to justice; who prefers a negative peace which is the absence of tension to a positive peace which is the presence of justice; who constantly says: "I agree with you in the goal you seek, but I cannot agree with your methods of direct action"; who paternalistically believes he can set the timetable for another man's freedom; who lives by a mythical concept of time and who constantly advises the Negro to wait for a "more convenient season." Shallow understanding from people of good will is more frustrating than absolute misunderstanding from people of ill will. Lukewarm acceptance is much more bewildering than outright rejection.
I had hoped that the white moderate would understand that law and order exist for the purpose of establishing justice and that when they fail in this purpose they become the dangerously structured dams that block the flow of social progress. I had hoped that the white moderate would understand that the present tension in the South is a necessary phase of the transition from an obnoxious negative peace, in which the Negro passively accepted his unjust plight, to a substantive and positive peace, in which all men will respect the dignity and worth of human personality. Actually, we who engage in nonviolent direct action are not the creators of tension. We merely bring to the surface the hidden tension that is already alive. We bring it out in the open, where it can be seen and dealt with. Like a boil that can never be cured so long as it is covered up but must be opened with all its ugliness to the natural medicines of air and light, injustice must be exposed, with all the tension its exposure creates, to the light of human conscience and the air of national opinion before it can be cured.
In your statement you assert that our actions, even though peaceful, must be condemned because they precipitate violence. But is this a logical assertion? Isn't this like condemning a robbed man because his possession of money precipitated the evil act of robbery? Isn't this like condemning Socrates because his unswerving commitment to truth and his philosophical inquiries precipitated the act by the misguided populace in which they made him drink hemlock? Isn't this like condemning Jesus because his unique God consciousness and never ceasing devotion to God's will precipitated the evil act of crucifixion? We must come to see that, as the federal courts have consistently affirmed, it is wrong to urge an individual to cease his efforts to gain his basic constitutional rights because the quest may precipitate violence. Society must protect the robbed and punish the robber. I had also hoped that the white moderate would reject the myth concerning time in relation to the struggle for freedom. I have just received a letter from a white brother in Texas. He writes: "All Christians know that the colored people will receive equal rights eventually, but it is possible that you are in too great a religious hurry. It has taken Christianity almost two thousand years to accomplish what it has. The teachings of Christ take time to come to earth." Such an attitude stems from a tragic misconception of time, from the strangely irrational notion that there is something in the very flow of time that will inevitably cure all ills. Actually, time itself is neutral; it can be used either destructively or constructively. More and more I feel that the people of ill will have used time much more effectively than have the people of good will. We will have to repent in this generation not merely for the hateful words and actions of the bad people but for the appalling silence of the good people. Human progress never rolls in on wheels of inevitability; it comes through the tireless efforts of men willing to be co workers with God, and without this hard work, time itself becomes an ally of the forces of social stagnation. We must use time creatively, in the knowledge that the time is always ripe to do right. Now is the time to make real the promise of democracy and transform our pending national elegy into a creative psalm of brotherhood. Now is the time to lift our national policy from the quicksand of racial injustice to the solid rock of human dignity.
You speak of our activity in Birmingham as extreme. At first I was rather disappointed that fellow clergymen would see my nonviolent efforts as those of an extremist. I began thinking about the fact that I stand in the middle of two opposing forces in the Negro community. One is a force of complacency, made up in part of Negroes who, as a result of long years of oppression, are so drained of self respect and a sense of "somebodiness" that they have adjusted to segregation; and in part of a few middle-class Negroes who, because of a degree of academic and economic security and because in some ways they profit by segregation, have become insensitive to the problems of the masses. The other force is one of bitterness and hatred, and it comes perilously close to advocating violence. It is expressed in the various black nationalist groups that are springing up across the nation, the largest and best known being Elijah Muhammad's Muslim movement. Nourished by the Negro's frustration over the continued existence of racial discrimination, this movement is made up of people who have lost faith in America, who have absolutely repudiated Christianity, and who have concluded that the white man is an incorrigible "devil."
I have tried to stand between these two forces, saying that we need emulate neither the "do nothingism" of the complacent nor the hatred and despair of the black nationalist. For there is the more excellent way of love and nonviolent protest. I am grateful to God that, through the influence of the Negro church, the way of nonviolence became an integral part of our struggle. If this philosophy had not emerged, by now many streets of the South would, I am convinced, be flowing with blood. And I am further convinced that if our white brothers dismiss as "rabble rousers" and "outside agitators" those of us who employ nonviolent direct action, and if they refuse to support our nonviolent efforts, millions of Negroes will, out of frustration and despair, seek solace and security in black nationalist ideologies--a development that would inevitably lead to a frightening racial nightmare.
Oppressed people cannot remain oppressed forever. The yearning for freedom eventually manifests itself, and that is what has happened to the American Negro. Something within has reminded him of his birthright of freedom, and something without has reminded him that it can be gained. Consciously or unconsciously, he has been caught up by the Zeitgeist, and with his black brothers of Africa and his brown and yellow brothers of Asia, South America and the Caribbean, the United States Negro is moving with a sense of great urgency toward the promised land of racial justice. If one recognizes this vital urge that has engulfed the Negro community, one should readily understand why public demonstrations are taking place. The Negro has many pent up resentments and latent frustrations, and he must release them. So let him march; let him make prayer pilgrimages to the city hall; let him go on freedom rides -and try to understand why he must do so. If his repressed emotions are not released in nonviolent ways, they will seek expression through violence; this is not a threat but a fact of history. So I have not said to my people: "Get rid of your discontent." Rather, I have tried to say that this normal and healthy discontent can be channeled into the creative outlet of nonviolent direct action. And now this approach is being termed extremist. But though I was initially disappointed at being categorized as an extremist, as I continued to think about the matter I gradually gained a measure of satisfaction from the label. Was not Jesus an extremist for love: "Love your enemies, bless them that curse you, do good to them that hate you, and pray for them which despitefully use you, and persecute you." Was not Amos an extremist for justice: "Let justice roll down like waters and righteousness like an ever flowing stream." Was not Paul an extremist for the Christian gospel: "I bear in my body the marks of the Lord Jesus." Was not Martin Luther an extremist: "Here I stand; I cannot do otherwise, so help me God." And John Bunyan: "I will stay in jail to the end of my days before I make a butchery of my conscience." And Abraham Lincoln: "This nation cannot survive half slave and half free." And Thomas Jefferson: "We hold these truths to be self evident, that all men are created equal . . ." So the question is not whether we will be extremists, but what kind of extremists we will be. Will we be extremists for hate or for love? Will we be extremists for the preservation of injustice or for the extension of justice? In that dramatic scene on Calvary's hill three men were crucified. We must never forget that all three were crucified for the same crime--the crime of extremism. Two were extremists for immorality, and thus fell below their environment. The other, Jesus Christ, was an extremist for love, truth and goodness, and thereby rose above his environment. Perhaps the South, the nation and the world are in dire need of creative extremists.
I had hoped that the white moderate would see this need. Perhaps I was too optimistic; perhaps I expected too much. I suppose I should have realized that few members of the oppressor race can understand the deep groans and passionate yearnings of the oppressed race, and still fewer have the vision to see that injustice must be rooted out by strong, persistent and determined action. I am thankful, however, that some of our white brothers in the South have grasped the meaning of this social revolution and committed themselves to it. They are still all too few in quantity, but they are big in quality. Some -such as Ralph McGill, Lillian Smith, Harry Golden, James McBride Dabbs, Ann Braden and Sarah Patton Boyle--have written about our struggle in eloquent and prophetic terms. Others have marched with us down nameless streets of the South. They have languished in filthy, roach infested jails, suffering the abuse and brutality of policemen who view them as "dirty $#@!-lovers." Unlike so many of their moderate brothers and sisters, they have recognized the urgency of the moment and sensed the need for powerful "action" antidotes to combat the disease of segregation. Let me take note of my other major disappointment. I have been so greatly disappointed with the white church and its leadership. Of course, there are some notable exceptions. I am not unmindful of the fact that each of you has taken some significant stands on this issue. I commend you, Reverend Stallings, for your Christian stand on this past Sunday, in welcoming Negroes to your worship service on a nonsegregated basis. I commend the Catholic leaders of this state for integrating Spring Hill College several years ago.
But despite these notable exceptions, I must honestly reiterate that I have been disappointed with the church. I do not say this as one of those negative critics who can always find something wrong with the church. I say this as a minister of the gospel, who loves the church; who was nurtured in its bosom; who has been sustained by its spiritual blessings and who will remain true to it as long as the cord of life shall lengthen.
When I was suddenly catapulted into the leadership of the bus protest in Montgomery, Alabama, a few years ago, I felt we would be supported by the white church. I felt that the white ministers, priests and rabbis of the South would be among our strongest allies. Instead, some have been outright opponents, refusing to understand the freedom movement and misrepresenting its leaders; all too many others have been more cautious than courageous and have remained silent behind the anesthetizing security of stained glass windows.
In spite of my shattered dreams, I came to Birmingham with the hope that the white religious leadership of this community would see the justice of our cause and, with deep moral concern, would serve as the channel through which our just grievances could reach the power structure. I had hoped that each of you would understand. But again I have been disappointed.
I have heard numerous southern religious leaders admonish their worshipers to comply with a desegregation decision because it is the law, but I have longed to hear white ministers declare: "Follow this decree because integration is morally right and because the Negro is your brother." In the midst of blatant injustices inflicted upon the Negro, I have watched white churchmen stand on the sideline and mouth pious irrelevancies and sanctimonious trivialities. In the midst of a mighty struggle to rid our nation of racial and economic injustice, I have heard many ministers say: "Those are social issues, with which the gospel has no real concern." And I have watched many churches commit themselves to a completely other worldly religion which makes a strange, un-Biblical distinction between body and soul, between the sacred and the secular.
I have traveled the length and breadth of Alabama, Mississippi and all the other southern states. On sweltering summer days and crisp autumn mornings I have looked at the South's beautiful churches with their lofty spires pointing heavenward. I have beheld the impressive outlines of her massive religious education buildings. Over and over I have found myself asking: "What kind of people worship here? Who is their God? Where were their voices when the lips of Governor Barnett dripped with words of interposition and nullification? Where were they when Governor Wallace gave a clarion call for defiance and hatred? Where were their voices of support when bruised and weary Negro men and women decided to rise from the dark dungeons of complacency to the bright hills of creative protest?"
Yes, these questions are still in my mind. In deep disappointment I have wept over the laxity of the church. But be assured that my tears have been tears of love. There can be no deep disappointment where there is not deep love. Yes, I love the church. How could I do otherwise? I am in the rather unique position of being the son, the grandson and the great grandson of preachers. Yes, I see the church as the body of Christ. But, oh! How we have blemished and scarred that body through social neglect and through fear of being nonconformists.
There was a time when the church was very powerful--in the time when the early Christians rejoiced at being deemed worthy to suffer for what they believed. In those days the church was not merely a thermometer that recorded the ideas and principles of popular opinion; it was a thermostat that transformed the mores of society. Whenever the early Christians entered a town, the people in power became disturbed and immediately sought to convict the Christians for being "disturbers of the peace" and "outside agitators."' But the Christians pressed on, in the conviction that they were "a colony of heaven," called to obey God rather than man. Small in number, they were big in commitment. They were too God-intoxicated to be "astronomically intimidated." By their effort and example they brought an end to such ancient evils as infanticide and gladiatorial contests. Things are different now. So often the contemporary church is a weak, ineffectual voice with an uncertain sound. So often it is an archdefender of the status quo. Far from being disturbed by the presence of the church, the power structure of the average community is consoled by the church's silent--and often even vocal--sanction of things as they are.
But the judgment of God is upon the church as never before. If today's church does not recapture the sacrificial spirit of the early church, it will lose its authenticity, forfeit the loyalty of millions, and be dismissed as an irrelevant social club with no meaning for the twentieth century. Every day I meet young people whose disappointment with the church has turned into outright disgust.
Perhaps I have once again been too optimistic. Is organized religion too inextricably bound to the status quo to save our nation and the world? Perhaps I must turn my faith to the inner spiritual church, the church within the church, as the true ekklesia and the hope of the world. But again I am thankful to God that some noble souls from the ranks of organized religion have broken loose from the paralyzing chains of conformity and joined us as active partners in the struggle for freedom. They have left their secure congregations and walked the streets of Albany, Georgia, with us. They have gone down the highways of the South on tortuous rides for freedom. Yes, they have gone to jail with us. Some have been dismissed from their churches, have lost the support of their bishops and fellow ministers. But they have acted in the faith that right defeated is stronger than evil triumphant. Their witness has been the spiritual salt that has preserved the true meaning of the gospel in these troubled times. They have carved a tunnel of hope through the dark mountain of disappointment. I hope the church as a whole will meet the challenge of this decisive hour. But even if the church does not come to the aid of justice, I have no despair about the future.
I have no fear about the outcome of our struggle in Birmingham, even if our motives are at present misunderstood. We will reach the goal of freedom in Birmingham and all over the nation, because the goal of America is freedom. Abused and scorned though we may be, our destiny is tied up with America's destiny. Before the pilgrims landed at Plymouth, we were here. Before the pen of Jefferson etched the majestic words of the Declaration of Independence across the pages of history, we were here. For more than two centuries our forebears labored in this country without wages; they made cotton king; they built the homes of their masters while suffering gross injustice and shameful humiliation -and yet out of a bottomless vitality they continued to thrive and develop. If the inexpressible cruelties of slavery could not stop us, the opposition we now face will surely fail. We will win our freedom because the sacred heritage of our nation and the eternal will of God are embodied in our echoing demands.
Before closing I feel impelled to mention one other point in your statement that has troubled me profoundly. You warmly commended the Birmingham police force for keeping "order" and "preventing violence." I doubt that you would have so warmly commended the police force if you had seen its dogs sinking their teeth into unarmed, nonviolent Negroes. I doubt that you would so quickly commend the policemen if you were to observe their ugly and inhumane treatment of Negroes here in the city jail; if you were to watch them push and curse old Negro women and young Negro girls; if you were to see them slap and kick old Negro men and young boys; if you were to observe them, as they did on two occasions, refuse to give us food because we wanted to sing our grace together. I cannot join you in your praise of the Birmingham police department.
It is true that the police have exercised a degree of discipline in handling the demonstrators. In this sense they have conducted themselves rather "nonviolently" in public. But for what purpose? To preserve the evil system of segregation. Over the past few years I have consistently preached that nonviolence demands that the means we use must be as pure as the ends we seek. I have tried to make clear that it is wrong to use immoral means to attain moral ends. But now I must affirm that it is just as wrong, or perhaps even more so, to use moral means to preserve immoral ends. Perhaps Mr. Connor and his policemen have been rather nonviolent in public, as was Chief Pritchett in Albany, Georgia, but they have used the moral means of nonviolence to maintain the immoral end of racial injustice. As T. S. Eliot has said: "The last temptation is the greatest treason: To do the right deed for the wrong reason."
I wish you had commended the Negro sit inners and demonstrators of Birmingham for their sublime courage, their willingness to suffer and their amazing discipline in the midst of great provocation. One day the South will recognize its real heroes. They will be the James Merediths, with the noble sense of purpose that enables them to face jeering and hostile mobs, and with the agonizing loneliness that characterizes the life of the pioneer. They will be old, oppressed, battered Negro women, symbolized in a seventy two year old woman in Montgomery, Alabama, who rose up with a sense of dignity and with her people decided not to ride segregated buses, and who responded with ungrammatical profundity to one who inquired about her weariness: "My feets is tired, but my soul is at rest." They will be the young high school and college students, the young ministers of the gospel and a host of their elders, courageously and nonviolently sitting in at lunch counters and willingly going to jail for conscience' sake. One day the South will know that when these disinherited children of God sat down at lunch counters, they were in reality standing up for what is best in the American dream and for the most sacred values in our Judaeo Christian heritage, thereby bringing our nation back to those great wells of democracy which were dug deep by the founding fathers in their formulation of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence.
Never before have I written so long a letter. I'm afraid it is much too long to take your precious time. I can assure you that it would have been much shorter if I had been writing from a comfortable desk, but what else can one do when he is alone in a narrow jail cell, other than write long letters, think long thoughts and pray long prayers?
If I have said anything in this letter that overstates the truth and indicates an unreasonable impatience, I beg you to forgive me. If I have said anything that understates the truth and indicates my having a patience that allows me to settle for anything less than brotherhood, I beg God to forgive me.
I hope this letter finds you strong in the faith. I also hope that circumstances will soon make it possible for me to meet each of you, not as an integrationist or a civil-rights leader but as a fellow clergyman and a Christian brother. Let us all hope that the dark clouds of racial prejudice will soon pass away and the deep fog of misunderstanding will be lifted from our fear drenched communities, and in some not too distant tomorrow the radiant stars of love and brotherhood will shine over our great nation with all their scintillating beauty.
Yours for the cause of Peace and Brotherhood, Martin Luther King, Jr.
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Oh, the famed Sturgis motorcycle rally is wrapping up its 72nd year in South Dakota this weekend. And as the rally ages, so do many of the riders. NPR's Amy Walters was there with some rally old-timers - rally old-timers - checking out what's new on three wheels.
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Amy Walters, NPR News.
INSKEEP: This is NPR News. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR.


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President Obama has thrown his support behind a leading Democratic senator's effort to reinstate a ban on assault weapons — another sign that Friday's mass shooting at an elementary school in Connecticut has put gun control back on Washington's political agenda.
White House spokesman Jay Carney told reporters this afternoon that Obama, who has long favored reinstating that ban but had not expressed support for a specific effort to do just that, now "actively" supports the effort by California Sen. Dianne Feinstein to craft such legislation.
The president believes it is "clear we haven't done enough" to stop the "scourge" of gun violence, the spokesman said.
According to Carney, Obama would also support legislation that closes the so-called gun show loophole that has allowed some weapons to be sold without criminal background checks of the buyers. And the president would like to see legislation that aims to ban high-capacity ammunition magazines, Carney added.
In his address Sunday night at a memorial service for the 20 school children and six adults killed during the attack on Newtown's Sandy Hook Elementary School, the president said that:
"If there is even one step we can take to save another child, or another parent, or another town, from the grief that has visited Tucson, and Aurora, and Oak Creek, and Newtown, and communities from Columbine to Blacksburg before that — then surely we have an obligation to try.
"In the coming weeks, I will use whatever power this office holds to engage my fellow citizens — from law enforcement to mental health professionals to parents and educators — in an effort aimed at preventing more tragedies like this."
Carney said that the president's now-open support for Feinstein's effort is part of Obama's promise to take action.
Monday, as The Washington Post reported, Obama "began the first serious push of his administration to attempt to reduce gun violence, directing Cabinet members to formulate a set of proposals that could include reinstating a ban on assault rifles. The effort will be led by Vice President Biden."
Meanwhile, Fox News reports that "sources close to the issue [say] the National Rifle Association — which has remained silent since the shooting, chiefly to allow for a proper period for mourning — will soon start to 'push back' against the gun-control lobby."
As correspondent Alan Greenblatt wrote for NPR.org earlier, "the federal government banned certain types of semiautomatic weapons from 1994 to 2004, along with high capacity ammunition magazines. The law specified 19 particular models that were made illegal." The law was allowed to expire.
One of the weapons used in Friday's attack, according to police, was a .223-caliber Bushmaster military-style rifle.
Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.


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5K Level 5 (Adv.) Combo #2 - 12wks
Version: Combo Runner | View More
Plan Length: 12 Weeks
Have you gone through our McMillan 5k Training Plan once, twice or maybe even three times? Now we have our latest version 5k #2 Training Plan. Starting you out at a bit higher volume and progressing through new workouts that are McMillan Certified Workouts.
This Level 5 12-week 5K training plan built for the Combo Runner type has all the best workouts I've used over the years to help runners get ready to run fast for 3.1 miles. You'll perform several types of workouts from stamina workouts to speed workouts to goal pace workouts. The end result is that you'll feel fast and strong and you'll have race pace fully dialed in. Before starting, you should be able to run 80 minutes on your regular runs and at least 105minutes on your long runs.
Weekly mileage = 60-70 miles per week (96-112 kilometers per week)*
*based on an average training pace of 7:00 min/mi (4:20 min/km)
NOTE: Each run includes a range of duration/distance and pace so actual mileage may vary.
For each and every run, I'll provide the exact pace range for each run/workout (integrated from the McMillan Running Calculator) and will advance the paces as you progress through the training plan so you are always optimally challenged. I'm also making your plan really flexible so it can flow with your life. You can easily move runs around based on your life schedule.
In addition to the run training, I'm also going to have you perform our strength training program that syncs with your run training as well as my form drills to help you improve your running form and learn to run fast. These "prehab" programs are included with your plan and build you into a strong, supple, injury-resistant runner.
Runs/Week: 4-7. Key/Hard Workouts/Week: 1-2.
Need more weeks? Suggested Training Cycle:
-Base Training Plan: adds up to 8 weeks
-Hill Module: adds up to 6 weeks (opt.)
-Stamina Module: adds up to 6 weeks (opt.)
-5K Training Plan: 12 weeks
Starting Week of Training
This first week of training should look very "doable" (or even quite easy) for you. It represents the starting training load for this plan and is the starting point from which we'll build toward the peak training load. Week 1 should NOT be a big jump from your current training load.
Recovery Day (Off, Cross-Train or Optional Run)
Off or 45-60 minutes Easy Run
Workout Purpose:
Recovery. On some days of each week, I'll provide recovery days and will give you the choice of what you do. Choose what you like but always remember that these recovery days are designed to help you rest up for the upcoming training.
Coach Notes:
Here's the plan: We're going to gradually yet steadily build the specific fitness you need to accomplish your goal. I'll have you run a variety of types of race-specific workouts and several goal pace workouts and I'll even have you do some of my tried and true race-prep fast finish long runs. The end result is that you'll be ready physically and mentally to tackle the race. As your volume increases, you can add 1-3 double runs each week to supplement your volume. I prefer not to list them on a particular day or at a particular length, in order to keep you from feeling obligated to add the extra distance. Instead, add them at your discretion based on how you feel you are recovering from the hard running workouts.
Your McMillan training plan doesn't just give you your run training but I'm also including my "Prehab" training - non-running training designed to build an injury-resistant body. A few days per week, I'll provide a link to the program I want you to do. I'll walk you through the routine and over time, I'll advance the challenge so you get stronger and stronger.
Join McMillan Run Team
Add McMillan coaching to your training plan! For less than a 5K cost, you get coaching access, nutrition plans and injury-proofing exercises, all in one easy-to-use app. Try it for free for 14 days! https://www.mcmillanrunning.com/run-team-trial-2/
Easy Run
60-80 minute Easy Run
Workout Purpose:
To build fitness safely, you can use your breathing as your guide to how fast you should be running. On easy runs, you should never get out of breath and should be able to carry on a conversation with a training partner. If you get out of your breath, then you are running too fast.
Coach Notes:
"Life" can often get in the way of your training but I encourage you to prioritize your workouts. Most of us find that if we get in our exercise, everything else in life is better so be disciplined to get in your workouts.
I want you to start your prehab training with the Strength in Stride program. This prehab program is designed to flow with your training plan. You'll start with a stability phase then move to the strength phase and finally to the power phase. You'll love how this program dovetails with your run training. Perform the Strength in Stride Phase 1 - Stability Program A routine. https://log.finalsurge.com/mcmillan/prehab/stabilitya
Easy Run
50-60 minute Easy Run
Workout Purpose:
Recovery day.
Coach Notes:
Preventing injury is a more efficient process than rehabing an injury. That's why I'm including my "prehab" routines in this program. Just follow them and you'll be on your way to a stronger, more supple runner's body.
The Strength in Stride program includes the 3 phases (Stability, Strength and Power) and each phase has two programs so I'll let you know whether to perform program A or B.
Hill Workout
20-30 minute Warm-Up + Hill Repeats: 8 to 10 times a moderately sloped hill (6-8% grade) at 5k effort or harder lasting 60 to 75 seconds with the jog back down the hill as recovery + 20-30 minute Cool-down
Workout Purpose:
Build leg strength, VO2max and lactic acid tolerance.
Coach Notes:
For hill workouts, the effort will be hard, but not all out. Practice using strong running form. Pump your arms and drive your knees to propel yourself up the hill. Learn to use your optimal hill running form for efficiency and power. You can run this workout on a bridge/treadmill if you cannot find a suitable hill in your area.
Perform the Strength in Stride Phase 2 - Strength Program B routine. https://log.finalsurge.com/mcmillan/prehab/strengthb
Recovery Day (Off, Cross-Train or Optional Run)
Off, Cross-Train or Easy Run for 40-50 minutes
Workout Purpose:
Recovery day.
Coach Notes:
We prescribe most runs by time. You can simply convert this to miles using your pace but make sure you get in the duration we want.
You may be a little sore from yesterday's core session but that just shows that you need to work on your core. Across this plan, you'll be amazed at how quickly you get better at each exercise.
Easy Run
50-60 minute Easy Run
Workout Purpose:
Build endurance. The bulk of a runner's training diet are easy runs. This consistent exposure to easy runs leads to big phyisological and psychological adaptations that over time will take you to new fitness levels.
Coach Notes:
"Great things are not done by impulse, but by a series of small things brought together.â€- Van Gogh
Prehab isn't just core and strength training. It also includes working on your form. Part of your McMillan training plan includes my Running form drills. Just click this link to watch and learn the form drills that I'd like you to do at least once per week (though you can feel free to add these any day you that you like). Running form drills.https://log.finalsurge.com/mcmillan/prehab/drills.
Long Run
90-100 minute Long Run
Workout Purpose:
Build endurance and leg resistance to fatigue. Long runs are the cornerstone of endurance training. By running longer, you stimulate very important adaptations that give you the ability to run faster in your intense workouts.
Coach Notes:
Time on your feet is more important than pace in a long, steady run. Run easy and run long. Here is a video I made to help understand the Long Run: https://run.mcmillanrunning.com/how-to-long-runs/
I find that the key to prehab is routine. I'm going to ask you to perform some prehab a few days per week and if you can commit to doing it across this plan, I know you'll continue to do it as you move to your next training plan.
Peak Week of Training
This peak week of training is representative of the peak training load for this plan. Across the plan, you'll build from the starting training load (shown above) to this peak training load. These workouts may look challenging but we'll build to them gradually yet progressively across your plan.
Recovery Day (Off, Cross-Train or Optional Run)
Off or 45-60 minutes Easy Run
Workout Purpose:
Recovery day.
Coach Notes:
"I attribute my success to this: I never gave or took any excuse." Florence Nightingale
Speed Workout 400m
20-30 minute Warm-Up + 4-6 x 400m with 400m recovery jog + 20-30 minute Cool-down
Workout Purpose:
Build sprint speed.
Coach Notes:
AVERAGE pace is more important than CURRENT pace. Learn to flow with the run, the terrain, the route. Worry less about pace varying within your run. It will. Focus on average pace across the run.
Perform the Strength in Stride Phase 1 - Stability Program A routine. https://log.finalsurge.com/mcmillan/prehab/stabilitya
Easy Run
50-60 minute Easy Run
Workout Purpose:
Build endurance.
Coach Notes:
Racing is hard. Expect it to be. In fact, expect it to be the hardest thing you've ever done. This mindset brings out your best.
Goal Pace
20-30 minute Warm-Up + Goal Pace Workout: 5 x 1mi at goal pace with 500-600m recovery jog between + 20-30 minute Cool-down
Workout Purpose:
Practice goal pace.
Coach Notes:
This is your final goal pace workout. Complete this workout and you can feel very confident that you can achieve your goal time!
Perform the Strength in Stride Phase 3 - Power Program B routine. https://log.finalsurge.com/mcmillan/prehab/powerb
Recovery Day (Off, Cross-Train or Optional Run)
Off, Cross-Train or Easy Run for 40-60 minutes
Workout Purpose:
Recovery day.
Coach Notes:
Run happy. If you're trying too hard & running has lost its joy, take a step back & be grateful that you can even run. Some can't.
Easy Run
50-60 minute Easy Run
Workout Purpose:
Build endurance.
Coach Notes:
Are you overthinking your running? Know the whys and hows but remember it's a simple sport.
Perform the McMillan Running Form Drills. https://log.finalsurge.com/mcmillan/prehab/drills
Time Trial
20-30 minute Warm-Up + Time Trial: 1.5 to 2 miles at Goal Race Pace + 20-30 minute Cool-Down
Workout Purpose:
Test fitness.
Coach Notes:
A Time Trial is a hard running effort that is approximately 90-95% of your maximum effort. These solo efforts help you learn how to push yourself to your potential in a non-race setting.
Other Versions of Your Plan
Plan Name | Version | # Weeks | Price | |
5K Level 5 (Adv.) Combo - 12wks | Combo Runner | 12 weeks | $49.99 | Preview |
5K Level 5 (Adv.) Endurance Monster - 12wks | Endurance Monster | 12 weeks | $49.99 | Preview |
5K Level 5 (Adv.) Speedster - 12wks | Speedster | 12 weeks | $49.99 | Preview |
5K Level 5 (Adv.) Endurance Monster #2 - 12wks | Combo Runner | 12 weeks | $49.99 | Preview |
5K Level 5 (Adv.) Speedster #2 - 12wks | Combo Runner | 12 weeks | $49.99 | Preview |
NOTE: I've built multiple versions of each plan. The vast majority of runners do best with my "Combo Runner" plan (plan "C") but if you find that speed work takes its toll on you, then select an Endurance Monster plan (plan "E"). Conversely, if you find you respond really well to more interval-type speed work, then choose the Speedster plan (plan "S"). (If you aren't sure, always select the Combo "C" plan.)
All three plans are very similar but the Endurance Monster plan uses more stamina and endurance-oriented workouts to build fitness whereas the Speedster plan uses more speed and interval-type workouts.
Other Levels of Your Plan
Run Plan vs Run Team
The Run Plan option includes your training plan, integrated McMillan paces, prehab routines and Coach Greg's instructions for each and every run. Run Plan is a one time fee for your plan.
To get the most from your training, upgrade to the McMillan Run Team. Run Team membership not only includes your Run Plan but also gives you direct access to Coach Greg for coaching advice. You also receive entry into Coach Greg's private online training team with exclusive content plus interaction with other McMillan athletes. Runners love having a detailed training plan, a world-class coach by their side and teammates cheering them on as they chase their goals. Run Team is the best value for goal-oriented athletes looking for a peak performance. Run Team is a subscription billed monthly. Cancel anytime.
Training Plans FAQs
Q: What all comes with your training plans?
A: McMillan Training Plans include my complete training system:
- You get my scientifically-based, proven training plan. Your plan will gradually, yet progressively build you toward your goal.
- Your optimal McMillan Running Calculator training paces are integrated directly into your plan. You know the exact pace range for each and every run. And, your paces will automatically advance every few weeks so you continue to be optimally challenged as your fitness improves.
- Each and every day includes my notes on the purpose of the run and how to execute each workout. I'll also pass along my insights and some motivation as you move through your plan.
- I'm going to keep you healthy by including my recommended prehab programs (ex. core, strength, form, mobility). I'll tell you exactly what to do week in and week out so you stay healthy and build a strong, supple runner's body.
- You can access your training plan in several cool ways. You can log in to our system and get your plan in multiple calendar views – monthly, weekly, etc. (You can also upload your training from your GPS or Strava to our system.) I can also email your workouts to you so you'll know every day what your run is. And, I can even text your workouts to you as well. Your plan can also be synched with your electronic calendar.
The end result is that you have my full training system at the ready to help you achieve your goals.
Q: Are my McMillan Calculator paces integrated in your plans?
A: Yes! A key to McMillan athlete success is training optimally and that means knowing the exact pace range for each and every run. In your plan, your McMillan Running Calculator paces are integrated. And because your fitness will be advancing across the plan, I'm going to progress your training paces every few weeks as well. This guarantees that you are always training in the proper zone for maximal benefits. And if you run a race and need to update your training paces, you can do that easily by inserting your new information into the McMillan Running Calculator.
Q: How will I access my plan?
A: After signing up, you'll receive an email with a link to access your plan. You simply click that link to get all your preferences set up and access your plan. I'll also send you a quick walk-through video to show you all the features of your plan and help you get everything set up. And as always, if you run into issues, I'm here to help.
Q: Can I upload my run data to the plan?
A: Yes! With our system, you can sync your GPS (e.g., Garmin) and/or Strava account and your run data will automatically be uploaded to the system. This will allow you to accurately track your training, log your equipment and numerous other logging/tracking features to help you monitor your planned and actual training.
Q: Can you help me decode your training plan naming system?
A: In a nutshell, the training plans are labeled based on your goal, your runner level and your runner type. The goal is either a race distance and goal time or a non-race plan like building your base, improving your speed, etc. The level is 1 (new runner), up to 4 (advanced runner) and the runner type is Combo Runner (most runners), Speedster or Endurance Monster.
A plan with the name Half-Marathon Training Plan Level 3 Combo Runner would be for a goal of a half-marathon (and your goal time is integrated), for an intermediate runner (Level 3) and the Combo Runner version of the plan. I've found that this easy-to-follow system allows me to accurately get you into the right program for you and your goals.
Q: How do I know what my "Runner Level" is?
A: To guide you to the correct training plan, I've created four runner "levels."
- Level 1 – you are new to running. You've never run before (or it's been a long, long time) and/or you haven't finished a race.
- Level 2 – You've been focused on finishing races and now you want to finish faster. You run 3-5 days per week (averaging at least 30 minutes per run) and can do 1 specialty or "hard" workout each week. Long runs of 45-60 minutes are common.
- Level 3 – You are an intermediate runner. You have some experience with performance training plans and specialty workouts (like long runs, tempo runs, speed workouts, etc.). You run 4-6 days per week (averaging at least 30-45 minutes each run with longer runs of 60-75 minutes) and can do 1-2 specialty/hard workouts each week.
- Level 4 – You are an advanced runner and a seasoned trainer/racer who runs 4-7 days per week (averaging 50-60 minutes per run) and usually does 1-2 "hard" workouts per week plus a long run of at least 90 minutes.
- Level 5 – You're a high volume, experienced trainer/racer who runs 5-7 days per week for around 60-80 minutes per run and at least 120 minutes for your long run. Level 5 plans often include 2 hard workouts per week plus a long run.
Choosing your level comes down to how many days per week you run, how many minutes per run is easily doable for you and the number of hard workouts you often do per week. Run 6 days per week (with 2 hard workouts and average around an hour per run)? You are probably a Level 4 runner. Run 3 days per week, mostly just easy running averaging around 30 minutes, and sometimes do more intense runs as you get ready for a race? You are probably a Level 2 runner.
As always, let me know if you need help deciding your runner level.
Q: How do I know what my "Runner Type" is?
A: You can read my full article here but in a nutshell, I find there are three types of runners: Combo Runners, Endurance Monsters and Speedsters.
The vast majority of runners are Combo Runners. Combo Runners are fairly equal in ability in short distances and long distances. (When they put their times into the McMillan Running Calculator, their race times are pretty close to matching the predictions from the shorter races to the longer races – depending on experience at all distances of course.)
Some runners, however, are more endurance-oriented. I call them Endurance Monsters. These runners really struggle with short races and fast, speed-oriented workouts. But, they excel in the longer races and longer training runs and workouts. When they put their times in the McMillan Running Calculator, their long distance races far exceed what they can run in short distance races.
On the other end of the spectrum, some runners are more speed-oriented. As you would expect, these "Speedsters" do really well in the short races but struggle with longer races (and the types of workouts/long runs that go with the training for those races).
Because of these nuances in runner type, I created versions of certain plans where I tweak the training plan to better match the runner type.
Again, the vast majority of runners are Combo Runners and if you are unsure of your type, choose a Combo Runner plan. However, if you are a Speedster or Endurance Monster, you'll love the way I've built these plans to cater to your unique strengths and help you overcome your weaknesses.
Q: Can you explain your training philosophy?
A: There are five principles to my training and I've described them in detail here. As always, if you have a question or want to chat more about my training, just let me know by emailing me here.
Q: What if I need to move a run?
A: No problem. With our system, you simply select the run in your calendar and click "Move" and you can drag the run to a different day. The system is really flexible so you can easily make your training fit into your life, especially when life throws you curve balls.
Q: What do the "Pre-requisites" mean?
A: Before starting a training plan, you need to be prepared for the training load in Week #1. Otherwise, the training may be too much (or too little) and you won't be training optimally. I've listed the pre-requisites for each plan and as long as you've been running at the pre-requisite level, you can safely and easily transition to your new McMillan Training Plan.
Q: Can I get my workouts emailed to me?
A: Yes! Each day, I'll email you your workouts for that day and the next day. This gives you a nice reminder and easy access to your workout for that day. As always, you can change your settings if you don't want to receive emails with your workouts.
Q: What about texting my workouts to me?
A: Yes! Just like with emails, you can set up your plan so you receive a daily text with that day and the next day's workouts. Makes it super simple to know exactly what your run is.
Q: Can I sync my plan with my electronic calendar?
A: Yes! With the click of a button, you can sync your training plan into your iCal, Google Calendar and Outlook. My goal was to have a system that offered many, many different ways for you to get your workouts since every runner is different in how they need their training plan.
Q: What does "Prehab" mean?
A: Prehab is what I call the non-running training that keeps you healthy and builds a strong, supple runner's body. With your plan, I include the prehab programs I want you to follow. From core to strength to form to mobility, I'll tell you exactly what to do so you can stay injury free. You'll be amazed at how much benefit you get from a few prehab sessions.
Q: What if I don't want the prehab or I already follow my own routine? Can I get the plan for an un-coupled price?
A: No. The prehab plans are included with each training plan and can't be separated out. I believe strongly in the value of prehab and whether or not the runner uses them or their own, I want each training plan to have the prehab programs that I prescribe to my personal coaching athletes.
Q: Do I need to be a pro runner to use the plan?
A: No. While I've coached lots of pros, these plans are the ones I've used with each and every level of runner. A hallmark of my coaching has been working with all levels of runners from charity marathon groups with new runners to lots of everyday runners shooting for PRs to the pros. I'm not a one-size-fits-all coach so I created a program that is optimal for you and you'll find each program easy to follow and easy to fit within your life schedule.
Q: Can I change my runner level or runner type once I've started? What if I start and realize it's too difficult for me to follow?
A: No problem. Just contact us and we'll help you get onto the best program for you.
Q: What happens after I finish my plan?
A: Once you buy a plan, it's yours forever. You can re-use it at any time and because our system logs your training, you can even look back at your log from the last time you completed the plan to compare your workouts.
Q: What if something happens mid-training and I need to stop the plan? Can I save it for later?
A: Yes! You have full control and can re-start your plan at any time.
Q: Do I get to keep my plan when I finish it?
A: Yes! Once you buy a plan, it is always there for you and you can even go back and review the previous time you used it to see your results (by uploading your GPS and/or recording your training results).
Q: I need help picking my plan. Can we chat?
A: Of course! I'm here to help so just email me if you have questions and/or want to set up a time to chat about which training plan(s) are right for you.
Q: Do you include races within the plans?
A: Yes. Where appropriate, I add my suggestions on races and where they best fit into your plan. Of course, you can always move workouts around if a race in your area falls on a different weekend.
Q: Can you explain the non-race plans?
A: For runners who don't have a race in the near future, I created several non-race plans to build fitness before starting a race-specific plan. You can choose plans to build or maintain your base of running. I've also included plans to help you improve a specific aspect of fitness like hill running, speed or stamina. All my plans are built to stack together like legos so you can build a full year (or more!) of optimal training.
For example, let's say you have just returned for a short lay off. I'd suggest you choose a "Build my base" plan to regain your fitness. After you're back in the groove of running, you might select a hill module as preparation for a half-marathon plan to get you ready for your half-marathon in the coming months. By stacking the plans together (8 weeks of Base + 6 weeks of Hills + 12 weeks of half-marathon), you've safely and optimally built your training for over 6 months.
Q: What if I need more weeks?
A: No problem. Within each training plan recommendation, I include the training plan(s) that I suggest you use before your target plan. For example, my half-marathon plans are 16 weeks long but if your race is 22 weeks away then I will suggest you add a 6-week hill module or 8-week base training plan and begin with one of those before switching to your half-marathon plan. The plans are designed to dovetail or stack together perfectly. You'll see the suggested plans to use to add more weeks at the bottom of the plan preview page and then once you add your target plan to the cart, you'll see the other plans that you can easily add to your order.
Q: What if my race is in fewer weeks than the plan?
A: Within reason, you can jump into a plan after it has started. However, you must use common sense. For example, if you are training for a marathon (using my 16-week marathon plan) but your marathon is four weeks away and you've done no training, then this is not a good way to train. However, if you have been training and doing some long runs and you want to jump into the 16-week plan with 13 weeks to go, then that is no problem. Again, just use common sense.