text:
Note: The Natural Resources Committee approved the Puerto Rico Democracy Act of 2009 on the future political status of Puerto Rico last week. This bill was submitted by the island's resident commissioner, Pedro Pierluisi, who is a member of the pro-statehood New Progressive Paty (PNP). The other three Stateside Puerto Ricans in Congress have not endorsed this bill.
According to this proposal, voters would choose between keeping the island's commonwealth status, adopted in 1952, or to opt for something different. In the latter case, a second plebiscite would let them decide whether they wanted statehood, independence or independence with a loose association to the United States.
Two of the island's main parties oppose the proposal as having a pro-statehood bias, and a similar bill that the committee approved in October 2007 has since died. Last week's committee debate marked the 68th time that the House has debated a bill related to Puerto Rico's status. Puerto Ricans voted to maintain the island's current status and rejected statehood in nonbinding referendums in 1967, 1993 and 1998.
Residents of the U.S. Caribbean commonwealth are barred from voting in presidential elections, and their Congressional delegate cannot vote.
We have reprinted below an interesting analysis supporting the statehood position that we thought would be helpful in promoting further debate on this status issue. The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of NiLP on this subject and we will seek disseminate commentaries on the other status options.
—Angelo Falcón
Puerto Rican Nationalism and the Drift Towards Statehood
by Arienna Grody, Research Associate
Council on Hemispheric Affairs (July 27, 2009)
Near the Caribbean islands of Hispaniola and Cuba lies another, smaller island, the inhabitants of which have never experienced sovereignty. The arrival of Christopher Columbus [Colón] to its shores in 1493 heralded an era of enslavement and destruction of the native Taíno population at the hands of the Spanish colonial system. Four centuries later, the decadence of the Spanish royalty had significantly weakened the once-formidable imperial structure. The Spanish-American War of 1898 became the capstone of the demise of the Spanish empire and the Treaty of Paris ceded control of several Spanish-held islands to the United States. Of the territorial possessions to change hands in 1898, Puerto Rico is the only one that persists in a state of colonialism to this day.
"Puerto Rico has been a colony for an uninterrupted period of over five hundred years," writes Pedro A. Malavet, a law professor at the University of Florida who has studied the subject extensively. "In modern times, colonialism – the status of a polity with a definable territory that lacks sovereignty because legal [and] political authority is exercised by a peoples distinguishable from the inhabitants of the colonized region – is the only legal status that the isla (island) has known." Puerto Rico's legal and political status has not, however, precluded the development of a national ethos. On the contrary, Jorge Duany, a professor of anthropology at the University of Puerto Rico in Rio Piedras, explains that Puerto Ricans "imagine themselves as a nation [although they] do so despite the lack of a strong movement to create a sovereign state." Furthermore, this perception of a unique Puerto Rican identity had already developed and become established under Spanish rule. Puerto Rican cultural nationalism has persisted through various stages of history, through drives for independence and efforts at assimilation. This puertorriqueñismo is apolitical. In fact, some of the strongest cultural nationalism is exhibited by Puerto Ricans living in the United States.
Nevertheless, the lack of association between puertorriqueñismo and sovereignty, or even of a clearly mobilized independence movement with widespread support, does not diminish the necessity of finding a just and permanent resolution to the question of the status of Puerto Rico.
American Imperialism Called to the Colors
In 1898, the United States won Cuba, Guam, the Philippines, and Puerto Rico from Spain. As U.S. troops invaded Puerto Rico, they proclaimed that their intentions were to overthrow the ruling Spanish authorities, thereby guaranteeing individual freedoms for the inhabitants. However, as Michael González-Cruz, an assistant professor at the University of Puerto Rico at Mayagüez, writes, "the occupation and recolonization of the island did not improve basic rights such as health or labor conditions but rather reinforced the barriers that increased social inequalities among the population." Although the U.S.' initial promises of liberation and democracy won the support and assistance of many anti-Spanish Puerto Ricans, it soon became clear that "the United States' interest in conquering land did not extend to accepting the colonized people as equals."
Far from promoting the democratic republican ideals associated with the U.S.' own independence movement and its aftermath, the new colonial regime on the island promptly instituted military rule. It "sought to consolidate its military and economic authority by repressing any activity that might destabilize it or threaten its economic interests." U.S. military forces protected landowners against the tiznados, or members of secret societies dedicated to the independence of Puerto Rico, rendering the landowners dependent on their presence and rejecting any movement towards sovereignty for the island. Additionally, the period was marked by media repression and censorship as "journalists were systematically pursued, fined and arrested for reporting on the behavior of the troops of the occupation." These were the first signs that island residents were not going to be treated as the equals of mainland Americans, but they were by no means the last.
The Insular Cases
According to writer, lawyer and political analyst Juan M. García-Passalacqua, the Insular Cases – the series of Supreme Court decisions that ultimately determined the relationships between the United States and its newly acquired territories – "made it clear that the paradigm was the governance of the property of the United States, not of a people." This point is illuminated by the fact that the Insular Cases primarily addressed tax law. In De Lima v Bidwell (1901), the Court determined that Puerto Rico was not a foreign country – at least for the purpose of import taxes. But in Downes v Bidwell (1901), it held that the island was not part of the U.S. per se. Malavet points to the fact that it gave Congress "almost unfettered discretion to do with Puerto Rico as it wants" as the biggest flaw in the Downes decision.
The decision was neither undisputed nor unqualified. For example, Justice Edward Douglass White concurred, but on the condition that "when the unfitness of particular territory for incorporation is demonstrated the occupation will terminate." Justice John Marshall Harlan II (best known for his dissent in Plessy v Ferguson (1896)) dissented emphatically, arguing that "the idea that this country may acquire territories anywhere upon the earth, by conquest or treaty, and hold them as mere colonies or provinces, – the people inhabiting them to enjoy only such rights as Congress chooses to accord them, – is wholly inconsistent with the spirit and genious, as well as with the words, of the Constitution."
Despite these warnings, however, Congress (with the assent of the Supreme Court) continued to construct Puerto Rico as a dependent colonial possession, a status from which, more than a century later, the island has yet to escape. The civilian government introduced under the Foraker Act (1900) was appointed primarily by the president of the United States. The Jones Act (1917) can be said to have bestowed or imposed U.S. citizenship on Puerto Ricans. But this citizenship does not include the full rights guaranteed to citizens in the fifty states. In the case of Balzac v Porto Rico (1922), the Supreme Court held that personal freedoms, while considered a constitutional right on the mainland, were not legal entitlements on the island because of its status as a territory merely "belonging" to the United States, rather than as an "incorporated" territory. Malavet maintains that Balzac "constitutionally constructs the United States citizenship of Puerto Ricans as second class," affirming Congress' colonialist agenda and denying Puerto Ricans both the right to self-determination and the option to assimilate on equal grounds.
Before Puerto Rico's destiny to be a colonial possession indefinitely had been sealed, the United States instituted a policy of Americanization, centered on linguistically assimilating the islanders by establishing English as the language of public school instruction. Malavet has described this Anglo-centric agenda as "the most obvious effort to re/construct Puerto Rican identity," which was made possible by the early view of Puerto Ricans as "overwhelmingly poor, uneducated people who could nonetheless be 'saved' by Americanization." As Amílcar Antonio Barreto, Associate Director of Northeastern University's Humanities Center, points out, clearly "an implicit assumption underlying Americanization was the presumed superiority of Anglo-American socio-cultural norms and the concurrent inferiority of Puerto Ricans."
Americanization, although focused primarily on English language instruction to facilitate assimilation, included persecution of the independence movement. Significantly, Puerto Ricans, who had developed a national identity under Spanish rule, rejected the efforts at forced cultural substitution. According to Barreto, the Americanization project "endow[ed] the Spanish language with a political meaning and a social significance it would not have held otherwise," laying the foundation for a cultural nationalism centered on the Spanish language and heritage.
Economic Dependence
Not only was the U.S.-imposed government unresponsive to cultural demands of the population, it allowed American corporations to control the island's economy and exploit its resources, effectively plunging it into long-term dependency.
One of the most fateful decisions the government made was to promote sugarcane as a single crop. The dominance of sugarcane production undermined the coffee and tobacco economies in the mountain areas, allowed sugar corporations to monopolize the land and subjected workers to the cane growing cycle, forcing them into debt in the dead season and exacerbating the problems of poverty and inequality already present on the island. Furthermore, "the island became a captive market for North American interests."
The economic policy of the early 20th century was a disaster for Puerto Rico. Its accomplishments were limited to widening the gap in Puerto Rican society, intensifying poverty on the island and creating the conditions of dependency on the United States from which it has yet to escape.
The Independence Movement
The American indifference to Puerto Rican cultural objectives, political demands and economic needs led to an initially determined drive for independence. One of the most prominent figures of the independence movement was Pedro Albizu Campos. A lawyer and a nationalist, he gained recognition when he defended the sugar workers' strike of 1934.
The 1934 strike was a response to the wage cuts imposed by U.S. sugar corporations. Faced with a reduction of already marginal incomes, the workers organized a nationwide strike that paralyzed the sugar industry. Albizu Campos took advantage of his position as the primary advocate of the strikers to link the workers' demands to the struggle for independence.
Albizu Campos based his argument for independence on the fact that Spain had granted Puerto Rico autonomy in 1898, before the Spanish-American War and before the Treaty of Paris. Therefore, he contended that Spain had no right to hand over Puerto Rico to the United States as war plunder. Unfortunately for Puerto Rico, autonomy does not equate to sovereignty. Sovereignty is not a condition that Puerto Rico has ever experienced. But there has been a significant push for an independent Puerto Rico. Nevertheless, this movement has been consistently and violently repressed.
In 1937, a peaceful protest in support of Puerto Rican independence was organized in Ponce. Shortly before the demonstration was to begin, then Governor General Blanton Winship revoked the previously issued permits. Police surrounded the march and, as it began, opened fire on the activists, leaving 21 dead and 200 wounded. The Ponce Massacre is one of the better known examples of the use of violence to silence the independence movement, but by no means was it an isolated event.
The United States, despite its disregard for the Puerto Rican people, placed a high premium on the use of the island for military purposes. This was highlighted by the location of both the Caribbean and South Atlantic U.S. Naval Commands in the 37,000 acre naval base Roosevelt Roads, which closed in 2004.
The obvious alternative to independence is statehood, an option which entails a certain degree of assimilation. González-Cruz posits that "the extreme economic dependency and the U.S. military presence provide favorable conditions for Puerto Rico to become a state."
As Governor of Puerto Rico in the 1990s, Pedro Roselló of the Partido Nuevo Progresista (PNP) proposed instituting a form of bilingual education, allegedly because of the advantages associated with both bilingualism and speaking English, but more plausibly to boost the island's chances of becoming a state. In 1976, President Gerald Ford declared that it was time for Puerto Rico to become fully assimilated as the 51st state. But there was strong opposition, not only from island independentistas, but from American politicians, some of whom were determined to refuse Puerto Rico admission to the union without instituting English as the official language of the island.
In the 1990s, there was lingering xenophobic objection to Puerto Rican statehood as well as echoes of the linguistic intolerance exhibited in the 1970s. The American intransigence on language and assimilation is likely what pushed the Roselló government to try to institute bilingual education on the island.
"Because of the uncertainty of the status question, the proannexationist government […] steered the island toward a neoliberal model in which statehood would not generate additional costs for the United States," writes González-Cruz. They catered to the U.S. Congress as much as possible in order to try to direct the future of the island toward full incorporation into the United States.
However, this assimilationist push for statehood, embodied by the proposed education reforms was flatly rejected by the population. The Partido Independentista Puertorriqueña (PIP), may have never been able to garner more support than what it needs to barely survive, but assimilation is also perceived by many modern islanders as contrary to the needs, desires and interests of the Puerto Rican people.
Puerto Ricans favor neither independence nor assimilation in crushing numbers. They are reluctant to forego the benefits of U.S. citizenship and unwilling to give up their identity as Puerto Ricans. Malavet argues that "cultural assimilation has been and positively will be impossible for the United States to achieve." This is because Puerto Ricans perceive themselves as "Puerto Ricans first, Americans second." Yet, in spite of this apparently strong nationalist sentiment, Puerto Ricans reject legal and political independence. In the words of Antonio Amílcar Barreto, "Puerto Ricans are cultural nationalists [but] the island's economic dependency on the United States […] outweighs other considerations when it comes to voting."
"Culturally speaking, Puerto Rico now meets most of the objective and subjective characteristics of conventional views of the nation, among them a shared language, territory, and history," writes Jorge Duany. "Most important, the vast majority of Puerto Ricans imagine themselves as distinct from Americans as well as from other Latin American and Caribbean peoples."
This cultural nationhood emerged in the 17th and 18th centuries. As more Spaniards were born in Puerto Rico, they developed a distinct criollo cultural identity, inextricably linked to the island. Towards the end of the 19th century, the criollos began to push for greater independence from the distant fatherland. In March 1898, the first autonomous government was established under Spanish rule. Despite its imperfections, the autonomous charter indicated the growing nationalist sentiment on the island. Unfortunately, the United States invaded the island before it was ever granted independence.
Nevertheless, this criollo culture was sufficiently strong and entrenched to withstand the onslaught of the Americanization effort. One side effect of the attempted imposition of American culture and values was the development of a puertorriqueñismo largely defined in terms of anti-Americanism. Rather than simply creating a unique Puerto Rican identity, early nationalists defined Puerto Ricanness strictly in contrast to Americanness. Thus, "Puerto Rican nationalism throughout the 20th century has been characterized by Hispanophilia, anti-Americanism, Negrophobia, androcentrism, homophobia, and, more recently, xenophobia," writes Duany. To a large extent, this accounts for the rejection of English (or even bilingualism) in favor of Spanish, which is perceived as an important part of contemporary Puerto Rican identity. Even Puerto Ricans living in the United States are often not considered real Puerto Ricans by island nationalists.
Duany describes a nation as "a 'spiritual principle' based on shared memories and the cult of a glorious past, as well as the ability to forget certain shameful events." It is not inextricably linked to statehood. As legal scholar and political leader of the Puerto Rican independence movement Manuel Rodríguez Orellana explains, "Even before the phenomenon of the political unification of nations into states, the French were French and the English were English. Michelangelo was no less Italian than Mussolini." It is this separation between the concepts of nation and state that allows Puerto Ricans to assert their Puerto Rican nationalism without demanding independence, instead defending their U.S. citizenship.
Although Rodríguez Orellana describes puertorriqueñismo as a "political act on the colonial stage," it has generally lost its political undercurrents. As Rodríguez Orellana himself says, "the daily life of Puerto Ricans runs, consciously or unconsciously, along the track of their national identity." Puerto Ricans are always Puerto Ricans. This is not a political act, but a cultural fact. Although independentista intellectuals like the relatively early and highly influential scholar Manuel Maldonado-Denis worry that "the colonization of Puerto Rico under the American flag has meant the gradual erosion of [Puerto Rican] culture" and argue that "Puerto Rico is a country that is threatened at its very roots by the American presence," the evidence is to the contrary. In fact, migration "has produced an affirmation of puertorriqueñismo as a nationality in the continental United States that is stronger and may be more important than the development of it on the island." Puerto Ricans clearly continue to exhibit a strong sense of cultural identity and nationalism in spite of their failure to connect it to independence.
A Century of Colonialism
In the words of Maldonado-Denis, "Puerto Ricans are a colonial people with a colonial outlook," meaning that neither the Puerto Ricans on the island nor Puerto Ricans in the United States have yet achieved "a true 'decolonization,' either in the political or in the psychological sense of the word." In spite of Puerto Rican complacency and in spite of the fact that the United States has managed to design "a process of governance that hides Puerto Rico in plain view," the colonial relationship that persists between the two polities cannot last forever. 111 years after the acquisition of the island, the time to decide the future of Puerto Rico is overdue.
The Future of Puerto Rico
Malavet identifies the three legitimate postcolonial alternatives for Puerto Rico as independence, non-assimilationist statehood and "a constitutional bilateral form of free association," arguing that "it is unconstitutional for the United States to remain a colonial power […] for a period of over one hundred years." The territorial status is only valid as a temporary, transitional status. It must lead to either independence or incorporation.
Given the unacceptability of Puerto Rico's current colonial legal and political status, the question becomes: what is the best viable option for Puerto Rico?
García-Passalacqua writes that, "with the reemergence of all sorts of nationalisms, [sovereignty] has become the logical aspiration of any and all peoples in the new world order." There is no reason why this wouldn't be true for Puerto Ricans. The $26 billion drained from the island by U.S. corporations each year is sufficient justification to push for separation from the United States. The unequal treatment of island residents, embodied by the phrase "second class citizenship," provides further grounds for dissociation from the imperial power. Additionally, Puerto Ricans self-identify as a nation.
There appears to be no reason for Puerto Rico to continue as anything other than an independent nation-state. In this vein, then Governor of Puerto Rico, Anibal Acevedo Vila, spoke before the UN General Assembly last year, accusing the Bush administration of denying the island its right to chart its own course and demonstrating a sense of frustration with the aimless direction in which the United States has dragged Puerto Rico. This seems to imply preference for autonomy, if not sovereignty. But while Puerto Ricans certainly insist upon their autonomy, there is no such consensus on independence – that option has never garnered more than five percent of the vote in any of the status plebiscites.
Puerto Ricans are not ready to give up their ability to hop across the blue pond on a whim. Despite the fact that the United States continuously exploits the island – its resources and its people – , most Puerto Ricans perceive the benefits of their relationship to the United States as outweighing the costs.
Puerto Rico is "consistently losing its ability to achieve self-sustaining development, and the current economic course" makes it less likely that there will ever be "any significant degree of political and economic sovereignty." Furthermore, the presence of U.S. military bases on the island reduces the likelihood that the Pentagon would easily let go of the valuable strategic outpost. The greatest opposition to Puerto Rican statehood would come from xenophobic American politicians arguing that Puerto Ricans are inassimilable.
This combination of factors could tilt the balance in favor of statehood over independence. Because Puerto Ricans perceive their economic interests as being tied to their connection to the mainland, they are likely to opt for a status that allows them to maintain the current relationship virtually unaltered. While the majority of island intellectuals may advocate independence, it is important to note that the majority of islanders are not intellectuals.
A New Proposal
Last month, Pedro Pierluisi presented a new bill in the Committee of Natural Resources in the U.S. House of Representatives, seeking authorization from Congress to allow Puerto Rico to conduct a series of plebiscites to determine the preferred future status of the island. However, the bill does not commit Congress to act on the results of the plebiscites and, although it presents Puerto Ricans with and opportunity to choose a reasonable permanent status, it also allows them to perpetuate themselves in an unacceptable state of colonialism indefinitely.
Malavet writes that "perhaps the biggest harm perpetrated by the United States against the people of Puerto Rico can be labeled 'the crisis of self confidence.' This form of internalized oppression that afflicts the people of Puerto Rico leads them to conclude that they are incapable of self-government. Under this tragic construct, Puerto Ricans believe that they lack the economic power to succeed as an independent nation – that they lack the intellectual and moral capacity for government." This U.S.-imposed inferiority complex will almost certainly lead Puerto Ricans to vote against independence if given the option. They have consistently expressed no desire whatsoever to be categorized as a sovereign state.
Because Puerto Ricans do not connect their cultural nationalism to sovereignty and because of the island's extreme dependency on the United States, the most likely eventual outcome for Puerto Rico will be statehood. Although this is not necessarily the ideal status for the island, it is undeniably preferable to its current second-class existence. What is most important is that the island ceases to be a territorial possession. In the words of Manuel Maldonado-Denis, "colonialism as an institution is dead the world over. Puerto Rico cannot – will not – be the exception to this rule."
The Hope of a Nation
With any luck, Congress will pass Pierluisi's bill (or a more forceful version that pushes for change) and Puerto Ricans will be given the opportunity to vote on their future. In spite of the strong cultural nationalism that permeates contemporary Puerto Rican society, the economic benefits of statehood are likely to be the most influential factor in a status vote.
Statehood entails a certain degree of assimilation. For instance, Puerto Rican athletes will now have to compete for spots on the U.S. Olympic team before heading to the international event. This absorption into the United States certainly erodes the sense of Puerto Rican nationhood as Puerto Rico is no longer able to represent itself as a specific entity on a world stage. However, this should not hugely effect the continuation of a thriving Puerto Rican culture distinct from American culture.
Moreover, there are definite advantages to becoming a state, not least the expansion of Medicare and the ability to vote. If the territory joins the Union, it will be nearly impossible for the U.S. to rationalize the perpetuation of the poverty currently found in Puerto Rico.
And if the population decides that the economic benefits of statehood do not outweigh the cultural costs, perhaps the shock of losing their Olympic team will spark a widespread Puerto Rican independence movement.


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subset: commoncrawl


text:
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text:
mro - Method Resolution Order
use mro; # enables next::method and friends globally
use mro 'dfs'; # enable DFS MRO for this class (Perl default)
use mro 'c3'; # enable C3 MRO for this class
The "mro" namespace provides several utilities for dealing with method resolution order and method caching in general.
These interfaces are only available in Perl 5.9.5 and higher. See MRO::Compat on CPAN for a mostly forwards compatible implementation for older Perls.
It's possible to change the MRO of a given class either by using use mro
as shown in the synopsis, or by using the "mro::set_mro" function below.
The special methods next::method
, next::can
, and maybe::next::method
are not available until this mro
module has been loaded via use
or require
In addition to the traditional Perl default MRO (depth first search, called DFS
here), Perl now offers the C3 MRO as well. Perl's support for C3 is based on the work done in Stevan Little's module Class::C3, and most of the C3-related documentation here is ripped directly from there.
C3 is the name of an algorithm which aims to provide a sane method resolution order under multiple inheritance. It was first introduced in the language Dylan (see links in the "SEE ALSO" section), and then later adopted as the preferred MRO (Method Resolution Order) for the new-style classes in Python 2.3. Most recently it has been adopted as the "canonical" MRO for Raku classes.
C3 works by always preserving local precedence ordering. This essentially means that no class will appear before any of its subclasses. Take, for instance, the classic diamond inheritance pattern:
/ \
\ /
The standard Perl 5 MRO would be (D, B, A, C). The result being that A appears before C, even though C is the subclass of A. The C3 MRO algorithm however, produces the following order: (D, B, C, A), which does not have this issue.
This example is fairly trivial; for more complex cases and a deeper explanation, see the links in the "SEE ALSO" section.
Returns an arrayref which is the linearized MRO of the given class. Uses whichever MRO is currently in effect for that class by default, or the given MRO (either c3
or dfs
if specified as $type
The linearized MRO of a class is an ordered array of all of the classes one would search when resolving a method on that class, starting with the class itself.
If the requested class doesn't yet exist, this function will still succeed, and return [ $classname ]
Note that UNIVERSAL
(and any members of UNIVERSAL
's MRO) are not part of the MRO of a class, even though all classes implicitly inherit methods from UNIVERSAL
and its parents.
Sets the MRO of the given class to the $type
argument (either c3
or dfs
Returns the MRO of the given class (either c3
or dfs
Gets the mro_isarev
for this class, returned as an arrayref of class names. These are every class that "isa" the given class name, even if the isa relationship is indirect. This is used internally by the MRO code to keep track of method/MRO cache invalidations.
As with mro::get_linear_isa
above, UNIVERSAL
is special. UNIVERSAL
(and parents') isarev lists do not include every class in existence, even though all classes are effectively descendants for method inheritance purposes.
Returns a boolean status indicating whether or not the given classname is either UNIVERSAL
itself, or one of UNIVERSAL
's parents by @ISA
Any class for which this function returns true is "universal" in the sense that all classes potentially inherit methods from it.
Increments PL_sub_generation
, which invalidates method caching in all packages.
Invalidates the method cache of any classes dependent on the given class. This is not normally necessary. The only known case where pure perl code can confuse the method cache is when you manually install a new constant subroutine by using a readonly scalar value, like the internals of constant do. If you find another case, please report it so we can either fix it or document the exception here.
Returns an integer which is incremented every time a real local method in the package $classname
changes, or the local @ISA
of $classname
is modified.
This is intended for authors of modules which do lots of class introspection, as it allows them to very quickly check if anything important about the local properties of a given class have changed since the last time they looked. It does not increment on method/@ISA
changes in superclasses.
It's still up to you to seek out the actual changes, and there might not actually be any. Perhaps all of the changes since you last checked cancelled each other out and left the package in the state it was in before.
This integer normally starts off at a value of 1
when a package stash is instantiated. Calling it on packages whose stashes do not exist at all will return 0
. If a package stash is completely deleted (not a normal occurrence, but it can happen if someone does something like undef %PkgName::
), the number will be reset to either 0
or 1
, depending on how completely the package was wiped out.
This is somewhat like SUPER
, but it uses the C3 method resolution order to get better consistency in multiple inheritance situations. Note that while inheritance in general follows whichever MRO is in effect for the given class, next::method
only uses the C3 MRO.
One generally uses it like so:
sub some_method {
my $self = shift;
my $superclass_answer = $self->next::method(@_);
return $superclass_answer + 1;
Note that you don't (re-)specify the method name. It forces you to always use the same method name as the method you started in.
It can be called on an object or a class, of course.
The way it resolves which actual method to call is:
First, it determines the linearized C3 MRO of the object or class it is being called on.
Then, it determines the class and method name of the context it was invoked from.
Finally, it searches down the C3 MRO list until it reaches the contextually enclosing class, then searches further down the MRO list for the next method with the same name as the contextually enclosing method.
Failure to find a next method will result in an exception being thrown (see below for alternatives).
This is substantially different than the behavior of SUPER
under complex multiple inheritance. (This becomes obvious when one realizes that the common superclasses in the C3 linearizations of a given class and one of its parents will not always be ordered the same for both.)
Caveat: Calling next::method
from methods defined outside the class:
There is an edge case when using next::method
from within a subroutine which was created in a different module than the one it is called from. It sounds complicated, but it really isn't. Here is an example which will not work correctly:
*Foo::foo = sub { (shift)->next::method(@_) };
The problem exists because the anonymous subroutine being assigned to the *Foo::foo
glob will show up in the call stack as being called __ANON__
and not foo
as you might expect. Since next::method
uses caller
to find the name of the method it was called in, it will fail in this case.
But fear not, there's a simple solution. The module Sub::Name
will reach into the perl internals and assign a name to an anonymous subroutine for you. Simply do this:
use Sub::Name 'subname';
*Foo::foo = subname 'Foo::foo' => sub { (shift)->next::method(@_) };
and things will Just Work.
This is similar to next::method
, but just returns either a code reference or undef
to indicate that no further methods of this name exist.
In simple cases, it is equivalent to:
$self->next::method(@_) if $self->next::can;
But there are some cases where only this solution works (like goto &maybe::next::method
Brandon L. Black, <firstname.lastname@example.com>
Based on Stevan Little's Class::C3


text:
Golden Frog Legal
As a global software company focused on improving the Internet experience through increased personal privacy and protection, Golden Frog knows the importance of securing your online activities and the importance of full disclosure regarding our terms of service, privacy policy and copyright policy. The information regarding these policies and terms are made available to inform and protect our members.
Learn what information is and is not collected by Golden Frog, and the extent to which Golden Frog protects its members' privacy.
Learn about Golden Frog's reasonable use policy, prohibited activities and other terms and policy details.
Copyright Policy
Learn about Golden Frog's policy regarding copyright infringement and learn about the procedure for reporting copyright infringement.


text:
Jellycat Bashful Giraffe Plush - Medium is backordered - we'll let you know as soon as it's back in stock!
*Due to high demand, there is a limit of one purchase per customer.*
The perfect present for a caring keeper, Bashful Giraffe is loving and loyal, if a little shy! His toffee and white fur is as velvety as can be, and he loves to have his squidgy horns tickled!
We'll gladly provide a full refund as long as the item is in new/unopened/re-sellable condition. If the item is opened and can't be re-sold as new, we'll provide a partial refund or exchange, with the amount being based on the condition. For defective items, we'll gladly exchange it for the same item (if available) or comparable item.
For CREDIT CARD PURCHASES, we credit the card you used - please allow two billing cycles for the credit to appear on your credit card statement.
For IN-STORE PURCHASES, please bring your item back to us within 60 days -or until 1/31 for items bought during the Holiday time-frame from 10/1-12/24.
If you're a Fishbowl Member, no receipt needed since your purchase should be on your account. If you're not a member, please have your receipt with you.
For ONLINE ORDERS, (please email us before sending back your item to let us know what you are returning.)
Please return your item to us within 60 days -or until 1/31 for items bought during the Holiday time-frame from 10/1-12/24.
Please wrap the package securely. Use the original packing material, if possible.
Mail the package to us at our store: Monkey Fish Toys, 662 Downingtown Pike, West Chester, PA 19380
For your protection, we recommend you send your return/exchange with an insured, trackable carrier, like UPS. We do not recommend using overnight or second-day shipping due to the expense.
Once we receive your item, we'll send you confirmation via e-mail.
We'll process your return/exchange within 7-10 days after receipt of your package.


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Kitchen Fire and Smoke Cleanup & Damage Repair in West Harpeth TN for Kitchen Fire and Smoke Emergencies
West Harpeth Tennessee kitchen fire and smoke damage cleanup and repair experts at your disposal 24/7 365 days a year
When it comes to kitchen fire and smoke cleanup and damage repair at your West Harpeth TN property, choosing the right restoration company can make all the difference in whether or not the job gets done right, and whether or not your insurance provider will pay the claim. Choose Danconia Restoration and ensure proper cleanup and damage repair and restoration as well as prompt payment of your insurance claim!
It's a shame, but true, when property owners are faced with the tragedy of a fire event, especially one in a kitchen that can lead to extremely serious consequences throughout not only the kitchen, but the whole building, the fire department gets dispatched, and then a group of fly by night damage restoration companies follow. Buyer beware.
When it comes to choosing a restoration company for the cleanup and repair of any and all kitchen fires in West Harpeth Tennessee it's important to remember several things.
- When you assign the right to bill your insurance company for damage cleanup and repair you are letting the insurance company know that it's ok for them to accept the billing claim as presented by the restoration company. While this is fairly standard practice, in the wrong hands, this can be very problematic for you and your insurance claim. The ambulance chasers as we call them in the field, come in fast to get you signed up and out of the market. This works to your disadvantage, because they typically offer inferior services, utilize unscrupulous business practices, and put you and your claim at risk. Once the work has begun and you have authorized them to perform the work under your policy it's difficult to stop the process without loss. Once you are off the market, they can perform any work they deem necessary, claim they are doing work they don't, use non-trained professionals, and ultimately run up your claim costs to their benefit. Sure your insurance company will try to keep them honest, but once the work is done it's hard to tell what was there before, in most cases the insurance company will pay the claim for all acute costs. Where this can get you in trouble is when it comes to your overall policy limits, any work they get paid for ads up against your policy limits, money you may need for other repairs as part of the restoration process. Problems with poorly referenced restoration companies always rear their ugly heads after they are long gone, and with resources being used up before the repairs are finished. This is where an ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure. Call Danconia Restoration today and rest assured knowing that the process is in good hands. Ask us for references, speak to some customers, take the time to feel good about the fire and smoke damage cleanup and repair experts you choose.
- The process of kitchen fire and smoke cleanup and damage repair requires the skills of multiple disciplines. You need to make sure your fire and smoke damage restoration provider understands all can perform all of the nuanced services necessary from any necessary local and state of Tennessee permitting, to the cleanup of all building materials and personal contents, as well as the storage and cataloging of belongings during the cleanup and repair process, and even to the restoration services of putting your home or business back to it's pre-damage condition.
When it Comes to Fire Damage Repair, Cleanup and Restoration Count on Danconia Restoration
- Expert, professionally trained, and retrained technicians
- Consistent communication
- Coordination with your insurance carrier
- Prompt service 24 hours per day, 365 days a year
- Project Management
- Structural inspection
- Wall surface cleaning
- Media blasting
- Upholstery cleaning
- Carpet cleaning
- Hard surface cleaning
- Floor cleaning and restoration
- Furniture cleaning, polishing, refinishing, and restoration
- Electronics cleaning, repair and restoration
- HVAC cleaning and repair
- Specialty content restoration including photos, documents, and artwork
- Contents packout, storage and documentation
- Temporary power and climate control as needed
We can help with the following
- Understanding replacement cost and restoration cost and the benefits of each
- Determining the effect of smoke and excessive heat on property contents
- Understanding loss of use and value of your property if applicable
- Understanding how the damage will decrease an items life expectancy
When it comes to fire and smoke damage cleanup and repair for West Harpeth Tennessee properties, understanding the codes, enforcement, and the engagement with local fire departments as required is key to a successful cleanup, repair, and restoration project. It's always best to consult with the local fire department in your town as they will have been familiar with the circumstances of the fire as part of their post mortem, and can shed light on the original causes of the event so they can be addressed properly and to code. If you have any questions pre or post project you can always call Danconia Restoration or speak directly with the local fire department listed below.
Williamson County Fire Department
2646 Goose Creek Bypass
Franklin, TN 37064
As part of any restoration process, or demolition needed it may also be important to be in contact with the local building department for code determination, permitting, or proper documentation of the removal of any harmful materials like asbestos.
West Harpeth Building Department
1320 W Main St #414
Franklin, TN 37064
It's important to choose a kitchen fire and smoke cleanup and damage repair company carefully, especially when so much of the damage can be in places you just can't see. Ensure you don't have a lifelong problem of smoke odor from the remnants of your kitchen fire and hire time tested professionals that can guaranty the success of your cleanup and repair process.
Call Danconia Restoration today 901-808-7036 and get started down the path to putting your home or business back to its true pre-loss condition.


text:
Brand new weekly Funny Vines Videos compilation of the funniest and cutest animal moments caught on tape for April 2018!
Dumb Genius, (we used to be the Best Vines), brings you the best funny vines compilations, try not to laugh challenges, fails, wins, and hilarious viral videos. We find the best new dank memes, funny clips, and you laugh you lose challenges in order to create an army of fails, life awesome moments, and epic wins.
We showcase the best viners to ever create comedy compilations on Vine. Including: David Lopez, Kingbach, Amanda Cerny, Darius Benson, Curtis Lepore, Jerry Purpdrank, Gabbie Hanna / The Gabbie Show, Jessi Smiles, Baby Ariel, Christian Delgrosso, and more!
Not content with only one platform, we're committed to montages from Vine, Twitter, Instagram, Facebook, Snapchat, and Musically. Sit back and enjoy a veritable fail army: kids fails, animal fails, old people fails, school fails, water fails, prank fails and pranks gone wrong, and more!
Not convinced? Check out some of our greatest hits below!
Funny Vine David Lopez Compilation | Dumb Genius August 2017
Best Funny Prank Vines Compilation | Top Pranks Vines August 2017
TRY NOT TO LAUGH or GRIN: Funny Video Compilation 2017 | Best Fails Vines June 2017
Funny Vines Fails Compilation | Best Vines 2017
TRY NOT TO LAUGH Animal Edition - Funny Vine & VIdeo Compilation The Best Vine 2017
TRY NOT to LAUGH or GRIN Funny Vines Compilation | DUMB GENIUS Comp 2017
Funny Vines Viral Challenge & Video Fails | Dumb Genuis July 2017
Best Fails Vines Compilation | Top Fail Vines June 2016
Try Not To Laugh or Grin Kids Fails - Funny Dumb Genius Compilation 2017
Top Cute Animal Pet Vines Compilation 2016
Our channel features content from: America's Funniest Home Videos, Storyful, Launch Pad Entertainment LPE, VVUK, People Doing Things, and more!
Check out our partners!
The Best Fails
Musically Compilations
Funny Vines
Funny Pet Videos
Try Not to Laugh Challenge
Top Ten Daily
Mas Supreme
Life Awesome
Tiger Productions / Tiger Funny Works
CoVines / CoViners


text:
2013 NBA Finals Recap — LeBron James Leads Heat Over Spurs, 95-88, To Win NBA Title
LeBron James scored 37 points, and the Miami Heat won their second straight title by beating the San Antonio Spurs, 95-88, in a thrilling Game 7 of the 2013 NBA Finals in Miami on Thursday night. Miami reserve Shane Battier added 18 points, as he made six of eight three-point shots to help the Heat repeat as NBA champions.
Tim Duncan had 24 points and 12 rebounds for the Spurs, but he missed a layup over Battier that would have tied the game with under a minute to play. San Antonio's Kawhi Leonard scored 19 points and grabbed 16 rebounds.
James made five three-pointers and corralled 12 rebounds en route to being named 2013 NBA Finals MVP. Dwyane Wade had 23 points and 10 rebounds for the Heat. Center Chris Bosh, the last of Miami's "Big Three," did not score in the game.
Spurs guard Danny Green managed only five points, shooting 1-for-12 from the field after terrorizing the Heat earlier in the series. It was the first NBA Finals series loss in San Antonio franchise history.
Miami def. San Antonio, 4-3
Game 1: San Antonio 92, Miami 88
Game 2: Miami 103, San Antonio 84
Game 3: San Antonio 113, Miami 77
Game 4: Miami 109, San Antonio 93
Game 5: San Antonio 114, Miami 104
Game 6: Miami 103, San Antonio 100 (OT)
Game 7 Miami 95, San Antonio 88
Home team in bold.


text:
KANSAS CITY, Mo. – The Kansas City Chiefs will host the inaugural Chiefs 5K at Arrowhead Stadium at 9 a.m. on Saturday, May 18, allowing participants to finish the race on the 50-yard line, running through the tunnel to the field like Chiefs players do on game day.
Registration for the Chiefs 5K is now open and runs through race day. Early bird registration is $35 and ends April 21. Beginning April 22 registration costs $40. Registration on the day before the race and on event day is $45. A portion of the proceeds from the event will benefit The United Way of Greater Kansas City.
Participants can register by visiting www.Chiefs5K.com and clicking on the registration button or in person on packet pick-up day (Friday, May 17) or on race day (Saturday, May 18), if space allows.
All participants for the Chiefs 5K will receive a one-of-a-kind Chiefs 5K finisher's medal and a commemorative t-shirt. Participants will be able to partake in a post-race celebration that will include music, KC Wolf and other special Chiefs guests. Racers will also have the opportunity to experience behind-the-scenes tours of Arrowhead Stadium after the run.
Participants will pick up race packets inside the North Club on the Scout Investments Club Level at Arrowhead Stadium from noon until 7 p.m. on Friday, May 17. Spectators are encouraged to attend the event and watch runners finish from the stands. Parking for participants and spectators is free.
For more information on the Chiefs 5K, visit www.Chiefs5K.com or call Chiefs Customer Relations at 816.920.4237.


text:
8 Black PAR CAN 38 90w PAR38 SP Dimmer C-Clamp Stand
SKU: 4482Sorry, this product is temporarily out of stock, please check Related Products below, or use the email for stock updates
PAR38 Black Specification:
Those par cans have a medium screw base socket which includes a power cord and gel frame. It can be used with medium screw base PAR 38 or BR40 lamps with a maximum wattage of 150W. Ideal for mobile or permenant application.
Warranty: 1 Year Manufacturer warranty.
BulbAmerica 90PAR38 SP Bulb Specification:
90 watt, 120 volt BulbAmerica PAR38 SP (Spot Type) light bulb.
Bulb Features:
- Bulb: PAR 38
- Lamp Life: 2,500 hours
- Approx. Lumens: 1,310
- Center beam Candlepower (cp): 14,300 CP
- Beam Type: Spot (SP)
- Color Temperature/CCT: 2,925 degree Kelvin
- Base: E26 Medium Skirted
- Filament: CC-8
- Color Rendering Index (CRI): 100
- Maximum Overall Length: MOL (in): 5.31
4ch. Dimmer Pack Specification:
Similar to American DJ DP-DMX20L & Chauvet DMX-4 DIMMER/RELAY PACK
This 4 channels double output DMX dimmer pack is designed for daily and easy operation. The digital display gives the operator easy DMX channel setting, selection of the present programs, chase speed and number of controlled DMX channel.
- 4 DMX channels
- LED digital display
- 2 output per channel
- 1,2 or 4 DMX channels setting
- 3 pin XLR male and female DMX connection
- Output: 5A per Channel, Total 15Amp, Maximum load 1800W
- Fuse protection on each channel
- 16 pre set chase program
- Chase speed setting
- On/Off main power switch
- LED indicator for channel status
- Zero crossing PCB
Warranty: 1 Year Manufacturer warranty.
C-Clamp Specification:
The MCC-1 is a metal C-Clamp that can be used on any truss with a diameter of 1-2 inches. This C-Clamp is designed for a maximum load of 40 lbs.
LTS01 is a lightweight tripod system designed for hanging par cans and pin spots. The stand is made of black steel and telescopes to 12 feet. Comes complete with T-bar support.
- Black high quality aluminum tripod with 1 T-bar & 2 side bars
- 8 hanging point bolts
- Tripod extends to 12 ft. (includes support bars)
- Collapses down for easy transport
- Ideal for mobile DJs and bands
- Maximum load capacity 100 lbs. evenly distributed
- Weight: 14 lbs Dimensions: 6"H x 7"W x 54"D


text:
Salt lake Sports Jobs & Internships
If you worked for the winning Salt lake sports organization, what would it be
like to show up for work the day after your team advanced to the championship game? How
about after your team just landed a big time recruit? You would not dread showing
up for work the next day would you?
If you work for the team on the losing end of the big game it will hurt even more
but at least you have passion for your job. Does that sound like a daily grind?
Do you miss being "between the lines"? Do you miss the thrill of the last second
shot? What if you could be a part of the group that makes that moment happen? Front
offices of sports related businesses are filled with former and failed athletes
as well as those who just love the game. These sports executives once thought,
"do I have what it takes to work within the sports industry"? Once you review
what is available to you, you will see that breaking into the front office is not
as impossible as you once though.
JobsInSports.com has helped job seekers at all levels land a job in the world of
Salt lake sports. Regardless of your level of experience, we can help you land
that job or internship. The following is a small sample of what is
available in the Salt lake area. Will one of these listings change your life?


text:
Welcome to HotelGuide Network's alphabetical hotel directory for Fort Lauderdale area hotels with names that begin with the letter "V". Please select one of the links below to view HotelGuide's Profile PageSM about that hotel. To return to the HotelGuide home page, where you can search for hotels beginning with other letters, click on the "Fort Lauderdale Hotels" link at the top and bottom of the page.
Villa Caprice Resort Motel4110 E. Mar Dr. · Lauderdale-by-the-Sea 954-776-4123 |
Reader Rating Legend: PoorFair Average Good Excellent | Editor Rating Legend: PoorFair Average Good Excellent |
Icon Legend:
= Car Rentals = Restaurant = Pool
= Cable TV = Money Exchange = Golf
= Tennis = City Transportation = Disabled Access
= Pets Welcome = WiFi Available = Thumbnails
Location Links: | (See hotel lists, by location, in the Fort Lauderdale area.) Fort Lauderdale Airport HotelsFort Lauderdale Beach HotelsFort Lauderdale HotelsHollywood Beach HotelsHollywood - Dania HotelsNorth Broward HotelsNorthwest Broward HotelsSouthwest Broward HotelsWest Broward Hotels |
© 1996-2024, MetroGuide.com All Rights Reserved.
Privacy Policy | Terms and Conditions
To List Your Hotel with the Fort Lauderdale HotelGuide Service: Click Here.
To Contact HotelGuide: Click Here.
HotelGuide and HotelGuide Fort Lauderdale are service marks of MetroGuide.com, Inc. HotelGuide Network is a registered service mark of MetroGuide.com, Inc. All other trademarks are the property of their respective owners. MetroGuide.com, Inc. does not own or operate hotel properties.


text:
Lego Disney Lion King Young Simba
The Lego Disney Lion King Young Simba set from Lego - a great selection of Lego Disney construction sets at Wonderland Models.
Manufacturer: Lego
Model: 43247 Disney Lion King Young Simba
Age: 18+
Pieces: 1445
Wonderland Models deliver throughout the UK and Overseas. We endeavour to dispatch orders immediately but certainly within 48 hours of receipt. Orders will only be dispatched once payment has been received.
UK Delivery:
Order value (Including postage) | Delivery Cost and Type |
Up to £70.00 | £4.99 - First Class Royal Mail (Delivery Within 1-5 Days) |
Over £70.00 |
£7.99 - DPD £7.99 (Courier Delivery Next Working Day) |
Please be sure to give us your mobile phone number when ordering as DPD offer an email/text message option to enable you to receive notification of despatch and estimated delivery time. The express service requires a signature on delivery and must be ordered before 2pm for next working day delivery. The courier does not deliver on a weekend or bank holidays.
Express delivery is two days to some postcodes, and these incur a £6 surcharge. A list of applicable postcodes can be seen here.
Overseas Delivery:
European deliveries are sent by DPD. For details of delivery costs and times by country please click here.
For full shipping details please see the delivery section of our website here.


text:
NTP_ADJTIME(2) NetBSD System Calls Manual NTP_ADJTIME(2)Powered by man-cgi (2024-03-20). Maintained for NetBSD by Kimmo Suominen. Based on man-cgi by Panagiotis Christias.
ntp_adjtime, ntp_gettime -- Network Time Protocol (NTP) daemon interface system calls
Standard C Library (libc, -lc)
#include <sys/time.h> #include <sys/timex.h> int ntp_adjtime(struct timex *); int ntp_gettime(struct ntptimeval *);
The two system calls ntp_adjtime() and ntp_gettime() are the kernel interface to the Network Time Protocol (NTP) daemon ntpd(8). The ntp_adjtime() function is used by the NTP daemon to adjust the system clock to an externally derived time. The ntp_adjtime() system call is available only for the super user. If the system call fails, the ntp_adjtime() function in the standard C library will try to use the clockctl(4) device if present, thus making it possible for the NTP daemon to run as a non-privileged user. If clockctl(4) is not present, ntp_adjtime() returns EPERM. The time offset and related variables which are set by ntp_adjtime() are used by hardclock(9) to adjust the phase and frequency of the phase- or frequency-lock loop (PLL resp. FLL) which controls the system clock. The ntp_gettime() function provides the time, maximum error (sync dis- tance) and estimated error (dispersion) to client user application pro- grams. In the following, all variables that refer PPS are only relevant if the PPS_SYNC option (see options(4)) is enabled in the kernel. ntp_adjtime() has as argument a struct timex * of the following form: struct timex { unsigned int modes; /* clock mode bits (wo) */ long offset; /* time offset (us) (rw) */ long freq; /* frequency offset (scaled ppm) (rw) */ long maxerror; /* maximum error (us) (rw) */ long esterror; /* estimated error (us) (rw) */ int status; /* clock status bits (rw) */ long constant; /* pll time constant (rw) */ long precision; /* clock precision (us) (ro) */ long tolerance; /* clock frequency tolerance (scaled * ppm) (ro) */ /* * The following read-only structure members are implemented * only if the PPS signal discipline is configured in the * kernel. */ long ppsfreq; /* pps frequency (scaled ppm) (ro) */ long jitter; /* pps jitter (us) (ro) */ int shift; /* interval duration (s) (shift) (ro) */ long stabil; /* pps stability (scaled ppm) (ro) */ long jitcnt; /* jitter limit exceeded (ro) */ long calcnt; /* calibration intervals (ro) */ long errcnt; /* calibration errors (ro) */ long stbcnt; /* stability limit exceeded (ro) */ }; The members of this struct have the following meanings when used as argu- ment for ntp_adjtime(): modes Defines what settings should be changed with the current ntp_adjtime() call (write-only). Bitwise OR of the following: MOD_OFFSET set time offset MOD_FREQUENCY set frequency offset MOD_MAXERROR set maximum time error MOD_ESTERROR set estimated time error MOD_STATUS set clock status bits MOD_TIMECONST set PLL time constant MOD_CLKA set clock A MOD_CLKB set clock B offset Time offset (in microseconds), used by the PLL/FLL to adjust the system time in small increments (read-write). freq Frequency offset (scaled ppm) (read-write). maxerror Maximum error (in microseconds). Initialized by an ntp_adjtime() call, and increased by the kernel once each sec- ond to reflect the maximum error bound growth (read-write). esterror Estimated error (in microseconds). Set and read by ntp_adjtime(), but unused by the kernel (read-write). status System clock status bits (read-write). Bitwise OR of the fol- lowing: STA_PLL Enable PLL updates (read-write). STA_PPSFREQ Enable PPS freq discipline (read-write). STA_PPSTIME Enable PPS time discipline (read-write). STA_FLL Select frequency-lock mode (read-write). STA_INS Insert leap (read-write). STA_DEL Delete leap (read-write). STA_UNSYNC Clock unsynchronized (read-write). STA_FREQHOLD Hold frequency (read-write). STA_PPSSIGNAL PPS signal present (read-only). STA_PPSJITTER PPS signal jitter exceeded (read-only). STA_PPSWANDER PPS signal wander exceeded (read-only). STA_PPSERROR PPS signal calibration error (read-only). STA_CLOCKERR Clock hardware fault (read-only). constant PLL time constant, determines the bandwidth, or ``stiffness'', of the PLL (read-write). precision Clock precision (in microseconds). In most cases the same as the kernel tick variable (see hz(9)). If a precision clock counter or external time-keeping signal is available, it could be much lower (and depend on the state of the signal) (read- only). tolerance Maximum frequency error, or tolerance of the CPU clock oscil- lator (scaled ppm). Ordinarily a property of the architec- ture, but could change under the influence of external time- keeping signals (read-only). ppsfreq PPS frequency offset produced by the frequency median filter (scaled ppm) (read-only). jitter PPS jitter measured by the time median filter in microseconds (read-only). shift Logarithm to base 2 of the interval duration in seconds (PPS, read-only). stabil PPS stability (scaled ppm); dispersion (wander) measured by the frequency median filter (read-only). jitcnt Number of seconds that have been discarded because the jitter measured by the time median filter exceeded the limit MAXTIME (PPS, read-only). calcnt Count of calibration intervals (PPS, read-only). errcnt Number of calibration intervals that have been discarded because the wander exceeded the limit MAXFREQ or where the calibration interval jitter exceeded two ticks (PPS, read- only). stbcnt Number of calibration intervals that have been discarded because the frequency wander exceeded the limit MAXFREQ/4 (PPS, read-only). After the ntp_adjtime() call, the struct timex * structure contains the current values of the corresponding variables. ntp_gettime() has as argument a struct ntptimeval * with the following members: struct ntptimeval { struct timespec time; /* current time (ro) */ long maxerror; /* maximum error (us) (ro) */ long esterror; /* estimated error (us) (ro) */ /* the following are placeholders for now */ long tai; /* TAI offset */ int time_state; /* time status */ }; These have the following meaning: time Current time (read-only). maxerror Maximum error in microseconds (read-only). esterror Estimated error in microseconds (read-only).
ntp_adjtime() and ntp_gettime() return the current state of the clock on success, or any of the errors of copyin(9) and copyout(9). ntp_adjtime() may additionally return EPERM if the user calling ntp_adjtime() does not have sufficient permissions. Possible states of the clock are: TIME_OK Everything okay, no leap second warning. TIME_INS ``insert leap second'' warning. TIME_DEL ``delete leap second'' warning. TIME_OOP Leap second in progress. TIME_WAIT Leap second has occurred. TIME_ERROR Clock not synchronized.
options(4), ntpd(8), hardclock(9), hz(9) J. Mogul, D. Mills, J. Brittenson, J. Stone, and U. Windl, Pulse-Per- Second API for UNIX-like Operating Systems, RFC 2783, March 2000. NetBSD 9.3 December 8, 2015 NetBSD 9.3


text:
This is WEEKEND EDITION from NPR News. I'm Scott Simon. James Cunningham has taken one of the most difficult diplomatic posts in the world. He is the new U.S. ambassador to Afghanistan.
AMBASSADOR JAMES CUNNINGHAM: I, James D. Cunningham...
UNIDENTIFIED WOMAN: Do solemnly swear.
CUNNINGHAM: ...do solemnly swear...
UNIDENTIFIED WOMAN: That I will support and defend.
CUNNINGHAM: ...that I will support and defend...
SIMON: Ambassador Cunningham takes up his position in Kabul as there are a growing number of attacks on U.S. soldiers by members of the Afghan army - not just the Taliban. And corruption in the country runs high. President Obama's promise to withdraw most U.S. troops by the end of 2014, as Afghan forces take control of security. Earlier this week, insurgents fired rockets at a heavily fortified U.S. airbase, damaging the plane of the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. But General Martin Dempsey, the chairman, was uninjured. When we spoke with Ambassador Cunningham from the embassy in Kabul, we asked what the attacks said about security in Afghanistan.
CUNNINGHAM: What it says about security here is that it was purely by coincidence that the chairman's plane was there. The security here is going to be a difficult proposition for some time to come. We all know that. The Afghans are stepping up - they are moving into the lead and providing their own security. And the transition that we decided on some time ago is in fact taking place. And we will continue to move through that process in the coming months.
SIMON: One major concern, of course, has been that increasing number of what are called green-on-blue incidents - attacks committed by Afghan forces against coalition troops. So far this year, there have been more than 30. The Pentagon says only a small number are due to Taliban infiltration. Many seem to be the result of personal grudges.
CUNNINGHAM: I don't think it's a question of allies shooting at us. These are very unfortunate and sad events. And we and our Afghan partners are working hard to understand what's happening, why it's happening and how we can prevent it. While they're difficult for both of us - they affect the Afghans as well as the ISAF members - they are a minor part of many thousands of interactions that take place between our military forces every day, and we're determined to find a way to minimize and end them if we can.
SIMON: Mr. Ambassador, last year, Vice President Biden told Newsweek - and this is a quote, he said "the Taliban per se is not our enemy." And earlier this year, of course, we heard reports the U.S. and Taliban had been in political negotiations. The Taliban put women in burkas, they threw girls out of school, they imposed a reign of terror in Afghanistan. Are they no longer the enemy?
CUNNINGHAM: I'm not going to speak for the vice president, but the Taliban have a choice to make, which is becoming clearer and clearer and is part of the strategy that we have been developing and the reality that we have been creating. They can continue to use terror and violence to try to recover their situation in Afghanistan, in which case they will be met by continued opposition from Afghanistan and its partners. Or they can forego violence and begin a process of negotiation and reconciliation with the Afghan authorities. This is an Afghan process. It's something that we encourage and support. And we hope that individual Taliban or groups of Taliban will take advantage of the opportunity.
SIMON: Can you perceive putting the Taliban in the government?
CUNNINGHAM: That would be part of the Afghan process to decide that and how that might be.
SIMON: But, I mean, with the strategic partnership that you describe for the future between the United States and Afghanistan, surely the United States has a pretty big or in that question.
CUNNINGHAM: We do and so do all of our other partners. And we've made very clear several parameter points of the outcomes of any process. The Taliban need to forswear violence. They need to break ties with international terror, and they would need to respect the Afghan constitution, including the protections for minorities and women. Within that framework, the Afghans themselves will have to decide how to bring peace to their country.
SIMON: Mullah Omar, the main Taliban leader, has been calling on insurgents to infiltrate the ranks of the Afghan military and kill NATO forces and Afghan forces. You can negotiate with Mullah Omar or the Afghan government can negotiate with Mullah Omar?
CUNNINGHAM: To seek peace, you don't negotiate with your friends; you need to negotiate with the party with whom you have a conflict. Again, that's a decision for Afghans to make. But at the end of the day, as with any conflict like this, for genuine peace and stability to be created over the long term in Afghanistan, there will have to be a political resolution.
SIMON: Mr. Ambassador, is the United States poised to have another kind of surge if some kind of what amounts to civil war breaks out in Afghanistan after U.S. troops and international troops depart?
CUNNINGHAM: I don't think that civil war is a likely outcome at all. For all its difficulties, the Afghanistan of today has moved tremendously forward in what historically is a very short time, and all Afghans are aware of that. So, while there are many problems - regional, ethnic, political, religious - in this society, those differences have throughout Afghanistan's history. And I think that the vast majority of Afghans see that possibility, see that new better future for themselves and for their kids and would not be cast back into a situation of sectarian of civil violence.
SIMON: James Cunningham is the new U.S. ambassador to Afghanistan, speaking with us from Kabul. Mr. Ambassador, thanks so much.
CUNNINGHAM: Well, thank you, Scott. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR.


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Authentic And 100% Original Pakistani Suits
Call/WhatsApp: +91 8448444918 ,+91 81308 23337 11:00am To 8:00pm Tuesday To Sunday (Monday is Off day)
Free standard shipping
Return cost will be borne by the customer. (We value and respect our customers and customer delight is our Motto, and hence we do not charge shipping Cost. Being reasonable and rational, we expect and request our esteemed customers to bear the return shipping cost)
For us to help you return (Strictly on the day of delivery, need to be informed in writing). It is the customer OBLIGATION to make a 360-degree courier packet opening video without any pause, cuts, or trims at the time of recieving the courier. The customer has to ensure video quality while opening the parcel.
No claims of defective/wrong product without a parcel opening video will be entertained.
Returnable Items : Only Unused and Unstitched Dress Material can be returned if informed on same day of delivery. Unstitched Salwar Suits and Kurtis can be returned. The items bought under SALE OR DISCOUNTED category or an Item Purchased at a Discounted Price using a Promo code or offer are not eligible for return.
Once we receive the product we will arrange for exchange or refund in form of store credit note only. This credit note will be valid for 3 months to be used to place a new order from our store only.
Non Returnable Items :
Items under any offer or any item in discount or on "SALE" or bought using a promotion/coupon code cannot be returned, exchanged or cancelled except when we sent you a wrong or a faulty item.
Misprint, Beads or tassels coming out , uneven edges of dupatta , difference in shade , lesser fabric will not be considered as faulty or defective.
Fit, size or colour variation can not be a reason for Stitched , PRET or Custom Stitched Products as these are Strictly Non-Returnable irrespective.
Men's Kurta Payjama , Jewellery, Clutches and Foot-Wear (Jootis) cannot be Cancelled, returned or exchanged.
Kindly Contact us on email / whatsapp or call to Initiate the return.
Whatsapp – +918448444918, Call – +918448444918, Email – email@example.com
Once confirmed by our executive , please dispatch the Items by any courier service you want to the address provided to you by our Executive. The Return parcel should reach us within 7 days from date of delivery.
Once return is received and inspected – we will process refunds etc as per our terms and conditions.
Brand: Afrozeh |
Fabric: LAWN EMBROIDERED FRONT RIGHT PANEL (1 PC) LAWN EMBROIDERED FRONT LEFT PANEL (1 PC) LAWN EMBROIDERED FRONT SIDE PANELS (L+R) (2 PCS) LAWN EMBROIDERED BACK (0.98 M) ORGANZA EMBROIDERED FRONT+BACK BORDER (2 PCS) LAWN EMBROIDERED SLEEVES (0.65 M) ORGANZA EMBROIDERED SLEEVES BORDER (0.98 M) ORGANZA DIGITAL PRINTED FRONT+BACK+SLEEVES BORDER (2.97 M) FEROZA NET DIGITAL PRINTED DUPATTA (2.40 M) ORGANZA EMBROIDERED DUPATTA 4 SIDE BORDER (7.90 M) COTTON DYED TROUSER (1.80 M) ORGANZA EMBROIDERED TROUSER BORDER (1.30 M) |
You may return most new, unopened items within 3 days of delivery for a full refund. We'll also pay the return shipping costs if the return is a result of our error (you received an incorrect or defective item, etc.).
You should expect to receive your refund within four weeks of giving your package to the return shipper, however, in many cases you will receive a refund more quickly. This time period includes the transit time for us to receive your return from the shipper (5 to 10 business days), the time it takes us to process your return once we receive it (3 to 5 business days), and the time it takes your bank to process our refund request (5 to 10 business days).
If you need to return an item, simply login to your account, view the order using the "Complete Orders" link under the My Account menu and click the Return Item(s) button. We'll notify you via e-mail of your refund once we've received and processed the returned item.
We can ship to virtually any address in the world. Note that there are restrictions on some products, and some products cannot be shipped to international destinations.
When you place an order, we will estimate shipping and delivery dates for you based on the availability of your items and the shipping options you choose. Depending on the shipping provider you choose, shipping date estimates may appear on the shipping quotes page.
Please also note that the shipping rates for many items we sell are weight-based. The weight of any such item can be found on its detail page. To reflect the policies of the shipping companies we use, all weights will be rounded up to the next full pound.
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SEND Guide for parents and carers
Download the ACE asking for an EHC needs assessment booklet
All parents want the best for their children but some children will need extra help to progress at school. If you child has has severe or complex difficulties they may need more help than a school can provide from their own resources.
Your child may need a statutory assessment to find out what their difficulties are and what help they need to learn better.
The assessment process may result in the production of an Education Health and Care (EHC) Plan for your child.
EHC Needs Assessment
EHC needs assessment is the process whereby the local authority investigate a child's special educational needs to decide whether the child needs support through an EHC plan.
Parents, schools and other professionals can request an EHC needs assessment.
The local authority considers the request and must not take more than six weeks to formally respond.
If the local authority decides not to carry out an EHC needs assessment they should provide feedback. Information and evidence gathered during the assessment process may be useful to the parents and the school in helping to meet the child's needs without an EHC plan.
If the local authority agrees to carry out an EHC needs assesment they ask specialists, including teachers and the parents, to produce reports about the child for the assessment process. These reports will help them decide if the child needs an EHC plan or not.
A parent can appeal to the First Tier Tribunal (Special Educational Needs and Disability) against a decision not to carry out an EHC needs assessment. Parents must consider mediation if they want to appeal.


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Here you can learn how to hard reset Oppo A33 android mobile. You can unlock your mobile when you forgot your mobile password with these methods.
Some reset methods deletes all your mobile data. So read carefully before reset your mobile.
What is Hard Reset?
A Hard reset is a software restore of an electronic device to its original system state by erasing all of the data that were previously stored on the device.
Here is the detailed guide about Hard Reset
Hard Reset Oppo A33 with Recovery Mode
You can hard reset your Oppo A33 mobile with recovery mode without any software or tools.
This Hard reset method will delete
- Photos, videos
- Contacts
- Installed apps and settings etc.
The following tutorial shows all steps of master reset Oppo A33.
Step 1 : Firstly, switch off the phone by pressing the Power button for a short while.
Step 2 : Next press and hold Volume Down + Power buttons.
Step 3 : When you see OPPO logo, release hold buttons.
Step 4 : Now choose English.
Step 5 : Then select Wipe data and cache twice and accept it by tapping Yes.
Step 6 : After that choose Reboot.
Step 7 : Successfully completed reset your mobile.
Hard Reset Remotely with Google Find My Device
If you lose your Android device, you can easily find your device if you turned on Google Find My Device option.
To lock or erase or Reset an Android device remotely, make sure that mobile:
- Has power on
- Is connected to mobile data or WiFi
- Is signed in to a your Google (Gmail) Account
- Has Find My Device turned on
- Is visible on Google Play
Note : If your mobile is off or is not connected to mobile data or WiFi, you may still find its most recent location if you've enabled Store recent location option.
Steps to Erase Device Remotely:
- Take another mobile or Computer and on a browser, go to android.com/find.
- Sign in with your google account which is used in your lost mobile.
- The lost device gets a notification.
- Now, You can see your device location (The location is approximate and may not be accurate).
- If you get a prompt on screen, tap Enable lock & erase.
- Now you can see three options on screen. 1.Play sound, 2.Secure device, 3.Erase device.
- Select what you want to do.
- Use erase device option to reset your mobile.
Here is the detailed information about Google Find My Device.
Hard Reset with third party software's
If the above method not working, you can use some third party apps to reset or unlock your device.
Here we are providing best software's to Reset and unlock your Android mobile.
Check out this link for Best Software's for Android Mobile Hard Reset.
FAQ – Frequently Asked Questions
How do I put my Oppo A33 in recovery mode?
Press the Power key to turn off mobile. Then hold Volume Down and Power button for a couple of seconds. Let go of the Power key when the Oppo logo shows up. From the appearing languages list, click on the English position and the Recovery menu will be on the screen then.
- Here is the link for Oppo official support (Change your location at the bottom of the page).


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6 Ideas For Your Next Family Game Night
Looking for a way to spend quality time with your kids – while pulling them away from their electronic screens and devices? Try getting everyone together for a family game night.
To some, game night may seem old-fashioned. But it's still a great way to bond with the whole family, enjoy a few laughs, and get your competitive juices flowing. In fact, research has shown that games can help boost your child's motor skills, advance memory techniques, maintain strong communication, and even improve grades at school.
Ready to settle in for an evening of fun-filled competition? Here are six ideas for making your next family game night a success:
- Classic board games: Some board games have become timeless family classics for a reason. Bring on the fun and nostalgia by seeing who can buy the most properties in Monopoly. Solve the mystery in the billiard room with a game of Clue. Or test your steady surgeon's hand in a game of Operation.
- Dice games: Dice games are easy to play and come in plenty of variations. Try to roll all five of the same numbers to score a Yahtzee! Be the first to score 10,000 points in Farkle. Roll as many 2s as you can in Bunco. Or see who can match all of their dice the fastest in Tenzi.
- Card games: For young family members, matching numbers and colors in a game of Uno can make a great introduction to card games. Looking for something a little more advanced? Figure out who can take the least number of tricks in Spades, or try to get three tricks in a game of Euchre.
- Guessing games: Looking to liven things up? Divide your family into two teams for charades. Have one team act out your favorite spare time activity or scene from a movie. No talking, though! Or grab two pads of paper and try to guess what each team is drawing in Pictionary. It helps to be a good artist – but it's more fun if you're not.
- Singing competitions: Find out who in your family can hit those high notes or laugh as you try to remember the lyrics. Pick two people to serve as judges. Then, sing along to your favorite songs. Use a karaoke machine to add to your fun.
- Puzzles: If you want a break from the competition, why not try something everyone can work on together? Jigsaw puzzles are a great team activity. Just grab your favorite puzzle and watch the pieces come together.
Don't forget to add in your favorite snacks as you begin your competitive banter. Consider some healthier foods as you play, and maybe end your evening with a dessert like ice cream. It will be one more way that you can create memories for your kids as they grow.
Home is not just a place; it's a feeling, too. We get how important "home" is and we're here to protect it. With the help of an Erie Insurance agent, you can be confident in your coverage.
Contact your local ERIE agent or learn more about homeowners insurance.
This story was originally published in 2019.
A better insurance experience starts with ERIE.
Haven't heard of us? Erie Insurance started with humble beginnings in 1925 with a mission to emphasize customer service above all else. Though we've grown to reach the Fortune 500 list, we still haven't lost the human touch.
Contact Glenn Lewis Insurance Agency today to experience the ERIE difference for yourself.


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Christian Dior Homme Black Canvas B-17 Low Top Sneakers Womens EU41
Christian Dior Homme Black Canvas B-17 Low Top Sneakers Womens EU41
Returns accepted
You can return your ordered item(s) for any reason within 14 calendar days from the date of delivery!
To return the product, please use a suitable courier for yourself and send it to our address:
Name/Business: RD Capital OÜ
Street: Lootsi 8
City: Tallinn
Zip code: 10151
Region: Harjumaa
Country: Estonia
Phone number: +372 58627449
If you are located in Estonia, please use a suitable parcel machine and send your return to Tabasalu Rimi Pakiautomaat. DPD, Smartpost or Omniva.
When you have sent your return, please let us know via live chat or email at email@example.com. In free form, let us know your order number, what item(s) you are returning and the tracking number.
Requirements for the returned item:
- The item cannot be damaged;
- The appearance of the product has not changed substantially;
- The product is packed in suitable packaging to prevent damage during transportation.
- The cost of returning item(s) is paid by customers.
Meie klienditugi on saadaval ka eesti keeles. (EST)
Sustainable choice
We aim to make vintage shopping more accessible to minimize clothing waste. Choosing a used item over new reduces your carbon footprint by 82%!
Worldwide shipping
We ship orders worldwide! By default, we use national post service and our handling time for shipping an order is 2-4 working days.
We also offer DHL Express service at an additional cost if it is availabe to your country.
In Estonia we parcel machines to deliver orders. Omniva, Smartpost & DPD.
Average time of arrivals from date of dispatch:
- Estonia 2 to 3 working days;
- Elsewhere in Europe & UK 10 to 14 working days;
- The US 14 to 21 working days;
- Everywhere else 20-30 working days.


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In the event of refund of the amount to the consumer for any reason, the amount will be refunded to the Consumer on the concerned credit / debit card through Internet Payment Gateway process only and no cash refunds will be made.
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If any transaction fails, the same will be refunded to the respective A/C of the payee within 2-3 days by the Bill Desk after reconciliation. The other terms will remain same as the Refund policy.


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100mm (4") x 75mm (3") Moulded No.46 O.G. Cast Aluminium Gutter Rise and Fall Bracket Legacy Cast Aluminium Moulded No 46 Ogee Guttering Rise and Fall Brackets are available in Mill Finish and in PPC (Polyester Powder Coating) Please note - All aluminium gutters and fittings are specially ordered and are non-returnable. All PPC items are coated external face only. Manufacturer: ARP Product Code: 43CMOBRFS ►Return to product list
We can offer a free standard delivery service on specific ranges if your order reaches the thresholds stated below (Exclusions Apply). Orders under thesholds below will be charged a delivery fee. All delivery charges are calculated at basket and are dependent on the items ordered. Charge is based on delivery to mainland UK excluding Scottish Highlands and Islands where additional charges may apply – this is determined by the courier delivering the goods. For deliveries to these areas, we are happy to provide a free quotation upon request. Free Delivery Thresholds Brett Martin Ranges - Orders over £1600 (Ex VAT) ARP Ranges - Order over £1200 (Ex VAT) Free Delivery Exclusions All Lindab Products All Pam Saint-Gobain Products
Please see here for latest estimated lead times. Whilst we will make every effort to deliver your goods within the stated/requested time frame, we cannot guarantee availability from the manufacturer or the manufacturer's delivery schedules, so we would recommend not to start/schedule any work until the goods arrive. Due to logistics of various couriers and suppliers we are unable to give times of deliveries. Deliveries can take place from as earlier as 07:30 right up to 18:00 depending on the courier/haulier and considering local traffic etc.
All deliveries should be signed for, and we would politely request that you sign and clearly print your name so that in the unlikely event that there are any discrepancies we will have a person to contact. If a signature cannot be obtained, we will try to leave the goods in a safe location, but we cannot be held responsible for shortages or damages where goods have not been signed for.
Please thoroughly check you have received all expected items and any shortages/damages must be reported within 48 hours of delivery. Large or palletised goods will be delivered to a hard standing area only. The Customer shall be solely responsible for the unloading of the Goods and the Seller shall not be liable for any damage that occurs during such unloading.
If goods aren't sent buy our own vehicles, they are sent buy reputable carriers such as Tufnell's, DX, DPD and Parcel Force. Heavier goods may be delivered by larger vehicles and will be off loaded by means of a pump truck; the driver will then deliver by means of the pump truck as close as possible to the property whilst remaining on a hard standing surface.
Sometimes goods can be delivered in multiple deliveries, this is due to some items coming direct from suppliers or our own yard. If this is the case, multiple charges will be combined at the basket.