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15% on Harry Potter collection ✨
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Product Description
'Seek and ye shall find.'
With these words echoing in his head, eminent Harvard symbologist Robert Langdon awakes in a hospital bed with no recollection of where he is or how he got there. Nor can he explain the origin of the macabre object that is found hidden in his belongings. A threat to his life will propel him and a young doctor, Sienna Brooks, into a breakneck chase across the city of Florence. Only Langdon's knowledge of hidden passageways and ancient secrets that lie behind its historic facade can save them from the clutches of their unknown pursuers. With only a few lines from Dante's dark and epic masterpiece, The Inferno, to guide them, they must decipher a sequence of codes buried deep within some of the most celebrated artefacts of the Renaissance - sculptures, paintings, buildings - to find the answers to a puzzle which may, or may not, help them save the world from a terrifying threat. Set against an extraordinary landscape inspired by one of history's most ominous literary classics, Inferno is Dan Brown's most compelling and thought-provoking novel yet, a breathless race-against-time thriller that will grab you from page one and not let you go until you close the book.
Product Details
Title: | Inferno (Robert Langdon): (Robert Langdon Book 4) |
Author: | Dan Brown |
Publisher: | Corgi Publisher |
Language: | English |
Binding: | Paperback |
Reading age : | All Age Groups |

subset: commoncrawl


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It is a community built by professionals at the highest possible standards. Very affordable family homes that fit your needs. This page is your complete real estate source for viewing and searching Strathmore Boca Raton Homes and Real Estate For Sale. Click on a listing to view the property details, photos and agent comments. If you would like to change or expand your search criteria, go back to the main Boca Raton FL Real Estate page, or try using our Advanced Search.
If you would like more information about the real estate in Boca Raton, or would like to talk to a Realtor(R) specializing in Strathmore, Boca Raton, FL contact us!


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My baby? Is a big baby. At 7 months old, he's a husky, roly-poly, chubby-cheeked, fat-thighed chunk of Gerber baby who looks nearly a half year older than his age. He is, as his doctor said at his last post-natal visit, robust. Which is not surprising, because he nurses more or less around the clock. I mean, he was big to begin with, but a steady diet of booby has kept him on an upward curve on the growth charts. Which is great and all, but I'm getting a little tired of being the sole source of nutrition for a ravenous jumbo-tot. The problem is, he won't take solid food or a bottle or indeed any source of nutrition that does not come wrapped in a nursing bra.
He just won't do it. I've tried. I try every day: rice cereal, oatmeal, mashed fruits, mashed veggies, mashed fruits and cereal, mashed veggies and cereal, cereal with formula, formula with cereal, cereal with expressed milk, everything. But if it comes on a spoon or in a bottle, he just won't take it. He'll actually grab the spoon from me, shake the food off, and then gnaw cheerfully on it until I wrestle it away from him again and try to slip a little cereal into its bowl, at which point he hoots angrily, grabs the spoon, shakes off the cereal, and we start all over again. If I manage to get any into his mouth without him grabbing the utensil away – it just seems wrong, a little too close to waterboarding or some other Guantanamo-like exercise, to hold his arms down for the purposes of getting the spoon in – he makes a sour face and tries to push it out of his mouth. It's a little frustrating.
It's a little frustrating because I suspect that a rapidly-emptying belly is what keeps waking him up at night. I just don't think my humble boobies are up to the task of keeping him filled for hours at a stretch. He's a big guy, and I imagine that he's got a big tummy tucked away in that pudgy belly of his. A big tummy that I can't fill.
I've read that some babies just aren't ready for food until closer to eight, nine, or even ten months. I've read that breastmilk is sufficient for most babies in their first year. I've read that some babies bypass soft foods altogether, and refuse to eat anything until they're ready for more solid varieties of solid food (Jasper does, I should note, like organic teething biscuits. He holds them in his hand and gums happily away until they've turned to mush.) I don't think that there's anything wrong him – at least, I hope that there isn't – but I am at the very end of my coping-rope and will soon reach the point of utter collapse if I don't get a full night's sleep soon. And because it has become clear to me that he is waking from hunger, I need to deal with his hunger before I can get some rest. I need that rest.
I need that rest BAD.
So what do I do?
UPDATE (Sunday): HE TOOK A SIPPY CUP. REJOICE.
Congratulations to the winner of last week's What Would Linus Do? Good Karma Giveaway – Maria! Maria asked for a donation to a pediatric ward, so I'll make the donation to Toronto's Sick Kid's Hospital. And because Maria asked to pass on the iPod shuffle, I did a second random draw and the winner is ZombieDaddy. (ZombieDaddy, could you get in touch with me with your address?)
Also… I need ideas on how I might pay forward the wonderful experience that Emilia and Jasper I had last week. Money's tight, so it needs to be something that draws more upon spirit than cash. Thoughts? Leave your ideas here. Whoever leaves the idea that I choose gets a Scrabble Diamond Anniversary Edition game…


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The remains of a small continent have been hiding right under our noses for the past 85 million years or so.
That's according to a new study published Sunday in the journal Nature Geoscience. Scientists looked at lava sands from beaches on Mauritius to determine when and where the material might have originated.
Their conclusion? The lava sands, containing particles called zircon xenocrysts, came from a Precambrian microcontinent dubbed "Mauritia" that was sandwiched between the land masses that today make up Madagascar and India. It was all part of a supercontinent known as Rodinia that existed between 2 billion and 85 million years ago. (Not to be confused with the better known and slightly more contemporary supercontinent Pangaea).
Mauritia was a sliver of land that broke apart and disappeared under the sea as the Rodinia ripped itself apart as part of the process of plate tectonics, scientists believe.
The BBC quotes the study's lead author, Trond Torsvik, as saying the sand his team examined dates to a 9-million-year-old eruption near the modern-day islands of Marion and Reunion that spewed much older material.
"We found zircons that we extracted from the beach sands, and these are something you typically find in a continental crust. They are very old in age," said Torsvik of the University of Oslo in Norway.
Torsvik believes pieces of Mauritia have been interred under 6 miles of surface and spread over a swath of the Indian Ocean, according to the BBC.
"However, a small part could have survived.
" 'At the moment the Seychelles is a piece of granite, or continental crust, which is sitting practically in the middle of the Indian Ocean,' explained Prof Torsvik.
" 'But once upon a time, it was sitting north of Madagascar. And what we are saying is that maybe this was much bigger, and there are many of these continental fragments that are spread around in the ocean.' "
Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.


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Mary Barra will become the new leader of General Motors in January, the company announced Tuesday. A longtime GM veteran, Barra is currently an executive vice president; her tenure as CEO will begin after current leader Dan Akerson retires on Jan. 15.
Barra, 51, works in the company's global product development unit. She will soon become the first woman to lead a major automaker, as The Detroit Free Press reports.
"With an amazing portfolio of cars and trucks and the strongest financial performance in our recent history, this is an exciting time at today's GM," Barra said in a news release from GM announcing the change. "I'm honored to lead the best team in the business and to keep our momentum at full speed."
GM says the pending change comes after its chairman and CEO, Akerson, 65, "pulled ahead his succession plan by several months after his wife was recently diagnosed with an advanced stage of cancer."
Barra's title will not mirror Akerson's, GM says, because the company is splitting the roles of chairman and CEO. Board member Tim Solso, a former CEO of Cummins, will become the new chairman of the corporation's board.
The change comes as GM is "closing the chapter on government ownership," the company says.
On Monday, the Treasury Department announced it had sold its last remaining shares in the company. In 2009, the government took on a stake of nearly 61 percent of GM's value as part of a federal bailout of several large U.S. carmakers.
The move is credited with saving thousands of jobs — but as Scott reported yesterday for The Two-Way, it also meant that U.S. taxpayers lost $10.7 billion.
Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.


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Galway Bay FM News Archives
Galway Bay FM News Archives
Galway has country's largest population of young people
Date Published: 07-May-2013
Galway has a population of young people which is more than twice the national average.
According to information gathered by the Central Statistics Office, Galway's population of 20 to 24 year olds is more than twice the national average.
The number of 25-34 year olds in Galway is also more than the norm nationally, with the two main colleges thought to be the main reason.
However immigration in Galway is much higher than in other areas at 19.4 percent, compared to the national average of 12 percent.
Galway Bay FM News Archives
Call for direct donations to city charity shops
Date Published: 07-May-2013
A city councillor is encouraging people to donate goods directly to charity shops.
It follows allegations of thefts from clothes banks in Galway and across the country in recent months.
However, cameras are in place at some clothes banks and surveillance is carried out by local authorities.
Speaking on Galway Talks, Councillor Neil McNeilis said the problem of theft from clothes banks is widespread.
Galway Bay FM News Archives
Galway 'Park and Ride' could become permanent
Date Published: 07-May-2013
A park 'n' ride scheme from Carnmore into Galway city could become a permanent service if there is public demand.
That's according to the Chief Executive of Galway Chamber of Commerce, Michael Coyle.
The pilot scheme will begin at 7.20 next Monday morning, May 13th.
Motorists will be able to park cars at the airport carpark in Carnmore and avail of a bus transfer to Forster Street in the city.
Buses will depart every 20 minutes at peak times and every 30 minutes at offpeak times throughout the day, at a cost of 2 euro per journey.


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Ladakh Adventure Tour From Guntur
Ladakh is a beauty to behold that should be on your travelling bucket list. While being there, you will never know what surprise nature holds for you. If you want to get mesmerized with its charm and rich history and searching for Ladakh Adventure Tour From Guntur, contact Ladakh Mountain Tours. We have travel planning experience and help you plan a hassle-free journey.
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10 Things You Probably Didn't Know About Leprechauns
Few icons from folklore and mythology have been branded and co-opted more than the leprechaun. Stories of their rare appearances and coveted pot of gold have permeated almost every aspect of popular culture. They have become so synonymous with Irish culture that the streets are filled with tall green hats and green coats every St. Patrick's Day. Their history, however, is far different from the traditional leprechauns that endlessly wander into bars and fight hangovers one weekend in March. Take a look at a few things you probably didn't know about leprechauns.
1. The early leprechaun looked nothing like he does today
These days, it seems that even a toddler with a very loose grasp on the English language can identify a leprechaun thanks to its green clothes, red beard and short derby hat. Early Irish folklore, however, describes this mischievous being quite differently. According to the 1831 book 'Legends and Stories of Ireland' by Irish novelist Samuel Lover, Ireland's ancestors described leprechauns as short beings dressed in red who wore a "cocked hat" or a tri-cornered hat. So really you should be pinching your pals for not wearing a red sweater.
2. There are no female leprechauns
There seems to be a hole in the narrative of the leprechaun, besides the fact that the laws of biology, physics and tailoring prevent such creatures from even existing. According to the book 'A History of Irish Fairies,' there is no record in Irish folklore of leprechauns having a female counterpart in their ranks or even a solid record of how they procreate or reproduce. (Try to erase that image from your mind.) The book speculates that leprechauns are the offspring of fairies who were deemed "defective children…because of their shape and disposition."
3. Leprechauns aren't just native to Ireland
The Irish isle may have popularized the legend of leprechaun, but they weren't the first to create stories about small people. Holland, for instance, has the "Kabouter," a small "gnome-like" creature that cobbles shoes (better known today as a "gnome"). The Isle of Man off the coast of the United Kingdom has the "fenodyree," a small, hairy, clumsy creature who would help farmers drive sheep and harvest crops.
4. The earliest leprechaun legend is only 20 years old
Since leprechauns are embedded in Irish folklore and thousands of years old, it's hard to imagine someone in modern times or even in this century claiming to have seen one of the little buggers. The last legend, however, dates back to the year 1989. Pub owner P.J. O'Hare claimed to have seen one in the Irish town of Carlingford. According to the legend, he was selling some land when he heard a scream in a nearby well. He found a leprechaun's clothes and the bony remains of the creature and put them on display in his pub. The event has become so famous that it inspired an annual leprechaun hunt in the town. Of course, the townsfolk hunt for fake plastic leprechauns.
5. Portland has the nation's only dedicated leprechaun colony
Of course, leprechaun legends and sightings aren't just limited to Ireland's shores (and no, we're not talking about the Alabama leprechaun). A small patch of carefully landscaped land sits in the middle of a road in Portland, Oregon, but it's not just roadside greenery to perk up a neighborhood street. It's actually a park dedicated to leprechauns. Local legend says that a reporter wrote a series of columns about the country's only leprechaun colony in 1947. The reporter, Dick Fagan, spotted one of the leprechauns digging a hole in the spot outside his window and captured it. He used his wish to get a park of his own, but the leprechaun tricked him and gave him the hole in the ground instead. The two-foot long patch of ground became an official city park in 1976 and serves as the epicenter of the town's St. Patrick's Day festivities.
6. 'The Little People' helped Sean Connery get the part of James Bond
Apparently, Sean Connery is so cool that he can get a leprechaun to grant him a wish without having to catch one. The Scottish actor starred in the classic 1959 Walt Disney film 'Darby O'Gill and the Little People' about an Irish storyteller who captures a leprechaun king and engages in a battle of wits with the little guy for his three wishes. Connery played the dashing leading man, Michael, who falls in love with Darby's daughter, Katie. According to the book 'The Films of Sean Connery,' Disney held an advanced screening at its Burbank studio with several movie producers in attendance including longtime 'Bond' film producer Albert R. Broccoli. Albert's wife, Dana, felt Connery had a certain sex appeal on screen that made him the perfect actor to fill 007's shoes and urged Albert to give him the role. It's surprising his catchphrase didn't become "Kiss me, I'm Bond."
7. The leprechaun wasn't always Notre Dame's mascot
Notre Dame might have a long tradition as the "Fighting Irish," but it doesn't date back to the school's founding. According to the university's archives, team names and mascots changed regularly throughout the 19th and early 20th centuries after local sports writers would use different nicknames to refer to the teams. Some of Notre Dame's early names included the Catholics, the Hoosiers, the Rockmen and the Bulldogs. They took on the "Fighting Irish" moniker in the 1920s, but switched again to the Terriers. Then in the 1960s, a human "leprechaun" joined the cheerleading squad during the game and the school stuck with the "Fighting Irish." They even released a new logo to meet their new mascot and have put a leprechaun on the sideline ever since. Apparently the leprechaun tryouts can be just as grueling and intense as the team practice.
8. Jennifer Aniston's first film was 'Leprechaun'
Luck may not have been on the side of the makers of the schlocky 1993 horror movie starring Warwick Davis as a homicidal leprechaun trying to steal back his pot of gold, but it was with its female lead. The 'Friends' star made her big screen debut in the horror film that spawned five sequels including 'Leprechaun 4: In Space' and 'Leprechaun: In the Hood' where the evil green menace appeared opposite rappers Ice-T and Coolio. (When asked if she would like to apologize to the nation of Ireland for 'Leprechaun,' Aniston said, "I should've apologized? Didn't that punish me enough? Didn't my karma take care of it?")
9. The man who voiced the 'Lucky Charms' leprechaun got his start with Orson Welles
Being the voice of an iconic cereal mascot in TV commercials may not sound like the work of a classically trained Shakespearian actor, but one of the industry's top voiceover artists was also one of the most acclaimed stage actors of his generation. Arthur Anderson, the man who voiced Lucky the Leprechaun for the Lucky Charms commercials for 29 years, is a longtime actor who started at the age of 12 on a CBS radio show and later joined Orson Welles' acclaimed theater group, the Mercury Theater. (He played Lucius in Welles' historic Broadway production of 'Julius Caesar' set against the fall of Nazi Germany.) Working with Welles helped Anderson build a career on stage, screen and television that has lasted well into his 80s. (Fun fact: Anderson's work with Welles served as the basis for the 2008 Richard Linklater film 'Me and Orson Welles' starring Zac Efron.) In addition to Lucky, Anderson was also the voice of Eustace Bagge on 'Courage the Cowardly Dog.' Will he come back for the new episodes?
10. Leprechauns are a protected species under European law
Maybe the reason no one sees leprechauns anymore is because they are an endangered species. If that's the case, they are actually protected from destruction under European law. The Sliabh Foy Loop trail in the town of Carlingford, the same Irish town where P.J. O'Hare spotted his famous leprechaun, serves as the official protected land for the country's 236 remaining living leprechauns, according to a law filed with the European Union. The trail even has signs dotting the picturesque mountain landscape asking hikers to tread lightly in the heavily leprechaun-ized area. And warning to those in search of gold– according to the sign, "hunters and fortune seekers will be prosecuted."


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New York exerted tremendous influence in the politics of the early republic. Along with Pennsylvania, it was a battleground state, and competition bred innovation. During the 1790s, partisan activists in New York (like those in Pennsylvania) pioneered methods of popular partisan mobilization. After 1820, Empire state pols created the model of the party as a disciplined peacetime army, focused on winning and keeping political power.
The state constitution of 1777 divided state government between a governor with a three-year term, a Senate with staggered four-year terms, and an Assembly that was elected every year. A Council of Revision (consisting of the governor, the chancellor, and the judges of the supreme court) held the power to veto legislation. The governor and both houses of the legislature were elected, along with a lieutenant governor and town clerks, supervisors, assessors, constables, and collectors. All other offices were appointive—most of them by the governor and/or a Council of Appointment, which consisted of the governor and four senators. The constitutional language on appointments was contradictory and a source of fierce partisan conflict. Until 1793 the governor made appointments with the advice and consent of the Council of Appointment; after that date, the Council assumed a "concurrent right" to nominate officers. Adult male freeholders who owned real and personal property worth at least £20 and tenant farmers who paid at least 40 shillings in rent, along with the freemen of Albany and New York, could vote for members of the Assembly. Electing the governor and senators was limited to adult males worth £100. Voting was by paper ballot, but in some areas the political "friends" of great men handed voters colored or intricately folded ballots and watched them deposit those ballots to ensure that they voted properly!
Within this institutional framework, New York political leaders forged a fiercely competitive politics. By 1787, two clear partisan groupings had emerged in state politics: the Federalists, led by Alexander Hamilton, and the followers of Governor George Clinton. While the former practiced an elitist politics, the latter appealed to the egalitarian yearnings of middling and poor constituents and, by 1800, allied themselves with the national Republican Party. The two parties were evenly matched during the 1790s, when Republicans pioneered techniques of mass political mobilizations: electoral rallies and parades, printed ballots, partisan newspapers and handbills, door-to-door canvassing. Republicans won a commanding majority in state government in 1800 and then quickly split into three competing factions, each centered on a single leader and held together by personal loyalty and patronage: the Clintonians, increasingly led by George Clinton's nephew De Witt; the Burrites, led by Aaron Burr; and the Livingston family.
These factions' squabbling spilled over into the electoral arena with alarming regularity. In 1804, the Burrites broke from the party, running Aaron Burr for governor against the candidate of the Clinton and Livingston factions. The following year, the Clintonians staged a revolt against Governor Morgan Lewis, head of the Livingston faction, and appealed to the Burrites for an alliance. This move split the Burrites, with opponents of the alliance taking the name Martling Men. For their part, the Livingston faction, known as the Quids, forged an alliance with the Federalists. The Clintonians trounced the Quids in the 1807 gubernatorial election, bringing rival tickets (but not internectine struggles) to an end—for a while. In 1812 the Republicans nominated De Witt Clinton for governor, a move that inspired the Burrites to run their own candidate. This ever-shifting factional dance gave New York politicians a well-earned reputation for intrigue. Oliver Wolcott, a New Englander who relocated to the state, wrote that "after living a dozen years in New York, I don't pretend to comprehend their politics. It is a labyrinth of wheels within wheels, and it is understood only by the managers."
The years immediately following the War of 1812 brought important changes to this factional mess. The Livingstons and Burrites lost power. The Federalists, discredited by their behavior during the war, disbanded in 1820. The Bucktails, led by Martin Van Buren, emerged as the sole challengers to the Clintonians. In some respects, the Bucktails were just like the factions they replaced, frequently forging new alliances and changing their policies for tactical advantage. But in important ways they were different. Led by upwardly mobile men of middling origin, they explicitly rejected the personalist politics that had dominated New York since before the Revolution. Rather than basing political allegiances on personal loyalty and patronage, Van Buren envisioned parties as embodiments of competing social interests, held together by principle and policy. Although the Bucktails did not hew to consistent policies or principles until the early 1830s, they did become a disciplined political machine. Activists united behind party candidates and policies, on pain of losing office; Bucktail newspapers and activists propagated a single, clear partisan message. Van Buren's faction gained control of state government in 1820. So effective were the Bucktails in retaining power that their Clintonian enemies dubbed them the Albany Regency.
The Bucktails also proved the champions of a widened popular participation in politics. They dominated the 1821 state constitutional convention, which dramatically expanded the suffrage, increased the number of elective posts, and abolished constitutional checks on the power of elected officials. The new constitution eliminated the Council of Revision, empowering the governor with the legislative veto. It abolished the Council of Appointment, transferring the selection of sheriffs, county clerks, and coroners to the voters, while leaving the election of most state officials in the hands of the legislature. And it eliminated the property qualification for the vote among white men. Beginning in 1822, any white adult male who paid state or county taxes, worked on the public roads, or served in the militia could vote for all elective officers. African American males, however, faced a $250 property qualification for the suffrage.
The Bucktails dominated state politics after 1820. Only in 1824 did the Clintonians, now dubbing themselves the "People's Men," win the governorship and a majority in the legislature. The next year, both factions, shaken by John Quincy Adams's ascension to the presidency, made an alliance behind the presidential ambitions of Andrew Jackson. By 1828 the state's factional conflict turned on national allegiances, with a Jacksonian party opposed by Adams men (also known as National Republicans). The political conflicts of the 1820s led both Clintonians and Bucktails to revive many of the old techniques of popular mobilization pioneered in the 1790s—and to increase their effectiveness through an unprecedented degree of discipline among party cadre. When Martin Van Buren became Andrew Jackson's campaign manager in 1828, the Bucktails' methods and organization provided the core model on which national party politics was built.
- Alexander, DeAlva Stanwood.
Political History of the State of New York. 3 vols. New York: Henry Holt, 1909). - Benson, Lee.
The Concept of Jacksonian Democracy: New York as a Test Case, 1961 ; reprint ed. New York: Atheneum, 1964). - Brooke, John L.
Columbia Rising: Civil Life on the Upper Hudson from the Revolution to the Age of Jackson. Chapeh Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2014. - Cole, Donald B.
Martin Van Buren and the American Political System. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1984. - Countryman, Edward.
"From Revolution to Statehood." In Milton M. Klein, ed.,The Empire State: A History of New York. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2001, pp. 229–301. - Huston, Reeve.
Land and Freedom: Rural Society, Popular Protest, and Party Politics in Antebellum New York. New York: Oxford University Press, 2000. - Taylor, Alan.
William Cooper's Town: Power and Persuasion on the Frontier of the Early American Republic. New York: Knopf, 1995. - Young, Alfred F.
The Democratic-Republicans of New York: The Origins, 1763–1797. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1987.
The Federalist Party
The Federalist Party was dominated by a man who never actually ran for public office in the United States - Alexander Hamilton. "Alexander Hamilton was, writes Marcus Cunliffe, 'the executive head with the most urgent program to implement, with the sharpest ideas of what he meant to do and with the boldest desire to shape the national government accordingly.' In less than two years he presented three reports, defining a federal economic program which forced a major debate not only on the details of the program but on the purpose for which the union has been formed. Hamilton's own sense of purpose was clear; he would count the revolution for independence a success only if it were followed by the creation of a prosperous commerical nation, comparable, perhaps even competitive, in power and in energy, with its European counterparts." (fn: Marcus Cunliffe, The Nation Takes Shape, 1789-1837, (Chicago, 1959), 23.) (Linda K. Kerber, History of U.S. Political Parties Volume I: 1789-1860: From Factions to Parties. Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., ed. New York, 1973, Chelsea House Publisher. p. 11)
"Federalists created their political program out of a political vision. They had shared in the revolutionaries' dream of a Republic of Virtue, and they emerged from a successful war against empire to search for guarantees that the republican experiment would not collapse." (Kerber, p. 3)
"The Federalist political demand was for a competent government, one responsible for the destiny of the nation and with the power to direct what that destiny would be. What was missing in postwar America, they repeatedly complained in a large variety of contexts, was order, predictability, stability. A competent government would guarantee the prosperity and external security of the nation; a government of countervailing balances was less likely to be threatened by temporary lapses in civic virtue, while remaining strictly accountable to the public will." (Kerber, p. 4)
"So long as Federalists controlled and staffed the agencies of the national government, the need to formulate alternate mechanisms for party decision making was veiled; with a Federalist in the White House, Federalists in the Cabinet, and Federalist majorities in Congress, the very institutional agencies of the government would themselves be the mechanism of party. Federal patronage could be used to bind party workers to the Federalist 'interest.' 'The reason of allowing Congress to appoint its own officers of the Customs, collectors of the taxes and military officers of every rank,' Hamilton said, 'is to create in the interior of each State, a mass of influence in favor of the Federal Government.' (fn: Alexander Hamilton, 1782, quoted in Lisle A. Rose, Prologue to Democracy: The Federalists in the South, 1789-1800, (Lexington, Kentucky, 1968), 3.) Federalists though of themselves as a government, not as a party; their history in the 1790's would be the history of alignments within the government, rather than of extrernal alignments which sought to influence the machinery of government." (Kerber, p. 10)
"Major national issues invigorated the process of party formation; as state groups came, slowly and hesitantly, to resemble each other. The issues on which pro-administration and anti-administration positions might be assumed increased in number and in obvious significance; the polarity of the parties became clearer." (Kerber, p. 11)
"As Adams' presidential decisions sequentially created a definition of the administration's goals as clear as Hamilton's funding program had once done, the range of political ideology which called itself Federalist simply became too broad to the party successfully to cast over it a unifying umbrella. Federalists were unified in their response to the XYZ Affair, and in their support of the Alien and Sedition Acts, which passed as party measures in the Fifth Congress, but in little else. The distance between Adams and Hamilton - in political philosophy, in willingness to contemplate war with France, in willingness to manipulate public opinion - was unbridgable; Hamilton's ill-tempered anti-Adams pamphlet of 1800 would be confirmation of a long-established distaste." (Kerber, p. 14)
"One result of the war was to add to Federalist strength and party cohesion. There were several varieties of Federalist congressional opinion on the war: most believed that the Republicans had fomented hard feeling with England so that their party could pose as defende of American honor; many believed that in the aftermath of what they were sure to be an unsuccessful war the Republicans would fall from power and Federalists would be returned to office . . . Regardless of the region from which they came, Federalists voted against the war with virtual unanimity." (Kerber, p. 24)
"As an anti-war party, Federalists retained their identity as an opposition well past wartime into a period that is usually known as the Era of Good Feelings and assumed to be the occasion of a one party system. In 1816, Federalists 'controlled the state governments of Maryland, Delaware, Connecticut and Massachusetts; they cast between forty percent and fifty percent of the popular votes in New Jersey, New York, Rhode Island, New Hampshire and Vermont...Such wide support did not simply vanish...' (fn: Shaw Livermore, Jr. The Twilight of Federalism: The Disintegration of the Federalist Party 1815-1830, (Princeton, 1962), 265.) Rather, that support remained available, and people continued to attempt to make careers as Federalists (though, probably fewer initiated new careers as Federalists). Because men like Rufus King and Harrison Gray Otis retained their partisan identity intact, when real issues surfaced, like the Missouri debates of 1820, a 'formed opposition' still remained to respond to a moral cause and to oppose what they still thought of as a 'Virginia system.' Each of the candidates, including Jackson in the disputed election of 1824 had Federalist supporters, and their presence made a difference; Shaw Livermore argues that the central 'corrupt bargain' was not Adams' with Clay, but Adams' promise of patronage to Federalists which caused Webster to deliver the crucial Federalist votes that swung the election. If the war had increased Federalist strength, it also, paradoxically, had operated to decrease it, for prominent Federalists rallied to a beleaguered government in the name of unity and patriotism. These wartime republicans included no less intense Federalists than Oliver Wolcott of Connecticut and William Plumer of New Hampshire, both of whom went on to become Republican governors of their respective states, and in their careers thus provide emblems for the beginning of a one party period, and the slow breakdown of the first party system." (Kerber, p. 24)
"The dreams of the Revolution had been liberty and order, freedom and power; in seeking to make these dreams permanent, to institutionalize some things means to lose others. The Federalists, the first to be challenged by power, would experience these contradictions most sharply; a party that could include John Adams and Alexander Hamilton, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney and Noah Webster, would be its own oxymoron. In the end the party perished out of internal contradiction and external rival, but the individuals who staffed it continued on to staff its succesors." (Kerber, p, 25)
Additional Sources:
- History of U.S. Political Parties Volume I: 1789-1860: From Factions to Parties. Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., ed. New York, 1973, Chelsea House Publisher.
- The Revolution of American Conservatism: The Federalist Party in the Era of Jeffersonian Democracy. David Hackett Fischer. New York, 1965, Harper and Row.
- The Age of Federalism: The Early American Republic, 1788-1800. Stanley Elkins and Eric McKitrick. New York, 1993, Oxford University Press.
The Federalists were referred to by many monikers over the years by newspapers.
American Party:
- In 1809, The Concord Gazette refers to the Federalist Ticket as the American Ticket.
- Beginning in 1810, the Newburyport Herald (MA), began referring to Federalists as the American Party (as opposed to the "French" Party, who were Republicans). This continued in the 1811 elections.
The Aurora, based in Philadelphia, the most well-known Republican newspaper of the era (see American Aurora: A Democratic-Republican Returns by Richard N. Rosenfeld.) in the February 11, 1800 issue referred to Mr. Holmes, the losing candidate for the Special Election for the Philadelphia County seat in the House of Representatives as an "anti-republican".
Federal Republican:
The October 7, 1799 issue of the Maryland Herald (Easton) referred to the Federalist ticket of Talbot County as Federal Republicans. It would continue to be used intermittently throughout the next 20 years. Newspapers that used this term included the Gazette of the United States (Philadelphia) and Philadelphia Gazette in 1800, the Newport Mercury in 1808, the New Bedford Mercury in 1810, the True American (Philadelphia) in 1812, the Northumberland Republican (Sunbury) in 1815, the United States Gazette (Philadelphia) in 1816 and the Union (Philadelphia) in 1821 and 1822.
Friends of Peace / Peace / Peace Ticket:
Beginning in 1812 ("In laying before our readers the above Canvass of this county, a few remarks become necessary, to refute the Assertion of the war party, that the Friends of Peace are decreasing in this country." Northern Whig (Hudson). May 11, 1812.) and continuing through to 1815 a number of newspapers referred to the Federalists as the Peace Party (or Peacemaker Party, as the Merrimack Intelligencer (Haverhill) of March 19, 1814 used), as the Peace Ticket or as the Friends of Peace due to their opposition of the War of 1812 (many of these same newspapers referred to the Republicans as the War Party). This use occurred all through at least August of 1815, with the Raleigh Minerva of August 18, 1815 referring to the Federalist candidates as Peace candidates.
These newspapers include the Columbian Centinel (Boston), Merrimack Intelligencer (Haverhill), Providence Gazette, the New York Evening Post, the New York Spectator, the Commercial Advertiser (New York), Northern Whig (Hudson), the Broome County Patriot (Chenango Point), the Independent American (Ballston Spa), the Baltimore Patriot, the Alexandria Gazette, Poulson's, Middlesex Gazette (Middletown), the Political and Commercial Register (Philadelphia), Freeman's Journal (Philadelphia), the Carlisle Herald, Northampton Farmer, Intelligencer and Weekly Advertiser (Lancaster), National Intelligencer (Washington), The Federal Republican (New Bern), the Raleigh Minerva, The Star (Raleigh) and Charleston Courier.
The New Hampshire Gazette (Portsmouth) took the opposite side, listing the Federalists in the March 16, 1813 edition as "Advocates of Dishonorable Peace and Submission."
Additional Sources:
"The Tyranny of Printers": Newspaper Politics in the Early American Republic. Jeffrey L. Pasley. Charlottesville, 2001, University Press of Virginia.
What is today referred to as the Democratic Republican Party did not exist as such under that name.
"The party name which the Jeffersonians used most commonly in self-designation was Republican. Since nearly all Americans professed to be supporters of a republic, Federalists were reluctant to allow their opponents the advantage of this name, preferring to label them as Antifederalists, Jacobins, disorganizers, or, at best, Democrats." (Noble E. Cunningham, Jr., History of U.S. Political Parties Volume I: 1789-1860: From Factions to Parties. Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., ed. New York, 1973, Chelsea House Publisher. p. 240.)
"No precise date can be given for the establishment of the Republican party, for it did not spring suddenly into being, and even those leaders most intimately involved in its formation were not fully aware of what they were creating. The beginnings of what in course of time became the Republican party can be found in the Second Congress in the congressional faction that contemporaries referred to as the 'republican interest.' . . . An examination of roll calls during the Second Congress indicates that a voting bloc was forming around Madison in opposition to another bloc that united in support of Hamilton's program. While only about half of the membership of the House could be identified with one or the other of these factions, two such groups had not been observable in the First Congress." (Cunningham, p. 241)
"As members of Congress defended their legislative records and sought reelection, they took to the electorate the issues and the disputes that had divided Congress, and they tended in their campaigns for reelection to impart to the voters something of the partisanship that was developing in Congress. Thus, the party divisions in Congress filtered down to the voters through the electoral process, and voters came to align along the lines that divisions in Congress had marked out. In this process the congressional factions acquired the mass followings in the county necessary to transform them from capital factions into national political parties." (Cunningham, p. 244)
Though Thomas Jefferson was seen as the primary leader of the emerging Republican Party, his retirement in 1793 would force that mantle back upon James Madison. "Contemporaries referred to 'Madison's party,' and, when Jefferson was put forward for the presidency in 1796, he was recognized as the candidate of Madison's party. Adams's supporters warned that 'the measures of Madison and Gallatin will be the measures of the executive' if Jefferson were elected. Under Madison's leadership, the Republican party in Congress moved from a role characterized largely by opposition to administration measures, mostly Hamiltonian inspired, to one of offering policy alternatives and proposing Republican programs." (Cunningham, p. 246)
"As the country became dangerously polarized, the Federalists, in 1798 with the passage of the Alien and Sedition Laws, used the full power of the government in an effort to destroy their opponents, whom they saw as subversive. The Republicans, forced to do battle for their very survival, were compelled to change their strategy radically. Prior to 1798 they had optimistically believed that the people would repudiate leaders who supported antirepublican measures hostile to the general good of society. By 1798, however, the Federalists' electoral successes and their hold on the federal government seemed to belie that belief. Therefore, the Republicans shifted their focus of attention from the national to the state level. And by emphasizing a more overtly, self-consciously sectional, political enclave strategy, they left the clear implication that state secession and the breakup of the union might follow if the federal government refused to modify its policies and actions to make them more acceptable to opponents, especially Southerners." (American Politics in the Early Republic: The New Nation in Crisis. James Roger Sharp. New Haven, 1993, Yale University Press. p. 12)
"On the national level, Republican members of Congress through their informal associations in the national capital formed the basic national party structure. Many of them lodged together in boarding houses or dined together in small groups where there were ample opportunities to plot party tactics. They kept in close touch with political leaders and party organizations in their home states. In 1800, Republican members introduced what was to become the most important element of national party machinery and the most powerful device for the maintenance of congressional influence of the leadership of the party: the congressional nominating caucus." (Cunningham, p. 252)
"The coming to power of the Jeffersonians in 1801 marked the beginning of the Republican era that saw the presidency passed from Jefferson to Madison to Monroe. When the Virginia dynasty came to an end in 1825, the presidential office went to a former Federalist who had become a Republican while Jefferson was president. But, although John Quincy Adams was a Republican, the presidential election of 1824 shattered the Republican party and destroyed the congressional nominating caucus which had given direction to the party's national structure since 1800. Adams's presidency was a period of restructuring of parties - a transitional period from the first party system of the Federalists and the Jeffersonians to the second party system of the age of Jackson." (Cunningham, p. 258-259).
"During the period from its rise in the 1790's to its breakup in the 1820's, the Jeffersonian Republican party made contributions of major significance to the development of the american political system. It demonstrated that a political party could be successfully organized in opposition to an administration in power in the national government, win control over that government, and produce orderly changes through the party process. In challenging the Federalist power, Republicans were innovative in building party machinery, organizing poltical campaigns, employing a party press, and devising campaign techniques to stimulate voter interest in elections and support of republican candidates at the polls. In the process, it became acceptable for candidates to campaign for office and for their partisans to organize campaign committees, distribute campaign literature, see that voters get to the polls, and adopt other practices which, though subsequently familiar features of american political campaigns, previously had been widely regarded with suspicion and distrust. Many of the methods of campaigning and the techniques of party organization, introduced by the Jeffersonian Republicans, while falling into disuse by the end of the Republican era, would be revived by the Jacksonians. In taking office in 1801, the Jeffersonians led the nation through the first transfer of political power in the national government from one party to another; and Jefferson demonstrated that the president could be both the head of his party and the leader of the nation." (Cunningham, p. 271)
Additional Sources:
- History of U.S. Political Parties Volume I: 1789-1860: From Factions to Parties. Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., ed. New York, 1973, Chelsea House Publisher.
- American Politics in the Early Republic: The New Nation in Crisis. James Roger Sharp. New Haven, 1993, Yale University Press.
- Partisanship and the Birth of America's Second Party, 1796-1800: "Stop the Wheels of Government". Matthew Q. Dawson. Westwood, CT, 2000, Greenwood Press.
- Party of the People: A History of the Democrats. Jules Witcover. New York, 2003, Random House
Beginning in 1799, many Federalist papers began to refer to the Republican Party as Democrats or the Democratic Party. This continued throughout the first quarter of the 18th Century until what is currently known as the Democratic Party emerged among the followers of Andrew Jackson in the 1828 Presidential Election.
Republicans were also called by a variety of different terms in various newspapers throughout the period:
Though the Anti-Federalists were not quite the exact same group as the Republicans as they would develop after 1792, there were still some of those who referred to them as such. The term was used by the following newspapers in the following elections:
- Porcupine's Gazette (Philadelphia). October 22, 1798. Pennsylvania 1798 Assembly, Chester County.
- Virginia Gazette (Richmond). April 30, 1799. Virginia 1799 House of Delegates, New Kent County.
- The Virginia Federalist (Richmond). April 26, 1800. Virginia 1800 House of Delegates, Norfolk County.
- Virginia Gazette (Richmond). May 12, 1802. Virginia 1802 House of Delegates, Bedford County.
- Virginia Gazette (Richmond). May 12, 1802. Virginia 1802 House of Delegates, Pittsylvania County.
- The Salem Gazette. May 17, 1805. Massachusetts 1805 House of Representatives, Salem.
Democratic Republican:
Though the term is commonly used today to distinguish the Jeffersonian Republicans from the later Republican Party and because so many of those among the Jeffersonian Republicans eventually became Jacksonian Democrats, this term was extremely rare during the actual period. It was used by the Readinger Adler in the October 27, 1818 edition recording the 1818 county elections in Pennsylvania.
French / War / Warhawk / Jacobin:
Starting in 1798, various Federalist newspapers would refer to Republicans as Jacobins. ("In Newbern district the contest lay between two federalists -- No Jacobin had the effrontery to offer himself." United States Gazette. September 1, 1798.) These references continued through until at least 1810. ("From the Cooperstown Federalist: The election in this County has terminated in favor of the Jacobin Ticket for Assembly. An important revolution has been effected by the most shameful artifices. Never before were the jacobin ranks so completely formed and thoroughly drilled for action. We hope next week to be able to lay before our readers a correct statement of votes, and to exhibit to the world a picture of depravity in the conduct of some of the inspectors of the election which has no parallel." The American (Herkimer). May 3, 1810.)
Beginning in 1810, the Newburyport Herald (MA), began referring to Republicans as the French Party (as opposed to the "American" Party, who were Federalists). This continued in the 1811 elections.
Beginning in 1812 ("In laying before our readers the above Canvass of this county, a few remarks become necessary, to refute the Assertion of the war party, that the Friends of Peace are decreasing in this country." Northern Whig (Hudson). May 11, 1812.) and continuing through 1813 and 1814 a number of newspapers were referring to the Republicans as the War Party (or Warhawk Party, as the Merrimack Intelligencer (Haverhill) of March 19, 1814 used) due to their support of the Madison administration and the War of 1812 (most of these same papers referred to the Federalists as the Peace Party). These newspapers include the Trenton Federalist, the Columbian Centinel (Boston), the Northern Whig (Hudson), the Independent American (Ballston Spa), the Broome County Patriot (Chenango Point), the New York Spectator, the Commercial Advertiser (New York), the New York Evening Post, the Albany Gazette, the Political and Commercial Register (Philadelphia), the Merrimack Intelligencer (Haverhill), The Federal Republican (New Bern), the Freeman's Journal (Philadelphia), Alexandria Gazette, Poulson's, Middlesex Gazette (Middletown), the Raleigh Minerva and The Star (Raleigh).
Jackson / Jacksonian:
With the Presidential election of 1824 split among four candidates who were, ostensibly, members of the same political party, the divisions among the Republican Party began to be apparent.
The phrase "Jackson" or "Jacksonian" candidate was used in nearly every state election in Georgia in 1824 to distinguish between those were were supporters of Andrew Jackson as opposed to the supporters of William H. Crawford. The Maryland Republican (Annapolis) and the Federal Gazette (Baltimore) used the term "Jacksonian" in the Cecil County elections of 1824 (as opposed to "Adamite" or "Crawfordite") and the Allegheny and Butler county election in Pennsylvania in 1824.
The New Hampshire Gazette of March 5, 1816 would refer to the Republican ticket as the Whig Ticket and as being in favor of Peace and Commerce.


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On the Jaguar XF, OBD II Code P0430 is a DTC, or "diagnostic trouble code" that means you've got an issue with your catalytic converter – namely that the catalytic converter associated with bank 2 of your engine cylinders isn't operating at full efficiency. This code can cause both minor and serious problems including increased tailpipe emissions & automatic fails when getting emissions tested.
By the way, this code is extremely similar to code P0420 – which means essentially the same thing, just for the catalytic converter on the other bank of cylinders.
What does DTC P0430 mean on a Jaguar XF?
OBD Code P0430 is a generic OBD II Code – meaning that it applies to every applicable vehicle manufactured since the year 1996. The steps associated with diagnosis & repair often vary from model to model but the code applies means roughly the same thing on every vehicle it shows up on. In this article, we focus on how to address it on a Jaguar XF.
It's also an extremely common code – catalytic converters can be temperamental, for starters, but the code can also be caused by sensor failures that come up reasonably often.
Catalytic converters, to the typical home mechanic, look a lot like a similar part, the muffler. However, the job it does isn't very similar at all. Where mufflers exist to reduce tailpipe noise, catalytic converters were created & required in order to reduce automotive exhaust emissions and the smog that comes from it.
What triggers code P0430? (From a technical perspective)
Catalytic converters leverage 02 (Oxygen) sensors, or "solenoids" both in front of and behind the main converter. When your vehicle is running hot, the converter works in what's called "closed loop mode", which makes the upstream 02 solenoid reading change, typically as RPMs climb or fall.
Conversely, the downstream solenoid's readings should stay mostly flat – if your catalytic converter is doing what it should, the O2 (oxygen) levels will be roughly the same at all times. P0430 comes into effect when the "upstream" and "downstream" 02 sensors are roughly in sync – this typically means that your catalytic converter isn't functioning at desired levels.
In case it isn't clear, the reason that sort of data similarity will trigger a P0430 is because the catalytic converter is supposed to raise 02 levels to a steady standard. If the downstream sensor is moving in sync with the upstream sensor, the converter isn't removing sufficient non-02 gases & particulates from the tailpipe exhaust flow.
Catalytic converters aren't typically what's known as a "wear part" – i.e. they aren't meant to be replaced in most cases. If you run into P0430, something is probably "actively wrong", as opposed to it just being time for routine maintenance.
How to diagnose DTC P0430 on a Jaguar XF:
This trouble code typically comes to an owner's attention in one of two ways – when the check engine light (or more properly, the "Malfunction Indicator Lamp") is lit, there's a surprisingly decent chance that the issue is either DTC P0430 or DTC P0420 – catalytic converter issues really are quite common – so much so that this is one of the most-viewed pages on our site.
Another way you might diagnose this code is if you've been driving around with your check engine light on and pull into a service center to get your annual emissions testing done. This code will make you fail OBD-based emissions tests common in states like Texas, Florida, & Oklahoma.
If you're getting a tailpipe emissions test, you're still in trouble – if the catalytic converter isn't functioning, you're probably not going to pass a tailpipe test.
One final symptom that you probably won't notice is slightly reduced engine power. If the catalytic converter isn't functioning properly, it can lead to an exhaust backup that'll lower your car's effective horsepower by a small margin.
It's generally safe for you to drive with code P0430. The catalytic converter isn't a critical part of the engine and you probably won't run into any directly-related problems until emissions testing. Is it safe for the environment, though? Absolutely not!
All 50 states in the US mandate emissions testing for a reason, and it's not just to be a hassle. Get it fixed as soon as you can but feel free to drive for a bit before you make that happen.
Keep in mind, it's dangerous to drive with your check engine light constantly on – something else could go terribly wrong without you even knowing about it.
Specific issues that can cause code P0430 on the Jaguar XF
There's a few things that can cause the P0430 trouble code to come into play & trigger the resulting check engine light:
- A failing or almost-failing catalytic converter
- Leaded fuel being used when unleaded is expected (You're reading this in english so you probably don't have this problem)
- If your upstream 02 solenoid fails, that'll cause it.
- If the downstream 02 solenoid fails, that'll also trigger this code.
- Check wiring to each 02 sensor – the sensor might be fine but if the wiring is damaged you're in trouble
- Last and certainly least – spark plug misfires and ignition timing issues can cause this issue as well
How to fix a Jaguar XF with engine code P0430
There's a short list of options for fixing OBD Code P0430 – almost all of which have to do with the catalytic converter or the exhaust system more broadly.
You're definitely going to want to use the list below in order – after each step, check to see if it worked by clearing trouble codes, running the engine, and seeing if the code pops back up
Step by step instructions for repair
- First, check for leaks across the entire exhaust system, starting with the exhaust manifold, and the catalytic converter itself. These are easy to spot when the engine is running – if you don't see them, move on. It's unlikely that this would cause it but it's the cheapest chance you've got at a fix – so you might as well try.
- Use your handy-dandy emissions scoping device to check the downstream solenoid's operating levels. While you're examining this, keep an eye out for a stable waveform. That's what you're hoping to see, because it means you've might not have an expensive catalytic converter purchase in your future.
- You don't generally need to check the upstream solenoid this way – it won't tell you anything useful.
- If the sensors look fine and you're getting an unstable waveform on the downstream 02 solenoid, bite the bullet & replace the catalytic converter. They're not worth repairing, in spite of how expensive they are. (they typically run hundreds of dollars because they also contain rare metal)
Also, check out the trick immediately below for a "hack" to make this easier…
The "Thermometer hack" for diagnosing & repairing P0430 works like this:
Start your vehicle and let it run for a few minutes, then examine the tubes leading in & out of your catalytic converter's second bank with a point-and-scan thermometer like this one – first on the upstream then downstream.
If the engine's been running, gasses leaving the converter should be approximately 100F hotter than the gasses coming in. If the exiting gases are, the converter needs to be replaced. If they are not, however – it's probably an O2 sensor malfunction.
This "trick" works because the catalytic converter, as part of its duties, lowers the temperature of exhaust significantly.
If it's time for a new catalytic converter…
If you determine that it's time to get a new catalytic converter – first let us express our condolences. Catalytic converters are prized by street thieves because the metals within are quite expensive – and those metal prices also play into the to high price of a replacement catalytic converter.
To replace your vehicle's catalytic converter, either go to your dealership and get a new, OEM one there – you don't want to monkey around with a cheap non-stock converter, but… secondary-market catalytic converters are a more affordable option.
Again, avoid cheap versions – they don't always get the job done, especially for larger engines or if you don't have the right equipment to install them. If you're going to spend $350+ on a part, it'd better work, right?
As a reminder, everything in the article above is suggested on a best-effort basis & we can't take responsiblity for how you use the information container therin.


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Show off the Walk Score of any address by pasting an HTML badge into your blog or site.
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Show the Walk Score, Transit Score, and Bike Score as a set of badges.
Neighborhood Widget
Craigslist HTML
Simple formatted text and a link for Craigslist, where only minimal html is supported.


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Today – 1st October is a day of celebration for us Nigerians. On this day, 56 years ago our people achieved the most important of all human desires – freedom and independence. We should all therefore give thanks and pray for our founding fathers without whose efforts and toil we would not reap the bounties of today.
2. I know that uppermost in your minds today is the economic crisis. The recession for many individuals and families is real. For some It means not being able to pay school fees, for others it's not being able to afford the high cost of food (rice and millet) or the high cost of local or international travel, and for many of our young people the recession means joblessness, sometimes after graduating from university or polytechnic.
3. I know how difficult things are, and how rough business is. All my adult life I have always earned a salary and I know what it is like when your salary simply is not enough. In every part of our nation people are making incredible sacrifices.
4. But let me say to all Nigerians today, I ran for office four times to make the point that we can rule this nation with honesty and transparency, that we can stop the stealing of Nigeria's resources so that the resources could be used to provide jobs for our young people, security, infrastructure for commerce, education and healthcare.
5. I ran for office because I know that good government is the only way to ensure prosperity and abundance for all. I remain resolutely committed to this objective.
6. I believe that this recession will not last.
7. Temporary problems should not blind or divert us from the corrective course this government has charted for our nation. We have identified the country's salient problems and we are working hard at lasting solutions.
8. To re-cap what I have been saying since the inception of this administration, our problems are security, corruption and the economy, especially unemployment and the alarming level of poverty.
9. On Security, we have made progress. Boko Haram was defeated by last December – only resorting to cowardly attacks on soft targets, killing innocent men, women and children.
10. Nigerians should thank our gallant men of the Armed Forces and Police for rescuing large areas of the country captured by insurgents. Now, residents in Borno, Yobe and Adamawa States, as well as several neighbouring states go about their daily business in relative safety. People can go to mosques, churches, market places in reasonable safety.
11. Commuters can travel between cities, towns and villages without fear. Credit for this remarkable turn-round should go to our Armed Forces, the Police, various sponsored and private vigilante groups, the local traditional leaders. Security is a top to bottom concern and responsibility.
12. Besides Boko Haram, we are confronting other long-running security issues, namely herdsmen vs farmers, cattle rustling, kidnappings. This Administration is firmly resolved to tackle these challenges and to defeat them.
13. A new insurgency has reared up its head in the shape of blowing up gas and oil pipelines by groups of Niger Delta Militants. This Administration will not allow these mindless groups to hold the country to ransom.
14. What sense is there to damage a gas line as a result of which many towns in the country including their own town or village is put in darkness as a result? What logic is there in blowing up an export pipeline and as a result income to your state and local governments and consequently their ability to provide services to your own people is reduced?
15. No group can unlawfully challenge the authority of the Federal Government and succeed. Our Administration is fully sympathetic to the plight of the good people of Niger Delta and we are in touch with the State Governments and leaderships of the region. It is known that the clean-up of the Ogoniland has started. Infrastructural projects financed by the Federal Government and post amnesty programme financing will continue.
16. We have however, continued to dialogue with all groups and leaders of thought in the region to bring lasting peace.
17. Corruption is a cancer which must be fought with all the weapons at our disposal. It corrodes the very fabric of government and destroys society. Fighting corruption is Key, not only to restoring the moral health of the nation, but also to freeing our enormous resources for urgent socio-economic development.
18. In fighting corruption, however, the government would adhere strictly by the rule of law. Not for the first time I am appealing to the judiciary to join the fight against corruption.
19. The Third Plank in this Administration's drive to CHANGE Nigeria is re-structuring the economy. Economies behaviour is cyclical. All countries face ups and downs. Our own recession has been brought about by a critical shortage of foreign exchange. Oil price dropped from an average of hundred USD per barrel over the last decade to an average of forty USD per barrel this year and last.
20. Worse still, the damage perpetrated by Niger Delta thugs on pipelines sometimes reduced Nigeria's production to below One million barrels per day against the normal two point two million barrels per day. Consequently, the naira is at its weakest, but the situation will stabilize.
21. But this is only temporary. Historically about half our dollar export earnings go to importation of petroleum and food products! Nothing was saved for the rainy days during the periods of prosperity. We are now reaping the whirlwinds of corruption, recklessness and impunity.
22. There are no easy solutions, but there are solutions nonetheless and Government is pursuing them in earnest. We are to repair our four refineries so that Nigeria can produce most of our petrol requirements locally, pending the coming on stream of new refineries. That way we will save ten billion USD yearly in importing fuel.
23. At the same time, the Federal Ministry of Agriculture and the Central Bank have been mobilized to encourage local production of rice, maize, sorghum, millet and soya beans. Our target is to achieve domestic self-sufficiency in these staples by 2018.
24. Already farmers in thirteen out of thirty six states are receiving credit support through the Central Bank of Nigeria's Anchor Borrowers Programme. Kebbi state alone this year is expected to produce one million tonnes of locally grown rice, thanks to a favourable harvest this year. As part of the 13 states, Lagos and Ogun are also starting this programme. Rice alone for example costs Nigeria two billion USD to import.
25. The country should be self-sufficient in basic staples by 2019. Foreign exchange thus saved can go to industrial revival requirements for retooling, essential raw materials and spare parts. It is in recognition of the need to re-invigorate agriculture in our rural communities that we are introducing the LIFE programme.
26. Government recognises that irrigation is key to modern agriculture: that is why the Ministries of Agriculture and Water Resources are embarking on a huge programme of development of lakes, earth dams and water harvesting schemes throughout the country to ensure that we are no longer dependent on rain-fed agriculture for our food requirements.
27. In addition, government is introducing Water Resources Bill encompassing the National Water Resources Policy and National Irrigation and Drainage Policy to improve management of water and irrigation development in the country. We are reviving all the twelve River Basin Authorities, namely;
Anambra – Imo
Benin – Owena
Chad Basin
Cross River
Hadejia – Jama'are
Lower Benue
Lower Niger
Niger Delta
Ogun – Osun
Sokoto – Rima
Upper Benue
Upper Niger
28. The intention is eventually to fully commercialise them to better support crop production, aqua –culture and accelerated rural development.
29. This Administration is committed to the revival of Lake Chad and improvement of the hydrology and ecology of the basin. This will tune in with efforts to rehabilitate the thirty million people affected by the Boko Haram insurgency in the Lake Chad basin countries.
30. The second plank in our economic revival strategy is centred on the Ministry of Power, Works and Housing. The Ministry will lead and oversee the provision of critical infrastructure of power, road transport network and housing development.
31. Power generation has steadily risen since our Administration came on board from three thousand three hundred and twenty four megawatts in June 2015, rising to a peak of five thousand and seventy four megawatts in February 2016.
32. For the first time in our history the country was producing five thousand megawatts. However, renewed militancy and destruction of gas pipelines caused acute shortage of gas and constant drop in electricity output available on the grid.
33. There has been during the period June 2015 to September 2016 big improvement in transmission capacity from five thousand five hundred megawatts to the present seven thousand three hundred megawatts.
34. There were only two system collapses between June and December 2015, but due to vandalism by Niger Delta militants the over-all system suffered 16 system collapses between March and July 2016 alone. As I have said earlier, we are engaging with responsible leadership in the region to find lasting solutions to genuine grievances of the area but we will not allow a tiny minority of thugs to cripple the country's economy.
35. In the meantime, government is going ahead with projects utilizing alternate technologies such as hydro, wind, and solar to contribute to our energy mix. In this respect, the Mambilla Hydro project, after many years of delay is taking off this year. Contract negotiations are nearing completion with Chinese firms for technical and financial commitments.
36. The project is to be jointly financed by Nigeria and the Chinese-Export-Import Bank. In addition, fourteen Solar Power Projects have had their power purchase agreements concluded. Hence the plan to produce one thousand two hundred megawatts of solar electricity for the country would be realized on schedule.
37. And in line with the objective of government to complete all abandoned projects across the country, the Rural Electrification Agency's projects needing completion are provided for in the 2016 Budget. Bringing electricity to rural areas will help farmers, small scale and cottage industries to integrate with the national economy.
38. Roads Construction and Rehabilitation has taken off. The sum of twelve billion naira was allocated to this sector in the 2015 Budget, not enough even to pay interest on outstanding unpaid claims.
39. Notwithstanding the budgetary constraints, the current budget allocated two hundred and forty billion naira for highway projects against twelve billion naira in 2015. Many contractors who have not been paid for three years have now remobilized to sites. Seven hundred and twenty point five billion naira has so far been released this budget year to capital projects.
40. The Ministry of Power, Works and Housing has received one hundred and ninety seven point five billion naira. Work on the following highways has now resumed.
Dualization of Calabar – Itu Road in Cross River/Akwa Ibom States.
Dualization of Lokoja – Benin Road, Ehor – Benin city, Edo State.
Re-construction of outstanding sections of Benin – Shagamu Express way, Edo/Ogun States.
Expansion works on Lagos – Ibadan Dual carriageway, Ogun/Oyo States
Rehabilitation of Onitsha – Enugu Expressway, Anambra/Enugu States.
Rehabilitation and Reconstruction of Enugu – Port Harcourt Dual carriageway, Abia/Rivers States.
Rehabilitation of Hadejia – Nguru Road, Jigawa State.
Dualization of Kano – Katsina Road, Kano State.
Dualization of Kano – Maiduguri Road, Borno State.
Dualization of Azare – Potiskum Road, Azare – Sharuri Road, Bauchi State.
Rehabilitation of Ilorin – Jebba – Mokwa – Birnin Gwari Road, Kwara State.
Construction of Oju/Lokoja – Oweto Bridge over River Benue, Benue State.
41. Other major highways are in the queue for rehabilitation or new construction.
42. Already contractors have recalled about nine thousand workers laid off and Government expects that several hundreds of thousands of workers will be reengaged in the next few months as our public works programme gains momentum.
43. On railways, we have provided our counterpart funding to China for the building of our standard gauge Lagos -Kano railway. Meanwhile, General Electric is investing two point two billion USD in a concession to revamp, provide rolling stock, and manage the existing lines, including the Port Harcourt-Maiduguri Line. The Lagos-Calabar railway will also be on stream soon.
44. We have initiated the National Housing Programme. In 2014 four hundred million naira was voted for Housing. In 2015 nothing. Our first budget this year is devoting thirty five point six billion naira. Much of the house building will be private – sector led but Government is initiating a pilot housing scheme of two thousand eight hundred and thirty eight units uniformly spread across the 36 states and FCT.
45. We expect these units to be completed within 4 – 6 months. These experimental Nigeria House model Units will be constructed using only made in Nigeria building materials and components. This initiative is expected to reactivate the building materials manufacturing sector, generate massive employment opportunities and develop sector capacity and expertise.
46. The programmes I have outlined will revive the economy, restore the value of the naira and drive hunger from our land.
47. Abroad, Nigeria's standing has changed beyond belief in the last 18 months. We are no longer a pariah state. Wherever I go, I have been received with un-accustomed hospitality. Investors from all over the world are falling over themselves to come and do business in Nigeria. This government intends to make business environment more friendly because we can not develop ourselves alone.
48. All countries, no matter how advanced, welcome foreign investments to their economy. This is the essence of globalization and no country in the 21st century can be an island. Our reforms are therefore designed to prepare Nigeria for the 21st century.
49. Finally, let me commend Nigerians for your patience, steadfastness and perseverance. You know that I am trying to do the right things for our country.
50. Thank you and may God bless our country.
www.sojworld.com (c) October 2, 2017.


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It's MORNING EDITION from NPR News. I'm Renee Montagne.
And I'm Steve Inskeep.
Now that automatic spending cuts are causing wider pain, Congress has begun finding ways to adjust some of them.
MONTAGNE: Today the House is expected to take up a bill the Senate has already approved. It's called the Reducing Flight Delays Act of 2013, and it comes after a week of flight delays and outrage from members of Congress, linked to the furloughs the FAA air traffic controllers.
INSKEEP: NPR congressional correspondent Tamara Keith is covering this story. She's on the line. Tamara, good morning.
TAMARA KEITH, BYLINE: Good morning.
INSKEEP: OK, they're not actually rolling back the spending cuts here, are they?
KEITH: That's correct. The FAA doesn't get any more money out of this bill, but it does get more flexibility. And the FAA insisted it needed that flexibility in how it does its budgeting to stop the furloughs. It allows the FAA to take unspent money from the Airport Improvement Program, which had been locked away, and use that to keep air traffic controllers on the job.
This all began on Sunday when the FAA began furloughs of all of its employees, and that included controllers, and it set off thousands of flight delays.
INSKEEP: It's really amazing how quickly this did happen, Tamara, because we had lawmakers arguing over the so-called sequester, saying there was nothing they wanted or could agree to do about it. And suddenly, as soon as large numbers of the traveling public felt some pain, here they are moving very swiftly.
KEITH: Yeah, I mean there's nothing like public outrage to light a fire. You had pilots telling people if they were upset about the delays that were happening right then and there to call Congress.
And also, Congress is on recess next week. There're two reasons that matters. That means members will be flying...
KEITH: ...and experiencing the delays themselves.
INSKEEP: I want to get home on time. I got to pass this bill. Go on.
KEITH: And you know, I don't want to assign any self-interest, but that's a fact. And also, more significantly, they're going to be at home in their districts while the traveling public would have been suffering. And you know, who wants to take that kind of heat?
Maine Republican Susan Collins is a sponsor of the bill. She spoke on the Senate floor last night.
SENATOR SUSAN COLLINS: That should prevent the onerous delays that have been occurring and were only going to get worse as the traveling season reached its peak this summer.
KEITH: Earlier this week, Senator Jay Rockefeller said something that I think sort of sums up how Congress sometimes works. He said they didn't have a lot of time to do this and that might help. And it absolutely did help. They were rushing to get out of town.
INSKEEP: OK, so the Senate passed this bill. What happens in the House now?
KEITH: Well, there's this interesting dynamic because a lot of House Republicans have been insisting all week that the FAA has had the flexibility it needed all along. In fact, about a dozen of them held a press conference yesterday where they all got up and said more or less the same thing: They have the flexibility, they're just being political here.
But you know, it still seems quite likely that they'll sign off on this fix, even if they don't agree that there's really a problem. Bill Shuster from Pennsylvania is chairman of the House Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure.
REPRESENTATIVE BILL SHUSTER: We're willing to look at what the Senate's going to propose. But I believe we don't need to pass legislation. And if we were to, it should be limited - very, very limited in actually directing the FAA to use the ability - the flexibility that they have presently to not have these furloughs, which are, again, causing great harm to our economy.
KEITH: Or in other words, if passing this bill will make the flight delays go away, then the House is probably going to sign off.
INSKEEP: OK. Just so I understand that, Tamara, the Senate has already passed this. They tend not to take up legislation unless they're pretty sure the Republican House is going to pass it. So it's thought, even though we can't be sure, it's thought that this legislation is likely to pass?
KEITH: Well, and it passed by unanimous consent in the Senate, which is a pretty powerful margin. Everyone supported it and it also had bipartisan sponsorship, which should give it smooth sailing.
INSKEEP: OK. And in a few seconds, Tamara Keith, what does it say that as soon as a large swath of the public felt an effect of the sequester, Congress immediately moved to change it?
KEITH: But really just that narrow thing. There's only been one other area that has gotten this type of treatment and that was the meat inspectors. So now there are lots of people angling to get their special thing carved out, but it's not clear that there's much appetite for it. And a little political reality here. Kids in Head Start programs are not going to have the same effect on Congress as angry business travelers.
INSKEEP: OK, thanks very much. That's NPR congressional correspondent Tamara Keith. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR.


text:
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BEIJING—During her 30-hour train journey to Beijing, Wang Xiulan ducked into bathrooms whenever the conductors checked IDs. Later, as she lay low in the outskirts of the capital, unidentified men caught her in a nighttime raid and hauled her to a police station. She assumed a fake identity to get away, and is now in hiding again.
Wang's not a criminal. She's a petitioner.
She's among many people attempting to bring local complaints directly to the central government in an age-old Chinese tradition that has continued during the Communist Party era. But police never make that easy, and this week, as an all-important leadership transition begins, a dragnet is aimed at keeping anyone perceived as a threat or a troublemaker out of Beijing.
"There is no law in China, especially for us petitioners and ordinary folk," Wang, 50, said in an interview with The Associated Press. "Even common gangsters and hoodlums get to leave after they serve time for crimes; but for us, if we get locked up, we never know when we might be freed."
Authorities want no surprises as the handover of power begins in the capital on Thursday. The transition already has been rocked by the party's messiest scandal in decades, involving a former high-flying politician now accused of engaging in graft and obstructing the investigation into his wife's murder of a British businessman.
Rights groups say the wide-ranging crackdown on critics bodes poorly for those who hope the incoming generation of leaders will loosen restrictions on activism.
"China's top political leaders are very nervous, as they have since early this year been consumed by one of the most destabilizing and disharmonious power struggles in decades," said Renee Xia, international director of the Chinese Human Rights Defenders. The group estimates that hundreds or thousands of people have come under some kind of restriction in preparation for the party congress.
Lawyers have been held under illegal house arrest, dissidents sent back to their hometowns and activists questioned. Internet users report difficulties accessing many websites and the failure of software meant to bypass Internet filters.
Veteran activist Huang Qi, who runs a website on petitioners like Wang, said nearly 1,000 people have contacted him over the past few weeks to complain that authorities have hired thugs to harass and beat them.
"I hope that the Chinese authorities will face up to the social problems," Huang said in an interview. "Using violence will only escalate the resistance."
The crackdown reflects the leadership's nervousness as slowing economic growth exacerbates public outrage over corruption, social injustice, pollution and favoritism toward state-run agencies and the elite at the expense of ordinary people.
Under normal circumstances, petitioners are relatively safe once they reach Beijing's outskirts, though in their home provinces they are almost perpetually on the run from hostile local officials or thugs-for-hire who want to nab them before they can get an audience with central government agencies.
Now, however, even the capital's fringes are off limits.
Wang, a petite woman with shoulder-length hair neatly tied back, has been trying for two decades to draw central government attention to what she says was police mishandling of a serious assault she suffered in her native Harbin. Not only did her attacker go unpunished, but Wang ended up getting dismissed from her job years later.
Wang arrived in late October in Lu Village in Beijing's southwest, where petitioners have sought refuge for years. A police post guards the road into the village, and residents say officers have lately blocked petitioners from entering.
Wang had rented a bed—a wooden plank on bricks—in a tiny concrete room shared with two others. A gang of two dozen men barged in one night at 11 pm, demanded to see her ID, searched her belongings and grabbed her cellphone.
"I was scared to death when they suddenly barged in here," Wang said, pointing at the door, where the lock had just been replaced.
The men refused to identify themselves and bundled her into a minivan with other petitioners. At another stop, she saw a couple dragged into the vans in their pajamas, the woman wearing only one shoe.
All were taken to a police station in nearby Jiujingzhuang village, where many petitioners say police process them for return to their hometowns. Using someone else's identity, Wang was able to evade police suspicion and was released. Many of the others were sent back, she said.
The raids are having an effect. The compound that houses her room and others now has only a handful of residents, down from about 30.
"They've all been chased away, caught or scared home," said Liu Zhifa, a 67-year-old petitioner from Henan province and one of the holdouts. Liu confirmed Wang's description of the Oct. 31 raid and described his own encounter with thugs breaking his lock and entering his room three times in one night in mid-October.
"I asked them to show their identifications, and they yelled at me, saying 'What right do you have to see our identification? Who do you think you are?'" said Liu. "They were ruthless. The authorities and the police are working with people in the underworld."
A police officer who would only give his surname, Wei, answered the phone at a Jiujingzhuang police station (not 'the' because the police station has another name) and denied that authorities were raiding petitioners' villages. "We only act according to the law," Wei said. Questions about the broader crackdown were referred to the Beijing public security bureau, which did not respond to faxed questions.
The crackdown has extended to lawyers such as Xu Zhiyong. He said Beijing authorities have held him under informal house arrest since mid-October, stationing four or five guards outside his apartment in Beijing around the clock.
Xu has campaigned for years against Chinese authorities' use of "black jails," or unofficial detention centers run by local governments to hold petitioners. The government has denied the existence of such facilities, but even the tightly controlled state media have reported on them.
"The illegal restriction of a citizen's personal freedom for a long period of time is criminal behavior," Xu wrote in an email. "In an authoritarian state, this type of crime takes place everywhere."
Authorities in Shanghai also have ratcheted up pressure on critics, sentencing veteran women's rights activist Mao Hengfeng to a year-and-a-half in a labor camp. Mao, accused of disturbing social order, had been detained in Beijing in late September, said her husband, Wu Xuewei, who indicated she was being put away to silence her before the party congress.
Even dissidents' relatives have come under pressure. Beijing activist Hu Jia said he was warned by police to leave town, and that even his parents told him that police had told them to escort him to his hometown.
"My parents said to me: 'Hu Jia, you don't know what kind of danger you are in, but we know,'" he recounted in a phone interview from his parents' home in eastern Anhui Province. "They said: 'Beijing is a cruel battlefield. If you stay here, you will be the first to be sacrificed. Don't do this.'"