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Monday, June 29, 2009
The Martyrs of Rome; Forty Years of Holy See-Canada Diplomatic Relations
L to R: Rev. T. Cassidy, OMI, Dr. Robert Ryan, Mgr Serge Poitras, Archbishop Luigi Ventura, Msgr. Luca Lorusso
Today, June 30, the Church continues the celebration of the martyrdom of those Roman saints whose blood, like that of the Apostles Peter and Paul, became the "seed of Christians".
Yesterday, Archbishop Luigi Ventura (named to Canada on June 22, 2001 and took up office on September 10 that year) hosted a reception for members of the Diplomatic Corps as well as representatives of Catholic, religious and other entities to mark the Fourth Anniversary of Pope Benedict XVI's election to the Chair of Peter and, incidentally, to note the Fortieth Anniversary of the establishment of Diplomatic Relations between Canada and the Vatican (Holy See).
The Vatican is both an administrative body and the heart of the church. However, the Vatican did not become a sovereign state until it elaborated with Italy the Lateran Pact, ratified on February 11, 1929.
After the Vatican became sovereign, it set up a more formal "Apostolic Delegation" in Canada and elsewhere. In 1969, Canada's Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau met with Pope Paul VI and the Canadian government then opened diplomatic relations with the Vatican on October 16, becoming the 72nd country to do so at which point the Apostolic Delegation became an Apostolic Nunciature or embassy.
Anticipating the 40th anniversary in October, the musicians from Famille Marie-Jeunesse paused in their musical offerings for the Nunciature's guest [just before the rain started] and played the Canadian national and Vatican anthems.The chamber orchestra continued their playing as people huddled under the tents, noshed on finger food and chatted up their neighbours.
Whether a sign of divine beneficence or not, soon thereafter a rainbow was spotted over the Nuncio's rooftop.
1 comment:
- AnonymousJuly 1, 2009 at 1:01 PM
It was very nice to see at this beautiful gathering. Is there more pictures?
Bishop Ibrahim
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[edit Aug 28 2019] After close to 3 years we can say we have taken the first steps :) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=byqW...ature=youtu.be
The plugin parameters most important to the user come first. Call them Plugin Parameter A, Plugin Parameter B and so on. Past the user assignments, the rest of the parameters are just strung along. Maybe the user should be able to keep some of them out as well for those unwieldy mega beast plugins with hundreds of parameters. This will come in handy later.

subset: commoncrawl


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14–16 May 2022, EartH
Please note that these shows will be taking place at EartH: 11-17 Stoke Newington Rd, London N16 8BH
Doors will be at 6pm, with the band takin gthe stage around 7pm. There will be two sets each night of roughly 45mins in length with a short break in the middle.
Delighted to present one of the greatest big bands of all time for their first London shows in over two and a half years! With a massive, joyous songbook, the Arkestra play with the kind of well organised chaos that sees their legendary 3 hour sets move deftly between rolling grooves, sing-along chants and atonal blasts of mischievous brass. Operating under the direction of saxophonist Marshall Allen, the Arkestra remain one of the most unmissable live acts today.
"By the time that the show winds to a close, the audience joining in call-and-response style, The Arkestra snaking through the audience in their traditional procession, honking, clapping, chanting and leading the way along the path that leads to the stars, the roof has lifted off Oto. During the band's first decade, in response to a criticism that Sun Ra was "too far out", that other legend of the piano, Thelonious Monk, famously replied, "Yeah, but it swings." Even a half century later, how right he was." – David Solomons, Freq, review of the Sun Ra Arkestra at Cafe OTO, 2013.
Please note that tickets are a mix of unreserved seating and standing.
Sun Ra was one of the greatest and least known jazz artists of the last four decades, whose influence on diverse musicians is little known to the general public. A pianist and band leader, his style ranged from retro swing to avant free, and often in the same piece. His band could play a swinging Gershwin tune and almost imperceptibly soar into their free cosmic equational tones as if they possessed a single mind.
Ra was a keyboard improviser of great originality, but his foremost talent was for inspiring and teaching creative musicians to improvise freely but together. This tension between freedom and coherence was something he explored with abundant energy and skill.
Sun Ra died in 1993. The Arkestra performs today, under the direction of alto saxophonist Marshall Allen.
As a young musician, Marshall Belford Allen (b. May 25, 1924) performed with pianist Art Simmons, Don Byas and James Moody before enrolling in the Paris Conservatory of Music. After relocating to Chicago, Allen became a pupil of Sun Ra, subsequently joining the Arkestra in 1958 and leading Sun Ra's formidable reed section for the next 40 years. Marshall, along with John Gilmore, June Tyson and James Jacson, lived, rehearsed, toured and recorded with Sun Ra almost exclusively for much of Sun Ra's musical career. As a member of the Arkestra, Allen pioneered the Free Jazz movement of the early sixties, having remarkable influence on the leading voices in the avant-garde. He is featured on over 200 Sun Ra recordings in addition to collaborations with Phish, Sonic Youth, Digable Planets and Medeski, Martin & Wood.
Allen assumed the position of Arkestra Musical Director in 1995, following the ascension of Sun Ra in 1993 and John Gilmore in 1995. Marshall continues to be committed to the study, research, and development of Sun Ra's musical precepts and has launched the Sun Ra Arkestra into a dimension beyond that of mere "ghost" band by writing fresh arrangements of Sun Ra's music, as well as composing new music and arrangement for the Arkestra. He works unceasingly to keep the big-band tradition alive.


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Charles Darwin
Charles Darwin was an English Naturalist who lived between 1809-1882. He laid the foundations for the modern science of biology, and changed how other scientists understood the appearance of life on Earth.
In 1859, following 30 years of study and travels, Darwin published a book called The Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection, which started a scientific revolution. It showed that life on Earth is constantly changing and only the fittest organisms survive.


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Sick Bees – Part 14: An Update on the "Nosema Cousins"
Worldwide Status and Distribution
What if You're Dealing with N. apis?
Sick Bees 14:
An Update on the "Nosema Cousins"
First published in ABJ December 2011
Randy Oliver
In my last article, I described how to quickly sample for nosema. So what do the spore counts actually mean as far as colony health is concerned? I wrote an article a little over two years ago with the tongue in cheek title "Nosema ceranae: Kiss of Death, or Much Ado about Nothing." Well, N. ceranae is still an enigma, but it appears that the answer lies somewhere in between.
Dr. Mariano Higes (2005, 2006) was the first to raise the flag to alert beekeepers worldwide that a new species of nosema had invaded Europe, and appeared to be the cause of the unusual colony collapses that plagued Spain (a major beekeeping country) in 2003 and 2004. Then in 2007, just as Colony Collapse Disorder was rampaging through our own bee operations, we found out that Nosema ceranae had somehow spread throughout the U.S. right under our eyes!
Drs. Diana Cox-Foster and Ian Lipkin (2007) then published a paper suggesting that a newly-described virus was involved in CCD, but later research indicated that IAPV wasn't the only culprit, leaving N. ceranae as a leading suspect.
Shortly afterward, Higes (2008) described in great detail the progression of N. ceranae infection (in his Spanish apiaries) through four stages: Asymptomatic, Replacement, False Recovery, and finally the dreaded Depopulation. The logic, the numbers, and the devastating final result were all clear and compelling. The specter of N. ceranae ravaging our hives resulted in unnerved beekeepers boosting the sales of fumagillin to the point that supplies ran short.
I had never previously worried about nosema, but I pulled out a microscope and found out that N. ceranae was indeed widespread in my operation. I ran trials, and found out that the danged parasite could flourish despite being drowned in fumagillin (Oliver 2008a), but more surprisingly, that colonies here at Comedy of Errors Apiaries thrived despite exhibiting spore counts in the millions. To try to reconcile the differences between the very different outcomes of N. ceranae infection in my operation with those reported for Spain, I began an ongoing correspondence with Dr. Higes, which continues to this day.
To be frank, some other Spanish researchers dispute Higes' conclusions (debate leads to better science), so I have often questioned and challenged him on details of methodology and interpretation, which he and his team of collaborators have generally clarified with additional research. In this series of articles I will be citing a number of the Higes team's papers, since they have clearly led the pack in N. ceranae research, meticulously investigating nearly every aspect of this pathogen's effects upon bees.
I've previously written at length about N. ceranae in my "Nosema Twins" series (all available at ScientificBeekeeping.com), but feel that there has been so much recent research completed that it would benefit the reader for me to write a digest of our current state of knowledge. I've scoured the literature for every relevant research paper (including a number still in press), and have discussed as well current findings with many of the world's nosema researchers. I wish that at this time I could say that I have the answers to all your questions about Nosema ceranae, but unfortunately, in many aspects this parasite still remains an enigma.
Worldwide Status and Distribution
Nosema ceranae has now spread into the European honey bee populations of most areas of the world, roughly concurrent with the spread of varroa (and its altering of virus dynamics), which greatly confuses analysis of the effect of these two novel parasites upon bee health. It is difficult to tell in which countries N. ceranae has already reached equilibrium, and in which it is still invading.
Since the first invasive wave of a novel parasite into naïve hosts is generally that most damaging, it would be helpful to know when ceranae actually arrived in various countries. For example, we know from analysis of archived bee samples that N. ceranae has been present on the East Coast for at least two decades (Chen 2008). Unfortunately, any initial effects of its invasion may have been masked by our focus upon the massive impact of the arrival of varroa at about the same time.
Since no one was looking for N. ceranae in the U.S. until 2007, we obviously didn't start studying it until long after it was well established and likely homogenized throughout the bee population via migratory beekeeping practices. And it is also likely that by the time we started studying the impact of N. ceranae upon the health of colonies, natural selection may have already weeded out the bees least tolerant of the emergent pathogen.
In Europe, however, N. ceranae only recently invaded bee populations already suffering from varroa and viruses, miticide failure and comb contamination, extreme weather events, plus changes in agricultural practices and pesticide use—the combination of which likely factor into colony losses in that region.
In a fresh study (Botías 2011), the Higes team analyzed archived Spanish honey samples (frozen) and adult bee samples (in alcohol) dating back to 1998. They found that N. ceranae first appeared beginning in 2000 and increased in prevalence through 2009 (the latest samples analyzed), concurrent with a decrease in the prevalence of N. apis. It is noteworthy that Spain concurrently suffered from devastating drought during much of that period, which led to serious colony stress.
N. ceranae is still in the process of extending its range worldwide, and appears to be most successful in warmer climates. It is of interest that in varroa-free Australia, its invasion does not appear to be causing significant colony losses. Interestingly, although it is well-established in Canada, it is not yet common in some northern European countries, but this may be due to restrictions upon bee imports (Fries 2010).
N. ceranae is widely distributed throughout the U.S., but surprisingly, there were great differences in the percent of colonies infected in a recent state-by-state survey (Fig. 1).
Figure 1. Prevalence (percent of samples infected) of N. ceranae in various states as determined by PCR analysis (more sensitive than spore counts) of aggregate samples collected from 8 randomly selected colonies per apiary, 4 apiaries per state. Note that in some states over 70% of samples were infected! From Rennich, K, et al (2011) 2010-2011 National Honey Bee Pests and Diseases Survey Report.
Ceranae vs. apis
In a widely cited paper by Martín-Hernández (2007), her arresting graph of nosema positive samples over time clearly shows a definite shift over the period from 1999 to 2005—there initially were only spikes in spring and fall (ostensibly from apis), transitioning to nearly 100% of samples being positive every month of the year (due to ceranae). Of note is that her data has an inherent bias, in that the samples were voluntarily sent to the lab by beekeepers for diagnosis of problems, suggesting that the data may reflect the change in nosema loads in sick hives. Also of note, is that despite this graph being widely cited, it is often misunderstood—it did not plot spore levels, but rather only the yes/no detection of nosema spores.
What the graph did strongly indicate was that N. ceranae rapidly and thoroughly invaded Spain over a period of only a few years! This initial finding has now been confirmed by Botías (2011). Likely, a similar phenomenon occurred in the U.S., since Chen (2008) found N. ceranae to already be widespread in archived U.S. bee samples dating back to 1995.
The general trend appears to be that N. ceranae now predominates in warmer countries, whereas N. apis is better adapted to colder areas. It has been often stated that N. ceranae has displaced N. apis, but more careful analysis suggests that that may not actually be the case!
When Dr. Robb Cramer asked me in 2007 to send him infected bees so that he could culture pure N. ceranae, he found that the samples often contained some N. apis as a "contaminant." In Dr. Diana Cox-Foster's (2007) analysis of CCD colonies, they also found both species of nosema. Later studies by Bourgeois (2010) and Runckel (2011) of commercial operations in the U.S. also found N. apis, but in far fewer hives than its cousin, only in spring and/or fall, and notably, at much lower spore levels than N. ceranae.
The differences between the detectability of the two nosema species (N. apis typically produces much lower spore counts and is generally only seen in spring and fall) may lead "to an increased chance of detecting N. ceranae over N. apis, which could have biased the impression that N. apis has been displaced" (Higes 2010).
So, has ceranae actually displaced apis, or have we merely been overlooking its cousin? In order to answer that question, Dr. Raquel Martín-Hernández (2011) carefully analyzed over 2000 bee samples from all across Spain. She found ceranae and apis coexisting throughout country, with ceranae clearly predominant (in roughly 40% of hives), apis hanging in there (in up to 15%), and occasional mixed infections (below 7%). She also found that infection by ceranae was favored in hotter areas of the country, whereas apis succeeded better where winters are colder.
I'm seeing similar indications from other countries (e.g., Gisder 2010), which are appearing to confirm that apis is the more cold-adapted species. As far as seasonality, Martín-Hernández found apis only in the spring and fall, whereas ceranae could be found all year, and notably, once ceranae infects a colony, it almost always persists (detectable with PCR, even if not obvious via spore counts).
Practical note: these studies indicate that N. ceranae remains present as an infection in a colony throughout the year, even if it is not detectable by microscopy. But we don't know whether these inapparent infections affect colony health.
I found one last study to be of special interest: Dr. Judy Chen (2009) looked at nosema invasion from the other direction—in a turn of the tables, N. apis appears to have been introduced from the Western honey bee (Apis mellifera) into the Eastern honey bee (Apis cerana) in Asia, and is now an emergent parasite in that species, which had historically been infected only by N. ceranae! She analyzed bee samples from China, Taiwan, and Japan. Her findings:
"N. apis was detected in 31% of examined bees and N. ceranae was detected in 71% of examined bees and that the copy number of N. ceranae was 100-fold higher than that of N. apis in co-infected bees, showing that N. ceranae is the more abundant of two Nosema species in the Eastern honey bees."
This study suggests that N. apis can not only hold its own against N. ceranae, but can actually invade into ceranae's turf! Interestingly, in the Eastern honey bee, despite its long coevolution with N. ceranae, ceranae still produces higher spore counts than its invading cousin.
This brings up the question of what happens when bees are infected simultaneously by both species of nosema? Dr. Zachary Huang (pers comm) found that in both cage trials and field observations that longevity was substantially shorter for coinfected bees as opposed to those infected by either species of nosema alone (unpublished data).
Note that in Cox-Foster's (2007) CCD study that they found "a trend for increased CCD risk in samples positive for N. apis" (100% of CCD colonies tested positive for ceranae and 90% for apis, but remember that apis is easy to miss when samples consist of house bees). As Jim Fischer noted in a post to Bee-L, "What was striking was that every hive showing CCD symptoms tested positive for BOTH Nosema apis and Nosema ceranae, and this correlation was better than the correlation between CCD and IAPV that was the focus of the paper."
These findings leave me very curious about the impact of coinfection by two nosema species upon colony health!
Spore counts of N. ceranae generally reach a peak in May, then drop spontaneously during summer, and may spike sporadically in fall and winter. But there is more to the picture than this. Dr. Ingemar Fries (2010), who has studied nosema for decades, explains thusly:
"The typical pattern for N. apis infections in temperate climates is low prevalence or hardly detectable levels during the summer with a small peak in the fall. During the winter there is a slight increased prevalence with a large peak in the spring before the winter bees are replaced by young bees… The pattern is similar both in the southern and northern hemisphere… Unfortunately, very few data exist for N. apis on the seasonal prevalence from tropical or subtropical conditions. The only published year round sampling under conditions where bees could fly all year round, revealed detectable levels of N. apis with no seasonal pattern of prevalence."
Along that line, Dr. Denis Anderson in Australia (pers comm) tells me that, "there are also many unseasonal occurrences of N. apis — I get many samples sent in in the mid summer here that are loaded with N. apis." This could well be happening in the U.S., where, as far as I can tell, there have been few studies on N. apis in warmer areas, other than the fact that it was commonly found in package bees produced in the southern states.
Practical application: we need to learn more about the prevalence and seasonality of N. apis in the warmer parts of our country!
I've now seen data and presentations on N. ceranae seasonal prevalence from researchers from all over the world. Since a picture is worth a thousand words, I've summarized them in a crude graph below (Fig. 2).
Figure 2. A generic graph of typical N. ceranae spore counts over the course of the year in my operation. Important note: Counts of house bees would follow the same trend, but at much lower levels. The late-season spikes are often sporadic flare ups that spontaneously "go away."
Practical application: It is not unusual to see high nosema spore counts in April and May. Counts will typically drop in summer whether you treat or not. I'll cover treatments in a subsequent article.
But new technology is showing something surprising about nosema sampling—that spore counts do not necessarily reflect degree of actual nosema infection (Meana 2010)! Look at the following graph (Fig. 3), from a recent nationwide study of pathogens in U.S. bees—instead of measuring spore counts, the blue bars indicate the percentage of colonies infected by N. ceranae as determined by DNA analysis (PCR).
Figure 3. The blue bars indicate the percentage prevalence of N. ceranae in sampled colonies (e.g., 0.7 = present in 70% of hives). Note that even though spore counts suggest that N. ceranae disappears for much of the year (previous graph), a substantial proportion of colonies actually remain infected to some degree by the parasite. Also note how closely the coinfection with another intestinal parasite (the presumably opportunistic trypanosomes) tracks nosema infection. No one is sure whether there is a causal relationship, or whether the simple explanation is that both parasites flourish in stressed bees. Graph from Rennich, K, et al (2011) 2010-2011 National Honey Bee Pests and Diseases Survey Report.
As opposed to the above graph, Runckel (2011) also measured the amount of nosema DNA in samples, which presumably correlates with the intensity of the infection. They found high levels of N. ceranae transcripts in midsummer, at a time when spore counts are generally quite low (Fig. 5)! Their data indicated that N. apis was only present in spring and fall (which does correspond to spore counts). Go figure!
So what's up with high levels of N. ceranae DNA transcripts without correspondingly high spore counts? No one to my knowledge has answered that important question. What we do know is that N. ceranae can exist in the vegetative stage for a while before it produces spores (Martín-Hernández 2009). But we're not clear on to what extent N. ceranae produces "autoinfective spores," as opposed to the "environmental" spores that are discharged into the gut contents (Cali 1999), and whether such autoinfective spores show up under microscopy. What is clear, however, is that N. ceranae appears to be able to reproduce within a bee without producing spores that are observable by microscopy.
Practical note: although N. ceranae spore counts may disappear in summer, DNA analysis indicates that the bees may still be infected. This is something of a mystery, as the bee population turns over rapidly during the summer, suggesting that N. ceranae is somehow infecting new bees without spores being evident!
So the next question is, is an infection by N. ceranae more pathogenic than one by N. apis? Although some initial cage trials indicated extreme virulence for the new nosema, trials in which bees were allowed to feed upon natural pollen generally found that both species affect bee longevity about the same (Forsgren 2010, Porrini 2011, Huang pers comm) despite the fact that spore levels get much higher with N. ceranae.
Take home: We clearly still have lots to learn about N. ceranae! It does not appear to cause rapid death of well-fed bees. The inapparent summer infections are puzzling.
So what's the cause of the seasonality of nosema spore counts? With N. apis it is presumed to be due to the requisites of transmission via dysentery by infected bees in the hive during the winter and colony nutritional stress, and limited by its sensitivity to high temperature. Martín-Hernández (2009, 2010) demonstrated that N. apis can only grow in a narrow range of temperature (about 33°C). N. ceranae, on the other hand, grows readily over a range from 25°C to 37°C. However, N. ceranae spores are surprisingly susceptible to chilling (Fries 2010), which may limit their infectivity at lower temperatures.
Studies from a number of countries coinfected with both of the nosema cousins suggest that N. apis will continue to be the historical problem during winter and spring, with typical fall and spring spikes, whereas ceranae will be more prevalent in warmer climes, present throughout much of the year, spiking in late spring (perhaps tracking pollen flows), and then again sporadically in fall through winter.
Take home: if Nosema apis was a problem in your area prior to the invasion of N. ceranae, it may still contribute to colony health issues during the fall and spring!
Sample Interpretation
It would sure be easier if there were a simple sampling protocol that everyone could follow, and if there were clear treatment (or worry) thresholds based upon nosema spore counts, as there are for varroa (Fig. 4), but alas, I'm sorry to say that there aren't.
Figure 4. Average varroa infestation rates from 2700 colonies in 13 states (many of which received mite treatments). Sampling for varroa infestation level is relatively straightforward and simple to interpret. Typical treatment thresholds are below 5 mites per 100 bees. Graph from Rennich, K, et al (2011) 2010-2011 National Honey Bee Pests and Diseases Survey Report.
Unlike sampling for varroa, which are easily seen with the naked eye, sampling for nosema requires either a microscope or laboratory apparatus that can perform PCR. However, a number of researchers (Meana 2010, Bourgeouis 2010, Traver 2010) have demonstrated that spore counts alone do not give an accurate picture of the actual degree of infection. Unfortunately, as far as assessment methods available to Joe Beekeeper, spore counts will have to suffice as a surrogate measure of the actual degree of infection (Fig 5).
Figure 5. Average nosema spore counts from the same 2700 hives. Note the typical huge spike in spore counts (predominantly from N. ceranae) in spring, and then again lesser spikes in fall and winter. Important note: these spore counts were from samples of bees from brood frames—counts from entrance bees would likely be several times higher (compare to Figure 2). Graph from Rennich, K, et al (2011) 2010-2011 National Honey Bee Pests and Diseases Survey Report.
That said, let's return to sampling for a bit. If you want to find spores, then sample older bees, such as foragers at the entrance (Meana 2010)—spore counts will typically be about 10 times higher in older bees, since it takes a while for the infection to build up in a bee (Smart 2011). He found that in infected colonies with a background spore count of 0.5-1M in bees from under the inner cover, almost no bees younger than 12 days old contained spores (at least detectable by microscopy).
This is not at all surprising, since El-Shemy (1989) found the same to be true for N. apis—spore counts were an order of magnitude higher in bees from the entrance. Indeed, he suggested that it was best to sample exiting bees at the entrance, since returning bees have likely defecated. The magnitude of the spore counts from an infected colony generally increases in samples (in order from lowest to highest), of bees from the broodnest, outer areas of the cluster, entrance bees, exiting foragers, returning foragers.
Both El-Shemy and Higes (2008) found that the best indicator of degree of infection was to squash bees from an entrance sample one at a time in order to determine the percentage of bees infected. My own sampling of sick colonies supports this recommendation. But in reality, few of us have time to squash dozens of bees one at a time for each sample—so I won't even suggest that you go there!
The next best method may be to do a spore count for a pooled sample of 50 bees from the entrance (but don't forget that even one or two highly-infected bees can greatly skew the count). In practice, however, it is often danged difficult and time consuming to collect 50 entrance bees, even if you use a special vacuum (Oliver 2008b), especially in cool weather or from sick colonies with few foragers.
For this reason, many researchers simply take standardized samples of bees from under the cover, or from an outside comb. There is support for this, as Gajda (2009) found that although spore counts were much higher in entrance bees, the relative proportion of infected bees was similar in samples taken from an outside comb.
Practical application: If you want to find out whether N. ceranae is present to any significant extent in your operation, sample bees from the entrance. If you want to know if the infection is serious, sample house bees from under the cover.
If you are curious as to whether you have gotten old or young bees in your sample, here is an easy general observation that I've made: since only nurse bees normally eat pollen, they are the only ones that will have it in their guts (duh). But my point is, that this is really easy to use that pollen as an indicator of bee age if you use the ziplock bag method for processing samples (see my previous article, and Fig. 6).
Figure 6. How to tell if your sample contains young or old bees. (Left photo) when you crush samples of nurse bees in a ziplock bag, and then mush them in water, the fluid will typically turn opaque yellow (since the guts of nurse bees are full of pollen). (Right photo) on the other hand, the fluid from the guts of entrance bees will typically be a tan/gray color (since foragers and guards don't eat pollen).
What if You're Dealing with N. apis?
Oh, that it were only so simple as dealing with only one nosema, but the previously cited studies suggest that many of us actually may still have N. apis popping up in fall and early spring. To make things even harder, spore counts of N. apis, on a per bee, or per pooled sample basis, are generally only a fraction (about 1/10th, as best I can tell from previous studies) of what we see with N. ceranae. But it also appears that an infection by N. apis at that low level can be as serious as an infection by N. ceranae at a much higher spore count!
Important note: Martín-Hernández (2011) easily found N. ceranae in samples of either foragers or house bees, whereas she only found N. apis in foragers and drones. So if N. apis is your concern, then you should take entrance samples! N. apis infection may be serious at a much lower spore level!
The other consideration is that you must put any spore count into the context of time of year, the climate that your bees are in, the nutritional status of the colonies, and especially the load of other pathogens. I will discuss these points in the next article.
In cold climates, nosema management may have other considerations. Hedtke (2011) performed a detailed 6-year study of 220 hives in Germany, and (surprisingly) found that "No statistical relation between N. ceranae detection in autumn and the following spring could be demonstrated, meaning that colonies found to be infected in autumn did not necessarily still carry a detectable infection in spring, and colonies which developed a detectable infection over winter had not been detectably infected in autumn." So much for careful sampling!
Heck, I'd be crazy to stick my neck out and give any recommendations! So let's look at what sort of nosema levels are involved in crashing colonies. The CCD colonies analyzed by Cox-Foster (2007) had mean spore counts in the range of tens to hundreds of millions from broodnest samples! Is it really any surprise that those colonies collapsed? The house bees in Higes' (2008) winter-collapsing colonies hit 20M before they went down (field bees hit 50M), but those that collapsed in summer only hit 3M.
But note that in the U.S. survey graph above, that 2M was the average spore count across the U.S. in April and May of this year, yet I'm not hearing of massive colony collapses, despite very poor conditions in many states.
In my own California foothill operation (we get snow during the winter, and move to almonds in February), it is not unusual to see entrance spore counts in May in the millions or tens of millions, but they generally drop during summer, provided that colonies are not stressed by other factors. Entrance counts during summer and fall are typically in the zero to 5M range (25 spores per field of view if you follow the protocol in my previous article—I'll call these FOV counts (Oliver 2008c)). I have not looked at near as many samples of house bees, but counts are generally zero to a fraction of a million, even in colonies running at 10M at the entrance.
I am by no means suggesting that you follow my lead, but I simply no longer worry about high spore counts in spring, as they generally spontaneously drop later in the season, and I haven't experienced winter losses associated with N. ceranae (unless I've intentionally inoculated the hives with viruses). However, I do keep my mite levels down, and feed pollen supplement to maintain good nutrition if necessary. And I monitor nosema levels throughout the year so that I don't get blindsided!
I've never treated for nosema (except in experiments), yet have not experienced colony collapses since 2006. But I'm not saying that you have no reason for concern—I will be writing about a trial in which I did compare survival of treated vs. untreated colonies that had virus issues, and fumagillin appeared to help.
I'd be concerned if counts for house bees got above 5 per FOV at any time, although I know several large commercial beekeepers who routinely ignore such counts with no dire consequences so far. I just checked a number of samples of house bees today (late October), and they ran from zero to 2 spores per FOV, despite there often being counts of 100-200 per FOV of entrance samples this spring.
In some operations where N. ceranae apparently got out of hand, treatment and comb sterilization seemed to help. However, in other operations with sky-high spore counts in spring, lack of treatment did not result in any noticeable problems. Due to these huge discrepancies, it is confoundingly difficult to come up with recommendations. However, the more beekeepers who start tracking spore counts, the more we will learn about appropriate treatment decisions.
If you are in an area with a long, cold winter which keeps the bees confined, you may be dealing with Nosema apis, for which the economic threshold of 1M (5 per FOV) for house bees has been well established.
Practical application: since spore counts for N. apis generally only reach levels about 1/10th of those for N. ceranae, you'd be wise to ask your local university determine which nosema species you're dealing with, since it follows that the economic threshold for treatment for N. apis may be far less than that for N. ceranae.
I will continue this review of N. ceranae in the next issue, including treatments, and its relationship to colony mortality and honey production.
Thanks to you, my readers! It just occurred to me that I've recently passed the 5 year mark in writing for ABJ, and it's been one wild ride! If I had any idea what I was getting into, I would probably have chickened out. But your feedback and appreciation keep me going—my motivation is simply the gratification that I get from sharing what I've learned with other beekeepers. Your donations also allow me to perform the sort of quick and dirty research necessary to answer burning questions. I am constantly on the learning curve, and greatly appreciate hearing information that is relevant to better bee management—feel free to contact me (no beginners questions please) email@example.com.
As always, Peter Loring Borst has helped me greatly with research. I thank Dr. Mariano Higes for his patience in discussing his research. Dr. Steve Pernal and Ingemar Fries have been gracious with their time. I also thank all the other nosema researchers who have patiently answered my questions.
Botías, C, et al (2011) The growing prevalence of Nosema ceranae in honey bees in Spain, an emerging problem for the last decade. Research in Veterinary Science (in press).
Bourgeois, AL (2010) Genetic detection and quantification of Nosema apis and N. ceranae in the honey bee. Journal of Invertebrate Pathology 103: 53–58.
Cali, A and PM Takvorian (1999) Developmental morphology and life cycles of the microsporidia. P. 121. in Wittner, M and LM Weiss, eds. The Microsporidia and Microsporidiosis.,American Society for Microbiology.
Chen, Y.P., et al (2008). Nosema ceranae is a long-present and widespread microsporidian infection of the European honeybee (Apis mellifera) in the United States. J Invertebr Pathol 582 97: 186–188.
Chen, YP, et al (2009) Asymmetrical coexistence of Nosema ceranae and Nosema apis in honey bees. Journal of Invertebrate Pathology 101 (2009) 204–209.
Cox-Foster, DL, et al. (2007) A metagenomic survey of microbes in honey bee colony collapse disorder. Science 318(5848): 283-287.
El-Shemy, A.A.M. and RS Pickard (1989) Nosema apis Zander infection levels in honeybees of known age. J. Apic. Res. 28 (2), 101–106.
Forsgren, E, and I Fries (2010) Comparative virulence of Nosema ceranae and Nosema apis in individual European honey bees. Veterinary Parasitology 170: 212–217.
Fries, I (2010) Nosema ceranae in European honey bees (Apis mellifera). Journal of Invertebrate Pathology 103: S73–S79. https://bienenkunde.uni-hohenheim.de/uploads/media/Nosema_ceranae_in_European_honey_bees__Fries.PDF
Gajda, A (2009) The size of bee sample for investigation of Nosema sp. infection level in honey bee colony. http://www.coloss.org/publications/Nosema-Workshop-Proceedings.pdf
Gisder S, et al. (2010) Five-year cohort study of Nosema spp. in Germany: does climate shape virulence and assertiveness of Nosema ceranae? Appl Environ Microbiol 76: 3032–3038.
Hedtke, K, et al (2011) Evidence for emerging parasites and pathogens influencing outbreaks of stress-related diseases like chalkbrood. Journal of Invertebrate Pathology 108:167–173.
Higes, M (2010) Nosema ceranae in Europe: an emergent type C nosemosis. Apidologie 14(3): 375 – 392.
Higes, M., et al (2005) El síndrome de despoblamiento de las colmenas en España. Consideraciones sobre su origen. Vida Apícola 133: 15–21.
Higes M, et al (2006) Nosema ceranae, a new microsporidian parasite in honeybees in Europe, Invertebr Pathol. 92(2):93-5.
Higes, M, et al (2007) Experimental infection of Apis mellifera honeybees with Nosema ceranae (Microsporidia). J Invertebr Pathol. 94(3):211-7
Tags: N. ceranae, Nosema cereanae, Nosema Cousins, part 14, sick bees


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Where there is smoke, there tends to be fire, say medical researchers who found frequent marijuana users have about 20 percent more sex than those who abstain.
Stanford University School of Medicine researchers unveiled the link between marijuana and the frequency of sexual intercourse in a study published on Friday in the Journal of Sexual Medicine.
Researchers in California reached their conclusions after a retrospective analysis of data on 50,000 Americans ages 25 to 45, compiled from 2002 to 2015 by the National Survey of Family Growth. The federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention sponsors the survey.
Respondents were asked how many times they have had heterosexual intercourse in the past four weeks and how frequently they have smoked marijuana over the past 12 months, Stanford researchers said in a press release.
Women who were daily pot users had sex an average of 7.1 times during the previous four weeks, compared with 6.0 times reported by those who denied using marijuana in the past year. For men, daily users reported 6.9 times compared with 5.6 for non-users.
"In other words, pot users are having about 20 percent more sex than pot abstainers," said the study's senior author, Dr. Michael Eisenberg, assistant professor of urology at Stamford.
Given that the average couple has sex about once a week, Eisenberg said, the bottom line for partaking in a bong or blunt could add up to 20 more instances of sexual intercourse each year.
"I think if you asked a man or a woman, 20 more times to have sex over a year, that would seem like a lot," Eisenberg said.
It used to be thought that couples mostly smoked after sex, but Eisenberg said his findings show the opposite is true for "all races, ages, education levels, income groups and religions, every health status, whether they were married or single and whether or not they had kids."
Marijuana is legal for medical or recreational adult use in 29 states and the District of Columbia, said spokesman Morgan Fox of the Marijuana Policy Project.
A record percentage of Americans - 64 percent - now believe adult use of the drug should be legal, according to a Gallup poll published this week.
Eisenberg cautioned the study should not be misinterpreted as having proven a causal link.
"It doesn't say if you smoke more marijuana, you'll have more sex," he said.
Still, for many, research in the name of science may never be so fun.


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Welcome to Central Study Hour, our weekly Sabbath School program with fresh biblical insights. Be prepared for the Bible study of a lifetime!
To download CSH notes and podcasts (mp3's & m4v's) of each presentation click here. To access the Sabbath School Bible Study Lessons for this Quarterly click here.
To watch previous lessons in this series, click the top left corner of the player next to the word "Playlist."


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As part of a political deal after the 2010 elections, Premier Maliki agreed to cede Maysan over to the Sadrists in return for their backing. On December 28, the provincial council voted to elect Ali Dway of the Sadrist Trend the new governor, as the old one was appointed Human Rights Minister. From 2005-2009 the Sadrists had controlled Maysan, and then suffered a huge setback in the 2009 provincial elections, winning only seven out of 27 seats. Maliki made a backroom deal with them to give them back the governorate if they supported his drive for another term as premier.
This change in rule has greatly complicated the work of the Americans there. The former governor, who was from Maliki's State of Law, was close to the American Provincial Reconstruction Team (PRT). The new Governor Dway refused to meet with U.S. personnel, and told local agencies and non-government organizations not to cooperate with them either. The Americans responded in turn, by cutting their training of local forces there.
The security situation in southern Iraq has also deteriorated as of late. As the December 31, 2011 deadline for United States troops to withdraw approaches, the number of attacks against them in southern and central Iraq has increased as Shiite militants want to take responsibility for them leaving. A U.S. military spokesman said that the number of incidents against U.S. forces went from 93 in February, to 128 in March, to 162 by April. Most of these attacks consist of rocket and mortar fire upon bases, and bombings against convoys bringing supplies or ferrying soldiers and civilians around for reconstruction and training missions. Few if any of these are ever reported on, and are only known to the perpetrators and their targets.
(New York Times) |
The local government has been uncooperative when it comes to these breaches of security, and is becoming more and more antagonistic towards the U.S. Governor Dway was quoted as saying that he had no responsibility to stop these incidents in his governorate. His spokesman even denied that there were any attacks upon Americans in Maysan. Dway even attended the funeral of the militant who accidentally killed himself with the Katusha in March. Then at the end of May, a joint U.S.-Iraqi force conducted a helicopter raid upon a village and arrested five people. The head of the provincial council claimed they were not informed of the operation, and said that it was a violation of the country's sovereignty. The head of the security committee on the council claimed that Iraqi forces could handle local security without the help of the U.S., and then denounced the Americans. On May 30, the council voted to ban U.S. troops from operating in Maysan, and threatened to suspend their work if the U.S. committed a similar operation again. The antagonistic relationship between the new Sadrist led administration and the Americans is unlikely to thaw any time soon. This fits in with the narrative Sadr has sown since the 2003 invasion as an Iraqi nationalist, and one of the most staunchest opponents of the American occupation of the country. Now that his followers have regained control of Maysan, they want to make it clear that they will have nothing to do with the U.S.
The overall situation for the U.S. soldiers and civilians working in Maysan has worsened since the Sadrists regained control of the governorate. They have had to cut their operations and training missions, and are coming under increasing fire from Shiite militants. The governor and provincial council have refused to work with them, and are now ordering them out. They have no authority over the U.S. presence however, as that lays with the central government, but it is a symbolic message sent by the Sadrists letting the Americans know that they are not wanted there anymore. The PRTs are due to drawdown this summer, and the soldiers will leave with them. When they do, Maysan may revert to a militia haven, and a smuggling route for weapons from Iran into Iraq as it was before. It's up to the Sadrists to decide whether they want to return to their old ways or try to actually govern Maysan this time as it is one of the poorest regions in the country.
Aswat al-Iraq, "2 IEDs defused on road used by Iraqi, U.S. forces in Amara," 1/2/11
- "Armed man killed when firing Katusha rocket on Amara Military Airport," 3/23/11
- "Bomb explodes near U.S. patrol in Amara," 4/1/11
- "Explosive charge blows off against U.S. patrol in Amara," 5/14/11
- "Protest against US-Iraqi Force operation in Missan," 5/29/11
- "Voting to prevent U.S. forces from entering Missan," 5/30/11
Al-Kaabi, Ahmed, "Maysan provincial council deplores the airdrops," Radio Free Iraq, 5/29/11
Lando, Ben, "Iraq Militants Ratchet Up Attacks on U.S.," Wall Street Journal, 5/24/11
Schmidt, Michael, and Healy, Jack, "Iraqi Shiite Militias Again Post a Threat as U.S. Forces Leave," New York Times, 5/26/11


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Harold Godwinson
Harold Godwinson (c. 1022 – 14 October 1066), also called Harold II, was the last crowned Anglo-Saxon English king. Harold reigned from 6 January 1066[1] until his death at the Battle of Hastings, fighting the Norman invaders led by William the Conqueror during the Norman conquest of England. His death marked the end of Anglo-Saxon rule over England.
Harold Godwinson | |
King of the English | |
Reign | 5 January – 14 October 1066 |
Coronation | 6 January 1066 |
Predecessor | Edward the Confessor |
Successor | William I |
Born | c. 1022 Wessex, England |
Died | 14 October 1066 (aged about 44) near Senlac Hill, Sussex, England |
Burial | Waltham Abbey, Essex, or Bosham, Sussex (disputed) |
Spouses | |
Issue |
House | Godwin |
Father | Godwin, Earl of Wessex |
Mother | Gytha Thorkelsdóttir |
Harold Godwinson was a member of a prominent Anglo-Saxon family with ties to Cnut the Great. He became a powerful earl after the death of his father, Godwin, Earl of Wessex. After his brother-in-law, King Edward the Confessor, died without an heir on 5 January 1066, the Witenagemot convened and chose Harold to succeed him; he was probably the first English monarch to be crowned in Westminster Abbey. In late September, he successfully repelled an invasion by rival claimant Harald Hardrada of Norway in York before marching his army back south to meet William the Conqueror at Hastings two weeks later.
Family background
Harold was a son of Godwin (c. 1001–1053), the powerful earl of Wessex, and of Gytha Thorkelsdóttir, whose brother Ulf the Earl was married to Estrid Svendsdatter (c. 1015/1016), the daughter of King Sweyn Forkbeard[2] (died 1014) and sister of King Cnut the Great of England and Denmark. Ulf and Estrid's son would become King Sweyn II of Denmark[3] in 1047. Godwin was the son of Wulfnoth, probably a thegn and a native of Sussex. Godwin began his political career by supporting King Edmund Ironside (reigned April to November 1016), but switched to supporting King Cnut by 1018, when Cnut named him Earl of Wessex.[4] Godwin remained an earl throughout the remainder of Cnut's reign, one of only two earls to survive to the end of that reign.[5] On Cnut's death in 1035, Godwin originally supported Harthacnut instead of Cnut's initial successor Harold Harefoot, but managed to switch sides in 1037—although not without becoming involved in the 1036 murder of Alfred Aetheling, half-brother of Harthacnut and younger brother of the later King Edward the Confessor.[6] When Harold Harefoot died in 1040, Harthacnut ascended the English throne and Godwin's power was imperiled by his earlier involvement in Alfred's murder, but an oath and large gift secured the new king's favour for Godwin.[7] Harthacnut's death in 1042 probably involved Godwin in a role as kingmaker, helping to secure the English throne for Edward the Confessor. In 1045 Godwin reached the height of his power when the new king married Godwin's daughter Edith.[8] Godwin and Gytha had several children—six sons: Sweyn, Harold, Tostig, Gyrth, Leofwine and Wulfnoth (in that order); and three daughters: Edith of Wessex (originally named Gytha but renamed Ealdgyth (or Edith) when she married King Edward the Confessor), Gunhild and Ælfgifu. The birthdates of the children are unknown.[9] Harold was aged about 25 in 1045, which makes his birth year around 1020.[10]
Powerful nobleman
Edith married Edward on 23 January 1045 and, around that time, Harold became Earl of East Anglia. Harold is called "earl" when he appears as a witness in a will that may date to 1044; but, by 1045, Harold regularly appears as an earl in documents. One reason for his appointment to East Anglia may have been a need to defend against the threat from King Magnus the Good of Norway. It is possible that Harold led some of the ships from his earldom that were sent to Sandwich in 1045 against Magnus.[11] Sweyn, Harold's elder brother, had been named an earl in 1043.[12] It was also around the time that Harold was named an earl that he began a relationship with Edith the Fair, who appears to have been the heiress to lands in Cambridgeshire, Suffolk and Essex, lands in Harold's new earldom.[13] The relationship was a form of marriage that was not blessed or sanctioned by the Church, known as More danico, or "in the Danish manner", and was accepted by most laypeople in England at the time. Any children of such a union were considered legitimate. Harold probably entered the relationship in part to secure support in his new earldom.[14]
Harold's elder brother Sweyn was exiled in 1047 after abducting the abbess of Leominster. Sweyn's lands were divided between Harold and a cousin, Beorn.[15] In 1049, Harold was in command of a ship or ships that were sent with a fleet to aid Henry III, Holy Roman Emperor against Baldwin V, Count of Flanders, who was in revolt against Henry. During this campaign, Sweyn returned to England and attempted to secure a pardon from the king, but Harold and Beorn refused to return any of their lands, and Sweyn, after leaving the royal court, took Beorn hostage and later killed him.[16]
In 1051 Edward appointed an enemy of the Godwins as Archbishop of Canterbury and soon afterwards drove them into exile, but they raised an army which forced the king to restore them to their positions a year later. Earl Godwin died in 1053, and Harold succeeded him as Earl of Wessex, which made him the most powerful lay figure in England after the king.[17]
In 1055 Harold drove back the Welsh, who had burned Hereford.[18] Harold also became Earl of Hereford in 1058, and replaced his late father as the focus of opposition to growing Norman influence in England under the restored monarchy (1042–66) of Edward the Confessor, who had spent more than 25 years in exile in Normandy. He led a series of successful campaigns (1062–63) against Gruffydd ap Llywelyn of Gwynedd, king of Wales. This conflict ended with Gruffydd's defeat and death in 1063.[19]
Harold in northern France
In 1064, Harold was apparently shipwrecked at Ponthieu. There is much speculation about this voyage. The earliest post-conquest Norman chroniclers report that King Edward had previously sent Robert of Jumièges, the archbishop of Canterbury, to appoint as his heir Edward's maternal kinsman, Duke William II of Normandy, and that at this later date Harold was sent to swear fealty.[20] Scholars disagree as to the reliability of this story. William, at least, seems to have believed he had been offered the succession, but there must have been some confusion either on William's part or perhaps by both men, since the English succession was neither inherited nor determined by the reigning monarch. Instead the Witenagemot, the assembly of the kingdom's leading notables, would convene after a king's death to select a successor. Other acts of Edward are inconsistent with his having made such a promise, such as his efforts to return his nephew Edward the Exile, son of King Edmund Ironside, from Hungary in 1057.[lower-alpha 1] Later Norman chroniclers suggest alternative explanations for Harold's journey: that he was seeking the release of members of his family who had been held hostage since Godwin's exile in 1051, or even that he had simply been travelling along the English coast on a hunting and fishing expedition and had been driven across the Channel by an unexpected storm. There is general agreement that he left from Bosham, and was blown off course, landing at Ponthieu. He was captured by Count Guy I of Ponthieu, and was then taken as a hostage to the count's castle at Beaurain,[lower-alpha 2] 24.5 km (15.2 mi) up the River Canche from its mouth at what is now Le Touquet. William arrived soon afterward and ordered Guy to turn Harold over to him.[21] Harold then apparently accompanied William to battle against William's enemy, Conan II, Duke of Brittany. While crossing into Brittany past the fortified abbey of Mont Saint-Michel, Harold is recorded as rescuing two of William's soldiers from quicksand. They pursued Conan from Dol-de-Bretagne to Rennes, and finally to Dinan, where he surrendered the fortress's keys at the point of a lance. William presented Harold with weapons and arms, knighting him. The Bayeux Tapestry, and other Norman sources, then record that Harold swore an oath on sacred relics to William to support his claim to the English throne. After Edward's death, the Normans were quick to point out that in accepting the crown of England, Harold had broken this alleged oath.[22]
The chronicler Orderic Vitalis wrote of Harold that he "was distinguished by his great size and strength of body, his polished manners, his firmness of mind and command of words, by a ready wit and a variety of excellent qualities. But what availed so many valuable gifts, when good faith, the foundation of all virtues, was wanting?"[23]
Due to a doubling of taxation by Tostig in 1065 that threatened to plunge England into civil war, Harold supported Northumbrian rebels against his brother, and replaced him with Morcar. This led to Harold's marriage alliance with the northern earls but fatally split his own family, driving Tostig into alliance with King Harald Hardrada ("Hard Ruler") of Norway.[24]
At the end of 1065, King Edward the Confessor fell into a coma without clarifying his preference for the succession. He died on 5 January 1066, according to the Vita Ædwardi Regis, but not before briefly regaining consciousness and commending his widow and the kingdom to Harold's "protection". The intent of this charge remains ambiguous, as is the Bayeux Tapestry, which simply depicts Edward pointing at a man thought to represent Harold.[lower-alpha 3] When the Witan convened the next day they selected Harold to succeed,[lower-alpha 4] and his coronation followed on 6 January, most likely held in Westminster Abbey, though no evidence from the time survives to confirm this.[26] Although later Norman sources point to the suddenness of this coronation, the reason may have been that all the nobles of the land were present at Westminster for the feast of Epiphany, and not because of any usurpation of the throne on Harold's part.
In early January 1066, upon hearing of Harold's coronation, William began plans to invade England, building 700 warships and transports at Dives-sur-Mer on the Normandy coast. Initially, William struggled to gain support for his cause, however, after claiming that Harold had broken an oath sworn on sacred relics, the Pope formally declared William the rightful heir of the throne of England and nobles flocked to his cause. In preparation of the invasion, Harold assembled his troops on the Isle of Wight, but the invasion fleet remained in port for almost seven months, perhaps due to unfavourable winds. On 8 September, with provisions running out, Harold disbanded his army and returned to London. On the same day, the invasion force of Harald Hardrada, [lower-alpha 5] accompanied by Tostig, landed at the mouth of the Tyne.
The invading forces of Hardrada and Tostig defeated the English earls Edwin of Mercia and Morcar of Northumbria at the Battle of Fulford near York on 20 September 1066. Harold led his army north on a forced march from London, reached Yorkshire in four days, and caught Hardrada by surprise. On 25 September, in the Battle of Stamford Bridge, Harold defeated Hardrada and Tostig, who were both killed.
According to Snorri Sturluson, in a story described by Edward Freeman as "plainly mythical",[27] before the battle a single man rode up alone to Harald Hardrada and Tostig. He gave no name, but spoke to Tostig, offering the return of his earldom if he would turn against Hardrada. Tostig asked what his brother Harold would be willing to give Hardrada for his trouble. The rider replied "Seven feet of English ground, as he is taller than other men." Then he rode back to the Saxon host. Hardrada was impressed by the rider's boldness, and asked Tostig who he was. Tostig replied that the rider was Harold Godwinson himself.[28]
Battle of Hastings
On 12 September 1066 William's fleet sailed from Normandy. Several ships sank in storms, which forced the fleet to take shelter at Saint-Valery-sur-Somme and to wait for the wind to change. On 27 September the Norman fleet set sail for England, arriving the following day at Pevensey on the coast of East Sussex. Harold's army marched 241 miles (386 kilometres) to intercept William, who had landed perhaps 7,000 men in Sussex, southern England. Harold established his army in hastily built earthworks near Hastings. The two armies clashed at the Battle of Hastings, at Senlac Hill (near the present town of Battle) close by Hastings on 14 October, where after nine hours of hard fighting, Harold was killed and his forces defeated. His brothers Gyrth and Leofwine were also killed in the battle, according to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.[29]
The notion that Harold died by an arrow to the eye is a popular belief today, but this historical legend is subject to much scholarly debate. A Norman account of the battle, Carmen de Hastingae Proelio ("Song of the Battle of Hastings"), said to have been written shortly after the battle by Guy, Bishop of Amiens, says that Harold was killed by four knights, probably including Duke William, and his body dismembered. Twelfth-century Anglo-Norman histories, such as William of Malmesbury's Gesta Regum Anglorum and Henry of Huntingdon's Historia Anglorum recount that Harold died by an arrow wound to his head. An earlier source, Amatus of Montecassino's L'Ystoire de li Normant ("History of the Normans"), written only twenty years after the battle of Hastings, contains a report of Harold being shot in the eye with an arrow, but this may be an early fourteenth-century addition.[30] Later accounts reflect one or both of these two versions.
A figure in the panel of the Bayeux Tapestry with the inscription "Hic Harold Rex Interfectus Est" ("Here King Harold is killed") is depicted gripping an arrow that has struck his eye, but some historians have questioned whether this man is intended to be Harold or if Harold is intended as the next figure lying to the right almost supine, being mutilated beneath a horse's hooves. Etchings made of the Tapestry in the 1730s show the standing figure with differing objects. Benoît's 1729 sketch shows only a dotted line indicating stitch marks without any indication of fletching, whereas all other arrows in the Tapestry are fletched. Bernard de Montfaucon's 1730 engraving has a solid line resembling a spear being held overhand matching the manner of the figure to the left. Stothard's 1819 water-colour drawing has, for the first time, a fletched arrow in the figure's eye. Although not apparent in the earlier depictions, the Tapestry today has stitch marks indicating the fallen figure once had an arrow in its eye. It has been proposed that the second figure once had an arrow added by over-enthusiastic nineteenth-century restorers that was later unstitched.[31] Many believe this, as the name "Harold" is above the figure with an arrow in his eye. This has been disputed by examining other examples from the Tapestry where the visual centre of a scene, not the location of the inscription, identifies named figures.[32] Further evidence is that an arrow volley would be loosed before the Norman cavalry charge. A further suggestion is that both accounts are accurate, and that Harold suffered first the eye wound, then the mutilation, and the Tapestry is depicting both in sequence.[33]
Burial and legacy
The account of the contemporary chronicler William of Poitiers states that the body of Harold was given to William Malet for burial:
The two brothers of the King were found near him and Harold himself, stripped of all badges of honour, could not be identified by his face but only by certain marks on his body. His corpse was brought into the Duke's camp, and William gave it for burial to William, surnamed Malet, and not to Harold's mother, who offered for the body of her beloved son its weight in gold. For the Duke thought it unseemly to receive money for such merchandise, and equally he considered it wrong that Harold should be buried as his mother wished, since so many men lay unburied because of his avarice. They said in jest that he who had guarded the coast with such insensate zeal should be buried by the seashore.
— William of Poitiers Gesta Guillelmi II Ducis Normannorum in English Historical Documents 1042–1189 p. 229
Another source states that Harold's widow, Edith Swannesha, was called to identify the body, which she did by some private mark known only to her. Harold's strong association with Bosham, his birthplace, and the discovery in 1954 of an Anglo-Saxon coffin in the church there, has led some to suggest it as the place of King Harold's burial. A request to exhume a grave in Bosham Church was refused by the Diocese of Chichester in December 2003, the Chancellor having ruled that the chances of establishing the identity of the body as Harold's were too slim to justify disturbing a burial place.[lower-alpha 6] A prior exhumation had revealed the remains of a man, estimated at up to 60 years of age from photographs of the remains, lacking a head, one leg and the lower part of his other leg, a description consistent with the fate of the king as recorded in the Carmen. The poem also claims Harold was buried by the sea, which is consistent with William of Poitiers' account and with the identification of the grave at Bosham Church that is only yards from Chichester Harbour and in sight of the English Channel.[34]
There were legends of Harold's body being given a proper funeral years later in his church at Waltham Holy Cross in Essex, which he had refounded in 1060. Legends also grew up that Harold had not died at Hastings but instead fled England or that he later ended his life as a hermit at Chester or Canterbury.[35]
Harold's son Ulf, along with Morcar and two others, were released from prison by King William as he lay dying in 1087. Ulf threw his lot in with Robert Curthose, who knighted him, and then disappeared from history. Two of Harold's other sons, Godwine and Edmund, invaded England in 1068 and 1069 with the aid of Diarmait mac Máel na mBó (High King of Ireland) but were defeated at the Battle of Northam.[lower-alpha 7] In 1068, Diarmait presented another Irish king with Harold's battle standard.[36]
Marriages and children
For some twenty years Harold was married more danico (Latin: "in the Danish manner") to Edith the Fair (also known as Edith Swanneck) and had at least six children with her. She was considered Harold's mistress by the clergy.[lower-alpha 8]
According to Orderic Vitalis, Harold was at some time betrothed to Adeliza, a daughter of William the Conqueror; if so, the betrothal never led to marriage.[37]
About January 1066, Harold married Edith (or Ealdgyth), daughter of Ælfgar, Earl of Mercia, and widow of the Welsh prince Gruffydd ap Llywelyn. She had one son, named Harold, probably born posthumously.[17][38][39] Another of Harold's sons, Ulf, may have been a twin of the younger Harold, though most historians consider him a son of Edith the Fair.[17][40][38][41] Both these sons survived into adulthood and probably lived out their lives in exile.
After her husband's death, Edith fled for refuge to her brothers, Edwin, Earl of Mercia and Morcar of Northumbria, but both men made their peace with King William initially before rebelling and losing their lands and lives. Edith may have fled abroad (possibly with Harold's mother, Gytha, or with Harold's daughter, Gytha). Harold's sons, Godwin and Edmund, fled to Ireland and then invaded Devon, but were defeated by Brian of Brittany.[lower-alpha 9]
Family tree
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- Edward may not have been blameless in this situation, as at least one other man, Sweyn II of Denmark, also thought Edward had promised him the succession.[20]
- Bayeux Tapestry, in which the place is called in Latin Belrem
- Frank Barlow points out that the author of the Vita, who appears to have looked favourably on Harold, was writing after the Conquest and may have been intentionally vague.[25]
- This was in preference to Edward's great-nephew, Edgar the Ætheling, who had yet to reach maturity.
- Who also claimed the English crown through a succession pact concluded between Harthacnut, king of England and Denmark, and Magnus I of Norway, whereby the kingdoms of the first to die were to pass to the survivor. Magnus had thus gained a claim to Denmark on Harthacnut's death but had not pursued this other crown. Hardrada, uncle and heir of Magnus, now claimed England on this basis.
- In re Holy Trinity, Bosham [2004] Fam 124 – decision of the Chichester Consistory Court regarding opening King Harold's supposed grave.
- At midsummer in 1069, Brian of Brittany and Alan the Black led a force that defeated a raid by Godwine and Edmund, sons of Harold Godwinson, who had sailed from Ireland with a fleet of 64 ships to the mouth of the River Taw in Devon. They had escaped to Leinster after the Battle of Hastings in 1066 where they were hosted by Diarmait. In 1068 and 1069 Diarmait lent them the fleet of Dublin for their attempted invasions of England.
- At this time there were a range of spousal relationships, from outright concubinage to fully recognised, church-sanctioned marriages. There are no contemporary sources for Harold's marriages, just the writings of later Norman chroniclers, who had a more church-centered view, and also had motivation to diminish the status of Harold's children. Consequently, the exact status of the relationship between King Harold Godwinson and Edyth Swannesha is unclear.
- At midsummer in 1069, Brian and Alan the Black led a force that defeated a raid by Godwin and Edmund, sons of Harold Godwinson, who had sailed from Ireland with a fleet of 64 ships to the mouth of the River Taw in Devon. They had escaped to Leinster after the Battle of Hastings in 1066 where they were hosted by Diarmait. In 1068 and 1069 Diarmait lent them the fleet of Dublin for their attempted invasions of England.
- DeVries 1999.
- Walker Harold p. 10
- Barlow Feudal Kingdom p. 451
- Walker Harold pp. 7–9
- Walker Harold p. 12
- Walker Harold pp. 13–15
- Walker Harold p. 16
- Walker Harold pp. 17–18
- Mason House of Godwine p. 35
- Rex Harold p. 31.
- Walker Harold pp. 18–19
- Barlow Edward the Confessor p. 74.
- Walker Harold p. 20.
- Walker Harold pp. 127–128.
- Walker Harold p. 22
- Walker Harold pp. 24–25.
- Fleming 2010.
- Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 13 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. 11. .
- "Harold II". Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved 21 January 2020.
- Howarth 1066 pp. 69–70
- Howarth 1066 pp. 71–72
- Freeman 1869, pp. 165–166.
- Orderic Vitalis (1853). Historia Ecclesiastica. Translated by Forester, Thomas. Retrieved 4 January 2018.
- DeVries 1999, p. 230.
- Barlow Edward the Confessor p. 251
- "Westminster Abbey Official site – Coronations"
- Freeman 1869, p. 365.
- Sturluson, King Harald's Saga p. 149.
- "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (D and E)". 1066. Archived from the original on 22 March 2017.
- Foys, Pulling the Arrow Out, 161–63
- Bernstein, Mystery of the Bayeux Tapestry, 148–152.
- Foys, Pulling the Arrow Out, 171–75
- Brooks and Walker, Authority and Interpretation, 81–92.
- The Debate concerning the remains found in Bosham Church Archived 3 February 2009 at the Wayback Machine Bosham Online Magazine 25 November 2003 Updated to include the Chancellor's ruling of 10 December 2003
- Walker Harold pp. 181–182
- Bartlett & Jeffery 1997, p. 59.
- Round 1885.
- Fryde et al. 2003, p. 29.
- Freeman 1871, p. 756.
- Maund 2004.
- Barlow 2013, p. 128.
- Barlow, Frank (1970). Edward the Confessor. Los Angeles, California: University of California Press. ISBN 9780520016712.
- Barlow, Frank (1988). The Feudal Kingdom of England 1042–1216 (Fourth ed.). New York: Longman. ISBN 0-582-49504-0.
- Barlow, Frank (2013). The Godwins: The Rise and Fall of a Noble Dynasty. Abingdon: Routledge. ISBN 9780582784406.
- Bartlett, Thomas; Jeffery, Keith (1997). A Military History of Ireland. Cambridge: University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-62989-8.
- Bernstein, David (1986). The Mystery of the Bayeux Tapestry. Univ of Chicago Pr. ISBN 0-226-04400-9.
- Brooks, N. P.; Walker, H. E. (1997). "The Authority and Interpretation of the Bayeux Tapestry". In Gameson, Richard (ed.). The Study of the Bayeux Tapestry. Boydell and Brewer. pp. 63–92. ISBN 0-85115-664-9.
- DeVries, Kelly (1999). The Norwegian Invasion of England in 1066. Woodbridge: Boydell. ISBN 9781843830276.
- Fleming, Robin (23 September 2010). "Harold II [Harold Godwineson] (1022/3?–1066)". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (online ed.). Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/12360. (Subscription or UK public library membership required.)
- Foys, Martin (2010). "Pulling the Arrow Out: The Legend of Harold's Death and the Bayeux Tapestry". In Foys; Overbey, Karen Eileen; Terkla, Dan (eds.). Bayeux Tapestry: New Interpretations. Boydell and Brewer. pp. 158–75. ISBN 978-1-84383-470-0.
- Freeman, Edward Augustus (1869). The History of the Norman Conquest of England: The Reign of Harold and the Interregnum. New York: Macmillan.
- Freeman, Edward A. (1871). The History of the Norman Conquest of England: Its Causes and Its Results. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
- Fryde, E. B.; Greenway, D. E.; Porter, S.; Roy, I., eds. (2003). Handbook of British Chronology (3rd, reprinted ed.). Cambridge: University Press. p. 29. ISBN 0861931068.
- Howarth, David (1983). 1066: The Year of the Conquest. Penguin Books.
- Mason, Emma (2004). House of Godwine: The History of Dynasty. London: Hambledon & London. ISBN 1-85285-389-1.
- Maund, K.L. (23 September 2004). "Ealdgyth [Aldgyth]". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (online ed.). Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/307. (Subscription or UK public library membership required.)
- Rex, Peter (2005). Harold II: The Doomed Saxon King. Stroud, UK: Tempus. ISBN 978-0-7394-7185-2.
- Round, J. H. (1885). Stephen, Leslie (ed.). Dictionary of National Biography. Vol. 1. London: Smith, Elder & Co. . In
- Sturluson, Snorri (1966). King Harald's Saga. Baltimore, Maryland: Penguin Books.
- Walker, Ian (2000). Harold the Last Anglo-Saxon King. Gloucestershire: Wrens Park. ISBN 0-905778-46-4.
- William of Poitiers, Gesta Guillelmi II Ducis Normannorum, or "The Deeds of William II, Duke of the Normans". Quoted by David C. Douglas & George W. Greenaway (eds.), in: English Historical Documents 1042–1189, London, 1959.
Further reading
- van Kempen, Ad F. J. (November 2016). "'A mission he bore – to Duke William he came': Harold Godwineson's Commentum and his covert ambitions". Historical Research. 89 (246): 591–612. doi:10.1111/1468-2281.12147.
External links
- Harold 3 at Prosopography of Anglo-Saxon England
- BBC Historic Figures: Harold II (Godwineson) (c. 1020–1066)
- Portraits of King Harold II (Harold Godwineson) at the National Portrait Gallery, London


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Hello again,
This is a privileged week in the Church's calendar because we celebrate our diocesan patron St. Patrick, but we also celebrate the Solemnity of St. Joseph, the foster father of Jesus who is the patron of the Universal Church.
Although Scripture gives us very little information about his life, his devotion to Mary and his tender love for Christ have won for him a place in the hearts of all Catholics.
In the Italian community in Boston, it is a very special feast day.
So having such large Italian and Irish communities makes this week a very special week in our spiritual celebrations.
We also want to say a word of congratulations to the Sisters of St. Joseph who are a a religious community here in the archdiocese and who will be celebrating their special day today. Our Vicar General, Father Richard Erikson, wrote a piece in this week's Pilot on St. Joseph and the sisters. You can read it here.
– – –
As you know, we have been closely watching developments in the debate over health care reform.
That issue seems likely to come to a head this week with a vote in the House of Representatives.
Health care is such an important issue for the United States. It's very disturbing to see that there seems to be a rush to push through legislation without carefully weighing all of the consequences.
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– – –
Now, on to the events of my week…
Friday evening, I had a Holy Hour and dinner with 30 of our seminarians.
I am always looking for more opportunities to get to know the seminarians better. So, I am having the seminarians come in groups to the Cathedral for Holy Hour and dinner.
It's always very encouraging to see the very fine men we have aspiring for the priesthood in the archdiocese.
– – –
Saturday, I went to Providence to attend the diocesan Religious Education and Faith Formation Workshop Day and their Men's Conference.
As part of their Religious Education conference, I celebrated Mass with Bishop Tobin and Archbishop George Pearce, and a number of priests from the Diocese of Providence.
They had about 1,000 catechists at the conference.
In addition to the catechetical conference, they were also having a men's conference with about 150 men.
After I celebrated at the Mass and preached, I went to have lunch at the men's conference and then gave them a talk in the afternoon.
The catechetical conference was very well organized by Lisa Gulino, who worked for me for many years in Fall River. She is an outstanding lay evangelist and catechist.
The men's conference was organized by the Rhode Island Men of St. Joseph, a local men's organization that has local chapters in parishes and works on encouraging men to be committed to Jesus Christ.
– – –
On Sunday, I celebrated Confirmations for St. Catherine of Genoa, St. Ann and St. Joseph in Somerville.
The celebration itself was held in St. Catherine's. While I was there, I got some beautiful pictures of the church, which I consider one of the most beautiful churches in the archdiocese, with its impressive murals and altars.
– – –
Early this week, I was in Washington D.C. for a board meeting of the Catholic University of America.
One of the key issues we dealt with was the process of searching for a new president. As I mentioned in an earlier post, Father David O'Connell, after 12 years of service, is moving on.
– – –
Wednesday, I was the principal celebrant and homilist at a Mass at the Cathedral to honor the patron of our archdiocese, St. Patrick.
In my homily, I talked about this painting of St. Patrick I was given years ago while visiting Puerto Rico.
As you would expect, he is shown with his miter and crosier — the symbols of a bishop — and of course there is the symbol of the snakes. At the same time, it is also quite unique in that St. Patrick is depicted as a black man surrounded by palm trees.
The painting is a tangible reminder that the message of Patrick is truly universal.
For those of you who couldn't make it to the Cathedral that day, here is an audio slide show with my homily that was put together by our archdiocesan newspaper The Pilot.
I finished my day staying at the Cathedral to hear confessions as part of The Light Is On For You initiative.
Peace be with you,
Cardinal Seán


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