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Black Beauty
by Anna Sewell
Part 1, Chapter 1: My Early Home
Additional Information
- Year Published: 1870
- Language: English
- Country of Origin: England
- Source: Sewell, A. (1870) Black Beauty New York: F.M. Lupton Publishing Co.
- Flesch–Kincaid Level: 4.2
- Word Count: 790
- Genre: Memoir
- Keywords: first person narrative, horse
- ✎ Cite This
The first place that I can well remember was a large pleasant meadow with a pond of clear water in it. Some shady trees leaned over it, and rushes and water-lilies grew at the deep end. Over the hedge on one side we looked into a plowed field, and on the other we looked over a gate at our master's house, which stood by the roadside; at the top of the meadow was a grove of fir trees, and at the bottom a running brook overhung by a steep bank.
While I was young I lived upon my mother's milk, as I could not eat grass. In the daytime I ran by her side, and at night I lay down close by her. When it was hot we used to stand by the pond in the shade of the trees, and when it was cold we had a nice warm shed near the grove.
As soon as I was old enough to eat grass my mother used to go out to work in the daytime, and come back in the evening.
There were six young colts in the meadow besides me; they were older than I was; some were nearly as large as grown-up horses. I used to run with them, and had great fun; we used to gallop all together round and round the field as hard as we could go. Sometimes we had rather rough play, for they would frequently bite and kick as well as gallop.
One day, when there was a good deal of kicking, my mother whinnied to me to come to her, and then she said:
"I wish you to pay attention to what I am going to say to you. The colts who live here are very good colts, but they are cart-horse colts, and of course they have not learned manners. You have been well-bred and well-born; your father has a great name in these parts, and your grandfather won the cup two years at the Newmarket races; your grandmother had the sweetest temper of any horse I ever knew, and I think you have never seen me kick or bite. I hope you will grow up gentle and good, and never learn bad ways; do your work with a good will, lift your feet up well when you trot, and never bite or kick even in play."
I have never forgotten my mother's advice; I knew she was a wise old horse, and our master thought a great deal of her. Her name was Duchess, but he often called her Pet.
Our master was a good, kind man. He gave us good food, good lodging, and kind words; he spoke as kindly to us as he did to his little children. We were all fond of him, and my mother loved him very much. When she saw him at the gate she would neigh with joy, and trot up to him. He would pat and stroke her and say, "Well, old Pet, and how is your little Darkie?" I was a dull black, so he called me Darkie; then he would give me a piece of bread, which was very good, and sometimes he brought a carrot for my mother. All the horses would come to him, but I think we were his favorites. My mother always took him to the town on a market day in a light gig.
There was a plowboy, Dick, who sometimes came into our field to pluck blackberries from the hedge. When he had eaten all he wanted he would have what he called fun with the colts, throwing stones and sticks at them to make them gallop. We did not much mind him, for we could gallop off; but sometimes a stone would hit and hurt us.
One day he was at this game, and did not know that the master was in the next field; but he was there, watching what was going on; over the hedge he jumped in a snap, and catching Dick by the arm, he gave him such a box on the ear as made him roar with the pain and surprise. As soon as we saw the master we trotted up nearer to see what went on.
"Bad boy!" he said, "bad boy! to chase the colts. This is not the first time, nor the second, but it shall be the last. There—take your money and go home; I shall not want you on my farm again." So we never saw Dick any more. Old Daniel, the man who looked after the horses, was just as gentle as our master, so we were well off.


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Papers of William O. Rieke, President of Pacific Lutheran University from 1975-1992. This collection contains materials from Rieke's term as President of Pacific Lutheran University from 1975 to 1992. It is divided into six series and then arranged chronologically into folders by subject. The first series contains correspondence and meeting transcripts from the presidential search and Rieke's inauguration as president. The second series contains documents pertaining to Rieke's family and personal life including programs from his children's weddings, Christmas cards, and souvenirs from various trips abroad.
The third series is correspondence and memos from Rieke's term as president. The correspondence involves church contacts, the Board of Regents, and university associates in Norway. The fourth series contains materials about university and community outreach and relations, including news releases, Rieke's speeches, and documents from a student and staff survey conducted in 1975.The fifth series includes artifacts (largely plaques and other awards) from Dr. Rieke's career and presidency. The final series includes interviews on cassette tapes with or about Dr. Rieke from the PLU Oral Histories and Lectures Collections.
Rieke, William O.

subset: commoncrawl


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Alex de Renzy (FEMMES DE SADE, PRETTY PEACHES) was one of the greatest directors of adult films ever, his career starting in the late 60's and preceeding well into the 90's. So saying that BABY FACE, stands as his crowning achievement is no small praise. This ranks as one skinflick that truly has it all, a complete storyline, fine production, and a couple of decent acting performances and some of the hottest sex scenes ever assembled in a single movie.Big, lumbering Dan Roberts stars as the hapless construction worker who has to go into hiding following his seduction of underage but willing Priscilla (Lyn Cuddles Malone) which incurs the wrath of her religious fanatic of a man. After a near-fatal accident leaves him unconsciously drifting in the bay, he is saved by fan favorites Amber Hunt (FIONA ON FIRE) and Linda Wong (SWEET CAKES) who clean him up and then some. Hunt comes up with the brilliant idea of taking him to the Training Camp, a brothel catering exclusively for rich women and run by her aunt, affectionately referred to as the Champ.This fancy cathouse provides the perfect backdrop for the movie's myriad sexual situations, nearly all of them handled with great style and enthusiasm by cast and filmmaker alike, shot through with a wickedly subversive humor. Standout scenes include gentle giant Roberts tender initiation of the eager Malone, their contrast in size providing an instant thrill all by itself, and the late great Kristine Heller taking on pretty much all the guys present in what has to stand as the single greatest gang bang sequence ever committed to film or video.
- 很差
- 较差
- 还行
- 推荐
- 力荐


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36 Years Ago: 'The Dukes of Hazzard' Airs Final Episode
The Dukes of Hazzard had become a pop culture phenomenon by the time the iconic television show ended its run on Feb. 7, 1985 — 36 years ago this week.
The Dukes of Hazzard debuted on CBS on Jan. 26, 1979, based on a 1975 film called Moonrunners. The show starred John Schneider and Tom Wopat as Bo and Luke Duke, two "good old boys," as the song's famous theme song described them, who always lived just a little bit on the wrong side of the law.
The simple, fun plots often hinged on their various scrapes with the local sheriff, Rosco P. Coltrane, and a corrupt local kingpin named Boss Hogg, their Uncle Jesse's nemesis. Catherine Bach played the Duke boys' cousin, Daisy, whose skimpy costumes were the progenitor of the Daisy Dukes jean shorts that have been popular ever since in southern fashion.
By the time the final episode, "Opening Night at the Boar's Nest," aired, the show had run through just about every plot scenario humanly possible that involved car chases in the signature General Lee Dodge Charger, spectacular car jumps, fistfights and tight costumes. Schneider and Wopat were even replaced for one season over a contract dispute, when CBS brought in two other actors to portray two long-lost cousins in a not-too-successful power play.
The cast talked to Entertainment Tonight on the set of the 149th and final episode, looking back with gratitude at an astonishing run of success.
"It's just been a great experience for me," Bach said wistfully.
"As actors, your job usually lasts six weeks .. maybe a couple months in a show on stage," Wopat reflected. "And to have something that runs seven years is just phenomenal."
"It's the only thing in my life, other than of course my immediate family, that has been around for that long, and I'm going to miss it," Schneider said.
The ensuing decades have held their ups and downs for the cast of The Dukes of Hazzard. While several of them have gone on to other successful roles, their personal lives have held their share of sorrow. Both of the show's lead actors have spent time in jail in recent years, and another cast member lost a spouse to suicide. One cast member went on to a seemingly unlikely career in U.S. politics, and we've also lost several of the stars since The Dukes of Hazzard went off the air.
PICTURES: Here's What the Cast of 'The Dukes of Hazzard' Look Like Today!
Gallery Credit: Sterling Whitaker


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The U.S. District Court judge who last month ordered the Food and Drug Administration to make the most popular forms of the emergency contraceptive pill available over-the-counter with no age restrictions has denied the government's request to stay his ruling while it's on appeal.
And Judge Edward Korman, of the Eastern District of New York, is not amused.
In a tart 17-page opinion, the judge said the FDA's actions to make only a single product, Plan B One-Step, available without a prescription to those age 15 over and with government ID are "sugarcoating for the FDA's appeal" of his ruling.
Early on, he calls the administration's decision to appeal "something out of an alternate reality ...."
In denying the government's motion for a stay, Judge Korman, who has overseen the case since 2005, also laid out several substantive problems with the situation that last week's approval set up.
Overall, he called it "a convoluted triple-tiered marketing scheme that will only increase the confusion that already prevents women from obtaining timely access to emergency contraceptives."
In particular, he said, allowing only Plan B One-Step to be available on retail shelves, while other products using the same active ingredient will remain behind the pharmacy counter, will provide "a boon to Teva," a reference to the drug's maker.
"Teva will use its privileged marketing status and exclusivity to increase the cost of the drug," he wrote. "The price of Plan B One-Step under the new marketing regime is expected to be $60, significantly more than the one- or two-pill generic version," he wrote.
Teva didn't immediately respond to a request for comment. The FDA declined comment.
Women's health groups that have been urging freer access to the drug were happy to add their voices, however.
"Judge Korman's sound ruling simply orders the government to do what the experts at FDA have been trying to do for years: to put politics aside and let science guide us to a policy that makes emergency contraception readily accessible to all women when they need it most urgently," said Nancy Northup of the Center for Reproductive Rights, which has been representing some of the plaintiffs in the case.
Judge Korman did give the government until Monday to file a motion to stay his order with the Court of Appeals.
Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.


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Duplicate tip
This tip is very similar to the following:
These tips need to be merged – see the merge guidelines.
created 2003 · complexity intermediate · author hypertext organizer · version 5.7
No one has a perfect memory. You can make small text files with items you want to remember, and grep them later to search for what you need.
Or, you can keep a single file, and use Vim to organize it, in the same way that Vim organizes its Help. Here is an extract from my own Memo:
*memo.txt* My Memo - extending my poor memory |guide| ---------------------------------------------------------------- *subjects* *toc* |cmd| command tips |def| definitions |dev| developments |ed| editors |friends| friends |lang| languages |misc| others |private| personal info |sys| system ---------------------------------------------------------------- Commands *cmd* *General http://www.cslab.vt.edu/manuals ... |doskey| DOS key utility <F8>: expand history |man| Unix manual man foo nroff -man foo.1 | less nroff -man foo.1 | a2ps -m |unix| http://gd.tuwien.ac.at/linuxcommand.org/ |winhelp| ... ---------------------------------------------------------------- Development *develop* *dev* ... ---------------------------------------------------------------- vim:tw=78:fo=tcq2:isk=!-~,^*,^\|,^\":ts=8:ft=help:norl:
Some explanations:
The last line instructs Vim with a number of editing settings. The most important one here is "ft=help", which says file-type is "help". So Vim will highlight things for us.
You can use *foo* to indicate an anchor to the "help" system of Vim. If you press Ctrl+] on a word "foo", the cursor will jump to the first *foo*. You can also see |foo| as a way to highlight it as implicit keywords.
This is not magic. The mechanism behind it is the tag system. Vim needs to have the following tag file to go to where you want it to go:
%userprofile% memo.txt /*%userprofile%* .htaccess meo.txt /*.htaccess* access memo.txt /*access* access.conf memo.txt /*access.conf* addressbook memo.txt /*addressbook* anchor_keyword memo.txt /*anchor_keyword* apache memo.txt /*apache* as index.txt /*as* at index.txt /*at* awk index.txt /*awk*
Each line defines a tag, the first element is the keyword, the second is the file where the tag belongs (yes, you can use multiple files as long as you know what they are), and the last element is the command which Vim has to perform at the keyword.
How to write these tags? You can find this utility to do it:
cc doctags.c -o doctags doctags memo.txt | sort -f | awk -f cases.awk >tags uniq -d -2 tags
/* doctags.c (see Vim source!) */ /* vim:set ts=4 sw=4: * this program makes a tags file for vim_ref.txt * * Usage: doctags vim_ref.txt vim_win.txt ... >tags * * A tag in this context is an identifier between stars, e.g. *c_files* */ #include <stdio.h> #include <string.h> #include <ctype.h> #include <stdlib.h> #define LINELEN 200 int main(argc, argv) int argc; char **argv; { char line[LINELEN]; char *p1, *p2; char *p; FILE *fd; if (argc <= 1) { fprintf(stderr, "Usage: doctags docfile ... >tags\n"); exit(1); } printf("help-tags\ttags\t1\n"); while (--argc > 0) { ++argv; fd = fopen(argv[0], "r"); if (fd == NULL) { fprintf(stderr, "Unable to open %s for reading\n", argv[0]); continue; } while (fgets(line, LINELEN, fd) != NULL) { p1 = strchr(line, '*'); /* find first '*' */ while (p1 != NULL) { p2 = strchr(p1 + 1, '*'); /* find second '*' */ if (p2 != NULL && p2 > p1 + 1) /* skip "*" and "**" */ { for (p = p1 + 1; p < p2; ++p) if (*p == ' ' || *p == '\t' || *p == '|') break; /* * Only accept a *tag* when it consists of valid * characters and is followed by a white character or * end-of-line. */ if (p == p2 && (p1 == line || p1[-1] != '-') && (strchr(" \t\n\r", p[1]) != NULL || p[1] == '\0')) { *p2 = '\0'; ++p1; printf("%s\t%s\t/*", p1, argv[0]); while (*p1) { /* insert backslash before '\' and '/' */ if (*p1 == '\' || *p1 == '/') putchar('\'); putchar(*p1); ++p1; } printf("*\n"); p2 = strchr(p2 + 1, '*'); /* find next '*' */ } } p1 = p2; } } fclose(fd); } return 0; }
/* cases.awk */ { print tolower($1) "\t" $2 "\t" tolower($3); }
This is all as clear as mud. It would be great if someone could come up with a straightforward explaination of how to write and use a memo file. Or replace this lot with a linkto something more useful.
TODO Omit the misguided suggestions above for using doctags, and below for using tags.py, and use Vim's :helptags
as in the next comment.
See :help :helptags.
Make your own tags file within Vim with:
:execute "helptags " . expand("%:p:h")
from within the open file.
There is one downside with :helptags. It operates only on *.txt files.
Here is another method for generating a tags file for *word* style tags; written in python and based off the ptags.py from the python22 distribution.
Usage: tags.py [file] [file,etc]
Example: tags.py myfile.html myfile.c etc
#! /usr/bin/env python # tags.py #{{{ File header information """ /*! \file tags.py \brief Create a tags file (of *WORDS*), usable with VIM61, possibly earlier. \note based on ptags.py from the python22 distribution modifed by Feral to find only *word* style tags (for my documtation) output tailored for VIM6.1 \author Original author unknown, based on ptags.py from the python22 distribution. This file modified and maintained by Feral \version 1.02 \note $Id$ Changelog: 1.01: [Feral:240/02@08:36] now warns on a duplicate entry, slow and crude method (checks each addition to tags) 1.00: [yesterday] Initial version, based on ptags.py from the python22 distrobution. */ """ #}}} import sys, re, os tags = [] # modified global variable def main(): args = sys.argv[1:] print args for file in args: treat_file(file) # keep in mind that the tags are sorted, this line !should! end up at the top... tags.append("!_TAG_FILE_SORTED\t1\n") if tags: fp = open('tags', 'w') tags.sort() for s in tags: fp.write(s) matcher = re.compile(r'\*\w+\*') def treat_file(file): print "treating file", file dacount = 0 try: fp = open(file, 'r') except: print >> sys.stderr, 'Cannot open %s' % file return base = os.path.basename(file) while True: line = fp.readline() if not line: break m = matcher.search(line) if m: content = m.group() s = content + '\t' + base + '\t/' + content + '\n' for item in tags: if item == s: print "Duplicate entry:", content tags.append(s) dacount += 1 print "\t", dacount, "matches." if __name__ == '__main__': main()
Also see Thlnk.vim script#293.
It will be better if combined with the folding. I put this on the modeline:
And add folding marks at the end of the section title, like this:
================================================== Commands {{{1 ==================================================
"{{{1" is the default folding mark for level one. You can use multiple level folders as well (:he Folding). Vim will folder the items automatically so you can get all items at one glance. Really nice feature!
I just integrated much of these functions (links, folding, etc) into one script in script#828.


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In a relay race, as a runner nears the teammate to whom she will handoff her baton, she signals her approach by calling out, "Stick!" Different from the stick that pairs with a carrot or the police officer's truncheon, both instruments of discipline and (potential) violence, the sprinter's stick is a shared object that changes hands in a split second which encapsulates months and even years of teamwork and practice.
As the 2014-2016 term ends, and I prepare to handoff leadership of the Coalition of Women Scholars in the History of Rhetoric and Composition to Lisa Mastrangelo, our next President, we follow in the footsteps of the 11 Coalition Presidents who have come before us over the past 27 years: Kathleen Ethel Welch, Andrea A. Lunsford, Cheryl Glenn, Shirley Wilson Logan, Kris Ratcliffe, Joyce Irene Middleton, Kate Adams, Lynée Lewis Gaillet, Barb L'Eplattenier, Nancy Myers, and Liz Tasker Davis. (See years served.) All of us—along with all of the next Presidents—are thrilled to announce the establishment of a new Coalition Award: The President's Dissertation Award, which will be given every other year at the Feminisms and Rhetorics Conference along with the Lisa Ede Mentoring Award and the Nan Johnson Outstanding Graduate Student Travel Award.
The Coalition team is anchored by the Advisory Board, which is comprised of 30 elected members, including the Coalition's 6-person Executive Board. This term, the EB included President Jenn Fishman, Vice President Lisa Mastrangelo, Treasurer Marta Hess, Secretary Tarez Samra Graban, Immediate Past President Liz Tasker Davis, and Member at Large Nancy Myers. As the current term comes to a close, several AB members are concluding their service, and we thank them most sincerely: Maureen Goggin, Jacque McLeod Rogers, Dora Ramirez-Dhoore, Shirley Rose, and Liz Tasker Davis as well as Andrea A. Lunsford, who will become an ex officio member of the Advisory Board.
Ex officio or non-voting AB members provide both leadership and insight. They include both former long-serving AB members and colleagues appointed to specific Coalition roles: Archivist and Historian, Director of Digital Media and Outreach, Feminisms and Rhetorics Chairs or Co-Chairs, Web Coordinator, and Peitho Editor(s). In October at FemRhet 2015 in Tempe, AZ, we announced the next 2 conference locations: In 2017 our University of Dayton, OH, colleagues Liz Mackay, Patrick Thomas, Margaret Strain, and Susan Tollinger will be our hosts, and in 2019 FemRhet will convene at James Madison University in Harrisonburg, VA, hosted by Jen Almjed, Elisabeth Gunnior, and Traci Zimmerman. In the last months we also filled 2 new Coalition positions: Alexis Ramsey-Tobinne will serve as our first Archivist and Historian, while Trish Fancher will serve as our first Director of Digital Media and Outreach.
The real heart of the Coalition is the membership, and Coalition members, working together with feminist colleagues from all quarters of the profession, positively outdid themselves at CCCC 2016 or, as it was known on social media, #4C16. To start, 2 dozen colleagues, including representatives from the Asian/Asian American, Black, and Latinx Caucuses and the Disabilities Studies SIG, offered 12 concurrent microworkshops that engaged audience members-turned-participants in discovering new strategies for all kinds of feminist action both in and outside the classroom, both online and off. Coalition members also hosted 10 mentoring tables, where facilitators led conversations about everything from editorial collaborations and formulating research questions for historical scholarship to feminist WPA work, undergraduate research mentorship, and feminist transnational scholarship.
During our Wednesday night session, we also announced the recipient of the 2016 Winifred Bryan Horner Book Award. The Selection Committee this year was chaired by Liz Tasker Davis and included Jane Donawerth, Liz Kimball, Arabella Lyon, and Hui Wu. They read 10 stellar works, which individually and together speak to the vibrancy of feminist scholarship in feminist pedagogy, practice, history, and theory in our field. With great pleasure and appreciation, they gave honorable mention to Carolyn Skinner's monograph Women Physicians & Professional Ethos in Nineteenth Century America (SIUP, 2014), and they gave this year's award to Cristina Devereaux Ramirez's monograph Occupying Our Space: The Mestiza Rhetorics of Mexican Women Journalists and Activists, 1875-1942 (UAP, 2015) (Watch Cristina accept the award here!)
Whether you were in Houston for 4C16 and want to reminisce or you couldn't make it and are curious, you can peruse the Action Hour program and click through Trish Fancher's Storify retrospective: #thefeministsarecoming #4C16. It just may be the case that two hashtags related to our activities were the most tweeted during the conference: #FemU, the hashtag microworkshop leader Christine Martorana asked us to use, inspired by the Bitch Media article "Beyond the Feminist Classroom" by Trish Kahle; and our very own hashtag, #CWSHRC! You can even see for yourself via video:
For my part, I can think of no better way to have started the Houston convention and no better way to end the 2014-2016 term. As we race ahead to not only a new term but also new leadership on the Executive and Advisory Boards, a new editor at the helm of our journal, Peitho, and new ways of naming ourselves and working together, I know I look forward to all of it and especially to coalitioning with all of you.


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"A woman can never be too rich or too thin."
The anorexic and the body builder are both pursuing ideals that recede before them. Once one starts to measure oneself against a one-dimensional standard, such as strength or slimness, too much is never enough: the goal is always ahead of you, no matter how far you go. These ideals cannot be reached in this world… but if you follow them far enough, they can lead you out of it, into the abyss which is their true domain — as Arnold Schwarznegger's early heart problems, and the suicides of our rock stars and sex symbols, clearly attest.
It's true that Arnold Schwarzenegger, Hollywood actresses, and others like them were practically factory farmed by this competition-obsessed society; but the rest of us are infected with these values too — think of us as free range versions of the same livestock. All our judgments, all our conceptualizations of the world refer to absolutes and ideals: Sara is pretty, but not as pretty as Diana, who is not as pretty as the girl on the magazine cover; Jane is smart, but not as smart as the boy who was accepted to Harvard, who clearly is not as intelligent as Albert Einstein was; serving free food is revolutionary, but not as revolutionary as setting a police station on fire. We are truly one-dimensional thinkers: unable to see each individual quality or action for what it is alone, only able to apprehend it in terms of how it compares to others…the implication being that there is some fundamental scale against which everything can be compared. This is one way of conceiving of the world, yes, but not the only way, and not the best way in most circumstances, either.
This way of thinking makes everything into a competition, for those who don't want to accept their inferiority; it makes us disregard the value and unique significance of every event and entity, in favor of finding a place for them in the system of calibration. The truth is that every human being really does have a value unlike any other, every radical action and approach is important to "the revolution" in irreplaceable ways (the important question is not which means to apply, but how to make them complement each other), and we desperately need ways to articulate this to ourselves. We need a language with which we can celebrate through description, not comparison. Without this, no matter how clearly we know we should value every little thing for its own sake, we are trapped by the assumptions of our own means of expression:
"I love you," whispers the young girl.
"Do you love me more than anyone else, more than anything?" demands the boy.
I love you… differently, because of what you are. Not more, not less — there's no comparison with love, for love cherishes what is. Love is not judgment, it is measureless, matchless…" she replies — but he has already turned away.
Where did this obsession with one-dimensional standards come from? It originated with language itself: where one word serves to represent many different individual experiences, abstraction is already present. When you say "sunlight, " it seems as if you are designating a thing that exists in the world somewhere, when actually you are referring to a multitude of experiences, all different but with some very basic similarities. What is most precious in experiences is not the lowest common denominators, but the once-in-a-lifetime particulars — but words leave those out entirely. What use is a word that only applies to one moment of one individual's experience? That is not a currency that can retain value from one to another, and thus is useless for communication. Communication is a necessary part of being human; but it is crucial that each of us remembers that no word or concept could ever capture the infinite depth and complexity of a single instant of life.
The birth of Western civilization, which is founded upon one dimensional thinking, occurred in ancient Greece, when Plato took the abstraction of language one step farther. Plato declared that our abstractions referred to some "higher" world of ideals, in which "courage" and "honor" and "justice" exist in their pure form; in doing so, he turned everything backwards, placing our broad generalizations before the experiences they are drawn from, and claiming that it is those vague generalizations that have truth. Thus he took the reference point of our concepts out of the world altogether, suggesting that our real experiences in it are unimportant, irrelevant. Paul, the founder of Christianity, extended this philosophy into the world of religion: the "ideal" existed in heaven, and the earth was the flawed, evil imitation of it.
Ideas and doctrines alone were not enough to bend human experience of the world to the system of absolutes, of course. Against the wisdom of bodily experience, in which the unique qualities of every entity and event are encountered up close, they were powerless. But slowly, it became possible to enforce the doctrine of the ideal upon the world of daily perception.
It began with the end of the barter system, and the beginning of subdivided time. Suddenly, everything had a certain, set value, and the day was divided into measured segments. Time and worth cannot really be measured — the man who has truly lived knows that the stopwatch cannot capture the way time speeds up when he is in bed with his boyfriend and slows down when he is "on the clock" at work, he knows that the best and worst things in life cannot be "deserved" or earned, let alone appraised — but the pay-by-the-hour jobs of the exchange economy forced people to measure them anyway, and the habit sunk in.
Soon, everything was measured and calibrated: women's clothing sizes, for example. Until the end of the nineteenth century, women's clothing was made by hand, for individual women. A woman was seen as possessing distinct personal qualities, not as a "size 6" or "plus size." It's very telling that over the last few decades, the perfect ideal of the woman has been described numerically — "36-24-36" — and anything that varies from that perfect Platonic form is less than beautiful. Women now occupy a scale of value according to their measured weight. Some struggle with scales every morning, hoping the number will be lower so their value will be greater.
It only remained for brand names to finish reducing the real complexity of the world to the empty simplicity of abstractions. Once upon a time, human beings had gardens; in those days, every fruit or vegetable was unique, and looked it. Now our food is scientifically engineered to total uniformity, and comes with a brand name identifying which absolute it represents: the supermarket's generic brand is the Platonic form of the "inferior banana, " the name-brand banana is the perfect incarnation of the banana as abstraction, and the archetypal banana of the rich, eco-elitist consumers comes marked "organic."
Those who would resist these attempts to bend the real world to the flatness of the conceptual world often fall into the same practices. The world of political theory is rife with abstraction and one dimensional thinking. Many make it through childhood with their ability to appreciate the irreplaceable details of life intact, only to fall to the maladies of generalizing and idealizing when they begin to read theory and attempt to form an "analysis" of life: their impressions and emotions are converted into an ideology, and where their struggles and goals once referred to real people they now see those people only as playing pieces in a war of symbols.
Ultimately, the pursuit of "ideals" which cannot exist in this world constitutes a rejection of this world, the real world, and thus of life itself — as demonstrated by the sad fate of the body builders and anorexics who take it to its logical extreme, the grave. We are so used to denigrating this world, saying it is a fucked up, imperfect place — and so it appears, compared with our "perfect" standards and ideals, which seem so perfect only because they cannot exist. A truly radical resolution would be to embrace existence just as it is, as the only thing that matters, to proclaim that this world itself is heaven, made for our total enjoyment and fulfillment… and then, to ask: If that's the case, how do we act accordingly? What have we been doing wrong all this time?
In doing so, we would finally have to accept and embrace ourselves exactly as we are, in all our diversity and variety, and free ourselves from the shadow of the false heaven of Plato and the advertising agents, where "real" beauty supposedly resides. Liberated entirely from standards, from the lingering ghost of Christian judgment and condemnation, we could see that what we are must itself constitute the measure and meaning of beauty, of dignity and magnificence, if such concepts are to exist at all.
I took off my paint-splattered jacket and my shirt, and gazed at myself in the mirror of the airplane restroom. What I saw was something I had only glimpsed before in the eyes of my most adoring lovers: the curves and textures of my skin, the scars and tattoos and lines cut into it painted a picture together, telling a life of wild adventure and undreamable extremes, a story more poignant and thrilling than any other. I was beautiful — beauty itself was incarnated in me, as the vessel of a world of struggles and longings and triumphs bigger than anything that could fit in any book. It was a moment of blinding brilliance, but I rested comfortably in it, confident, as if I had known through all the squalor and desperation that I was simply being primed for this. And, for once, I felt that I could live a hero's life as well as die a warrior's death.
It is only now that I can recognize your beauty and deny no part of my own.


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Capital Asset Management Policies
The capital assets of the City of Lake Oswego are property owned in common by the citizens of our community.
- These community assets will not be degraded, given away, or allowed to deteriorate except by action of the Council.
- Funding new long-term capital assets of the city will be the responsibility of the community as a whole and should be funded through general obligation bonds, SDCs, proportionate equity asset shares, grants and gifts, or volunteer contributions when appropriate.
- New private development in the city that requires increased capacity or places increased demand on the community assets must purchase an equity asset share. This share is based on the development's proportionate share of the current replacement value of the existing assets required by the development, including capacity expansion required to serve the new development.
- To the extent allowed by law, system development charges will be designed to recapture from new private development the full cost of community assets in place at the time of the development and the necessary expansion of those systems caused by increased demand on those assets.
- The capitalization threshold used in determining if a given asset qualifies for capitalization is $10,000 per item.
- The Finance Department shall organize a physical count/inspection of all capital assets as of each fiscal year end, June 30.
- Adequate insurance shall be maintained on all capital assets consistent with the results of the annual physical count/inspection.
- GASB 34: The Government Accounting Standards Board has required local governments to report infrastructure and depreciation on all capital assets. Prospective implementation of these requirements was completed with fiscal year ended June 30, 2003. Retroactive infrastructure reporting for major assets acquired after July 1, 1980 was also completed with fiscal year ended June 30, 2003.


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Longtime U.S. Rep. William D. Delahunt of Massachusetts, a Democratic stalwart who postponed his own retirement from Washington to help pass former President Barack Obama's legislative agenda, has died following a long-term illness, his family announced.
Delahunt died Saturday at his home in Quincy, Massachusetts, at the age of 82, news reports said.
Delahunt served 14 years in the U.S. House of Representatives, from 1997 to 2011, for Massachusetts's 10th congressional district. He also was the Norfolk County district attorney from 1975 to 1996 after serving in the Massachusetts House of Representatives from 1973 to 1975.
The Delahunt family issued a statement Saturday saying he passed away "peacefully," but did not disclose his specific cause of death, news reports said.
"While we mourn the loss of such a tremendous person, we also celebrate his remarkable life and his legacy of dedication, service, and inspiration," the statement said. "We could always turn to him for wisdom, solace and a laugh, and his absence leaves a gaping hole in our family and our hearts."
Democratic U.S. Sen. Ed Markey of Massachusetts lauded Delahunt's long public service as a legislator in the nation's capital and a prosecutor in the county south of Boston.
"I met with Bill in Quincy in February, and he was clear and as committed as ever to working on behalf of the South Shore and the people of Massachusetts," Markey said in a statement. "It is a fitting honor that the door of the William D. Delahunt Norfolk County Courthouse opens every day so that the people inside can do the hard work of making lives better, as Bill Delahunt did. The Commonwealth and the country are better for Bill Delahunt's vision and service."
President Nicolás Maduro of Venezuela posted a statement on X, formerly Twitter, mourning Delahunt's passing. As a member of Congress, Delahunt brokered a 2005 deal with then-Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez to obtain heating oil for low-income Massachusetts residents, according to news reports. Delahunt also attended Chavez's state funeral in Caracas in March 2013.
Delahunt stepped down from the U.S. House in January 2011. He told The Boston Globe he had previously considered retirement, but fellow veteran Bay State legislator Sen. Edward M. Kennedy convinced him he was needed to help pass Obama's legislative initiatives at the time.
Delahunt was an early Obama backer, becoming the first member of the Massachusetts congressional delegation to endorse the Illinois senator's presidential bid, according to reporting by The Patriot Ledger, the newspaper in Delahunt's hometown, Quincy.
Announcing his retirement in March 2010, Delahunt said Kennedy's death the previous year turned his thoughts to finding time for priorities beyond Washington.
"It became clear that I wanted to spend my time, the time that I have left, with my family, with my friends and with my loved ones," Delahunt said.
Copyright 2024 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.


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Portable generators kill about 70 people each year. Here's how to protect yourself and your loved ones
If not operated properly, portable generators are extremely dangerous to people and pets.
By Hannah Rhodes, Consumer Watchdog Associate
Jan. 17, 2022
In any season, portable generators can be a much needed product in many Americans' homes. When the power is knocked out – whether from a winter storm or a hurricane – portable generators can be important for powering refrigerators, medical devices and other needs in the home.
But, if not operated properly, portable generators are extremely dangerous to people and pets. Portable generators emit carbon monoxide, a gas that can be a silent killer. The odorless, colorless and tasteless gas causes "flu-like" symptoms and can cause loss of consciousness.
The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) said, "Each year, more than 400 Americans die from unintentional CO poisoning not linked to fires, more than 20,000 visit the emergency room, and more than 4,000 are hospitalized." In 2021, the U.S. Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC) estimated that 70 people die each year from carbon monoxide poisoning associated with portable generators.
Portable generators are a known safety hazard and have been investigated for years. Starting in 2007, the CPSC started requiring portable generators to have safety warnings. But with a consistently high number of deaths caused by carbon monoxide poisonings from portable generators annually, there have been questions about the effectiveness of the mandatory warnings and the need for improvement.
The CPSC's new chair, Alexander Hoehn-Saric, said the commission continues to prioritize portable generator safety and is studying whether past industry steps are enough.
Until there are stronger safety standards to protect consumers from portable generators high carbon monoxide emissions, there are ways to protect you and your loved ones:
Portable generators should ONLY be operated outside. Never use a portable generator in a basement, garage or shed. Even if the window or the garage door is cracked open, that is not enough to prevent carbon monoxide poisonings.
When placing a portable generator outside, it needs to be at least 20 feet away from windows, doors and vents. Regardless of what a generator's manual or another source states, the CPSC found that the best way to prevent carbon monoxide poisoning is to position the generator's exhaust 20 feet away from the home or any other building that a person could enter.
As NBC News recently reported, "User manuals often provide vague or inconsistent safety guidelines. Some manufacturers direct users to keep generators at least 5 feet from windows or doors, far closer than the 20-foot minimum recommended by the CPSC. Other generator manuals simply say to keep the machines "far away" from homes, leaving it to users to decide how close is too close."
Indeed, 20 feet away is the proper distance that a portable generator should be used away from the home, no matter what the manual instructions say.
You'll want to cover the portable generator in times of rain or snow. Don't let it touch the generator. If you want to protect a portable generator from the elements, the U.S. Department of Energy recommends building an open, canopy-like structure. Additionally, the structure should be waterproof, have no contact with the generator and be placed directly overhead. If you are unable to protect the portable generator from wet conditions, do not use it.
Plugging a portable generator into a wall outlet is dangerous. Use a three-prong grounded extension cord that matches the 20 feet of distance needed for the portable generator to be operated safely and plug it directly into the devices you want to power, such as a refrigerator. If you plug a portable generator into a wall outlet, and the power comes back on, you can create a power surge that can cause a fire and other damages.
Test carbon monoxide detectors in your home. Carbon monoxide poisoning can make you dizzy and weak, and you can lose consciousness. Carbon monoxide detectors are vital to safety and should be tested each year, especially if a portable generator will be used.
If you're purchasing a new portable generator, look for one that includes new safety features. According to Consumer Reports, portable generators with switches that turn off the generator automatically when gas levels rise to a dangerous level are safer than those that do not include the switch. Other safer options include generators that emit lower carbon monoxide levels.
Purchase a portable generator before the storm breaks. If there is a reason to believe a portable generator will be needed, take the time to research and purchase it before the power is knocked out. Portable generators have instruction manuals that need to be read thoroughly. And other safety precautions – protective waterproof structures, testing carbon monoxide detectors, three-prong grounded extension cords that are 20 feet – can take some prep time.


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Bush challenges hundreds of
Boston Globe By Charlie Savage April 30, 2006 WASHINGTON -- President Bush has quietly claimed the authority to disobey more than 750 laws enacted since he took office, asserting that he has the power to set aside any statute passed by Congress when it conflicts with his interpretation of the Constitution. Among the laws Bush said he can ignore are military rules and regulations, affirmative-action provisions, requirements that Congress be told about immigration services problems, "whistle-blower" protections for nuclear regulatory officials, and safeguards against political interference in federally funded research. Legal scholars say the scope and aggression of Bush's assertions that he can bypass laws represent a concerted effort to expand his power at the expense of Congress, upsetting the balance between the branches of government. The Constitution is clear in assigning to Congress the power to write the laws and to the president a duty "to take care that the laws be faithfully executed." Bush, however, has repeatedly declared that he does not need to "execute" a law he believes is unconstitutional. Former administration officials contend that just because Bush reserves the right to disobey a law does not mean he is not enforcing it: In many cases, he is simply asserting his belief that a certain requirement encroaches on presidential power. But with the disclosure of Bush's domestic spying program, in which he ignored a law requiring warrants to tap the phones of Americans, many legal specialists say Bush is hardly reluctant to bypass laws he believes he has the constitutional authority to override. Far more than any predecessor, Bush has been aggressive about declaring his right to ignore vast swaths of laws -- many of which he says infringe on power he believes the Constitution assigns to him alone as the head of the executive branch or the commander in chief of the military. Many legal scholars say they believe that Bush's theory about his own powers goes too far and that he is seizing for himself some of the law-making role of Congress and the Constitution-interpreting role of the courts. Phillip Cooper, a Portland State University law professor who has studied the executive power claims Bush made during his first term, said Bush and his legal team have spent the past five years quietly working to concentrate ever more governmental power into the White House. "There is no question that this administration has been involved in a very carefully thought-out, systematic process of expanding presidential power at the expense of the other branches of government," Cooper said. "This is really big, very expansive, and very significant." For the first five years of Bush's presidency, his legal claims attracted little attention in Congress or the media. Then, twice in recent months, Bush drew scrutiny after challenging new laws: a torture ban and a requirement that he give detailed reports to Congress about how he is using the Patriot Act. Bush administration spokesmen declined to make White House or Justice Department attorneys available to discuss any of Bush's challenges to the laws he has signed. Instead, they referred a Globe reporter to their response to questions about Bush's position that he could ignore provisions of the Patriot Act. They said at the time that Bush was following a practice that has "been used for several administrations" and that "the president will faithfully execute the law in a manner that is consistent with the Constitution." But the words "in a manner that is consistent with the Constitution" are the catch, legal scholars say, because Bush is according himself the ultimate interpretation of the Constitution. And he is quietly exercising that authority to a degree that is unprecedented in US history. Bush is the first president in modern history who has never vetoed a bill, giving Congress no chance to override his judgments. Instead, he has signed every bill that reached his desk, often inviting the legislation's sponsors to signing ceremonies at which he lavishes praise upon their work. Then, after the media and the lawmakers have left the White House, Bush quietly files "signing statements" -- official documents in which a president lays out his legal interpretation of a bill for the federal bureaucracy to follow when implementing the new law. The statements are recorded in the federal register. In his signing statements, Bush has repeatedly asserted that the Constitution gives him the right to ignore numerous sections of the bills -- sometimes including provisions that were the subject of negotiations with Congress in order to get lawmakers to pass the bill. He has appended such statements to more than one of every 10 bills he has signed. "He agrees to a compromise with members of Congress, and all of them are there for a public bill-signing ceremony, but then he takes back those compromises -- and more often than not, without the Congress or the press or the public knowing what has happened," said Christopher Kelley, a Miami University of Ohio political science professor who studies executive power. Military link The Constitution grants Congress the power to create armies, to declare war, to make rules for captured enemies, and "to make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces." But, citing his role as commander in chief, Bush says he can ignore any act of Congress that seeks to regulate the military. On at least four occasions while Bush has been president, Congress has passed laws forbidding US troops from engaging in combat in Colombia, where the US military is advising the government in its struggle against narcotics-funded Marxist rebels. After signing each bill, Bush declared in his signing statement that he did not have to obey any of the Colombia restrictions because he is commander in chief. Bush has also said he can bypass laws requiring him to tell Congress before diverting money from an authorized program in order to start a secret operation, such as the "black sites" where suspected terrorists are secretly imprisoned. Congress has also twice passed laws forbidding the military from using intelligence that was not "lawfully collected," including any information on Americans that was gathered in violation of the Fourth Amendment's protections against unreasonable searches. Congress first passed this provision in August 2004, when Bush's warrantless domestic spying program was still a secret, and passed it again after the program's existence was disclosed in December 2005. On both occasions, Bush declared in signing statements that only he, as commander in chief, could decide whether such intelligence can be used by the military. In October 2004, five months after the Abu Ghraib torture scandal in Iraq came to light, Congress passed a series of new rules and regulations for military prisons. Bush signed the provisions into law, then said he could ignore them all. One provision made clear that military lawyers can give their commanders independent advice on such issues as what would constitute torture. But Bush declared that military lawyers could not contradict his administration's lawyers. Other provisions required the Pentagon to retrain military prison guards on the requirements for humane treatment of detainees under the Geneva Conventions, to perform background checks on civilian contractors in Iraq, and to ban such contractors from performing "security, intelligence, law enforcement, and criminal justice functions." Bush reserved the right to ignore any of the requirements. The new law also created the position of inspector general for Iraq. But Bush wrote in his signing statement that the inspector "shall refrain" from investigating any intelligence or national security matter, or any crime the Pentagon says it prefers to investigate for itself. Bush had placed similar limits on an inspector general position created by Congress in November 2003 for the initial stage of the US occupation of Iraq. The earlier law also empowered the inspector to notify Congress if a US official refused to cooperate. Bush said the inspector could not give any information to Congress without permission from the administration. Oversight questioned In December 2004, Congress passed an intelligence bill requiring the Justice Department to tell them how often, and in what situations, the FBI was using special national security wiretaps on US soil. The law also required the Justice Department to give oversight committees copies of administration memos outlining any new interpretations of domestic-spying laws. And it contained 11 other requirements for reports about such issues as civil liberties, security clearances, border security, and counternarcotics efforts. After signing the bill, Bush issued a signing statement saying he could withhold all the information sought by Congress. Likewise, when Congress passed the law creating the Department of Homeland Security in 2002, it said oversight committees must be given information about vulnerabilities at chemical plants and the screening of checked bags at airports. It also said Congress must be shown unaltered reports about problems with visa services prepared by a new immigration ombudsman. Bush asserted the right to withhold the information and alter the reports. On several other occasions, Bush contended he could nullify laws creating "whistle-blower" job protections for federal employees that would stop any attempt to fire them as punishment for telling a member of Congress about possible government wrongdoing. When Congress passed a massive energy package in August, for example, it strengthened whistle-blower protections for employees at the Department of Energy and the Nuclear Regulatory Commission. The provision was included because lawmakers feared that Bush appointees were intimidating nuclear specialists so they would not testify about safety issues related to a planned nuclear-waste repository at Yucca Mountain in Nevada -- a facility the administration supported, but both Republicans and Democrats from Nevada opposed. When Bush signed the energy bill, he issued a signing statement declaring that the executive branch could ignore the whistle-blower protections. Bush's statement did more than send a threatening message to federal energy specialists inclined to raise concerns with Congress; it also raised the possibility that Bush would not feel bound to obey similar whistle-blower laws that were on the books before he became president. His domestic spying program, for example, violated a surveillance law enacted 23 years before he took office. David Golove, a New York University law professor who specializes in executive-power issues, said Bush has cast a cloud over "the whole idea that there is a rule of law," because no one can be certain of which laws Bush thinks are valid and which he thinks he can ignore. "Where you have a president who is willing to declare vast quantities of the legislation that is passed during his term unconstitutional, it implies that he also thinks a very significant amount of the other laws that were already on the books before he became president are also unconstitutional," Golove said. Defying Supreme Court Nonetheless, Bush has said in his signing statements that the Constitution lets him control any executive official, no matter what a statute passed by Congress might say. In November 2002, for example, Congress, seeking to generate independent statistics about student performance, passed a law setting up an educational research institute to conduct studies and publish reports "without the approval" of the Secretary of Education. Bush, however, decreed that the institute's director would be "subject to the supervision and direction of the secretary of education." Similarly, the Supreme Court has repeatedly upheld affirmative-action programs, as long as they do not include quotas. Most recently, in 2003, the court upheld a race-conscious university admissions program over the strong objections of Bush, who argued that such programs should be struck down as unconstitutional. Yet despite the court's rulings, Bush has taken exception at least nine times to provisions that seek to ensure that minorities are represented among recipients of government jobs, contracts, and grants. Each time, he singled out the provisions, declaring that he would construe them "in a manner consistent with" the Constitution's guarantee of "equal protection" to all -- which some legal scholars say amounts to an argument that the affirmative-action provisions represent reverse discrimination against whites. Golove said that to the extent Bush is interpreting the Constitution in defiance of the Supreme Court's precedents, he threatens to "overturn the existing structures of constitutional law." A president who ignores the court, backed by a Congress that is unwilling to challenge him, Golove said, can make the Constitution simply "disappear." Common practice in '80s Since the early 19th century, American presidents have occasionally signed a large bill while declaring that they would not enforce a specific provision they believed was unconstitutional. On rare occasions, historians say, presidents also issued signing statements interpreting a law and explaining any concerns about it. But it was not until the mid-1980s, midway through the tenure of President Reagan, that it became common for the president to issue signing statements. The change came about after then-Attorney General Edwin Meese decided that signing statements could be used to increase the power of the president. When interpreting an ambiguous law, courts often look at the statute's legislative history, debate and testimony, to see what Congress intended it to mean. Meese realized that recording what the president thought the law meant in a signing statement might increase a president's influence over future court rulings. Under Meese's direction in 1986, a young Justice Department lawyer named Samuel A. Alito Jr. wrote a strategy memo about signing statements. It came to light in late 2005, after Bush named Alito to the Supreme Court. In the memo, Alito predicted that Congress would resent the president's attempt to grab some of its power by seizing "the last word on questions of interpretation." He suggested that Reagan's legal team should "concentrate on points of true ambiguity, rather than issuing interpretations that may seem to conflict with those of Congress." Reagan's successors continued this practice. George H.W. Bush challenged 232 statutes over four years in office, and Bill Clinton objected to 140 laws over his eight years, according to Kelley, the Miami University of Ohio professor. Many of the challenges involved longstanding legal ambiguities and points of conflict between the president and Congress. Throughout the past two decades, for example, each president -- including the current one -- has objected to provisions requiring him to get permission from a congressional committee before taking action. The Supreme Court made clear in 1983 that only the full Congress can direct the executive branch to do things, but lawmakers have continued writing laws giving congressional committees such a role. Still, Reagan, George H.W. Bush, and Clinton used the presidential veto instead of the signing statement if they had a serious problem with a bill, giving Congress a chance to override their decisions. But the current President Bush has abandoned the veto entirely, as well as any semblance of the political caution that Alito counseled back in 1986. In just five years, Bush has challenged more than 750 new laws, by far a record for any president, while becoming the first president since Thomas Jefferson to stay so long in office without issuing a veto. "What we haven't seen until this administration is the sheer number of objections that are being raised on every bill passed through the White House," said Kelley, who has studied presidential signing statements through history. "That is what is staggering. The numbers are well out of the norm from any previous administration." Exaggerated fears? Defenders say the fact that Bush is reserving the right to disobey the laws does not necessarily mean he has gone on to disobey them. Indeed, in some cases, the administration has ended up following laws that Bush said he could bypass. For example, citing his power to "withhold information" in September 2002, Bush declared that he could ignore a law requiring the State Department to list the number of overseas deaths of US citizens in foreign countries. Nevertheless, the department has still put the list on its website. Jack Goldsmith, a Harvard Law School professor who until last year oversaw the Justice Department's Office of Legal Counsel for the administration, said the statements do not change the law; they just let people know how the president is interpreting it. "Nobody reads them," said Goldsmith. "They have no significance. Nothing in the world changes by the publication of a signing statement. The statements merely serve as public notice about how the administration is interpreting the law. Criticism of this practice is surprising, since the usual complaint is that the administration is too secretive in its legal interpretations." But Cooper, the Portland State University professor who has studied Bush's first-term signing statements, said the documents are being read closely by one key group of people: the bureaucrats who are charged with implementing new laws. Lower-level officials will follow the president's instructions even when his understanding of a law conflicts with the clear intent of Congress, crafting policies that may endure long after Bush leaves office, Cooper said. "Years down the road, people will not understand why the policy doesn't look like the legislation," he said. And in many cases, critics contend, there is no way to know whether the administration is violating laws -- or merely preserving the right to do so. Many of the laws Bush has challenged involve national security, where it is almost impossible to verify what the government is doing. And since the disclosure of Bush's domestic spying program, many people have expressed alarm about his sweeping claims of the authority to violate laws. In January, after the Globe first wrote about Bush's contention that he could disobey the torture ban, three Republicans who were the bill's principal sponsors in the Senate -- John McCain of Arizona, John W. Warner of Virginia, and Lindsey O. Graham of South Carolina -- all publicly rebuked the president. "We believe the president understands Congress's intent in passing, by very large majorities, legislation governing the treatment of detainees," McCain and Warner said in a joint statement. "The Congress declined when asked by administration officials to include a presidential waiver of the restrictions included in our legislation." Added Graham: "I do not believe that any political figure in the country has the ability to set aside any . . . law of armed conflict that we have adopted or treaties that we have ratified." And in March, when the Globe first wrote about Bush's contention that he could ignore the oversight provisions of the Patriot Act, several Democrats lodged complaints. Senator Patrick J. Leahy of Vermont, the ranking Democrat on the Senate Judiciary Committee, accused Bush of trying to "cherry-pick the laws he decides he wants to follow." And Representatives Jane Harman of California and John Conyers Jr. of Michigan -- the ranking Democrats on the House Intelligence and Judiciary committees, respectively -- sent a letter to Attorney General Alberto R. Gonzales demanding that Bush rescind his claim and abide by the law. "Many members who supported the final law did so based upon the guarantee of additional reporting and oversight," they wrote. "The administration cannot, after the fact, unilaterally repeal provisions of the law implementing such oversight. . . . Once the president signs a bill, he and all of us are bound by it." Lack of court review The courts have little chance of reviewing Bush's assertions, especially in the secret realm of national security matters. "There can't be judicial review if nobody knows about it," said Neil Kinkopf, a Georgia State law professor who was a Justice Department official in the Clinton administration. "And if they avoid judicial review, they avoid having their constitutional theories rebuked." Without court involvement, only Congress can check a president who goes too far. But Bush's fellow Republicans control both chambers, and they have shown limited interest in launching the kind of oversight that could damage their party. "The president is daring Congress to act against his positions, and they're not taking action because they don't want to appear to be too critical of the president, given that their own fortunes are tied to his because they are all Republicans," said Jack Beermann, a Boston University law professor. "Oversight gets much reduced in a situation where the president and Congress are controlled by the same party." Said Golove, the New York University law professor: "Bush has essentially said that 'We're the executive branch and we're going to carry this law out as we please, and if Congress wants to impeach us, go ahead and try it.' " Bruce Fein, a deputy attorney general in the Reagan administration, said the American system of government relies upon the leaders of each branch "to exercise some self-restraint." But Bush has declared himself the sole judge of his own powers, he said, and then ruled for himself every time. "This is an attempt by the president to have the final word on his own
constitutional powers, which eliminates the checks and balances that keep the
country a democracy," Fein said. "There is no way for an independent judiciary
to check his assertions of power, and Congress isn't doing it, either. So this
is moving us toward an unlimited executive power." Commentary: |


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Quinacridone Red 155 Watercolor Paint
Quinacridone Red 155 is a cool, lightfast red in a high key. More yellow than Quinacridone Rose.
Composition and Permanence
The color index name is established and published by the American Association of Textile Chemists and Colorists and The Society of Dyers and Colourists. The color index name is a generic category and does not refer to a specific pigment. While it enables the artist to form a general idea of opacity, transparency and lightfastness, for a pigment in a certain color space, it does not provide definitive information. Many grades of pigment are available from a number of manufactures with a very wide range of physical attributes.
Chemical Name
The chemical name is a brief, commonly used generic type designation of the pigment types composition. in conjunction with the color index name, the chemical name can be used to broaden the artists understanding of the source and nature of the pigment used.
The permanence of a color is a measure of the lightfastness of the pigment when dispersed in a vehicle and subjected to conditions which emulate the exposure normally given a fine arts object. Such ratings are generally considered vehicle or media dependent and can vary between media — thus pigment which is suitably lightfast for oil color, might not be lightfast in watercolor. Our ratings utilize a combination of historical data, accelerated testing and data from pigment manufacturers to establish one of the toughest standards among artists color makers today.
Transparency and Opacity
Each of our colors has been provided a designation indicating relative degrees of transparency to opacity. Please consider these as a guideline because any thin film application, while not necessarily transparent, can be interpreted by the view as such.
As an essential ingredient in our binding medium, honey contributes to moistness for smooth, easily controlled applications, increased pigment concentrations, and freedom from over reliance on preservatives. Because of the honey medium, our watercolor resists hardening on the palette, or in the tube. It dilutes easily, often after months of disuse.
We spend hours milling our colors to coax the highest pigment loads into our paints. Compare us. We believe you will agree, M. Graham makes better color. Learn More »


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Built to last
Why Would you Settle for Less when you can have More? Do not let other Authors Fool you with Empty Marketing Keywords. FLATBOOTS is what you Deserve. Built to last, Built from Scratch, Nothing Less.
Read moreOver a dozen reusable components built to provide iconography, dropdowns, input groups, navigation, alerts, and much more...
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Swap-in out addons, use only what you really need!


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The three-month-long abundant water period is due to begin on May 25, and a "hashrate war" is about to begin. In the meantime, more than 40,000 hydroelectric dams in southwest China will see a peak in power production and the lowest price of electricity in a year — allowing miners to obtain Bitcoin at lower costs. Therefore, the success of grasping the abundant water period directly relates to the miner's overall income of a year and survival problems. The importance of abundant water period for miners is self-evident. Mining during abundant water period is the opportunity that miners must seize for grasping the bull market.
Digital currency is promising and the pattern of mining is improving
In 2021, digital currency, led by the record-breaking Bitcoin, saw waves of rage, and over the past week, the brightest of all was Ethereum and Dogecoin, which were at the top of the market capitalization. This week, Ethereum breached the $3900 mark to a record high of $3957, pushing the market value to more than $410 billion. Dogecoin, which was first used as a tip, also gained momentum, pushing up to $0.7, with a market value of more than $80 billion, surpassing Ripple to become the fourth-largest encrypted currency.
With more and more digital currency joining the league, there are more and more supporting suppliers that cover almost every link of the mining industry chain. At the same time, exhibitors are becoming more and more diversified.
In international form, Bitcoin's dominance of mining hashrate has been in China's hands in previous years. But in recent years, China's share has dropped from 80% and 90% to 60% and 70% now, the industrial location of the mining industry has gradually changed, a large number of hashrate have moved abroad, and the number of mining centers in the United States and Russia has gradually increased. Meng Xiaoni also said that at present, China's hashrate advantage is quite obvious, this advantage will be maintained for some time, so our focus has not completely shifted to abroad, but the direction of business breakthrough has been adjusted to abroad. With the advantage of overseas resources, we can gain overseas incremental hashrate.
The future has come, the only constant is change
Meng Xiaoni, vice president of Bitcoin Mining Group and chief executive of BTC.COM, brought the theme preaching of "The future has come, the only constant is change", making relevant interpretation on the "change" trend and "responding" ability around three parts of blockchain industry, BTC.com itself, and mining abundant water period.
Regarding the industry, in Meng Xiaoni's view, the blockchain 3.0 era has come, the blockchain will extend to various industries outside the financial industry, to produce application scenarios, to meet more complex business logic, and to promote greater industrial reform. And in the next five years, it will certainly bring the golden five-year development opportunities to the blockchain industry and practitioners, more cross-domain blockchain service enterprises with abundant financial resources will come into being, and the industry will thus get a benign circular development.
As for the abundant water period, based on the 2020 earnings data, Meng Xiaoni believes that per T mining income of 2021 will be much higher than that of last year's abundant water period, and the profit effect will be significant. According to current and projected mining earnings, the key to capture the dividend in the abundant water period in 2021 is the "spot and relocation strategy". And for novice miners, buying a hashrate platform package with spot goods capabilities is a great choice.
New opportunities under carbon neutralization
At this conference, "carbon neutralization" became one of the main topics. Wu Jihan pointed out that this will be a long-term impact on the industry, people should not take any chances with the "carbon neutralization", if the country wants to solve this problem, it will be solved very fast. Clean energy mining will become one of the main energy sources in the future.
Ms. Meng Xiaoni also said that China's goal of carbon neutralization had given a crucial signal that its huge China's capacity, China's market and China's demand would be achieved in a more environmentally friendly way. This is bound to provide great leadership for the global economic industry, but also has a strong butterfly effect, in the future, there will be more countries to join the construction group, leading to global economic change; under this trend, the original coal-electricity energy and petrochemical energy will lead to regional distribution changes because of policies, and moreover, with the emergence of more new energy types, it will also lead to more demand for new energy use;
There is no doubt that clean energy is a global energy use trend. In fact, most of the mining industry uses clean energy. Bitcoin Mining Group has already had three mines with a total load of about 435 megawatts, all are hydroelectric mines, and clean energy is already in use.
BTC mining pool escorts for abundant water miners
As we all know, the traditional mining industry is extremely energy-dependent, cheap and stable power resources have always been the key elements of mining enterprises and miners, from the current "carbon neutralization" policy implementation trend, it is bound to accelerate the blockchain mining reform. And BTC mining pool also lays out early in this field. After five years of development, BTC.com has become the world's leading multi-currency comprehensive service mining pool since the first block was excavated in 2016. As one of the most well-known, largest and customer-oriented mining pools in the industry, we always keep our products up-to-date and optimized, for example, we will add the effective hashrate of the day to our mobile income list in the near future to ensure the miners' interests consistently. Three guarantees support our mining pool and data services to forward steadily all the way.
1. Continuous optimization of mining pool service — convenient management
2. The most realistic and transparent mining data — guaranteed returns
3. Stable and innovative team — technology support
In the 2021 bull market abundant water period, BTC.com will continue to serve as an abundant escort to launch multi-super benefits! Online activities are designed aiming at miners of abundant water period, the surprises and discounts cover all miners.
During the 2021 bull market abundant water period, BTC.com will continue to serve as an abundant escort to launch multi-super benefits. Activities are designed aiming at miners of abundant water period, and the surprises and discounts cover all miners.
Surprise 1. Exclusive 5A abundant water custody mine
BTC.com miners during the Wet Season Festival will receive exclusive cooperative hydropower mine custody positions provided by BTC.com to help them get the cheapest electricity price during abundant water period.
Surprise 2. Summer tour in Yunnan – rejuvenate your body and mind
During Wet Season Festival, all newly-added hashrate users will have the opportunity to take part in the BTC.com's summer tour in Yunnan to rejuvenate their body and mind.
Surprise 3. Mining to share ETH
All BTC.com first-quarter miners, as long as their hashrate reaches the requirement and they completed sub-account binding based on the activity requirements, they will receive ETH awards in proportion.
Surprise 4. BTC.com × Matrixport super joint name VIP
The industry's top brands BTC.com and Matrixport jointly created the industry's first cross-disciplinary membership service. Users not only can receive exquisite honor medal, but also can enjoy the super-luxury service of all products of the two brands, and if the qualifications are met, the service can be extended for life. For more information, users can refer to the official website bulletin.


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12:45 - 13:15 / Out There Stage Karthick Iyer (IN)
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Tree Stand Safety Study
A study of Vermont and North Carolina bowhunters revealed the following:
- 74% of the accidents occurred when climbing up or down or when installing or removing a stand.
- 7% of tree stand hunters surveyed had an accident in the last 10 years.
- 73% said poor judgment and carelessness caused their fall.
- 80% said safety was a concern but actually believed that a fall "wouldn't happen to me."
- Type of stand used:
- 43% self-climbing
- 34% fixed-position
- 18% ladder
- 58% of the hunters who fell were not wearing a fall-arrest system.
- 34% of the hunters surveyed now wear a fall-arrest system because of an accident.
- 39% of the accidents occurred at less than 10 feet.
- 21% of the accidents were related to structural failure.


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Series: Strength Series #3
Author: JA Hensley
Genre: Contemporary Romance
Release Date: September 18, 2016
Cover Photo: Eric David Battershell
Cover Model: Burton Hughes
Cover Design: Kate Roth
According to Christin Jamesson, men are only necessary for one thing. The bedroom. She loves men, maybe a little too much, she just doesn't trust them with her heart--never has. When her best friend asks for help planning a Vegas wedding, Christin only hopes she can avoid the man who once rocked her world, then promptly disappeared.
Jude Schaefer has been a playboy most of his adult life. He swears no woman will ever hold the key to his heart. When his brother announces that he's getting married, Jude knows he'll have to face the only woman he hasn't been able to completely erase from his mind.
With a brutal hangover and blossoming feelings they never expected waking them up after a wild night they have to ask themselves... Does what happens in Vegas really stay there? Will they continue living their lives alone, free of commitment and full of cynicism or will they find that they are stronger together?
He drops the towel from around his waist, and I can see that he's getting ready to go again. I can't tear my eyes away from the V of his abs and the proud cock that's pointing at me.
"Keep looking at me like that and we'll never leave this room," he says as he stalks toward me. I know I should put a stop to this, but I can't make myself say the words. Unfortunately, my body wants this more than I've wanted anything in my life.
"I don't have any plans today," I whisper as I take his shirt off and throw it aside.
"That's good because there is so much more I want to do to you." He climbs on top of me, pushing my legs apart as he uses his dick to rub my clit. It doesn't take much to get me wet and then he's slamming into me.
"Yes!" we cry out at the same time as his balls slap my ass. He thrusts in and out a couple of times before stopping.
"See, isn't this better than fighting?" he asks before pulling out to the tip and hovering there.
I stare at him, waiting for him to move. He stares back but doesn't do anything. I wiggle my ass a little, and he shakes his head.
"Answer me or I won't give you what you so obviously want," he says with a smirk.text here
J.A. Hensley's debut novel, Wedding Dreams, was named an Amazon Erotica Best Seller. She loves smut of all kinds and is a reader first. J.A. is constantly working on a new project, whether it's writing or working in her craft room. She lives in the Midwest with her husband and daughter, and spends her days teaching college students about social work and human sexuality.


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Quick Links
- General Laws Conversion Table (2023) [PDF]
- Florida Statutes Definitions Index (2023) [PDF]
- Table of Section Changes (2023) [PDF]
- Preface to the Florida Statutes (2023) [PDF]
- Table Tracing Session Laws to Florida Statutes (2023) [PDF]
- Index to Special and Local Laws (1971-2023) [PDF]
- Index to Special and Local Laws (1845-1970) [PDF]
- Statute Search Tips
2016 Florida Statutes
Voter challenges.
Voter challenges.
101.111 Voter challenges.—
(1)(a) Any registered elector or poll watcher of a county may challenge the right of a person to vote in that county. The challenge must be in writing and contain the following oath, which shall be delivered to the clerk or inspector:
State of Florida
County of
I do solemnly swear or affirm that my name is ; that I am a member of the Party; that I am a registered voter or pollwatcher; that my residence address is , in the municipality of ; and that I have reason to believe that is attempting to vote illegally and the reasons for my belief are set forth herein to wit:
(Signature of person challenging voter)
Sworn and subscribed to before me this day of , (year) .
(Clerk of election)
(b)1. The clerk or inspector shall immediately deliver to the challenged person a copy of the oath of the person entering the challenge, and the challenged voter shall be allowed to cast a provisional ballot in accordance with s. 101.048, except as provided in subparagraph 2.
2. If the basis for the challenge is that the person's legal residence is not in that precinct, the person shall first be given the opportunity to execute a change of legal residence in order to be able to vote a regular ballot in accordance with s. 101.045(2). If the change of legal residence is such that the person is then properly registered for that precinct, the person shall be allowed to vote a regular ballot. If the change of legal residence places the person in another precinct, the person shall be directed to the proper precinct to vote. If such person insists that he or she is currently in the proper precinct, the person shall be allowed to vote a provisional ballot in accordance with s. 101.048.
(c) Alternatively, a challenge in accordance with this section may be filed in advance with the supervisor of elections no sooner than 30 days before an election. The supervisor shall promptly provide the election board in the challenged voter's precinct with a copy of the oath of the person entering the challenge. The challenged voter shall be allowed to cast a provisional ballot in accordance with s. 101.048, subject to the provisions of subparagraph (b)2.
(2) Any elector or poll watcher filing a frivolous challenge of any person's right to vote commits a misdemeanor of the first degree, punishable as provided in s. 775.082 or s. 775.083; however, electors or poll watchers shall not be subject to liability for any action taken in good faith and in furtherance of any activity or duty permitted of such electors or poll watchers by law. Each instance where any elector or poll watcher files a frivolous challenge of any person's right to vote constitutes a separate offense.
History.—s. 43, ch. 4328, 1895; GS 227; s. 43, ch. 6469, 1913; RGS 272, 347; CGL 328, 404; s. 5, ch. 26870, 1951; s. 10, ch. 27991, 1953; s. 23, ch. 28156, 1953; s. 4, ch. 65-380; s. 13, ch. 77-175; s. 554, ch. 95-147; s. 9, ch. 99-6; s. 17, ch. 2003-415; s. 27, ch. 2005-277; s. 10, ch. 2006-1; s. 17, ch. 2008-95; s. 4, ch. 2010-167.
Note.—Former ss. 99.26, 102.42.