text:
Two pictures:
[To the left] The manner of translation was as wonderful as the discovery. By putting his finger on one of the characters and imploring divine aid, then looking through the Urim and Thummim, he would see the import written in plain English on a screen placed before him. After delivering this to his emanuensi,[sic] he would again proceed in the same manner and obtain the meaning of the next character, and so on till he came to the part of the plates which were sealed up.1
Truman Coe, Presbyterian Minister living among the Saints in Kirtland, 1836
[To the right] I cheerfully certify that I was familiar with the manner of Joseph Smith's translating the book of Mormon. He translated the most of it at my Father's house. And I often sat by and saw and heard them translate and write for hours together. Joseph never had a curtain drawn between him and his scribe while he was translating. He would place the director in his hat, and then place his [face in his] hat, so as to exclude the light, and then [read] to his scribe the words as they appeared before him.2
Elizabeth Ann Whitmer Cowdery, Oliver Cowdery's wife, 1870
These two descriptions of Joseph Smith translating the golden plates paint radically different pictures of the same event. It easy to accept the finger-on-the-plates translation, but the rock-in-the-hat feels completely foreign. Nevertheless, it is a much better attested description of the process than the first.
Why do we have both of these pictures if the second better fits the majority of descriptions? To answer that question, there are two stories that must be told: first–why would anyone think of translating with a rock in a hat?–and second–why we are so surprised at that?
Why Do You Look At Rocks in Your Hat?
When the English left their villages and emigrated to the New World, they brought their customs and beliefs with them. Along with the hopeful, the adventurers, and the farmers,-—cunning men and wise women disembarked in the New World.3 To be a cunning man or a wise woman was to play a well defined and important role in pre-industrial villages. Keith Thomas, retired Professor of Modern History at Oxford University, wrote what has become the principle history of folk magic in England from the sixteenth to the nineteenth centuries. He tells how, in the villages, contemporary medicine drove people to the cunning men and wise women who understood herbs. The lack of local police forces made the community depend on cunning folk to find lost or stolen goods.4 These village specialists performed such important functions that Thomas notes that the community was "likely to believe that the cunning folk were taught by God, or that they were helped by angels, or even that they possessed some divinity of their own. The common people, wrote Thomas Cooper, assumed that the power of these wizards came by 'some extraordinary gift of God'."5
The cunning men and women exhibited their extraordinary talents in many ways, but there is one that provides the backdrop against which young Joseph Smith is more clearly defined. He belonged to a class of cunning men whose specialty was scrying, or seeing the hidden. It was a specialty with a very long and almost universal history.6 Anthropologist Andrew Lang, writing in 1905, describes the tools of their trade:
Not only is the plain crystal, or its congener the black stone, used, together with its first cousin the mirror, and the primitive substitute of water, but almost any bright object seems to have been employed at one time or another. Thus we find the sword among the Romans; and in mediaeval Europe polished iron . . . lamp-black is sometimes smeared on the hand, or. . . a pool of ink poured into it; visions are seen in smoke and flame, in black boxes, in jugs, and on white paper. . . .7
All of these methods sound strange to our modern ears, but they were not only accepted but revered for most of human history. By the time we find scryers or seers in England between the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries, their tools were often stones and their functions had evolved into two general forms; seeing a hidden future, and seeing the hidden location of things that were lost (or the thief who made them get "lost"). The conservative nature of such practices dictated that when the traditions of the cunning men and wise women are found in the Palmyra area of the 1820s they still performed their traditional functions of telling fortunes and seeing things that were lost, hidden, or stolen.8
Young Joseph Smith was a member of a specialized sub-community with ties to these very old and very respected practices, though by the early 1800s they were respected only by a marginalized segment of society. He exhibited a talent parallel to others in similar communities. Even in Palmyra he was not unique. In D. Michael Quinn's words: "Until the Book of Mormon thrust young Smith into prominence, Palmyra's most notable seer was Sally Chase, who used a greenish-colored stone. William Stafford also had a seer stone, and Joshua Stafford had a 'peepstone which looked like white marble and had a hole through the center.'"9 Richard Bushman adds Chauncy Hart, and an unnamed man in Susquehanna County, both of whom had stones with which they found lost objects.10
There are some reminiscences that tell us how the village seers operated before modern history either forgot or dismissed them.. Lorenzo and Benjamin Saunders gave interviews in 1884 remembering their dealings with the Palmyra seer, Sally Chase. Lorenzo reported:
I tell you when a man willme that anyone can get a stone, & see knowledge of futurity, I say that he is a liar & the truth is not in him. Steve Mungou lost his pocket book in the road with some $50 in money in it. He went right to Sally Chase to get her to look & see where it was; She went & looked. He was drawing wood out of the woods. She said that pocket book lays right at the side off a log in the woods where you loaded that wood. It lays right at the side of the log well we went & hunted & raked the ground over where she said but could not find it. It past along & finally one night got a paper from Canadagua [Canandaigua, New York], & in it was that a pocket book was found & taken to an old Ontario Bank[.] Took it there & the owner could come & describe his book. And he went & found his pocket book at the bank. I lost [a] drag tooth out of my drag, dragging on my brothers premises there; I says: Sally, tell me where is that drag tooth? She told me "it lays in a log heap." She says I think it lays a little past you will find it.
I went & hunted & hunted but could not find it there. I afterwards found it away over in one corner of the field.11
Benjamin provided a similar story: "My oldest Brother had some Cattle stray away. She claimed she could see them but they were found right in the opposite direction from where she said they were."12 These accounts portray the way Sally Chase functioned in the community. When things were lost, you went to the seer who consulted her seer stone and described how to find the lost item. The Saunders brothers could have been describing events from an English village of over a hundred years earlier. In the brief descriptions that have survived, we know that Lorenzo consulted her at least twice himself, once to find the drag tooth and once to find lost cattle. He also tells us of another client, Steve Mungou. Both brothers, however, found it necessary to append that, of course, Sally was mistaken in the location she gave, a qualification that apparently didn't stop them from consulting her again.
Joseph Smith, long before golden plates complicated his position as a local seer, appears to have functioned just as Sally Chase did. Quinn reports that: "E. W. Vanderhoof [writing in 1905] remembered that his Dutch grandfather once paid Smith seventy-five cents to look into his 'whitish, glossy, and opaque' stone to locate a stolen mare. The grandfather soon 'recovered his beast, which Joe said was somewhere on the lake shore and [was] about to be run over to Canada.' Vanderhoof groused that 'anybody could have told him that, as it was invariably the way a horse thief would take to dispose of a stolen animal in those days.'"13 While Vanderhoof reported a positive result of the consultation, it is interesting that his statement includes a qualifier that has the same intent as those added by the Saunders' brothers. By the end of the century, one wouldn't want to actually credit a village seer when describing their activities. Nevertheless, it isn't the effectiveness that is important—it is the nature of the consultation. Sally Chase's clients consulted her to find things which were lost, and Joseph Smith had at least one client who did the same.
The social expectations of the village seer also explain two contradictory statements about what Joseph Smith did as a village seer. The first statement comes from Henry Harris in 1833: "Joseph Smith, Jr. the pretended Prophet, used to pretend to tell fortunes; he had a stone which he used to put in his hat, by means of which he professed to tell people's fortunes."14 Compare that statement to a story Lorenzo Saunders told to Edmund L. Kelley during his 1884 interview:
We went to Smiths one day, it was a rainy day; We went into the old mans shop, he was a cooper, and the old man had a shirt on it was the raggedest & dirtyest shirt, and all full of holes. & we got Jo. Smith to look & tell us what color our Girls hair was. well you see by & by some of them says go to Jo. says he Jo. come look into futurity & tell us how it is there? Jo. says I can not do that, I can not look into futurity I can not look into anything that is holy. The old man stood there and says: "I guess he can not look into my shirt then.15
Both Henry Harris and Lorenzo Saunders expected that Joseph Smith told fortunes. Of course they would have that expectation, because everyone knew that was one of the typical functions of the seer. However, where Harris may simply be repeating the assumption, Saunders describes what happened when he asked Joseph to act on that assumption. At least in this case, Joseph refused. The fact that the joke in the account depends upon young Joseph's comment about not looking at that which is Holy and his father's holey shirt suggests that this was a remembered incident and that Joseph Smith, Jr. actually had refused. I suspect that the refusal tells us about the spheres in which Joseph believed that particular talent operated. That refusal suggests Joseph made a distinction between that which was holy (which I believe he classified as religion) and his other functions (which I believe he classified as a talent).
What the modern world tends to know about the village seers is the result of only one of the ways in which their talents were put to use. Since they could see that which was hidden, local seers became involved in the mania of digging for lost treasure. As with the other functions of the cunning men and wise women, the idea of digging for treasure traced its roots to England, including much of the accompanying lore. In England, the semi-scientific root of treasure seeking was the habit of the wealthy burying their goods for safe-keeping in the absence of a deposit banking system.16 In the New World, the plausible explanation was based on the riches reputedly buried by Spaniards or pirates. It is probable that everyone could cite cases of people who had struck it rich through their digging, though none of them had, nor anyone they personally knew.17
In English tradition, seers were invited to assist the diggers in locating the buried goods. As Thomas explains: "There was not necessarily anything magical about the search for treasure as such, but in practice the assistance of a conjurer or wizard was very frequently invoked. This was partly because it was thought that special divining tools might help, such as the 'Mosaical Rods' for which many contemporary formulae survive."18
It is therefore no surprise that we see the Palmyra seers engaged in the local mania for treasure digging. As with the English practice, however, it is important to note that money-digging didn't require the seer. They were simply seen as useful. Note the relationship of the diggers to their guides in this series of descriptions Ronald W. Walker compiled:
The adepts often played a major role in money digging. The two men who in 1827 sought neatly boxed Spanish dollars below the old pier at New London, Connecticut, were directed by an elderly wise woman. Seeking pirate treasure in Maine, three men imported from Connecticut, a "far-famed and wonderfully skillful rodsman" to assist them. In turn, treasure-hungry farmers of Rose, New York, sought the help of a "medium," while the 1825 expedition to the Susquehanna hills began with a "peeper" named Odle, whose power of "seeing underground" piqued William Hale's interest. Moreover, the longtime diggers around Bristol, Vermont, made use of expert advice. They consulted a series of "prophets," including two women, an "old Frenchman" east of the mountains, and finally a conjuror who promised that by removing a few rocks and "shunning the solid ledge" the long-sought cave might be entered.19
This places an important context around the best-known case of Joseph Smith, Junior's participation in treasure-digging. Josiah Stowell, Sr., believed that he had found a lost Spanish silver mine and had his hired hands dig for it in 1825. When they were unable to find it, he hired Joseph Smith, Jr. to help them find what they had dug for and missed.20 This incident was the reason that in 1826, Stowell's wife's nephew took Joseph to court as a "disorderly person," a term that was then defined in such a way that we might consider it a case of fraud.21 Presumably, Peter Bridgeman believed that Joseph had defrauded his uncle because he used a seer stone. This would not be the last time that Joseph's activities with a seer stone were described as fraud. In terms coined only later, Joseph would be accused of being a "confidence man."22 One of Joseph Smith's biographers, Dan Vogel, picks up and continues this theme. As Vogel describes the reason why one might see Joseph as a con man, he also provides the information that allows us to see the important ways in which that label is a distortion of the actual historical situation:
A typical confidence scheme in Smith's time involved a transient who entered an area that was known for its tales of lost treasures and the charlatan's magical powers could be put to good advantage. Using a "peep" stone or mineral rod, he would lead the credulous to a remote spot where he had previously deposited a few coins and was able to impress them by "finding" the coins. In the ensuing excitement, he would ask to be paid for his services or, more boldly, suggest that a company be established and that shares be sold. Thereupon, he would disappear with the money. On the other hand, he might string the people along by leading them to subsequent spots, then offer magical explanations for the failure to locate or secure the treasure. For instance, he might tell them that the treasure was protected by an evil spirit or that they had not precisely followed the magical formula he had given them. Eventually he would suggest that the undertaking be abandoned, whereupon he would slip out of town with the money.23
The implication is that since Joseph used a peep stone, he must be seen in the same category as those who ran a scam with one. Clearly the 1826 court appearance tells us that some contemporaries considered him in that category. However, although the evidence is complex, it appears that Joseph was acquitted of the charge at that time.24 Should he also be redeemed from the continuing charges?
Undoubtedly there were those who preyed upon the folk beliefs of the too-trusting rural communities. However, the fact that the communities would be willing to follow the confidence scheme simply tells us that there was an existing belief system in which seer stones were considered effective and acceptable. The confidence men played off inherited traditions. Nevertheless, the fact that there are dishonest pretenders in any profession does not suggest that the entire profession is designed for dishonesty. Scams were run concerning seer stones not because seer stones were novel, but precisely because they were a traditional and respected method of finding that which was hidden.
There are two critical differences between the con men and the village seers. First, the charlatans were transients and the village seers were residential. The second is that the con man elicited money for his talents, and the village seers were consulted. We have at least three descriptions of how Joseph related to his clients, including Josiah Stowell, and in each case the client came to him with their problem.25 The con men created the scam for money and left so they would not have to deal with the consequences. The true village seers were part of the community, and remained so through success and failure. Their clients came to them because of a cumulative reputation. Against the records of a few scam artists we have the long tradition of village seers stretching back to England and covering hundreds of years of respectable service in their communities.
It is this traditional context of a finder of lost things, a see-er of the unseen, that explains how rocks in the hat figure in to the story of Joseph Smith and the translation of the Book of Mormon. The plates were accompanied by the Nephite Interpreters, which were two stones set in a silver bow.26 These stones appear to have functioned in a way Joseph understood from his experience with a seer stone. Although he began translation with the Nephite Interpreters, the record indicates that he changed to using his own seer stone. Why put the stone in a hat to translate? That part of the picture is easy. That was how such a stone was used. For Joseph's community, that aspect was not unusual at all.27
Why translate with a stone? The conceptual link in Joseph's mind would have been that he had been able to see that which was hidden, and the meaning of the script on the plates was certainly hidden to understanding. Nevertheless, this wasn't a simple transition from seer to translator, even for Joseph. Joseph's talent was for the mundane, but his gift was for the Holy. Joseph understood the difference between the two when Benjamin Saunders wanted him to see into futurity. Joseph understood that when he was asked to translate, he was being asked to do something very different from what village seers did. He was being asked to do something very different from what learned men did (2 Ne. 27:15-18).
Joseph learned from his community how to operate as a village seer, but he didn't begin to understand how to be God's seer until Moroni appeared to him. He did not fully make that transition until the sacred interpreters helped him move from finding lost objects to finding a lost people and lost gospel. Then, having learned to see that which was Holy, Joseph never returned to the mundane functions of the village seer. Eventually, he learned that he could use a seer stone just as well as the Interpreters. Only when he learned to see that which was Holy could he translate–and then it didn't matter the lens through which he saw.
It is at this point that some might wonder if I believe that all seers saw things in their seer stones. I believe that seers believed that that they saw things in their seer stones. Do I believe that the seer stone prepared Joseph to translate?28 Only in that it allowed him to believe that he had a God-given talent that could be used for the purpose. Nothing in the world view of the seers prepared him for translating. He didn't originally believe that his secular stones could translate, only the sacred interpreters. Even later when he learned that he could also translate through his own seer stone, he consistently said that the translation was done through the gift and power of God, not through any kind of rock. He knew that no other village seer could do it; he knew that he could not do it, save God alone intervened. Translating the plates was beyond the realm of the village seer and firmly and exclusively in the realm of God's Seer.
Why Are We Surprised that Joseph Used a Rock in His Hat to Translate?
If we can find a context in which Joseph translating with a seer stone makes sense, why do we have to look so hard to find it? Why isn't it as natural for us as it was for Joseph? That story also requires that we delve into history; in this case, the history of the interconnections between what we understand to be religion and what we understand to be magic.
Judeo-Christian religion shared the cultural cradle of the ancient Middle East. Dr. Shawna Dolansky, Assistant Professor of Religious Studies at Northeastern University, notes: "Evidence from ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia suggests that the dichotomy between magic and religion that is the starting point for many discussions of magic by contemporary scholars was not necessarily evident in biblical times. The fact is, in these civilizations that were contemporary with biblical Israel, magic and religion were only beginning to be differentiated. Evidence especially from Mesopotamia shows that this dichotomy is not an inherent one, but one that gradually develops over a period of time and is intimately tied to increasing social complexity."29
Many of the Old Testament stories that we accept as religion have much in common with magical practices. They are difficult to separate because their differentiation depended not upon the things that were done, but the way those things were perceived. Sarah Iles Johnston, professor of Greek and Latin at Ohio State University explains:
The modern scholarly quest to establish a division between magic and religion does have some roots in antiquity, insofar as both ancient and modern discussions hinge on terminology: what one chooses to call any particular activity (and, it follows, who is doing the choosing) determines whether the activity is understood as acceptable or discredited, pious or blasphemous, religion or magic. In antiquity, magic (a term that I use as a shorthand way of referring to a variety of ancient Mediterranean words) almost always referred to someone else's religious practices; it was a term that distanced those practices from the norm–that is, from one's own practices, which constituted religion.30
Stated simply, "what I do is religion, what you do is magic."31
Although it is difficult to see without close examination, the Old Testament exhibits this internal/external dichotomy between religion and magic. On the one hand, it is clearly antagonistic to people who perform certain acts. For example, we find in Exodus 22:18 the verse that underlay so many later tragedies: "Thou shalt not suffer a witch to live." Deuteronomy 18:10-12 provides a list of magical practices that should be avoided: "There shall not be found among you any one that maketh his son or his daughter to pass through the fire, or that useth divination, or an observer of times, or an enchanter, or a witch, or a charmer, or a consulter with familiar spirits, or a wizard, or a necromancer. For all that do these things are an abomination unto the Lord."
In spite of these obvious prohibitions, Dolansky notes that when you examine the nature of the practices, it isn't the magic but the magician that is the problem. She concludes that "magic in the Hebrew Bible refers to the mediation of divine power; and in the hands of priests and prophets it is perfectly legal."32 It is not the act, but the actor that creates the separation between religion and magic.33 David Frankfurter, Professor of Religious Studies and History at the University of New Hampshire, notes that: "people in their own cultural systems use such descriptive labels for political, sectarian, or simply taxonomic reasons, even with little reality behind the labels. Practically any practice, that is, might be labeled 'magical' or 'sorcery' under certain conditions."34
Because these terms and concepts were socially constructed, they played an important role when social relationships changed. The division between religion and magic that affected Joseph Smith's world (and which is perpetuated in ours), followed the tremendous social disruption of the Protestant Reformation and the Age of Enlightenment. As the Western world emerged from the Middle Ages, the Catholic Church had become the sole repository of answers to questions about how the world worked. As the Church had grown and conquered new territories, it often incorporated local religious practices into its own doctrines and understandings. In particular, local concepts of sacred space and sacred ritual often retained their sacrality while nominally moving from pagan to Christian spheres.35 The Protestant Reformation changed the definition of what was to be considered religion and what was deemed magic, and with that change, triggered massive social realignments—first in England and later in the Americas.
Where the Catholic tradition had accepted all types of sacred place and practice, the Reformation severely limited both. In redefining religion, it labeled as magic many of the aspects of Catholic sacred space and ritual.36 Richard Bushman has noted that "The Enlightenment drained Christianity of its belief in the miraculous, except for Bible miracles. Everything else was attributed to ignorant credulity."37 Nevertheless, Jon Butler of the Department of History at Yale University points out:
By traditional accounts, magic and occultism died out in the eighteenth century: the rise of enlightenment philosophy, skepticism, and experimental science, the spread of evangelical Christianity, the continuing opposition from English Protestant denominations, the rise in literacy associated with Christian catechizing, and the cultural, economic, and political maturation of the colonies simply destroyed the occult practice and belief of the previous century in both Europe and America. Yet significant evidence suggests that the folklorization of magic occurred as much in America as in England. As in England, colonial magic and occultism did not so much disappear everywhere as they disappeared among certain social classes and became confined to poorer, more marginal segments of early American society.38
It is precisely this folklorization that created the social dichotomy in practices that were accepted by, in Butler's terms, the more marginal segments of early American society. This separation with parallel persistence is what anthropologist Robert Redfield of the University of Chicago called a Little and Great Tradition. He explained:
Let us begin with a recognition, long present in discussions of civilizations, of the difference between a great tradition and a little tradition. . . In a civilization there is a great tradition of the reflective few, and there is a little tradition of the largely unreflective many. The great tradition is cultivated in schools or temples; the little tradition works itself out and keeps itself going in the lives of the unlettered in their village communities. The tradition of the philosopher, theologian, and literary man is a tradition consciously cultivated and handed down; that of the little people is for the most part taken for granted and not submitted to much scrutiny or considered refinement and improvement.39
Although some aspects of Redfield's separation of the traditions have been criticized,40 the basic idea of the two separate but interrelated aspects of religion in a culture has great explanatory power. Irving Hexham, professor of Religion at the University of Calgary, describes the complex modern religious history of Korea in terms of the intertwining of a Little and Great Tradition:
When a Great Tradition is in decline its Little Tradition can continue with a vigorous religious life until another Great Tradition seeks to impose its beliefs as the religion of the people. This situation of religious change is well illustrated by the course of religious history in Korea, where the shamanism of the Silla kings was officially replaced by Buddhism. But with the decline of Buddhism and the imposition of Confucian rituals by the Yi Dynasty shamanism once more emerged as the enduring Little Tradition. Later in the nineteenth century when Confucianism declined, Christianity entered Korea and shamanism once more reasserted its traditional role.41
It is this ability to persist parallel to and intertwined with the Great Tradition that tells us how the social complex of the cunning men and wise women not only crossed the ocean from England, but formed a vibrant part of a defined segment of American society. The duality of traditions also explains the mutual antagonism between them. As competing explanations of reality, the two are uneasy bedfellows at best and feuding relatives at worst. D. Michael Quinn noted this division in approaches to the Little and Great Traditions: "Early Americans who did not share the magic world view condemned such beliefs and practices as irrational and anti-religious, but intelligent and religious Americans who perceived reality from a magic view regarded such beliefs and practices as both rational and religious."42
Almost by definition, we perceive history through the eyes of the Great Tradition; the tradition with the greater social and economic standing and the tradition with greater ability to create a written legacy through the Enlightenment's association with education. The Great Tradition writes the history that colors our perception of the Little Tradition. In the case of what we call magic, the anti-magical stance of the Great Tradition makes the folk magic Little Tradition an embarrassment. Andrew Lang, a British anthropologist of the last generation, provides a fascinating example of what happens when the Great Tradition expectation meets the Little Tradition reality: "'I am glad to say my people are not superstitious,' said a worthy Welsh clergyman to a friend of mine, a good folklorist, now, alas, no more, and went on to explain that there were no ghosts in the parish. His joy was damped, it is true, half-an-hour later, when his guest inquired of the school children which of them could tell him where a bwggan was to be seen, and found there was not a child in the school but could put him on the track of one."43
The disdain of the Great Tradition for the Little Tradition is evident in an account of a trial for fraud, held in Kent, England, in 1850: "The defendant, who had the appearance of an agricultural labourer, resided at Rolvenden, where he enjoyed the reputation of being 'a cunning man', able to cure diseases, to explain dreams, to foretell events, to tell fortunes, and to recover lost property. He was resorted to as a wizard by the people of miles around, principally by the ignorant, but also by parties who might have been expected to know better."44 The facts of the case are that many in the community consulted this cunning man. Of course, they had to have been ignorant folk. Nevertheless, there were some who didn't appear so ignorant, although even they–should have known better.
Alan Taylor, a fellow at the Institute of Early American History and Culture, Williamsburg, Virginia, and an assistant professor at the College of William and Mary, explains the chasm between the Great and Little Tradition by focusing on Martin Harris:
[Martin Harris] was an honest, hard-working, astute man honored by his townsmen with substantial posts as fence-viewer and overseer of highways but never with the most prestigious offices: selectman, moderator, or assemblyman. In the previous generation in rural towns like Palmyra substantial farmers like Harris would have reaped the highest status and most prestigious offices. But Harris lived in the midst of explosive cultural change as the capitalist market and its social relationships rode improved internal transportation into the most remote corners of the American countryside. The agents of that change were the newly arrived lawyers, printers, merchants, and respectable ministers who clustered in villages and formed a new elite committed to "improving" their towns and their humbler neighbors. The village elites belonged to a new self-conscious "middle class," simultaneously committed to commercial expansion and moral reform. Because of their superior contacts with and knowledge of the wider world, the new village elites reaped higher standing and prestigious posts from their awed neighbors.
Utterly self-confident in their superior rationality and access to urban ideas, the village elites disdained rural folk notions as ignorant, if not vicious, superstitions that obstructed commercial and moral "improvement." Through ridicule and denunciation, the village middle class aggressively practiced a sort of cultural imperialism that challenged the folk beliefs held by farmers like Martin Harris. Harris's material prosperity was comparable to the village elite's but, because of his hard physical labor and limited education, culturally he shared more with hardscrabble families like the Smiths. A village lawyer needed only scan Harris's gray homespun attire and large stiff hat to conclude that a farmer had come to town.45
We should not expect that because the Little Tradition is associated with the less educated that they were therefore simple or naÔve. Martin Harris might have been a participant and believer in the Little Tradition, but that doesn't mean that he threw caution to the wind. The new elite might have seen Martin Harris as an ignorant and credulous farmer, but he would have seen himself as a cautious believer. His credulity allowed for true seers, but his caution told him that there were charlatans abroad. He pointedly told Joseph: "I said, Joseph, you know my doctrine, that cursed is every one that putteth his trust in man, and maketh flesh his arm; and we know that the devil is to have great power in the latter days to deceive if possible the very elect; and I don't know that you are one of the elect. Now you must not blame me for not taking your word."46
To resolve his question of whether or not he should support the Book of Mormon, Martin tested Joseph. When a pin Martin was using to pick his teeth fell into straw around his feet, he first attempted to find it. Not succeeding, he asked Joseph to use his seer stone to find the pin. Joseph did, bolstering Martin's confidence that Joseph had the talent he professed.47 I find it particularly apt that the nature of the test was to find something lost. That is, of course, what a seer did.
Nevertheless, believing in Joseph as a true prophet and true seer had Martin straddling two traditions. The village seer belonged to the Little Tradition and a true prophet belonged the Great Tradition. Those in the Little Tradition understood that their quotidian practices were not religion (though they certainly didn't consider them un-Christian). They even understood that their village practices were not respected by the Great Tradition. This is the reason that so many of those who participated in the Little Tradition attempted to separate themselves from it when they were later part of the Great Tradition, or when an interviewer from the Great Tradition asked about the old days. Richard Bushman demonstrates how this pressure affected the reminiscences of some of Joseph Smith's neighbors:
The forces of eighteenth-century rationalism were never quite powerful enough to suppress the belief in supernatural powers aiding and opposing human enterprise. The educated representatives of enlightened thought, newspaper editors and ministers particularly, scoffed at the superstitions of common people without completely purging them. The scorn of the polite world put the Palmyra and Manchester money diggers in a dilemma. They dared not openly describe their resort to magic for fear of ridicule from the fashionably educated, and yet they could not overcome their fascination with the lore that seeped through to them from the past. Their embarrassment shows in the affidavits Hurlbut collected. William Stafford, who admitted participation in two "nocturnal excursions," claimed he thought the idea visionary all along, but "being prompted by curiosity, I at length accepted of their invitations." Peter Ingersoll made much more elaborate excuses. One time he went along became it was lunchtime, his oxen were eating, and he was at leisure. Secretly, though he claimed to be laughing up his sleeve: "This was rare sport for me."48
Not only does understanding the Great and Little Traditions explain the antagonism we see in the Great Tradition histories, but the dual traditions also help explain one of the features or a Little Tradition religion when it is transformed into a Great Tradition religion. That shift in social acceptance and expectation triggers a responsive shift in the way the new religion sees itself and its history.
Morton Smith, a professor of History at Columbia University, examined this tendency in early Christianity, which began as a Little Tradition religion, but became a Great Tradition religion. Smith notes that the earliest forms of Christianity had a strong affinity with magical practices—practices that remain in descriptions of the healing miracles and turning water to wine. By the time of the gospels, however, that history was being written to remove references to magic. He concludes:
What evidence did the Christian tradition, as presented in the gospels, have in common with the picture of Jesus the magician? Since the authors of the gospels wished to defend Jesus against the charge of magic, we should expect them to minimize those elements of the tradition that ancient opinion. . . would take to be evidence for it, and to maximize those that could be used against it.
This expectation is, in the main, confirmed. The evangelists could not eliminate Jesus' miracles because those were essential to their case, but John cut down the number of them, and Matthew and Luke got rid of the traces of physical means that Mark had incautiously preserved.49
The New Testament presented its message to, and participated in, a Great Tradition that Morton Smith notes was: "hostile to magic."50 So also did the modern Saints tell their story within and to a Great Tradition that was hostile to magic.
As the early saints transitioned from a collection of believers into a formal religion, they began to see themselves within the Great Tradition. As with early Christianity, the stories they told of themselves naturally were recast to distance themselves from their Little Tradition heritage and provide an acceptable Great Tradition history. One of the obvious places to see this process in action is with the tools of the translation. We all know that Joseph used the Urim and Thummim to translate the Book of Mormon—except he didn't. The Book of Mormon mentions interpreters, but not the Urim and Thummim. It was the Book of Mormon interpreters which were given to Joseph with the plates. When Moroni took back the interpreters after the loss of the 116 manuscript pages, Joseph completed the translation with one of his seer stones. Until after the translation of the Book of Mormon, the Urim and Thummim belonged to the Bible and the Bible only.51 The Urim and Thummim became part of the story when it was presented within and to the Great Tradition. Eventually, even Joseph Smith used Urim and Thummim indiscriminately as labels generically representing either the Book of Mormon interpreters or the seer stone used during translation.52
The Urim and Thummim were traditionally divinatory rocks, but most importantly, they were biblically acceptable divinatory rocks.53 From the Great Tradition perspective, their presence in the Bible made them religion, not magic. I suspect that the two interpreters made a natural comparison to the two stones, one Urim and one Thummim, from the Bible. Calling the biblical divinatory tools "rocks" instead of Urim and Thummim seems to demean them. The reverse process, calling the interpreters and seer stones Urim and Thummim, places them in a more appropriate religious category where they belong because of the sacred use to which they were put in translating the Book of Mormon.
This recasting of history was a story the Saints told themselves as much as what they presented to the world. I doubt that there was any conscious attempt to reconcile their history with Great Tradition expectations, let alone any attempt at deception. It was simply the natural response to their self-definition as a religion rather than a folk belief. It was a story told in a way that they subliminally knew was appropriate for a Great Tradition religion. The new history did not deny the past or alter the facts, but recolored them with a new vocabulary.54
Why, then, are we so surprised to learn that Joseph translated with a rock in his hat? That is a Little Tradition description and we are now firmly in the Great Tradition. We share the Great Tradition antipathy to those elements of the Little Tradition. Time has made the gap even greater than it was in Joseph's day. Why do we have the two pictures with which we began? The more accurate, but more uncomfortable picture is a Little Tradition image. The other is a Great Tradition image. We have both because we can tell the story from two different perspectives.
Regardless of the perspective from which we tell the story, the essential fact of the translation is unchanged. How was the Book of Mormon translated? As Joseph continually insisted, the only real answer, from any perspective, is that it was translated by the gift and power of God.
1 Truman Coe to Mr. Editor, Hudson Ohio Observer, August 11, 1836 cited in Dan Vogel, Early Mormon Documents, 5 vols. (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1998), 1:47.
2 Elizabeth Ann Whitmer Cowdery, "Elizabeth Ann Whitmer Cowdery Affidavit, 15 February 1870," in Early Mormon Documents, ed. Dan Vogel, 5 vols. (Salt Lake City, UT: Signature Books, 1870), 5:260.
3 Catherine L. Albanese, A Republic of Mind and Spirit: A Cultural History of American Metaphysical Religion (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 68. Also Jon Butler, Awash in a Sea of Faith: Christianizing the American People (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1992), 67.
4 Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1971), 649-50.
5 Ibid., 266.
6 Deanna J. Conway, Crystal Enchantments: A Complete Guide to Stones and Their Magical Properties (Berkeley. Calif.: The Crossing Press, 1999), 291-3.
7 Andrew Lang, Crystal Gazing: Its History and Practice, with a Discussion of the Evidence for Telepathic Scrying (New York: Dodge Publishing Company, 1905), 32.
8 For the practices, see Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, 656. Herbert Passin and John W. Bennett, "Changing Agricultural Magic in Southern Illinois: A Systematic Analysis of Folk-Urban Transition," (reprint of a 1943 article) in The Study of Folklore, edited by Alan Dunces (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1965), 316-17, discuss agricultural magic in an Illinois town as collected in 1939, when the practices were beginning to fade. They note that they were practices that followed the Old English pattern.
9 D. Michael Quinn, Early Mormonism and the Magic World View (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1987), 38.
10 Richard L. Bushman, Joseph Smith and the Beginnings of Mormonism (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1984), 70.
11 Lorenzo Saunders, "Lorenzo Saunders Interview, 12 November 1884," in Early Mormon Documents, ed. Dan Vogel, 5 vols. (Salt Lake City, UT: Signature Books, 1884), 2:154-55.
12 Benjamin Saunders, "Benjamin Saunders Interview, Circa September 1884," in Early Mormon Documents, ed. Dan Vogel, 5 vols. (Salt Lake City, UT: Signature Books, 1884), 2:139.
13 Quinn, Early Mormonism and the Magic World View, 39.
14 Henry Harris, "Henry Harris Statement, Circa 1833," in Early Mormon Documents, ed. Dan Vogel, 5 vols. (Salt Lake City, UT: Signature Books, 1833), 2:75.
15 Lorenzo Saunders, interviewed by E. L Kelley, 12 November 1884, "Miscellany," E. L. Kelley Papers, RLDS Church Library-Archives, Independence, Missouri, p. 11, in Early Mormon Documents, ed. Dan Vogel, 5 vols. (Salt Lake City, UT: Signature Books, 1833), 2:155.
16 Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, 234.
17 Ronald W. Walker, "The Persisting Idea of American Treasure Digging," BYU Studies, 24, no. 4 (Fall 1984):433, notes: "The reality of actual treasure finds hardly explains the power and tenacity of the reassure myth "Finds' were never commensurate with actual digging and were more a matter of accidental discovery than conscious magical enterprise. Even the discovery of mines, allegedly the most successful of the diggers' pursuits, evoked skepticism and lacked documented results."
18 Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, 236.
19 Walker, "The Persisting Idea of American Treasure Hunting," 439-40.
20 Richard L. Bushman, Joseph Smith: Rough Stone Rolling (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2005), 48.
21 Bruce A. Van Orden, "Joseph Smith's Developmental Years, 1823-29 (JS ñ H 50-67)," In Studies in Scripture, Vol. 2: The Pearl of Great Price, edited by Robert L. Millet and Kent P. Jackson, (Salt Lake City: Randall Book, 1985),373.
22 Dale R. Broadhurst, "Joseph Smith: Nineteenth Century Con Man?" accessed July 2009 from http://sidneyrigdon.com/criddle/Smith-ConMan.htm, provides a long and nicely documented piece that clearly argues that Joseph Smith was precisely a con man, and was described as one. That he would have been seen as a con man by the writers from the Great Tradition is certainly understandable (see later in this paper). However, seem from inside his own social and economic class, the term is unwarranted and inaccurate. It is a historically accurate misrepresentation, but a misrepresentation nonetheless.
23 Vogel, Joseph Smith: The Making of a Prophet, xiv.
24 Previous records of what happened at the hearing have been supplemented by the discovery of court documents that have allowed a more complete legal analysis of the conclusions. The discussion of what happened at this hearing is beyond the scope of this papers. Sources to be consulted are: Marvin S. Hill, "Joseph Smith and the 1826 Trial: New Evidence and New Difficulties," BYU Studies 12, no. 2 (1972):223-33, Gordon A. Madsen, "Joseph Smith's 1826 Trial: The Legal Setting," BYU Studies 30, no. 2 (1990):91-108, "Just the Facts: The 1826 Trial (Hearing) of Joseph Smith," Accessed July 2009 from http://www.lightplanet.com/response/1826Trial/facts.html.
25 Vanderhoof's grandfather came to Joseph to ask about the lost mare. Josiah Stowell came to Joseph to hire him to help find the silver mine. Martin Harris asks Joseph to find the pin he dropped in the straw (discussed below).
26 J. W. Peterson, "William Smith Interview with J W. Peterson and W. S.Pender, 1890," in Early Mormon Documents, ed. Dan Vogel, 5 Vols., vol. 1 (Salt Lake City, UT: Signature Books, 09/03/23 1890), 508. A. W. Benton, "Mormonites," Evangelical Magazine and Gospel Advocate 2:15 (April 9, 1840), 201, as quoted in Stephen D. Ricks, Joseph Smith's Means and Methods of Translating the Book of Mormon (Provo, UT: Foundation for Ancient Research and Mormon Studies, 1986), 3.
27 "Palmyra Reflector, 1 February 1831," in Early Mormon Documents, ed. Dan Vogel, 5 vols., (Salt Lake City, UT: Signature Books), 2:243, "'Peep stones' or pebbles, taken promiscuously from the brook or field, were placed in a hat or other situation excluded from light, when some wizzard or witch (for these performances were not confined to either sex) applied their eyes, and nearly starting [staring?] their [eye] balls from their sockets, declared they saw all the wonders of nature, including of course, ample stores of silver and gold." Bracketed text retained from Vogel.
28 Mark Ashurst-McGee appears to see a developmental path from Joseph's use of folk magic into his abilities as a prophet. Clearly there is a connection, but I seem to see a greater separation than he does. Mark Ashurst-McGee, A Pathway To Prophethood: Joseph Smith Junior As Rodsman, Village Seer, And Judeo-Christian Prophet, Master's Thesis (Logan, Utah: Utah State University, 2000), iii, "For the most part, I present Joseph Smith's divinatory development as he himself experienced it. Dowsing with a rod, seeing things in stones, and receiving heavenly revelations were as real to Smith as harvesting wheat. In order to understand his progression from rodsman to seer to prophet, one must first understand his worldview. The mental universe of early American water witches and village seers forms one of the historical and cultural contexts in which Joseph Smith developed his divinatory abilities." Reacting specifically to this statement, my objection would be that Joseph Smith did not "develop his divinatory abilities," but rather that they were bestowed upon him a s a gift from God, leveraging a talent he already had into the confidence to do what otherwise he would never have believed he could have done.
Alan Taylor also indicates a developmental path: Taylor, "Rediscovering the Context of Joseph Smith's Treasure Seeking," 21, "Indeed, I would argue that Joseph Smith, Jr.'s transition from treasure-seeker to Mormon prophet was natural, easy, and incremental and that it resulted from the dynamic interaction of two simultaneous struggles: first, of seekers grappling with supernatural beings after midnight in the hillsides, and, second, of seekers grappling with hostile rationalists in the village streets during the day." Although these factors certainly contributed to the development of Joseph Smith the person, I do not see them as foundational for Joseph the Prophet. I see Moroni's visit as creating a fundamental shift in his worldview, requiring that he relearn his place and reassign his talent to the Lord. It may not have been world-wrenching, but it still was dramatically different from the context of his daily life prior to that event.
29 Shawna Dolansky, Now You See It, Now You Don't: Biblical Perspectives on the Relationship Between Magic and Religion (Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns, 2008), 21.
30 Sarah Iles Johnston, "Magic," in Religions of the Ancient World: A Guide, ed. Sarah Iles Johnston (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2004), 140. Dolansky, Now You See It, Now You Don't, 15, "In the case of the ancient world, it is difficult to find firm divisions between magical and religious activities until the time of classical Greece, and then those categories refer to social rather than substantive distinctions."
31 Dolansky, Now You See It, Now You Don't, 4: "The problem of differentiating between actions that are magical and those that are religious is important in the fields of anthropology and religious studies. Both magic and religion claim access to realms outside of ordinary reality and attempt to manipulate supernatural forces for desired outcomes in the natural world. Scholars have approached the categories of magic and religion from a variety of perspectives, distinguishing them on the basis of their techniques, social effects, and the status of their chief proponents. Some have suggested that there is no real difference, that the categories merely denote social conventions ("what I do is religion, what you do is magic") and that the terms themselves should be dissolved altogether.
"The problem of defining magic has been a major portion of most LDS responses to the accusation that Joseph Smith participates in magic or the occult. In all cases, the problem is not with the facts, but with the connotations of the labels. See the following discussions of the use of the term "magic," and to what it might apply: John Gee, "Abracadabra, Isaac and Jacob," A review of "The Use of Egyptian Magical Papyri to Authenticate the Book of Abraham: A Critical Review" by Edward H. Ashment, FARMS Review, 7, no. 1, (1995): 47-67, John Gee, "Early Mormonism and the Magic World View, revised and enlarged edition," A review of "Early Mormonism and the Magic World View, revised and enlarged edition" by D. Michael Quinn, FARMS Review, 12, no. 2, (2000):2-6, William J. Hamblin, "That Old Black Magic," A review of "Early Mormonism and the Magic World View, revised and enlarged edition" by D. Michael Quinn, FARMS Review, : 12,no. 2 (2000 ): 3-9, Rhett S. James, "Writing History Must Not Be an Act of 'Magic,'" A review of "Early Mormonism and the Magic World View, revised and enlarged edition" by D. Michael Quinn, FARMS Review, 12, no. 2 (2000):2-4.
32Dolansky, Now You See It, Now You Don't, 99.
33 Ibid., 99-100.
34 David Frankfurter, "Dynamics of Ritual Expertise in Antiquity and Beyond: Towards a New Taxonomy of "Magicians"," in Magic and Ritual in the Ancient World, ed. Paul Mirecki and Marvin Meyer (Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 2001), 159.
35 Karen Louise Jolly, "Magic, Miracle, and Popular Practice in the Early Medieval West: Anglo-Saxon England," in Religion, Science, and Magic: In Concert and in Conflict, ed. Jacob Neusner, Ernest S. Fredrichs and Paul Virgil McCracken Flesher (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989), 176, "Although there was conflict in early medieval society between the extremes of magic and religion–a product of the Christianizing process in which the converted and the church hierarchy redefined the acceptable and unacceptable–there were also gray areas of assimilation in which practices stemming from a similar outlook were transformed into something acceptable. The Christian Church, though openly countering magic with miracle, was not blind to this assimilation process as another means of conversion.
"The extremes of magic and religion or science, although well defined in most cultures, would necessarily have such gray areas between them, a product of the influences of change over time, as the acceptable and the unacceptable were redefined."
36 Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, chapter 3, "The Impact of the Reformation," provides extensive examples of the way in which this process moved through the Protestant rejection of Roman Catholicism. He concludes (75-76): "Protestantism thus presented itself as a deliberate attempt to take the magical elements out of religion, to eliminate the idea that the rituals of the church had about them a mechanical efficacy, and to abandon the effort to endow physical objects with supernatural qualities by special formulae of consecration and exorcism."
37 Richard L. Bushman, Joseph Smith and the Beginnings of Mormonism, 7.
38 Butler, Awash in a Sea of Faith, 83
39 Robert Redfield, The Little Community and Peasant Society and Culture (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1960, rpt 1989.), 41-42.
40 Edith Badone, "Introduction," in Religious Orthodoxy and Popular Faith in European Society, ed. Edith Badone (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990), 6: "Redfield's work is in the tradition of the "two-tiered" models of religion that Brown seeks to escape. Like the term popular religion itself, the great tradition-little tradition distinction has helped to perpetuate the misconception that popular religion is always rural, primitive, unreflective, and traditional, as opposed to the urban, civilized, intellectual, and modern religion of the elite." Stanley Brandes, "Conclusion: Reflections on the Study of Religious Orthodoxy and Popular Faith in Europe," in Religious Orthodoxy and Popular Faith in European Society, ed. Edith Badone (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1990), 187: "Despite these theoretical advances, Redfield and his followers–like the evolutionists before them–implicitly denigrated the religion of the masses. Not only did they view popular religion as less reflective and creative–in other words, more reactive–than that of the elite but they also believed that popular religion lagged behind elite religion temporally; elite beliefs and practices of one century might be discovered among the peasantry of the next."
41 Irving Hexham, "Modernity or Reaction in South Africa: The Case of Afrikaner Religion," in Modernity and Religion: Papers Presented at the Consultation on Modernity and Religion Held at the University of British Columbia, Dec. 15-18, 1981, ed. William Nicholls (Waterloo, Ontario: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 1988), 81.
42 Quinn, Early Mormonism and the Magic World View, 225.
43 Lang, Crystal Gazing, 1.
44 David Vincent, Literacy and Popular Culture: England 1750-1914, Cambridge Studies in Oral and Literate Culture, ed. Peter Burke and Ruth Finnegan, vol. 19 (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 172.
45 Alan Taylor, "Rediscovering the Context of Joseph Smith's Treasure Seeking," Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, 19, no. 4 (Winter 1986):21. Internal references silently removed.
46 Martin Harris interview with Joel Tiffany, Tiffany's Monthly, V , 169.
47 Ibid., 164.
48 Bushman, Joseph Smith and the Beginnings of Mormonism, 71-72.
49 Morton Smith, Jesus the Magician (New York: Barnes & Noble, 1978), 92.
50 Ibid., 146. As might be expected, Morton Smith's presentation of Jesus as a magician is even more controversial than calling Joseph Smith a magician. John Gee, "'An Obstacle to Deeper Understanding'." Review of D. Michael Quinn, Early Mormonism and the Magic World View, revised and enlarged edition, in FARMS Review of Books, 12 no. 2 (2000):188 notes that Morton Smith's idea that there were itinerant Greek magicians has been discredited. Gee does note (p. 186), "If Jesus can be seen in such a context [as a magician], why not Joseph Smith?"
51 J. V. Coombs, Religious Delusions: Studies of the False Faiths of To-Day (Cincinnati: The Standard Publishing Company, 1904), 61-62, "Dr. Wyl says that the name Urim and Thummim was first used by W. W. Phelps about the time of the publication of the Book of Commandments. This is ten years after Moroni's visit. In the interim the work of translating is done by seer stones and stone spectacles! What a blessed thing it is that the more dignified instrument came soon enough to get into the second edition of the revelations, at the same time belated Moroni makes his advent!"
52 Richard Van Wagoner and Steve Walker, "Joseph Smith: 'The Gift of Seeing'", Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought vol. 15, no. 2 (Summer 1982):62, "These stones could not have been the Nephite interpreters, yet Joseph specifically calls them 'Urim and Thummim.' The most obvious explanation for such wording is that he used the term generically to include any device with the potential for 'communicating light perfectly, and intelligence perfectly, through a principle that God has ordained for that purpose,' as John Taylor would later put it." See also Mark Ashurst-McGee, "Moroni as Angel and as Treasure Guardian," FARMS Review 18, no. 1 (2006):42.
53 This is an intentional distillation of the tradition, which would never have accepted the crude designation of "rocks" for the tradition stones the Urim and Thummim represented. There is a long tradition that they were associated with the gems on the ephod. See Cornelis Van Dam, The Urim and Thummim: A Means of Revelation in Ancient Israel (Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbruans, 1997), 16-23, 27-31.
54 The saints themselves would not have perceived a great division in their participation in the two cultural spheres. For them, the transition was likely imperceptible, even though they began to see themselves from the perspective of the religion they had joined. Bill Hamblin notes that they never did label themselves with any of the terms that the Great Tradition would have used to describe their Little Tradition practices. William J. Hamblin, "That Old Black Magic," Review of D. Michael Quinn, Early Mormonism and the Magic World View, revised and enlarged edition, in FARMS Review of Books 12 no. 2 (2000): 233, makes this point in reference to Quinn's association of the terms with Joseph Smith and his peers: "Joseph Smith never called himself a magician, sorcerer, occultist, mystic, alchemist, kabbalist, necromancer, or wizard. He did not 'embrace' this 'self-definition.' Nor did any of his followers."


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Greetings, fellow astrophiles!
The most recent issue of Free Astronomy Magazine (November-December 2018) is available for your reading and downloading pleasure at www.astropublishing.com (click the link to go directly to the issue).
Free Astronomy Magazine was featured as the first of a series of articles on great free online content for amateur astronomers (see A Universe Of Free Resources Part 1) and we'll be keeping track of future publications under the Online Resources category on the CNYO website.
You can find previous Free Astronomy Magazine issues by checking out our Free Astronomy Magazine Category (or look under the Education link in our menu).
For those wanting a quick look at what the issue has to offer, the Table of Contents is reproduced below.
November-December 2018
The web browser-readable version of the issue can be found here: November-December 2018 – www.astropublishing.com/6FAM2018/ For those who want to jump right to the PDF download (15 MB), Click here: November-December 2018

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Planning Naked | March 2017
by Dr. Mark David Major, AICP, CNU-A, The Outlaw Urbanist contributor
Your (hopefully hilarious… but not so much this month) guide to most everything about the latest issue of APA's Planning Magazine
NOTE: The United States of America inaugurated Donald J. Trump as its 45th President on January 20, 2017, and, in response, Planning Magazine turns the crazy up to eleven.
Making Joseph Goebbels Proud. "Placemaking as Storytelling" by James M. Drinan, JD (From the Desk of APA's Chief Executive Officer, pp. 3) contains some disturbing language. Drinan points out, "Research shows that coupling stories with data produces a significant increase in the retention rate of that data." Basically, he is correct. However, it is important to clarify Drinan is not precise. FYI: Never expect precision from a lawyer because you will always be disappointed. It is more accurate to say that using data to better tell a story about an objective truth is an excellent means of increasing retention about both that story, the data, and the truth. It reinforces the objectiveness of both observer and the observed. Using data loosely to reinforce a lie is propaganda. This is a nuanced but important distinction. This is because Drinan goes on to state, "it is crucial to control (our emphasis) the narrative-the story." This is a defensible position for a propagandist but not a scientist. Drinan (perhaps unintentionally) reveals he is discussing politics and propaganda, not scientific truth when you consider what he manifestly fails to say in a subsequent sentence. The key is the citation of planners as storytellers, authors, illustrators, and editors. What is missing? The answer is scientists. This 'frontpage editorial' is one of the most disturbing things I have read in Planning Magazine in years because it advocates for the very thing it pretends to be against. This is the insidious nature of the status quo reasserting itself against change. Forewarned is forearmed. NOTE: Having now read this, I am angry with myself for leaving this March 2017 issue of Planning Magazine sitting unread on my desk for two months. The previous months' issues lulled me into a false sense of security. My mistake…
OMG! And I am only on page eight. "Federal Tax Credit Uncertainty Puts Affordable Housing at Risk" (News Section, pp. 8-9) by Dean Mosiman – a Madison city government reporter for the Wisconsin State Journal. RED FLAG, RED FLAG: Scott Walker is evil incarnate – contains some really bad reporting as Planning Magazine embarks on Drinan's explicit promise to attempt to 'control' the story. First, it assumes a reality that is non-existent. "For 30 years, federal affordable housing tax credits have been the nation's most potent tool to create housing for the homeless and low-income households." Really? Have you been to Los Angeles lately? This bastion city in a bastion state of the Democratic Party has one of the worst, most despicable, and most shameful homeless problems I have ever seen in the Western world over the last three decades. It makes me sick to my stomach just thinking about what I saw and smelled in L.A. Everyday, there is another article in the mass media about an overwhelming lack of affordable housing in cities around the world including the USA. The tax credit is not a potent tool but a failed one. According to the article, the tax credit "had a major impact on the nation's housing stock, helping create 2.8 million affordable units nationwide." The use of 'major' here is shameless hyperbole and the 'helping create' means there might be an indirect benefit but not direct causation. Of course, these 2.8 million units were most likely woefully insufficient to replace the smaller (in square footage), more affordable historic housing stock demolished by public and private agencies during the same period. This news article is about one thing: fear that the pigs might not be able to eat at the government trough in the near future. Then, at the end of the article, the author implicitly concedes this is fear-mongering by stating the tax credit "is likely to survive." Nothing to see here, folks, move on home! This is 'fake news.'
People Matter. Planning Magazine 'buries the lead' with the "Miami Street Experiment Prioritizes People" by Susan Nesmith (News Section, pp. 9-10) by discombobulating the story across two pages, which is bad editing and bad graphic design. It makes you wonder what APA has against putting "people over cars" and "slowing traffic (with) no big gridlock." The experiment is over but the "fancy crosswalks" remain: really, fancy crosswalks? Fancy? It is a good thing I have plenty of hair to pull out. This experiment and the subsequent attempts for a more humanistic redesign of this Miami boulevard is something that Planning Magazine needs to herald and promote, not deride as some quaint idea. Is this a failure of Ms. Nesmith's writing or the editors of Planning Magazine? Perhaps both. I am not sure.
In 'Do No Harm' News. "Remaking Vacant Lots to Cut Crime" by Martha T. Moore (News Section, pp. 10) is an interesting story about a low-cost, temporary solution for vacant properties in urban conditions; as long as people and agencies understand it is not a long-term solution. All in all, however, I like the concept.
Beware of Florida Lawyers Bearing Gifts. This months' Legal Lessons section ("Staff Reports: A Lawyer's Take by Mark P. Barnebey, pp. 11) is one of those standard-type of articles Planning Magazine re-runs every 3-5 years due to new, young professionals entering the workforce. I remember reading the last two iterations of this article about staff reports (respond the young people, "He must be really old"). Barnebey's article is fine for this purpose though he undersells just how influential of a role the staff report can play in quasi-judicial decisions by elected officials, if carefully constructed.
Strike that. Reverse It. Welcome, Florida Lawyers Bearing Gifts. However, having said that, the more advanced state of staff reports in Florida – due to their quasi-judicial nature associated with the 1985 Growth Management Act and subsequently, Mr. Barnebey's greater experience with the best of such staff reports – starkly contrasts with the next article, "The Better STAFF REPORT" by Bonnie J. Johnson (pp. 20-24). Allow me to state more simply the point that I believe Dr. Johnson is attempting to convey: the best staff reports combine: 1) well-written content with 2) well-designed visuals and 3) promptly get to the point. Like most planners, Dr. Johnson's article manages to fail on all these counts. Johnson does not even seem to know her audience for this article (i.e. there are lots of different types of planners and staff reports) so she makes the mistake of trying to address ALL possible audiences. The result is inadequate for everyone. The graphic design of this article makes the content even more confusing. I mean it is really, really bad but hardly surprising. In my experience, most planners are woefully under-trained in the art of graphic design. I do not know if this is the fault of Dr. Johnson or Planning Magazine but, seriously, reading this article gave me a fucking headache.
Meanwhile. "Here comes the Sun" by Charles W. Thurston (pp. 25-29) is the type of article you get from professional organizations nearly four decades after a nation abandons nuclear power.
The Blood Boils Over. But what really gets the blood boiling is Planning Magazine: 1) makes the preceding article the subject of this month's cover (see above) instead of this article 'buried' at the end of the feature articles, "Life and Death Every Quarter Hour" by Jeffrey Brubaker (pp. 30-33); and, 2) seems blissfully unaware of the contrasting traffic fatalities data in this article (35,092 death in 2015) compared to the article about wildlife crossings, i.e. 200 fatalities associated with collisions with wildlife. That is right. This month's Planning Magazine dedicates twice as many pages to an issue involving 6/1000th the number of traffic deaths. Worst still, the subtitle of this article claims "mixed results" for what is a complete failure. Finally, at the end, Planning Magazine adds a "The opinions expressed in the article are his own" (meaning Mr. Brubaker) disclaimer. God forbid that anyone might think APA and Planning Magazine are anti-automobile. And the thing is, Mr. Brubaker's article is mild. It does not go nearly far enough in pointing the profession's hypocrisy on this issue. Here is the gist: in 60 years, nothing has changed. There is still a death caused by vehicular traffic every quarter hour in the United States.
That is it. I cannot take any more of this month's issue. I may have to stop reading Planning Magazine in the best interests of my health because you would not believe the migraine headache I have right now. Shame on you, Planning Magazine. The best article this month was written by a Florida attorney.
Planning Naked is an article with observations and comments about a recent issue of Planning: The Magazine of the American Planning Association.


text: It's been awhile since I've done any sort of book review. But having just completed Adam Schrager's The Principled Politician: The Ralph Carr Story, it seemed an apt time to change that. Those who won't want to miss this book include students of Colorado history, fans of the World War II era (especially the home front), and anyone interested in a sadly forgotten inspirational story that seems foreign in today's all-too-jaded and polarized world of politics. As introduced to readers in The Principled Politician, Ralph Carr (1887-1950) -- Republican governor of Colorado from 1939 to 1943 -- was a rare model of statesmanship. Fittingly, he held deep admiration and adulation for our nation's 16th president Abraham Lincoln. He recognized the … [Read more...]


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Vintage drum gear: English Rogers kits
English Rogers kit in Black Pearl
Each month Rhythm Magazine tracks-down and checks-out vintage gear in order to marvel at a bit of drum-making history.
This time we're looking at one of the most extraordinary stories in British drum-making, which occurred during the 1960s when a line of American-designed Rogers drums were made under licence in the Ajax factory at Edgware, North London.
According to Rogers expert Alan Watt, "The idea came from Rogers USA. Import duties inflated the cost of American products in the early '60s and Rogers decided to find a UK manufacturer to make its drums over here.
"Ajax was chosen and a team was dispatched from the USA to negotiate the details. The drums were made between 1961 and 1967." So English Rogers are simply Ajax shells with Rogers fittings. A cosmetic job.
English Rogers kit in Black Pearl
Our splendid Rogers kit belongs to Jeremy Peake. Jeremy bought the English Rogers because for some reason it included a Sonor snare drum, which he needed to complete a different Sonor kit. Also, Jeremy was able to match the Rogers with an Ajax snare drum in the same Black Pearl wrap.
He explains, "My 14x5-inch Ajax Pipper is from the same period with the same shell construction as the Rogers. I had it already and it looks and sounds good with the Rogers."
So how to distinguish English from American Rogers? Checking inside the shells is the surest way. The English (Ajax) shells are mostly thin three-ply birch (occasionally beech) with reinforcing rings, while the American shells are maple, again with rings, but usually painted grey inside.
The other tell-tale sign is the English Rogers logo badge, which is horizontal with a thin underscore, while the American badge slopes upward.
English Rogers kit in Black Pearl
Jeremy bought his Rogers on eBay in spring 2009. Sizes are standard 12x8-inch, 16x16-inch and 20x14-inch. The floor tom bears the serial number 67620 inside, which Alan Watt ascribes to late 1961 to early-1962.
Jeremy adds, "The thinner, more angular 'bow-tie' bass drum tension rods and Ajax floor tom legs confirm this, as neither were used on later kits. All the drums have chromed brass 'bread and butter' lugs, which are infamous for developing cracks, while the toms have the distinctive Rogers tall profile hoops.
"The hardware features Swiv-O-Matic collets for the bass drum legs, disappearing cymbal arm and tom holder, all made in England. The American-made Rogers Swiv-O-Matic pedal also came with the kit and the snare stand is a flat base 'Buck Rogers', made by Walberg and Auge.
"I used the kit to take part in the Stick It To MS record breaking event in Birmingham. Out of 582 kits it was the only one I saw. It's one of my favourite gigging kits. It looks great and has a classic vintage sound. I believe in using these old kits whenever possible, though I only take them to venues where I know they won't be harmed."
English Rogers double bass kit
Continuing the strange fable of English Rogers drums, we have a fabulous double bass drum kit. The kit has been owned from new by Durham drummer John Morris.
John recalls, "In 1962 I went with my father, who played side drum in the Southern Argyle Highlanders, to buy a Slingerland kit from Jeavons in Newcastle. But the shop had just got their first Rogers kit and my father said, 'How about those? They're beautiful.'
"He said, 'if you can supply them with double bass drums I'll buy them' - he was a shrewd man! They tried to pass it off with Ajax pedals, but he said no, they've got to be Rogers. And I've worked the kit ever since."
English Rogers double bass kit
The kit has two 20x14-inches, 12x8-inch, 16x16-inh in Grey Ripple, with Ajax shells. It's coupled with a 14x5½-inch American-made DynaSonic snare which was added later.
At the National Drum Fair, Rogers expert Alan Watt examined the kit, noting the serial numbers. He says, "The floor tom dates to October 1962 and one bass drum to April 1963 (presumably the second one the shop had to order). The DynaSonic dates to 1974/75."
It has the later, double-ended beavertail lugs, unlike the 'bread and butter' lugs on the rest of the kit. The DynaSonic snare hoop with integrated snare guard was introduced from the mid-'70s.
The Swiv-O-Matic bass pedal and hi-hat were made in America, but the other metal fittings were made under licence at the Boosey and Hawkes factory in Edgware.
Many drummers believe that English Swivo hardware is not interchangeable with American. However, Alan says this is not always the case. "You can have problems, the odd English or American-made ones that just won't go together," he admits. "But they mostly interchange, so switch them around until they fit. I have an English kit and I use it with an American double tom stand with no problem."
English Rogers double bass kit
Back to owner John, who also mentions that the original cymbal stands were stolen and replaced with Memri-Loc stands. Rogers made these from 1976 onwards and they feature the original Rogers memory lock joint housings.
Rogers was the first company to do this and of course every company has copied and refined the concept since. These originals take some beating, though, for simple elegance. What a brilliant idea.
"The kit has been a fabulous investment," says John. "It now only comes out on special occasions… But it was played constantly for many years, the only problem I've had being fine hairline cracks to the ends of two of the 'bread and butter' lugs on one of the bass drums.
"Lou Dias at Supreme Drums kindly sent me replacements. The chrome work on all the fittings has been absolutely superb and the DynaSonic is out of this world."


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by Shifrah Devorah Witt & Zipporah Malka Heller, The Best of Mexican Kosher Cooking
Serve this delicious salsa as a condiment for seviche, grilled fish, or fish tacos. Its unusual and adds a great flavor to whatever it tops.
1 mango, peeled and diced
1/8 teaspoon salt, or to taste
1 tablespoon olive oil
1 clove garlic, minced
1/2 green onion, diced fine
1 tablespoon red onion, diced fine
1 tablespoon fresh lemon or lime juice
1 teaspoon fresh jalapeno or fresh Anaheim chili, chopped fine (protect your hands with plastic bags or rubber gloves)
Mix all ingredients. Refrigerate for 1 hour.
Yield: Serves: 4
Recipes: Appetizers, Salsa, Parve, Kosher


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Set amid the turmoil of the Napoleonic Wars, Temeraire is a thrilling tale of one of the most dramatic chapters of European History with a brilliant veneer of bold fantasy.
As Napoleon's Grande Armee tears Europe apart, his vast armada threatens Britain. But the battles are not fought upon land and sea alone, for both sides have an air force. And the fiery death they rain down upon their enemies has little to do with gunpowder - it comes from the very guts of the beasts they are flying: dragons.
Weeks out of port at Madeira, a British vessel - the Reliant, commanded by Captain William Laurence - captures a French frigate. Within its hold lies a greater prize than the ship herself: a dragon egg. And it is close to hatching.
Young dragons must be put to harness immediately or they go feral, and once harnessed, the beast will accept no other master. When the newborn ignores his chosen rider and approaches Laurence instead, his life is changed forever.
But even more astonishing than the young dragonet - named Temeraire by Laurence - is the revelation that the egg was meant for the Emperor Napoleon himself...
I don't read a lot of fantasy, but this book was attractive to me for a couple of reasons. One is that it has been getting a lot of positive reviews, and the second is that it could almost be classified as historical fantasy. Novik has taken the events of the Napoleonic wars, and just tweaked them, by giving the combatant countries an air force, not made up of planes or balloons, but rather of dragons. One of the reasons I don't read a lot of fantasy is that I don't really enjoy the world building that sort of has to happen to establish the rules for the society, hierachy, social rules etc. By only having to tweak the world as we know it a little, it means that the story can get going a whole lot quicker and for me that is a bonus.
When Captain William Laurence engages in battle with a French warship, he is kind of surprise that the crew fights so fiercely given that they are practically starving, and there doesn't seem to be any great treasure or anything on board, until they come across a dragon egg...very close to hatching.
The thing with dragon's eggs is that they must be harnessed and bonded with their rider pretty much immediately because otherwise they will go feral or will not accept another handler - a waste of a terribly precious resource, particularly in these troubling days. It is therefore agreed that the officers on board will all draw lots to see who the unlucky handler is going to be. It is considered unlucky because to be a dragon handler pretty much means leaving life as you know it behind, to live in the dragon coverts where they are trained and cared for. Gone are the chances to be courted in society - where naval officers are welcomed in society, dragon handlers are pretty much shunned. Also gone is pretty much any chance of marriage, family, and gaining advancement and material wealth.
So when the dragon shuns the chosen handler and instead attaches himself to Laurence, he is quite upset but realises that he has no choice as a man of great honour but to do his duty for his country. And yet, as he gets to know the dragon he has chosen to name Temeraire, he finds that he enjoys his new life- including their many conversations about life, reading books together, hunting, and eventually when they are bought back to England for training, getting ready for their coming life together during their manoeuvres. One of my favourite conversation between the two was when the normally unflappable Laurence had to explain to Temeraire why the men from the dragon corps visit the nearby town to visit the local prostitutes...very funny. I did find Laurence's habit of calling his dragon "My Dear" a little affected but I got over it eventually!!
The thing with Temeraire is no one really knows what kind of dragon he is, and so they don't know what his special skill is. They know he is a Chinese dragon but that is about as far as it goes. With his superior speed and intelligence he is still a very valuable asset and when his weapon is revealed it is very key in the battle against those fiendishly clever French men under the rule of Napoleon.
The other interesting dynamic in the book is the relationship between the other flyers and Laurence. It is very unusual for someone to swap from the Navy to the Flying corps (and vice versa), and Laurence brings with him very different ideas of how his crew should be run. It is interesting to watch both the other flyers and Laurence begin to get an understanding and working together. One of the more interesting relationships is between Laurence and a female officer by the name of Roland. There is a good build up in the relationship, but I can't help but feel that the author backed away from building the relationship up completely - but maybe that is just the romance reader in me talking!! I hope to see this relationship develop further in the next books in the series.
The other day I was in one of our department stores looking longingly at the second book in the series. I think I am going to have to ask the library to see whether they will order this one and the third one in the series in for me.
As an added bonus there is a short story on the author's website which fits between the first and second books, and there is also a web game that Harper Collins UK put up to coincide with the release of this book in the UK.
Overall, a very enjoyable read.
Rating 4.5/5
Other Blogger's Thoughts:
Finding Wonderland
Books and Other Thoughts


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Our universe is Sonoma, Napa and Mendocino counties - where YOU live.
Deposits are recycled right back into the local economy - helping property values stay strong (which fund local schools), and keeping local businesses striving, thriving and hiring.
That makes for a sustainable economic environment.
History and Background
Community First Credit Union is a Member-owned financial cooperative. We were founded in 1961 by seven Sonoma County teachers who were not happy with the profit-making fees charged by banks, and the unwillingness of banks to lend to working people with average or below-average salaries.
Today, 17,500+ Sonoma County residents are Members-Owners-Users of Community First. The people who use us are the owners. At national banks, the owners are shareholders, who likely aren't even customers they just want the bank to make their stock go higher (by whatever means necessary).
Service Specialties
We offer the kind of personal service that big banks gave up long ago as unprofitable. We call it competency with a smile. Our Members call it banking with family.
Branch staff is always at the ready to help, explain, and show. Our in-house Call Center is here not outsourced to Indiana or India and staffed by smart people who are empowered to help you immediately.
Community Involvement
We have what's called a Community Charter from the California Department of Financial Institutions. This means our primary mission is to promote (through education, actions and lending) the financial sustainability of Sonoma County. We can only take deposits from residents and students in our charter area; we can only make loans to residents and students in our charter area. It's simple: local deposits can only be re-used locally to help create jobs, purchase homes and vehicles, and help fund vitally needed services where YOU live.
Why Bank with Us?
We have all the products that 95% of Sonoma County households need financially:
Full range of fixed- and adjustable-rate loans for home purchase or refinance
Low-cost vehicle loans that you can get conveniently/directly while at any Sonoma County car dealer
SaversEdge®, which rounds up every debit card purchase to the next dollar and transfers the difference to your savings account (we match rounded-up monies to 100% for first 90 days; 5% thereafter)
YouthSaver, which earns a ridiculously high 7.07% (APY) on the first $500 of a saving account for those under 18 years
Free checking that (without any hoops or traps) is actually FREE!
28,000 surcharge-free ATMs nationally (52% more than BofA!)
Smart ATMs locally that don't require cumbersome (and wasteful) envelopes to make deposits of cash or checks (and that we had years before those big banks that are currently advertising them)
Free online banking with free online transfers to other financial institutions
Other Highlights
The first decade of the 21st century has shown how inept our business and political leaders have been about financial matters. It's like they didn't have any BASIC financial sense. Or ethics. Our Sonoma County youth can do better. To help, we offer the basics (that will last a lifetime) of financial literacy. It's a 30-minute in-class program that teaches savings, compound interest and credit scores. Contact firstname.lastname@example.com for more info, or to schedule a classroom presentation.
Community First Credit Union - GoLocal TV Spot Nov/Dec 2011
Added: 11/9/11
Community First Credit Union - GoLocal TV Spot March 2013
Added: 3/20/13
Monday | 9 a.m. to 5:30 p.m. |
Tuesday | 9 a.m. to 5:30 p.m. |
Wednesday | 9 a.m. to 5:30 p.m. |
Thursday | 9 a.m. to 5:30 p.m. |
Friday | 9 a.m. to 5:30 p.m. |
Saturday | 9 a.m. to 1 p.m. |
Sunday | Closed |


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Lumen Concentric Earrings
- 18k gold plated | Sensitive skin-friendly | Tarnish free
- One Year Repair Warranty
Size chart
Let these earrings stand out with a slick bun and a swipe of your favourite lipstick.
- Material: Mirror & 18Kt Gold Plating
- Weight: 10.35gms
- Dimension: 34 X 26mm
Our jewelry is 18k gold plated and produced using hypoallergenic materials (which means it is nickel and lead-free), following the current international regulations.
To care for this piece please clean and polish it with a soft cloth and store it separately. Avoid contact with perfume, chemicals, moisture, excessive force, or extreme temperature to maintain luster.
Each purchase comes with a hassle-free 15 days return policy and a one-year warranty on plating and repairs.
Shipping is complimentary across India.
- Easy 15 day returns
- Personalised message for gifting
- Return, exchange & refund policy applicable


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NIRobot Calligaris sans Liquidation
The essence of luxury
In this category, we offer you to discover all our products on Casavogue. You will find everything you need in terms of furniture to decorate your interior in a luxurious way: bedrooms, dining room, sofas or armchairs. High-end products that will allow you to bring a certain standing to your interior. Take advantage of our discounts at Casavogue to purchase the furniture of your dreams.
If you are looking for a unique model of sectional sofa in Montreal, Casavogue is the home of furniture for you. Casavogue offers a wide variety of high-end furniture at reasonable prices.Our shop specializes in selling designer furniture brands. You will find a wide selection of furniture from Italian, Quebec and Canadian manufacturers.
There's no better place to find a single piece of furniture to replace your sectional sofa! Browse our selection of sectional sofas to find the perfect fit for your living room. If you need help, our advisors are at your disposal at all times during our business hours.
Why buy your furniture from Casavogue?
Casavogue offers you premium quality furniture for the living room, dining room and bedroom. Our mission is to help you furnish your dream home at a price that fits your decorating budget . Our designer furniture is also designed to last in order to encourage more responsible consumption .
If you are looking to replace your sectional sofa, table, or bedroom, Casavogue is the perfect place to start your search. Our advisors will be happy to guide you if you need help finding the ideal piece of furniture to furnish your space .


text: Sling bag is an ideal carrier these days because of its portability and light weight. Though people began using it in the 90's, it has never lost its shine. That's why these days, it remains one of the most favorite stylish bags of many. Sling bags are so wide-developed that it can be made of different materials. It can be made of leather, silk, fabric and canvas. Because of its versatility, it can surely match anyone's preference. However, today, we are going to introduce our valued readers our own collection of canvas sling bags. This article might help you narrow your option and enlight you why you need to have one of these bags!


text: This copper sheet is 1.4 mil (.0014 inches) thick and twelve inches wide by twenty feet long. It is manufactured to ASTM-B152 specifications, is annealed (soft and very malleable) with a smooth commercial finish, and is 99.9% pure copper Alloy 110 (Certificate of Conformance available upon request). This sheet can be used for various craft and art projects (scrapbooking, paper crafts, punching, veneering etc...), do it yourself and construction projects, electrical applications, manufacturing, and much more! Basic Copper's superior packaging provides maximum protection during shipment. If you are unsure of which thickness is right for your project, check out our Thickness Guide. If you have any questions, please don't hesitate to contact us via phone at 252-491-2812, via email at firstname.lastname@example.com, or through our "live chat" and we will be happy to discuss your project!


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Tonalea, AZ
About SHAQUANA :
"Physically active, sometimes a bit too … but I like it just fine. Just taking good care of my body with sports and sauna. I tend to exhaust myself to get rid of too much energy. How would you like to help me with it?"


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The 24 story Brickell Place II is the second of four buildings comprising a condo community found right on popular Brickell Avenue with a position right by Biscayne Bay. You get the best of both worlds at Brickell Place II since you enjoy the home in the heart of the Brickell area plus a location near the water where you can enjoy waterfront views or vistas of the city's fascinating skyline.
You'll find a pair of swimming pools, tennis courts, a gym, even a clubhouse you can use for various events at Brickell Place II. Highly convenient boat docks are another feature that set Brickell Place apart from its neighbors. Along with the rest of the buildings in the community, you're going to find Brickell condos for sale with one, two, three or four bedrooms boasting 868 to 3,842 square feet.
There is much to see, much to do and much to explore on Brickell Avenue, assuming you haven't already sailed off from the Brickell Place boat docks to explore the city. There is a small commons called Simpsons Park near Brickell Place II and Mary Brickell Village is less than ten minutes away by heading north via Brickell Avenue. The Rickenbacker Causeway to the south eventually leads to the island of Key Biscayne. Miami Beach is northeast of Brickell Place II.


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This is an archived article that was published on sltrib.com in 2014, and information in the article may be outdated. It is provided only for personal research purposes and may not be reprinted.
In the wake of a botched lethal injection in Oklahoma last month, a Utah lawmaker says he believes a firing squad is a more humane form of execution. And he plans to bring back that option for criminals sentenced to death in his state.
Rep. Paul Ray, a Republican from the northern Utah city of Clearfield, plans to introduce his proposal during Utah's next legislative session in January. Lawmakers in Wyoming and Missouri floated similar ideas this year, but both efforts stalled. Ray, however, may succeed. Utah already has a tradition of execution by firing squad, with five police officers using .30-caliber Winchester rifles to execute Ronnie Lee Gardner in 2010, the last execution by rifle to be held in the state.
Ray argues the controversial method may seem more palatable now, especially as states struggle to maneuver lawsuits and drug shortages that have complicated lethal injections.
"It sounds like the Wild West, but it's probably the most humane way to kill somebody," Ray said.
Utah eliminated execution by firing squad in 2004, citing the excessive media attention it gave inmates. But those sentenced to death before that date still had the option of choosing it, which is how Gardner ended up standing in front of five armed Utah police officers. Gardner was sentenced to death for fatally shooting a Salt Lake City attorney in 1985 while trying to escape from a courthouse.
He was third person to die by firing squad after the U.S. Supreme Court reinstated the death penalty in 1976. A couple other death row inmates have opted to die by gunfire instead of lethal injection in Utah, but they are all several years away from exhausting the appeals of their death sentences, Assistant Utah Attorney General Thomas Brunker said. Ray's proposal would give all inmates the option.
Lethal injection, the default method of execution in the U.S., has received heightened scrutiny after secrecy and drug shortages in recent years and the April incident in Oklahoma, when inmate Clayton Lockett's vein collapsed and he died of a heart attack more than 40 minutes later.
Ray and lawmakers in other states have suggested firing squads might be the cheapest and most humane method.
"The prisoner dies instantly," Ray said. "It sounds draconian. It sounds really bad, but the minute the bullet hits your heart, you're dead. There's no suffering."
Opponents of the proposal say firing squads are not necessarily a fool-proof answer.
It's possible an inmate could move or shooters could miss, causing the inmate a slow and painful death, said Richard Dieter, executive director of the Washington, D.C.,-based Death Penalty Information Center, which opposes capital punishment.
"The idea is that it would be very quick and accurate but just a little movement by the person could change that," he said. "Things can go wrong with any method of execution."
He cited a case from Utah's territorial days in 1897, when a firing squad missed Wallace Wilkerson's heart and it took him 27 minutes to die, according to newspaper accounts of the execution.
Dieter said that if Utah brought back firing squads as a default option rather than leaving it up to inmates to choose, as was the practice before 2004, it could be challenged in court.
The U.S. Supreme Court upheld the use of the firing squad in 1879, but as tastes have changed in the country since then, Dieter said it's possible a modern court could rule the practice violates an inmate's protection from cruel and unusual punishment.
Beyond the legal challenges, Dieter said it will probably bring back the kind of "voyeuristic attention" the state wanted to avoid.
For Ray, the option makes sense to avoid a situation like Oklahoma or legal fights over the blend of drugs used in lethal injections.
"There's no easy way to put somebody to death, but you need to be efficient and effective about it," Ray said. "This is certainly one way to do that."
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