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Adaner Usmani: I wanted to begin by asking you about the history that precedes the crisis, and specifically about the evolution of European social democracy. On the one hand we have seen social democratic governments in Greece, France and elsewhere entirely complicit in the evisceration of the welfare state, and in the imposition of austerity. On the other hand, the tradition of which they're a part brought many benefits to Europe's working classes. The welfare state is a real achievement, after all, and it's arguably held up better than many radicals argue. Certainly there's a strong current of academic literature, known as the Varieties of Capitalism (VOC) school, which argues that its degeneration has been overstated.
This is a horribly broad question, of course, but how would you assess the legacy of social democracy?
Leo Panitch: Well, there's no question that the reforms that social democracy secured in the post-war period were substantial reforms that have had very positive effects for the working-classes. No question.
That said, it depends where you're coming from. If what you're looking for is reforms within capitalism, fine. But these were parties that, initially, and in fact in their constitutions until the late 50s, were all committed to getting out of capitalism.
What the welfare state did — and here Gøsta Esping-Andersen has it backwards — is increase commodification. Yes, of course, the welfare state provided a certain level of job security, but it didn't free people from the obligation to sell their labor. The way the welfare state was structured was largely designed to facilitate a mass, high-wage proletariat for the consumption of commodities. In this sense, social democracy was complicit in the deepening of capitalism. By the time of the Godesberg Program in the late 1950s, they were explicitly saying that they were in for a more humane capitalism.
The other dimension of this, however, is that they thought that they had done much more than they actually had to shift the balance of class power, and the relationship between states and markets. For example, in his famous The Future of Socialism (1956), Anthony Crosland argues that anybody who derides Marx is an intellectual pygmy, and that it was sensible to be a Marxist through the 1930s. However, he continues, since then there's been a fundamental shift of power away from financial capital, a fundamental shift in power in favor of labor vis-à-vis industry, and a fundamental shift in power towards the state. That, in effect, the state is now autonomous.
You look at that today and you think, "What!?"
So, in short, it depends. I certainly agree that it's not that easy to dismantle the welfare state, as the VOC school argues. That said, there's no question that the reforms have been reversed. Most people are less dependent on the welfare state, because it's not doing what it used to do. The country that has had the greatest increase in inequality over the neoliberal period, and I believe in the OECD, has been Sweden! And yes, Sweden still probably has the highest level of benefits. Nevertheless, you see the shift.
So my line has always been that there was this realization inside social democracy, by those who remained socialists (who were inspired by Tony Benn, by the student movement of the 1960s, by the social movements) who argued that unless we now move to go beyond capital, to actually institute reforms that take power over investment decisions away from capital, we are going to lose those reforms. Lose may have been too strong a word. But those who remained socialist were all defeated.
AU: Can we talk about this history a bit? This is what I found most insightful about the article that you wrote in the Socialist Register's 1985 issue on the future of social democracy, in which you offered your assessment of why those efforts floundered. Because, as you're saying, there was this incipient radicalization — not just workplace-based in the 1960s and 1970s, but also these shifts to the left within the structure of Social Democracy itself. Tony Benn, but then also in France, Germany, Sweden, even Greece. Why did they lose?
LP: Well, my fundamental answer to that, which goes back to my being a graduate student at LSE in the late 60s, and the first article I ever published in Political Studies on ideology and integration, is that it has to do with the strong tradition within all these parties (most explicitly the British Labour Party, but implicitly in the Second International Social Democrats from at least 1902-1903 on) that it was not class struggle but class harmony that was their goal. The Fabian goal of educating the ruling class to socialism. That largely became the German trade union federation's goal as well, which is what Rosa Luxemburg was railing against by 1905.
So when that challenge came out of the growing mobilization of the 1960s and the crisis of the 1970s, from the left inside Social Democracy, the establishment of those parties had as much right as the left, maybe more, to deny that their tradition was a socialist one. The left was always saying that the party needed to return to what it had stood for. But the right could accurately say that the tradition of the party was class harmony. Furthermore they could argue that what the left was proposing the capitalists would not play with.
AU: Which was true?
LP: Which was true. Even with the Meidner Plan, which involved tremendous mobilization on the part of the LO [the Swedish Trade Union Confederation]. I knew Meidner, and spent time talking about this with him, and he told me very explicitly that he was called in by Olof Palme, who asked him, "Why the hell are you doing this? They won't cooperate with this. We'll give you the best health and safety regulations you can ask for — even better than what you are asking for. But call this off! Because this kind of thing they will never tolerate." It's not that Palme was an idiot. He was right!
After the LO convention passed the proposal to introduce the wage-earner funds, which represented a gradual commitment to continuing wage-restraint in exchange for passing profits over to trade union funds, it was proposed that it apply only to firms with over 100 employees. The radicals amended this, and it was applied to firms with only 10 employees, which included many more firms, and many more workers. And they all got up and sang "The Internationale" for the first time in 20 years at an LO convention.
But the effect of this was to create an alliance between big capital and small capital. By the early 1980s, despite the fact that the plan had already been watered down by successive Social Democrat governments, you've got mass demonstrations by business against the Meidner plan.
AU: Isn't there a very sobering implication of that fact, which is that the conditions for the success of the left within the left, in that time period, were absent?
LP: Well, I think the terrible conclusion one has to draw is that you cannot change these parties into socialist parties without splitting them apart. And I don't mean into insurrectionary parties, but into electoral socialist parties. And if you do split these parties, you lose elections. And in the face of a crisis and an assault by the right, the left then gets accused of bearing the burden. It is the one that always backs off, because it has a greater concern for solidarity — more easily guilted, always. The right is prepared to split, as you saw in the case of British Labour Party. It's a catch-22. A game theorist would have a field day.
AU: There's that, certainly — the difficult implications of splitting. But it seems to me that the political independence of the left wouldn't have solved the challenges of that conjuncture. Because one of the other things you argue in that article is that you needed a mobilized and politicized working-class if you were to confront the employers' offensive and the right, and you didn't have that. Nor was it up to the left to generate that — even as an independent left. Isn't it partly, as you argued in that article, that the absence of working-class mobilization was itself the product of the long legacy of social democratic institutions?
LP: Absolutely. And here one has to say that it's never just a matter of the parties, it was then certainly a matter of the unions. So in the British or Swedish case, even in the German case, the unions passed radical stuff at conventions, put out various political programs, but they would not educate and mobilize their membership behind them, at all. At all.
This is what really impressed me about Tony Benn. I should say that at the time, when I was in England, I was very skeptical of the Labour left. I always felt there was no way they could win without splitting the party, and that they would therefore lose. But when I went back and started studying it, I realized that the remarkable thing about Benn was that he was going to trade union conventions in 1972 and saying that the members needed to be educators. He asked who was talking to their neighbors and to their children about what unions are, what they might be, what solidarity is, what the potential of the working-class is.
So, again, they would pass these resolutions as means of leveraging something out of a Labour government, but in terms of developing class capacities, they were scandalously bad. And they've gotten no better; in fact they've gotten much worse.
AU: This is maybe a bit of an aside, but still. There's a larger argument that's often made—and this applies not just to Europe, but to the advanced capitalist world — that the decline of working class politics is rooted in objective facts about capitalism's trajectory — in deindustrialization and the decline of manufacturing employment, most obviously. But is the decline actually political, at its core?
LP: Not entirely, though it's an important point.
One has to recognize the transformation of capitalism, no doubt. Certainly one could argue that these objective shifts make things more difficult.
But there are other dimensions that one can point to, having to do with the shift to service employment, or more knowledge-employment. There's greater flexibility involved. I'm not convinced that a creative working-class couldn't have done better than the traditional working-class (and I grew up in that milieu), which has very old-fashioned notions of respectability. Gramsci had glimpses of this; certainly Mann did. In the 1920s, what does a working-class person aspire to? He aspires to having a knock-off furniture set that looks like the bourgeois furniture set that he could never afford. He wants a dining room table and sideboard that would look like it. This notion of working class respectability carries with it a lot of very conventional and non-revolutionary culture.
So, I don't know. I don't think it's impossible for mobilizations to occur with the kinds of working classes — and here I'm defining working classes very broadly — that were emerging by the 1960s. But it would had to have been based much less centrally on doing a deal with unions in order to win very limited, corporatist reforms — the sorts of reforms that so impressed the VOC school.
You know, what strikes me about the VOC school is that they live in a world in which they don't notice the capitalist air that they breathe. So they're left-wing in the sense that they'd like a more equal society, but they don't appreciate that this is a capitalist world, with all of the destruction of the soul that accompanies selling your capacities for a wage, however good.
AU: Back to this, just briefly, before we get to the present-day crisis. So assessing the left within the left, the argument that you made was that the people staffing the structures of social democracy — the parties and the trade union officials — are responding to a real dilemma, but a real dilemma that's of their own making. A dilemma that is a consequence of...
LP: Of a long form of adaptation to similar dilemmas.
AU: Right. But then the rapid degeneration of social democracy from the 1980s on — with the rise of the Blairites, and the like — that came at a cost to these organizational interests, particularly to the trade unions. Social democracy's subsequent trajectory hasn't been favorable to many of these actors. So how do you understand the success of someone like Blair at taming the trade unions? The more general version of that question is: how do we understand the success with which neoliberalism has colonized social democracy?
LP: It's an important and complex question, and I've thought about it a lot.
The first condition for it was the defeat of the left inside the social democratic parties. And they were not only defeated, but also derided. They had brought these parties to the brink of losing elections. Thatcher was not going to get re-elected, despite the Falklands, but the divisions inside the Labour Party helped her. As she said, "How can you vote for them? They're totally divided."
People like Michael Foot, who was an established British leftist and had been an anti-Cold Warrior, and Neil Kinnock, who was made by Foot, became the scourge of the left — the scourge of the trade union militants. They started describing the left as if they were in thrall to the "Trotskyist crazies" in Liverpool. Which they weren't, but Foot and Kinnock managed to present the left as controlled by them.
So the left gets derided by a former left, now aligned with the center-right in the party. And it's eventually thoroughly defeated, even inside the party. The trade unions see Thatcher re-elected. Since they are always pragmatists, they suddenly decide that they can get more out of Brussels than they're going to get out of the Thatcher government. They start looking for a limit to Thatcher's "reforms" through Europe. They very naively think — as does the VOC school —that European corporatism is going to continue, and that it will withstand the ideological onslaught from the right, and the general drive towards competitiveness. But it doesn't.
One of the things I'm proud of is that I was pointing to the contradictions in corporatism as early as the 1970s, and it unfolded as I thought it would. Largely, capital grew uninterested. You didn't have to have a right-wing government. Capital wasn't very interested, even when social democrats were in office. The kind of wage-discipline that allowed for "socialism within one class," in the case of Sweden, begins to break down.
It also had to do with a tax revolt on the part of the working-class, which starts to see less and less for itself in the welfare state. Respectability leads this segment to increasingly deride that working class we now call the precariat. And many of them opt — and the unions aren't able to stop many of them opting (to some extent they're even complicit in it) — for the $200 a year they can save by voting for a government that offers them less taxes. A portion of the working-class opts for that. And the left was complicit in it when it opposed, for example, the sales tax. One needed to say and should be saying that Sweden's value-added tax is 23 percent. You can't have a welfare state without it.
A very important element in this was the reinvigoration of the American Empire, also, through the 80s and 90s. For all of the arguments that Anglo-American capitalism doesn't work, and that European coordinated capitalism is actually more efficient, it wasn't true. If you look at growth rates, productivity growth, exports, and the like, American capitalism was restructured through the 1980s and 1990s in a very successful way. And all of Europe wanted to emulate it.
And I don't just mean that they wanted to emulate Clinton, though they were doing that ideologically, but they wanted to emulate American practices through the 1980s and 1990s. It was Jacques Delors, for example, who was open in his admiration of American free capital movements. He argued that Europe could hold on to the welfare state only by creating an open capital market in Europe. They were enormously admiring of, above all, American finance. Sure, they would say nasty things about "shareholder value," but in the context of saying that they preferred stakeholder value (which simply meant having union pension funds involved).
AU: So these were the conditions in which the EU project became neoliberal?
LP: Exactly. Led by social democrats. Now the left, again, saw it. So Meidner, who opposed Sweden joining the Euro zone, understood that the effect of it would be to allow financial capital into Sweden, which had already deregulated finance in the mid-1980s and had its first big financial crisis in 1991. He understood that this would give finance very big allies in the balance of forces inside Sweden.
The interpenetration of capital across the Atlantic is a big element in the story. The varieties of capitalism school totally miss this, by the way. They treat each country as a watertight compartment, except for noting that everyone has to be competitive.
AU: This is a good segue into the discussion of the EU crisis itself.
There are some standard assessments, on the left, of the economic causes of the crisis. It was obviously most immediately a consequence of the global crisis. But it has been exacerbated, clearly, by the structure of the EU and the monetary union. There's also been a fair bit written on an intermediate factor — namely, that the competitive strategies of Germany have forced the periphery to the brink. Heinrich Flassbeck, to take just one example, has been on The Real News quite frequently arguing that one of the central problems has been wage restraint in Germany, and the inability of other countries in the EU to achieve the same discipline. Those three things, it seems to me, are relatively uncontroversial. But you and Sam Gindin do have a distinctive understanding of the global crisis that preceded the EU crisis. Is there anything in particular that you would add, to this account?
LP: Well, maybe. Maybe it's not quite deep enough.
A lot of people on the left and on the right expected that the neoliberal era of globalization would come to tears due to American imbalances, due to its trade deficit and the enormous capital inflows. They were saying that Japan or China might pull out, which would lead to a crisis of the dollar, which might lead to an economic crisis.
And that of course isn't what triggered the crisis. It wasn't American imbalances: it was financial volatility inside the United States. Above all in the housing market. A market into which the working class was drawn. And this included its poorest sections, the black working class, which had never had full access to the American dream, the center of which was to own your house. They were drawn into it very heavily during the Clinton years. The Clinton treasury decided it would be able to sell these mortgage securities around the world, as people were desperate to buy them. And this became all the more so under Bush, as every shyster was let into the business. The German Landesbank — the great example in the VOC literature of coordinated capitalism — was buying mortgage-backed securities that had been cut and pasted in a million different ways. The Deutsche Bank held most of the mortgages in the black areas of Cleveland, for example, when the crisis hit.
Now when that crisis hit it meant, of course, that German finance, and European finance more generally, were affected. Immediately. And the imbalances within Europe revealed weaknesses inside the European financial system, which in turn made the crisis much, much worse. Above all there's the fact that, with fixed exchange rates, you are operating in something like the gold standard, where there's no room for currencies to carry any of the costs of a crisis.
So in the case of the United States, immediately when there's the crisis, the world's capital piles into the dollar, knowing that the American state is the ultimate guarantor of property. That's hardly the case in most European states. What had been happening since the Euro was struck was that the spread between Greek or Spanish or Italian bonds, and German bonds was enormously narrow. Not that there was no spread. But given that they were all operating within the framework of the ECB the spread had narrowed, a lot. People hadn't thought through the question of whether the Greeks might default. The imbalances, in particular, made that a weakness, given the effective, enormous trade deficits.
Now that alone didn't have to precipitate a sovereign crisis. In fact, some countries had issued a lot of public debt, like Greece, but other countries hadn't.
The banking system had operated on a simple basis: Germany would export to Spain, say, and then lend that money back to Spanish banks. And when Spanish banks took a hit, well, it was the Spanish state that had to step in, and start issuing public debt in order to bail out Spanish banks. And you got the problem of public deficits, and the consequent fear of bond markets.
We need to remember that institutional investors loom large in all this, and also remember how many of those institutional investors are trade union pension funds. Financial capital, remember, isn't this thing out there. Even labor is structured into financial capital, and dependent on the returns for their own pensions.
Now, the imbalances were well understood by some people. In particular people like Riccardo Bellofiore in Italy, who really nailed it — he's kind of a post-Keynesian. They understood that a general reflation, which is what the left and most left economists were calling for, would not itself do the job. It would in fact increase the imbalances, given that Germany, for the reasons you already laid out, had maintained its export success on the basis of getting the very powerful shop stewards in IG Metall [Industrial Union of Metalworkers, in Germany] to go along with labor flexibilization and wage restraint. This is what made German exports do very well through the decade.
AU: I want to talk much more about the response of the left to this crisis, but before that I'd like to ask you a prior question. What in the world are the elites of the EU thinking?
On the one hand there are a whole swathe of left-liberal economists who can't for the life of them understand why elites aren't willing to sponsor some sort of return to Keynes, and deficit-spend their way out of this crisis. On the left, I think, some people share that puzzlement. On the other hand it's been argued that for many elites austerity has made perfect sense. It's resulted in a recovery of profit rates, and that, ultimately, is all that concerns them. What do you think about this? What are the Germans thinking? They can continue to demand that the clock be rolled back in Greece and the rest of the periphery, but don't they then have to be worried about what's going to happen to their export markets?
LP: Well, here one does need to speak about varieties of capitalism, but in the exact opposite way that the VOC school has. What has been distinctive about German capitalism is that the German financial elite — as embodied, above all, in the German Bundesbank — was never Keynesian. They never accommodated to Keynesianism. As has been said, "When the rest of the world was reading Keynes, the Germans were reading Hayek." That goes back to the late 40s. They actually used the term neoliberalism, although it was more often called ordoliberalism. They maintained an absolute commitment to balanced budgets, and even more strongly, a commitment to preventing moral hazard in the financial system.
Partly, of course, this was a reaction to the inflation of the 1920s, with all its horrific effects. That had a general cultural impact.
It is more than that, though. There was also a certain disdain for speculative capital. The Germans, every time there was a financial crisis after Bretton Woods, had to be pulled, kicking and screaming, by the Federal Reserve and the U.S. Treasury into taking responsibility for the global economy, and not letting the global payments system come to an end. The first case was the Herstatt Bank collapse in 1974. The Germans were prepared to let it go under. And, as a result, the New York payments system almost collapsed. Under the auspices of the Bank for International Settlements the Americans dragged the Germans into what became a fifteen yearlong process of finally agreeing on a set of capital adequacy standards, which didn't prevent crises but provided a certain framework, which would at least contain them when they occurred. This was also very true of Japan.
On the other hand the U.S. state, from 1940 on, saw itself as responsible for the spread and reproduction of global capitalism. Sure, this is rooted in self-interest — in a concern for the sanctity of U.S. capitalism if European capitalism was challenged. The Germans and Japanese didn't play that role. The Germans began to play that role vis-à-vis Europe, but even then, on terms which required the rest of Europe to take a German attitude towards finance. They agree to turn the mark into the euro on the grounds that the European Central Bank would look like the German Bundesbank, and behave like it.
So, when this crisis happened it's not surprising that it was Geithner and Bernanke who were openly putting enormous pressure on the European Central Bank (and they know that behind it sits the Bundesbank) to engage in monetary easing. I mean they did coordinate a fiscal stimulus—one should remember that before the austerity there was a coordinated fiscal stimulus, which was massive, and was very important in preventing this from turning into the Great Depression. It's been hamstrung by the fact that the United States hasn't been able to do it since the 2010 elections, given the make-up of Congress.
So if there's a variety of capitalism it's one that's not so admirable as the academic left thinks, in the German case.
AU: I wanted to move to assessing the implications and lessons for the left. Not just of the economic crisis, but then in the developments that have been, arguably, its result. I'm thinking both of the incipient electoral gains for the left, most notably in Greece, but perhaps also in France, even recently in Holland in the early stages. And also there's been, more widely, expression of that sentiment on the streets, again particularly in Greece, but also in Spain and Portugal, most recently.
We can take them in turn, if you'd like. What have you made of these developments?
LP: The first thing that one has to say is that what's significant about this crisis is that unlike the crisis of the 1930s, you haven't had a conflict between states. You haven't had a conflict between financial and industrial capital. You've had a conflict within states, between popular forces, and the elites, if you want to call them that. That's the form it's taken.
For the most part, it is very significant that it has taken the form of quasi-anarchist mass insurrections and protests. And I think partly that is a reflection of the legacy and institutionalization of the anti-globalization movement. But partly it has been spontaneous.
AU: Well, and partly isn't it a result of the fact that this crisis has occurred — certainly this contrast works best in the case of the United States — in a context where the left infrastructure of an earlier age has disintegrated?
LP: Well, yes, I was going to say: the whole reason it takes this quasi-anarchist form — and why the zeitgeist of the time for so many people is quasi-anarchist — is because of the failures of working class institutions. This is a very old story, dating to long before this crisis. I mean you need only think of their failures to energize generations of youth in the 1950s; by the 1960s that generation thought that social democracy and communism were already finished as the future of the left. So, yes, there's no channeling of that sentiment into the traditional working-class parties in Europe. It fits into our previous discussion.
Moreover, there's also the fact that where social democratic parties are in government they find themselves burdened with actually administering the crisis. This means that they're doing things that make them the immediate targets of popular outrage.
So you get this explosion, and it indicates a substantial crisis of legitimacy. This is not new; it's already been around, at least since the late 90s. Neoliberalism has had very little ideological purchase. Davos, remember, was spending its time trying to prove that the rich would engage in anti-poverty programs, rather than simply pushing free market ideology. After the World Social Forums in 2002 and 2003, Davos had to respond.
So ideologically it as already in trouble. Nevertheless, what you've seen is a reinforcement of neoliberal forms. There's now enormous pressure for austerity, even in the rich countries. And that has effects, which are very, very interesting, I think. And pregnant with possibilities.
The problem is that it isn't easy in liberal democracies, even if they're structured with proportional representation, to displace any existing parties. It's not impossible, but it's very difficult. It's very, very difficult. And you'd have to look at each particular case. But it's striking how difficult it is to make a breakthrough.
You saw it with Mélenchon. There you get an alliance between the CP, which still has a very large membership, the old Trotksyist left, and a portion of the Socialist Party left which came out of the alliance they formed to defeat the European constitutional referendum in 2005. But even there, even if they make a breakthrough in the first round, it proves not enough of a breakthrough. They end up supporting the Socialist Party, which then reproduces the Socialist Party as an institution. It's very difficult.
I think it's tragic in the German case that Die Linke have not made a breakthrough. Partly this has to do with internal divisions within them, which coincided with the moment of the crisis...
AU: And then also the fact that the crisis hasn't been as severe, in Germany?
LP: Yes, I think that's probably true.
Anyway, so the one breakthrough has come in Greece. And that has very much to do with the fact that the Eurocommunists in Greece had already established a strong institutional base through the 1990s — certainly by 2004. That had very much to do with the dynamics of Greek politics; it can't be generalized. Perhaps above all it had to do with the trajectory of PASOK, which got elected on a very radical program in the 1980s (as radical as Mitterand in 1981), under Andreas Papandreou. It had absorbed a good part of the Greek left. Some had been suspicious of it, but people in general were very happy in 1981. They weren't quite the celebrations that they had at the Polytechnic when they brought down the dictatorship in 1974, but they were close.
What happened very quickly was that PASOK was absorbed into the clientelism of the Greek state. What one has to say about the Greek state is that it's not a Weberian state. Very few of the states that came out of the Ottoman Empire look like a bureaucratic-rational state. So, for example, the Greek state does have a problem collecting taxes. Votes are bought through a clientelist system of a kind that certainly Canada and the United States have known, but not quite since the 19th century. It is terribly blatant in Greece. The logic is "I'll give you and your family jobs if you ensure that we get the votes in this village."
PASOK very quickly accommodated itself to that form of Greek state — very, very quickly. So you got a break, by the end of the 1980s, by Eurocommunists who were modernizing forces. The CP was utterly Stalinist, and although it entered very pragmatically into a coalition government in 1991, it became more and more entrenched in its Stalinism, especially after the Gorbachev experiment failed. It's very openly Stalinist, it's quite staggering, really.
As a result there was a big institutional void, and that was eventually filled by the most impressive forces in Greece—by the coalition which became Syriza, which grew out of the largest party that had broken away from the Communists, which was SYNAPSISMOS, together with various social movements.
It's all very impressive. Take, for example, its economic program, a four hundred-page document written in consultation with the social movements, in 2008. It's like the kind of program Greg Albo, Sam Gindin, and I wrote about in the last two chapters of In and Out of Crisis. Something like a transitional socialist program to be carried out by an elected government—including, perhaps most importantly, nationalizing the banks and then socializing them, by which you're trying to say that they would no longer act as traditional banks.
So Greece is the one case where you saw that there was the requisite institutional capacity. They didn't know how much institutional capacity they had, at the time, but it turned out to be a lot.
AU: If you were to generalize the lessons from their success, then, what are they? Is the simple implication, then, that where you have infrastructure in hand, you are well placed to take advantage? And that, otherwise, the consequences of crisis are generally bleak?
LP: Yes. I say this and I believe it because it confirms the politics I have failed at for most of my life. Since the 1970s I and many comrades have been trying to found — and I'm in Canada, so I do it there, but I speak of it much more broadly — to found a post-Leninist, post-social democratic type of working class political organization. One which is non-insurrectionary but committed to social transformation. And my generation has failed to do that. There are others of my generation who have tried to build a better Leninism. And they were mostly Trotskyists, and that too has failed.
What's happened in Syriza is what I've always wanted to happen, and called for. I have always thought it is a very difficult and slow process. In this country, for example, I meet activists who agree that we need to get beyond localism. Who agree that we need to build a cadre right across the country who are committed to building a socialist organization. In fact I've seen more of them here in the United States than I see anywhere else. Certainly more than in Europe, and usually more than in Canada. They're often black activists out of these kinds of local worker action centers, or their equivalent.
AU: The challenge is to give that political coherence, is it not?
LP: To give it political coherence — in this specific case to make sure it's not laden with the odd, weak kind of third worldism that is so blatant on the American left. It has to shed traces of being enthralled with certain Leninist principles. But it's a long and slow process. People are quite right to ask, "Well, what about in the interim?" That's why they end up voting for Obama. It's a very long and slow process, but if we're ever going to get anywhere, we have to build those sorts of institutions.
AU: Just briefly I'd like to return to the issue of Syriza's economic program. You published a piece in the 2012 Socialist Register by Costas Lapavitsas, which made the argument that the left needs to break with its Europeanism. The only true radical strategy, he argues, is a strategy of default. This is obviously not what Syriza was thinking. It was of course the source of much tension with others on the left, notably ANTARSYA. What do you make of that argument?
LP: I think Lapavitsas is objectively right but has no politics. So, I too felt that if the Greeks had only defaulted immediately they could have saved themselves tremendous hardship. It also would have been exemplary, in terms of exhibiting the necessity of introducing capital controls, not only in terms of inflows/outflows, but also capital controls in the sense of controls over investment.
But the problem is that most Greeks don't want it. Very genuinely the leadership of Syriza doesn't want it. There's a strong psychological and emotional attachment to being part of the Euro zone.
Moreover, any serious politician has to be aware of the costs. You know, in a way you're back in 1917. That is, the weakest link would break, but the question remains: would there be a shift in balance of forces in Germany, which would at least lessen the pressure on Greece? They after all have to secure imports, and the consequences of being frozen out of financial markets might well be severe. It's a real dilemma.
Now one should not at all be naïve, and accept the mendacious reporting of most of the bourgeois press: that what Syriza intends is to pull out. The danger is in fact that Syriza might accommodate in order to avoid pulling out. But if they are to be believed, and if the pressures inside the party are such that they hold their feet to the fire, I think they'd be kicked out for refusing to engage in these negotiations with the Troika. They would introduce the legislation that they promised, which would repeal the legislation that implemented the previous structural adjustment reforms. And it's not impossible that they then would be pushed out.
But one shouldn't have any illusions: the consequence of that would be very severe. For them not to be very severe they would then have to do some very radical things. But then the big question is whether they have the institutional capacity in the State to do those things.
AU: And whether they have the political capacity, as well.
LP: To mobilize the population, yes. But even if they did, I mean.
And there's a dilemma there, too. Because if they took the best cadre and put them into the state knowing that they need to reform the state desperately, the party would suffer. You would be taking the most honest people, the most capable people out of the party. So could the party, then, be doing the mobilizing that it needs to do? It's an old problem.
So this is a great dilemma. One should never look at this stuff with rose-colored glasses. The worst thing that the left can do — and I think it's really important now in the case of Syriza, because it is not unlikely that they'll get elected — is to do what they tended to do with the Workers' Party in Brazil, which is to romanticize the experience. One needs to look at developments from the point of view of the difficulties that the party will have, what contradictions they will run into, and not regard whatever as terrific because they're nice people.
AU: This is my last question. If we take a step back and look more generally at what the effects of the crisis have been politically, in Europe, it's certainly important to note there has been this incipient left radicalization, in some places, both electoral and street. And there's also been the rise of the right, in some parts. But then there's also been — and there are different ways of cutting this — a level of stability in bourgeois politics. The center is holding, in some ways, in many places. Do you think that says anything? About liberal democracy, maybe?
LP: I do. I think there's a great danger that we'll scare ourselves out of our wits if we point to Golden Dawn too much. At the moment, thankfully, the far right has not made enormous strides. There's a tendency on the left to try to look at how bad things are. That can only have the effect of producing a popular front politics again. Although that may be necessary in the long run, at the moment it's not. The effect of producing a popular front politics now would mean that you would have to accommodate to that wing in the popular front that was furthest to the right. Which, of course, is the nature of popular front politics. When we need mobilization, socialist education, and the development of class capacities, this is not a path that we want to be on. So I don't think we should scare ourselves about Golden Dawn or other tendencies inside Europe.
And I think your point is therefore very important. What is very striking — while there is this enormous protest — is, as you say, the stability of the bourgeois democratic form. Despite, again, the reinforcement of the neoliberal form of economic rule.
And maybe that's fortunate, for us. Because we need time. If the catastrophists, of which there are a great many, are right that we've only got five or ten years, we're screwed. I mean, really screwed. Whether that's the ecological crisis, or before fascism takes over, or what have you.
If we're to be successful in the tasks ahead of us, we have to hope for a certain stability of the liberal democratic form.


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From Linux-VServer
This page is not considered complete
Your are welcome to help the Wiki Team and edit this page to fill in the missing parts
Contents |
Kernel Patches
The Linux- VServer project maintains several branches of the kernel patch. Since version 1.00 the versioning is similar to the kernel versioning scheme. Even numbered releases (a.X.z with even X) are stable, reasonably well tested and expected not to change feature-wise. Odd numbered (a.Y.z with odd Y) releases are development releases. The last digit/number (z) is a subversion identifier. Experimental versions and Release Candidates might add a fourth identifier to that scheme.
Basically the stable and development releases should be similar in functionality, but the development releases will include features and enhancements not present in the stable branch. Once those features mature (and get well tested), they will be incorporated by the stable branch.
For example the first stable release (1.00) uses two systemcalls as the previous releases did. However, the vserver system calls have been changed in the first development release (1.1.0). Linus assigned the vserver project a single system call, so a System Call Switch has been implemented. Running a development release usually requires using recent (latest) tools from the util-vserver development branch.
1.X.z and 1.Y.z releases are for the 2.4 kernels, while 1.9.x (obsoleted by now) and 2.X.y releases are for the 2.6 series.
Linux-VServer branch
Linux kernel |
Stable |
Old Stable |
Development |
Ancient Stable |
2.2 + grsecurity
Stable + grsecurity |
184.108.40.206 | vs188.8.131.52 | vs188.8.131.52 | vs22.214.171.124-grsec2.1.11 | ||
220.127.116.11 | vs220.127.116.11 | vs22.214.171.124-grsec2.1.10 | |||
188.8.131.52 | vs220.127.116.11 | vs184.108.40.206 | |||
18.104.22.168 | vs18.104.22.168 | vs18.104.22.168 | vs2.2.0-grsec2.1.10 | ||
126.96.36.199 | vs2.0.3-rc3 | ||||
188.8.131.52 | vs220.127.116.11 | vs18.104.22.168-grsec2.1.9 | |||
2.4.36 | vs1.2.12 | ||||
2.4.30 | vs1.2.10 | ||||
ChangeLog | ChangeLog | ChangeLog | ChangeLog | ChangeLog |
Experimental Releases
Grsecurity+Vserver Releases
Let us know if anything is broken ...
All (previous) downloads are available in the Archives. Also take a look at the ChangeLogs.
For an overview of available Features in each version take a look at Feature Matrix
Precompiled kernel packages are available for debian
Userspace Utilities
In order to administrate your virtual private servers you need a set of userspace utilities. The following gives an overview of possible choices. For detailed instructions visit the respective project pages.
Created by Enrico Scholz util-vserver is the current "official" userspace implementation. Many distributions have added binary packages for util-vserver to their repositories.
The current version of util-vserver is: | 0.30.215 |
VServer Control Daemon
Being still in development the VServer Control Daemon is another approach for virtual private server management. The concept is based on a client/server architecture using XMLRPC. Currently there are no releases, i.e. source code has to be obtained from SVN.
The current version of the VServer Control Daemon is: | SVN trunk |
Testme.sh script
Useful for debugging linux-vserver problems.
Ancient vserver tools
Although not used much anymore the old tools by Jacques Gelinas are said to still work on current kernels.
The current version of the vserver tools is: | 0.40 |
Guest images
Below is a list of third-party archives for VPS images
- http://mirrors.sandino.net/vserver/images/
- http://debian.marlow.dk/vserver/guest/
- ftp://ftp.pld-linux.org/people/hawk/vserver-templates/
Chroot repositories
A collection of chroot trees suitable to bootstrap a vserver or to use with chroot
- http://packaging-farm.dachary.org/packaging-farm/ and rsync://packaging-farm.dachary.org/packaging-farm/
3rd-party applications
A collection of applications that support Linux-Vservers

subset: commoncrawl


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IMPORTANT: We may be contacted at [email protected] or by calling 805-898-0893. The site may contain links to articles or other information that are contained on a third party website. SagePoint Financial does not endorse or accept responsibility for the content, or the use, of the web site. [Name of broker-dealer] assumes no liability for any inaccuracies, errors or omissions in or from any data or other information provided on the pages.
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You doesnt need any spread to enjoy this bread, i used low fat cream cheese in this bread.Since this cheese have enough salt,i didnt add any spices to spice them more. I simply went an easy breezy filling using this cream cheese along with canned sweet corn and few chopped coriander.You can feed cheese easily to kids by preparing this kind of swirl bread.This bread is definitely a keeper and am gonna make them quite often with different filling.I prepared two mini swirl breads with the given measurements.These swirl bread goes to Kalyani's Magic Mingle and to Street Party guest hosted by Shama,event by Jagruti, to Kid's Delight - Wat Kids Love For Summer guest hosted by Smitha,event by Srivalli. . .
3cups All purpose flour
1tbsp Active dry yeast
3tbsp Olive oil
1tsp Salt
1tsp Sugar
3/4cup Luke warm water
Take the active dry yeast,salt and sugar in a luke warm water and keep aside for 5minutes,until they turns foamy.
Meanwhile take the flour in a large bowl,make a well and add the foamy yeast,olive oil together,knead everything as soft and smooth dough.
Arrange the dough in a greased bowl and keep in a warm place for two hours or until the dough gets doubled their volume..
Cheese,corn & coriander filling:
3/4cup Cream cheese
1/2cup Sweet corn
3tbsp Chopped coriander leaves
Mix the cheese,sweet corn and chopped coriander leaves in a bowl and keep aside (you can add any kind of spices in this mixture).
Preheat the oven to 350F..Now take the dough and roll as a thick 2 square discs by dusting enough flour, spread the already prepared filling over the rolled dough,give a press, roll the dough as a loaf..
Arrange rolled loaves in a two greased loaf pan and bake in middle rack for 20-25 minutes until the crust turns golden brown.
Once they gets cool,slice it as per ur need.
Enjoy warm with a cup of tea or coffee for snacks.


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At launch, Console supports ezETH and wETH from Renzo Protocol and EtherFi with support for more tokens incoming based on demand. Console users can now set up automation to respond to LRST market price changes on Balancer pools and automate buying and selling, getting access to instant liquidity.
Console introduces its pilot strategic LRST automation feature enabling users to automate restaking token trading based on specified price deviations, enhancing asset management efficiency. This automation synchronizes with the Balancer pool and LRST token issuing contract, ensuring users have access to precise market prices monitored on a per-block basis. Additionally, the feature incorporates smart slippage control, initially starting with a maximum slippage of 0.1%, up to a 5% limit. This approach optimizes the order execution rate, giving users greater flexibility and control over their trading strategies.
"The launch of the automation feature underscores our dedication to empowering users with innovative self-custodial solutions for power users and asset managers that deserve superior position monitoring and execution," as mentioned by the co-founder of Brahma, Alessandro Tenconi. "We remain committed to delivering a unique combination of multi-chain execution tooling for sophisticated crypto users"
Designed for user convenience, our LRST automation feature allows individuals to set parameters such as percentage price differences and maximum slippage, empowering them to tailor their trading strategies to their specific preferences. As the investor harnesses the power of Console's LRST automation feature, they unlock new levels of efficiency and control, seamlessly executing trades with precision timing and optimal pricing.
For more information about LRST and its automation feature, embark on your journey at https://brahma.fi
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The smell of cookies baking in the oven or tasty sauces simmering on the stovetop is hard to resist for adults and kids alike. Here are a few simple steps to keep your little chef safe from potential burns, whether in the kitchen, around a fireplace or in any other part of your home.
Childproof Your Electrical Outlets and Appliances
- Keep appliance cords out of children's reach, especially if the appliances produce a lot of heat.
- Cover electrical outlets so that children are unable to insert metal objects, such as forks or keys.
- Keep an eye on appliances such as irons, curling irons or hair dryers that can heat up quickly or stay warm after use. Unplug these items after you're done.
- Don't carry or hold a child while cooking on the stove. Instead, move a high chair in the kitchen within reach or sight before you start. Then talk to your children so they know what's going on. It's a great way to spend time together.
Check to Make Sure the Water Temperature Is Just Right
- With everything going on, we know the water heater is the last thing on your mind. But a small change can give you one less thing to worry about. To prevent accidental scalding, set your water heater to 120 degrees Fahrenheit or the manufacturer's recommended setting.
- Consider installing anti-scald devices in water faucets and showerheads to avoid potential burns.
- Check the water with your wrist or elbow before giving your baby a bath.
- Heat baby bottles by placing them in warm water, and make sure they have cooled to the appropriate temperature before feeding your baby. Do not heat in a microwave oven. These can cause hot spots in the liquid that can burn.
Use the Back Burner and Oven Mitts
- Kids love to reach, so to prevent hot food or liquid spills, simply use the back burner of your stove and turn pot handles away from the edge. Keep hot foods away from the edge of your counters.
- Use oven mitts or potholders and keep hot foods and liquids away from table and counter edges. Be careful if your oven mitt is hot; when combined with heat, the moisture can cause scalds.
- Slowly open containers that have been in the microwave, as steam can burn little fingers and faces.
Engage Older Kids in Cooking
- Teach older responsible kids how to cook safely. It will make your life easier if your kids can cook some of their own meals (and maybe yours, too). Teach them never to leave the kitchen while they are using the stove or oven. Don't forget that the number one cause of home fires is unattended cooking.
- Instruct older kids to use oven mitts or potholders to remove items from the oven or stove and teach them how to use a microwave safely.
Be Careful With the Microwave
- Microwaves can heat unevenly and create hot spots, so avoid using them to heat baby formula or baby milk.
- Don't allow children to use a microwave by themselves until they are tall enough to reach it safely and are able to understand that steam can cause burns.
Keep Flammable Materials Away From Space Heaters
- Remember to keep space heaters at least three feet away from anything that can burn or catch fire.
- Make sure you turn them off when you leave the room.
Install Barriers Such as Safety Gates Around Fireplaces, Ovens and Furnaces
- Make sure your fireplace is protected by a sturdy screen. Remember that glass screens can take a long time to cool down.
- If you are using a fireplace or wood stove, burn only seasoned hardwood such as oak, ash or maple.
- If small children live in or visit your home, use a safety gate around your fireplace or wood stove.
Blow Out Candles and Store Matches Out of Reach
- Keep candles at least 12 inches away from anything that can burn, and always blow them out when you leave the room or before you go to sleep.
- Make a habit of placing matches, gasoline, and lighters in a safe place, out of children's reach. Avoid novelty lighters or lighters that look like toys.
- Teach kids never to play with matches, lighters or fireworks. Depending on the age and maturity level of your child, it may be reasonable to use the items with the supervision of an adult. Just be sure that a fire extinguisher, a bucket of water and a phone are close by in case of an emergency.
- Unplug and safely store irons, flatirons and other appliances that might be hot to the touch.


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Thanet Pottery was started by David White and his sister Mary Dening at Westwood near Margate, Kent, in 1961. They produced high quality earthenwares in domestic and decorative styles.
The goods attracted attention and before long the small company found themselves in competition with some of the large, well established concerns of the time. By the mid-1960s they had a workforce of thirty-two and a large contract with a national retail chain outlet.
Margins were very tight, though, and the retail chain started to dictate terms and ask them to make copies of other companies' products. David and Mary felt that this was not what they wanted to do. The retail chain dropped them and they found themselves with an empty order book and thirty-two people to pay each week. The company went into voluntary liquidation in 1967.


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How Much Time Do You Need?
by Harry Palmer
In the first decade of Avatar, there were five Wizard courses held in Orlando Florida. These were profound experiences that not only changed the lives of the individuals that attended, but also seemed somehow to magically influence circumstances and events that unfolded in arenas of the world still untouched by the Avatar network.
Among the highlights of the Wizard experience were talks delivered by Harry Palmer, the author of The Avatar Materials. The following is excerpted from a graduation talk given on January 27, 1995.
Living deliberately requires courage and wisdom. These equate to power. Courage is the ability to perceive what is. Wisdom is the ability to foresee the consequences of an action. Combine them and you have power. Power is the ability to remain present and aware, and to shape reality.
All beings have some allotment of power, but they probably do not have the understanding or control over it that you have as a Wizard. In their misunderstanding and confusion, they waste their power in pointless contests with each other. Their indoctrinated beliefs and their identities keep them in a competitive turmoil. Power that is used to aggrandize an identity or to possess something creates its own obstructions. Power that is used to acquire more power changes to fear.
Wizards know how to handle power without creating repercussions. They are able to align their efforts into a synergetic influence capable of shaping that which is so fundamental that it is present even before the future reality is conceived. This is advanced wizardry.
How do you manage and preserve this power that you've gained, this power that is beyond the root of the world? How do you keep it from flashing back? I'll give you four steps:
The first step is to create integrity in your life. To know such wholeness that nothing is favored. To be everyone and everything to the point that dishonesty or denial of responsibility is unthinkable. That's the first practice of a Wizard. By that practice alone you will remain present and know the power of being present. Re-acquire the ability to create and experience simultaneously. Simultaneously means that there is no time interposed between the creation and the experience–no minute, no day, no lifetime. You don't create effects that you are not willing to experience. You cease your unconscious creation of time. The less time between the creation and the experience, the closer you come to being alive. Time is created to compensate for your loss of power. When you have sufficient power, you won't need time. You will be present.
The second step is to embrace simplicity. The Chinese symbol for this practice is an uncarved rock. It's uncarved because it doesn't have any definition yet. So this step has to do with shedding definition, letting go, not defining yourself, not investing in a viewpoint. The mind will quiet of its own accord. Again, do this and you will wind up in the present.
The third step is to reduce the time you spend calculating for your perceived advantage. Release the mind from the slavery imposed by the ego. Allow yourself the gift of universal perspective. Wisdom will appear. Your actions will be guided by an intuitive, spontaneous, compassionately benevolent intent. There's no regret to pull you out of the present. There's no sense in trying to possess the result of your action, because in the moment of acting you have already fully experienced the result. And you are still present, like the proverbial lilies of the field.
The fourth step is to see the emptiness of your desires. Direct without possessing. What can you have? This idea of possessing implies time and definition and takes you out of the present. The past no longer exists, nor does the person who lives for the past. When you possess something, you have to have it for a length of time; you have to create some time in which it stays around. Along with the possession comes the creation of some time, and this time is a bet you place against your own power.
When you view yourself from the perspective of living in the world, but still being a facet of that absolute power that generates time and the realities time enfolds, you will discover the power to shape the world. Wizardry! The ancient Chinese called it steering the Tao; we call it the Wizard's art.
The intention of this absolute is to know itself, to explore its own possibilities, in a rhythm that always returns to balance. That is the intention; that is the Tao. In the West we call it nature. Think of nature and contemplate the action of a mountain. It is thrust up and then it wears away, returning to balance. How long it takes is irrelevant when there is no shortage of time. Think about the mountains and valleys coming into balance because they appreciate and share each other's existence. That is an idea of what an enlightened planetary civilization feels like. The Tao runs it course. So be it. Some beings accept this fact in sweet surrender.
Think about the mountains and valleys coming into balance because they appreciate and share each other's existence. That is an idea of what an enlightened planetary civilization feels like.
Wizardry, which is the foundation of all human knowledge, understands that one can accelerate the Tao. A Wizard observes nature and accelerates it. That is the Wizard's art. It's the fundamental of every technology.
An enlightened planetary civilization will happen. If not on Earth, on some other planet. It's the return to balance. Your work is to accelerate it so that it does manifest on Earth. That is the goal of Avatar.
Think of the collective consciousness on this planet as agitated water, muddied water, with lots of waves, currents and eddies stirred by the conflict of desires and resistances. Everytime an Avatar is awakened, there is a stillness in the muddied consciousness. It begins to settle out. Awaken enough Avatars and a clarity will result. In that clarity, every being will perceive the direction of humanity's evolution and a massive acceleration will ensue.
It is not a question of will it occur or won't it occur. The Tao will run it's course whether the work is done or not. The question revolves around this, to what degree is your power insufficient to create an enlightened planetary civilization right now. Your answer tells you how much time you need to create until the experience manifests. That's really the only concern that an Avatar has with this creation. How much time is needed?
Every day the amount of time you need to reach your goal diminishes.
Thank you very much for your presence.


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Tarot of the Bohemians, along with the Pictoral Key to the Tarot, constitute the core literature of 19th and early 20th century 'Tarotism'. However, PTK is to the TOB as arithmetic is to differential calculus. If you have no experience reading occult literature of this period, you may find yourself profoundly lost after the first couple of pages, staring at the abundant and profoundly esoteric tables, charts and diagrams, trying to get a clue as to what Papus is talking about. Papus is after a 'Theory of Everything', and finds evidence for it in the Tarot and a set of correspondences with everything from the tetragrammaton to numerology and astrology.
His claim that the Tarot preserves ancient, profound knowledge by way of the Romany/Gypsies (i.e. 'Bohemians') all the way back to Egypt, India and Atlantis is unsubstantiated. There is no evidence of any kind of playing or fortune-telling cards prior to the thirteenth century, either in literature or folklore. Note that playing cards could not have become popular until the introduction of printing in Europe. The Tarot is believed to have originated from an elaborate deck of cards invented in Italy in the fourteenth century. The Romany people probably started to use this deck for cartomancy (fortune telling by cards) about a century thereafter. As Papus notes, all of the early cards depict people dressed in the costume of this period.
Late in the book, Papus condescends to pen a section, in his words, 'for the ladies' (cue Barry White music here), which gives some basic instruction in cartomancy using the Tarot deck. However, this is by far the weakest portion of this book. Papus is at his best when he is spinning elaborate webs of correspondence between the Tarot and the Macrocosm. This book is hard work, but if you master it you will have a profound grasp of the inner life of the Tarot deck.
--J.B. Hare
Chapter XIV. General Summary Of The Symbolical Tarot


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A wave of Percy Jackson fandom has swept over our house in the last month. The last time this happened, my oldest was finishing 5th grade, and the first Percy Jackson movie was hitting the theaters. He read every book, raved about the movie, but our other boys were quite young then and the fire dwindled as he grew a little older.
Always on the lookout for new audiobooks for our two younger boys, I purchased Percy Jackson and the Lightning Thief last month, and it has been on auto-repeat in their bedroom ever since. I admit to having a slight ulterior motive for this move. In addition to beginning a series, insuring fresh audio material for the next few months to come, I also managed to score a signed copy of Percy Jackson's Greek Gods when it hit bookstores last month. A perfect birthday present for my middle boy's upcoming birthday; the same boy who slept with d'Aulaires Book of Greek Myths for months last year!
Percy Jackson's Greek Gods is an imposing, grand book with a fabulously illustrated cover. For a Percy Jackson lover, the language, from Percy's own perspective and with his signature sarcasm, is highly descriptive and a perfect touch to lends an air of authenticity to the Greek mythology. Told from Percy's point of view, these stories will entice many young readers who might not otherwise read Greek mythology and will bring a fresh retelling to children who enjoy hearing the tales again and again.


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Danish Hospital implements KVM matrix switching solution to simplify collaborative diagnosisBACKGROUNDThe new Danish Centre for Particle Therapy at Aarhus University Hospital, one of the largest hospitals in Europe and named best hospital in Denmark 11 years in a row, provides highly specialised radiation therapy for cancer patients from across the country. With its new 71-ton particle accelerator (or cyclotron), the centre uses particle therapy — a gentler alternative to conventional radiation therapy — to treat children and adults with tumors in the brain or near the spine. The 9,500-square-meter Danish Centre for Particle Therapy has the capacity to perform approximately 30,000 treatments annually for approximately 1,200 patients, with treatment overseen by 120 full-time employees, as well as researchers and medical students. CHALLENGEThe Aarhus University Hospital headquarters and main department, known as The New University Hospital (DNU), is the largest single hospital in Denmark and one of the largest in Europe. Thus, a meeting between two or more doctors to review a patient's brain or spine scan could require each medical expert to walk 20 minutes across the hospital campus to discuss that case. The Danish Centre for Particle Therapy therefore needed a better way to give doctors from different departments across the DNU campus shared, simultaneous access to patients' brain and spine MRI and CT scans. More specifically, the centre needed a simple, secure solution for flexible video delivery that could support collaborative diagnosis and development of treatment plans. "Here in Denmark we provide cancer care through a package of treatments and services that are tied to a fixed timeline," says Stefan Kalmar, IT project manager at the Danish Centre for Particle Therapy. "In order to diagnose and treat patients in a more timely manner, rather than in 'batch' meetings scheduled for when several doctors can physically meet up in a room, we needed a video extension and switching solution that could give these medical experts more convenient access to high-quality images for joint review." |


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Back to My Account
WEG has a Business Center dedicated exclusively to Energy Efficiency projects, a sector composed of specialists focused on offering Sustainability and ESG solutions to the market that reduce energy consumption (kWh), operational costs ($), and CO2 emissions.
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Several countries have already finalized or are in progress of approving federal regulations that will mandate a minimum level of efficiency for electric motors that are manufactured or sold within their borders. Get to know more about regulations in your country or region. By working with energy efficient products and solutions you can do much more than just saving money due to the higher efficiency levels of the system. Get to learn more ways to save money. Not only can you save money, you can actually help in the global efforts to conserve our environment by reducing the amount of CO2 (carbon dioxide) that is produced globally.


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Used Subaru Crosstrek Inventory
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If a brand-new car doesn't feel like the right fit for you, don't worry! Here at Family Mitsubishi, we have a healthy supply of top-notch used vehicles for sale in Wichita for you to explore. Used vehicles offer plenty of perks ranging from smaller price tags to more features for the money, so they're excellent picks if you're aiming to get the most value from your purchase. If you're ready to begin your search, our team can help you find the perfect used car for your needs.
A Variety of Pre-Owned Car, Hatchback, Sedan and SUV Models for a Variety of Lifestyles
Buying used doesn't have to mean settling for less. Each model for sale in our pre-owned inventory has been thoroughly vetted by the expert technicians in our Mitsubishi service center and is ready to provide a lasting and rewarding ownership experience. Because it's important to have choices, we have a full lineup of used models from Mitsubishi as well as models from many other popular makes in the industry.
Our Team at Family Mitsubishi Can Help You Find the Perfect Used Car Match
While staying within the realm of your budget is certainly a key element of shopping for a used car, we know that drivers in the Derby, Bel Aire KS, Park City KS and Newton KS areas look for more than the smallest price tags. Between models, brands, body styles, features, and more, buying a car has a lot of layers to consider. Luckily, you can use the filters on our site to help you find only the used Mitsubishi models in our inventory that offer a great match for your individual needs. When you spot something that appeals to you, please don't hesitate to Contact Us to learn more!


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Privacy Policy
This privacy policy has been compiled to better serve those who are concerned with how their 'Personally Identifiable Information' (PII) is being used online. PII, as described in US privacy law and information security, is information that can be used on its own or with other information to identify, contact, or locate a single person, or to identify an individual in context. Please read our privacy policy carefully to get a clear understanding of how we collect, use, protect or otherwise handle your Personally Identifiable Information in accordance with our website.
We take your privacy very seriously. With regard to personal information, we will never share any details that personally identify you, like your name, email address, or phone number.
However, there are two basic types of personal info we collect:
1. The personal information you provide directly through this website when contacting Elevate Construction Group; and
2. Specific technical details collected by using this website.
Personal Info You Share:
Elevate Construction Group may collect personal information directly from you such as your name, phone number, or email address. This information may be collected by doing any of the following when visiting this website:
- Submitting messages through the contact form;
- Requesting information about Elevate Construction Group services;
- Leaving comments on Elevate Construction Group blog posts; or
- Using a social media service such as the company Facebook page or Twitter profile.
Technical Info We Collect:
During a visit to elevateconstructiongroupkc.com, we may collect some technical data including, the amount of time you spend on our site, the pages you visit, links you click on, your specific web browser type and version, internet service-provider identification, and possibly your IP address. This information is collected in the aggregate and is completely anonymous. It does not contain information that directly identifies you specifically. However, such information may become non-anonymous to the extent that it becomes coupled with personal information provided by you. Also, because Elevate Construction Group may advertise on social networks or other third-party websites from time to time, it's important to note that some user data may be collected for purposes of conversion tracking and serving up ads targeted to users' interests. You can opt-out of third-party interest-based advertising using the Do Not Track functionality in your web browser. Privacy settings on social media sites may also be managed directly through the account settings of each respective platform.
As you interact with this website, our service providers may place cookies on your system. Website cookies are small files that are sent to your specific internet browser from a web server and stored on your computer for record-keeping purposes. In general, cookies make the Internet more useful by storing information about your preferences on a particular system. They help to improve website usage, personalize your experience, and in general, provide you with better service.
You may change your individual browser settings to disable cookies. More detailed information about cookie management with specific web browsers can be found on the browser's respective websites.
The personal information collected may be used to do things like:
- Process your requests for information;
- Improve customer service, whether it's following up on an inquiry or responding to a technical support request;
- Improve our website, as improvements are frequently made based on the feedback provided by users;
- Administer various website features;
- Enable you to post your feedback and other content to the blog; and
- Enable you to interact with third-party content and service providers (like Facebook, for example), whether by viewing their content on our website or within their own environment or by linking directly to their websites.
How We Protect Your Information:
Elevate Construction Group takes information security very seriously and uses every reasonable administrative, technical, physical and managerial measure to protect your data from unauthorized access. Any personal information you provide is contained behind secured networks and is only accessible by a limited number of persons who have special access rights to such systems, and who are required to keep the information confidential. In addition, any/all sensitive information you supply is encrypted via Secure Socket Layer Technology (an industry-standard data transmission protocol).
Elevate Construction Group may provide access to specific information about our website visitors when legally required to do so, to cooperate with police investigations or other legal proceedings, to protect against misuse or unauthorized use of our website, to limit our legal liability, and to protect our rights or to protect the rights, property, or safety of our customers, the public, or our business.
In short, unless legally compelled to do so, Elevate Construction Group will never share your personal information with anyone. Further, no personally-identifiable data will ever be provided by Elevate Construction Group to third-party marketing firms, advertisers, or market research companies.
We honor Do Not Track signals and Do Not Track, plant cookies, or use advertising when a Do Not Track (DNT) browser mechanism is in place. It's also important to note that we do not allow third-party behavioral tracking.
Links To/From Third-Party Websites:
elevateconstructiongroupkc.com may contain links to third-party websites offering information of interest. This Privacy Policy does not apply to those websites. We assume no responsibility for any material provided outside of this website, including any website that may be accessed through a link from elevateconstructiongroupkc.com.
Conversely, you should be aware that other websites linking to elevateconstructiongroupkc.com may contain privacy provisions that differ from ours.
To ensure your privacy is protected, we recommend that you review the privacy statements of other websites you visit.
COPPA (Children Online Privacy Protection Act):
When it comes to the collection of personal information from children under the age of 13 years old, the Children's Online Privacy Protection Act (COPPA) puts parents in control. The Federal Trade Commission, United States' consumer protection agency, enforces the COPPA Rule, which spells out what operators of websites and online services must do to protect children's privacy and safety online.
We do not knowingly solicit data from or specifically market to children under the age of 13 years old.
Fair Information Practices:
The Fair Information Practices Principles form the backbone of privacy law in the United States and the concepts they include have played a significant role in the development of data protection laws around the globe. Understanding the Fair Information Practice Principles and how they should be implemented is critical to comply with the various privacy laws that protect personal information.
In accordance with Fair Information Practices, you will be notified via email within 7 business days should a data breach occur.
We also agree to the Individual Redress Principle which requires that individuals have the right to legally pursue enforceable rights against data collectors and processors who fail to adhere to the law. This principle requires not only that individuals have enforceable rights against data users, but also that individuals have recourse to courts or government agencies to investigate and/or prosecute non-compliance by data processors.
CAN-SPAM Act:
The CAN-SPAM Act is a law that sets the rules for commercial email, establishes requirements for commercial messages, gives recipients the right to have emails stopped from being sent to them, and spells out tough penalties for violations.
We collect your email address in order to send information and respond to inquiries.
To be in accordance with CAN-SPAM, we agree to the following:
- we agree to never use false or misleading subjects or email addresses.
- we agree to identify the message as an advertisement in some reasonable way.
- we agree to include the physical address of our business or site headquarters.
- we agree to monitor third-party email marketing services for compliance, if one is used.
- we agree to honor opt-out/unsubscribe requests quickly.
- we agree to allow users to unsubscribe by using the link at the bottom of each email.
If at any time you would like to unsubscribe from receiving future messages, you can follow the instructions provided at the bottom of each email.
Contact Us:
If there are any questions regarding this privacy policy, you may contact us using the information below.
Elevate Construction Group
350 SW Longview Boulevard, Suite #2
Lee's Summit, MO 64081
Email: email@example.com
Acceptance of Privacy Policy:
By using this website, you signify your acceptance of this Privacy Policy. If you do not agree to the terms of this Privacy Policy, please do not use this website. Your continued use of elevateconstructiongroupkc.com following the posting of changes to these terms signifies that you accept those changes.
Last Edited on August 11, 2023


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Arjay, KY
About TERESE :
"I am very bi and outgoing. I love sex in every form and fasion. My friends tell me I make traffic stop when I am on the street. Toys, videos, and nudity are my favorite hobbies. Group get togethers are another turn on of mine. I will send more pics when I receive yours."


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Management Careers
Our employees are required to meet high standards on a consistent basis. We are committed to your development, and we will provide you with the training required to perform your duties with minimal supervision. You can expect to work in a positive and supportive environment, be compensated according to your performance, and receive timely and consistent feedback.


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While developing the DLC, we realized that we were bumping the limits of our technology and tool chain. In order to be able to continue growing the map for this add-on and beyond, we had to do a huge rework of the map editing code and back-end. We divided the map into manageable separate sectors, instead having the map as a single chunk.
For us, the huge upside of this enterprise us that once things click into place, we will be able to grow the map faster then before, with multiple people working on sections of the map in parallel. For map MODs potential, this effort is a start of a direction with really huge potential.
The downside was that we literally have to re-test the game from scratch, to catch all bugs appearing in the newly processed and stored map. Unfortunately, the implications of such deep change is that it takes us longer time to pull it off and come up with the planned game updates.
Please enjoy the 2nd part of country-scenery from the upcoming DLC:


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Korea, with its 50 million population, is one of the most active market in terms of Blockchain and Cryptocurrency industry as well as investment in the world. Continuing the nationwide investment fever in cryptocurrency, top-ranked Korean enterprises from various industries intend to accelerate the Blockchain market in Korea. No.1 social network platform Kakaotalk invested in Upbit and established the Kakao Blockchain Lab; Game industry giant Nexon took ever a digital exchange Korbit; Samsung launched a Blockchain platform, Nexledger. Korea's giant economic & financial media Group MTN(Money Today Network Inc.) also turns to Blockchain and cryptocurrency industry, planning to co-organize an international Blockchain summit "CHAIN PLUS+" during 23-24 January in 2019.
Korea MTN Group(Money Today Network Inc.) founded in May 2001, owns an authentic economy cable channel "Money Today", mainly targets in finance, stock market, market analysis, real estate and other news related to financial area. It is one of the most trusted financial media in Korea, and is recognized as a pioneer media in Korean.
Chainers Inc, co-established by Vision Creator, a top-tier traditional financial advisor and VC in Korea, and The Blockchainer, No.1 Chinese Blockchain ecosystem builder, incubating and accelerating global&domestic Blockchain projects worldwide. So far, Chainers has provided successful business solutions for prominent Blockchain projects such as AE, Terra, ONT, Bumo.
As 2-days summit during the 2nd Annual CHAINERS Blockchain week, CHAIN PLUS+ focuses on topics Blockchain empowering substantial economy, which aims to build a bridge between Blockchain projects and local enterprises and a creative win-win platform for participants in this ecosystem.
Relying on its long term reputation with a great social influence, MTN will invite officials from layers of government, congress, and giant firms in Korea. Meanwhile, with the great support from Korean Blockchain Association and top-tier developer communities like KBIP Lab, Decipher, and POSTECH, Chainers will have over 25% of leading developers in Korea attending the conference. On top of that, top 10 Blockchain Youtubers and 30 KOLs(Naver bloggers) will be the feast in the Chain Plus+ Summit. All in one, one for all.
Check for more details: http://www.blockkarneval.com/


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Quantitative investing
Low volatility anomaly
The low volatility anomaly refers to the finding that stocks exhibiting lower volatility achieve higher returns than can be explained by the efficient market theory (Capital Asset Pricing Model).
Empirical research shows low-volatility securities, because they usually fall less in down markets, tend to generate higher risk-adjusted returns over the longer term.
This counter intuitive phenomenon was first documented more than forty years ago. According to the CAPM, investors' decisions are rational.
They reason that higher risk, in this case higher volatility, will always entail higher returns.
But in 1972, a study by outperformed in the period 1929-1971. Further research confirmed this 'low beta effect' for other equity markets and Robeco researchers documented a similar 'low volatility effect': lower volatility stocks generate higher risk-adjusted returns.
Further academic research demonstrated that the volatility effect is growing stronger in the European, Japanese and Emerging equity markets.


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Welcome to the Swiss jobs platform! Here you will find job ads for all regions and professions in Switzerland. Searching for jobs on JobScout24 is easy: Depending on your wishes, search for jobs according to keyword, profession or job title and all vacancies will be displayed to you. You can filter by work region, professional group, employment type and sector. Furthermore, there is an apprenticeship platform with dozens of apprenticeships for the whole of Switzerland on JobScout24. Thanks to company reviews, you get an insight into the application process and the work atmosphere of companies with vacancies.
Register with the JobScout24 job platform and benefit from numerous advantages for your job search. You just have to enter an email address and a password and you can save interesting jobs in your Favorites or be informed by email about suitable jobs and vacancies according to your search criteria. In addition, you can store an application profile with which you can then apply directly to employers.
The JobScout24 Guide & Help area will help you with your application. Not only can you download free templates for your letter of application and CV, you can also find numerous tips and tricks for the application process, career and everyday working life.


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Collaborative Consulting
Traditional consultants fall into one of two categories: experts who diagnose problems and provide prescriptions or an extra pair of hands with the time and skill the client lacks to get a job done.
Cabot Partners represents a third model: collaborative consulting. We work interactively with you to understand what's needed and then together, we jointly develop approaches for achieving desired aims.
We also bring a personal network of relationships that can be leveraged on behalf of our clients.
We listen. We talk. We act. Always as part of the team.


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Market Research Industry Today
Healthcare Biometrics Market offers High Patient Data Protection through Advanced Biometric Technologies-Transparency Market Research
About Us
Transparency Market Research is a global market intelligence company, providing global business information reports and services. Our exclusive blend of quantitative forecasting and trends analysis provides forward-looking insight for thousands of decision makers. Our experienced team of Analysts, Researchers, and Consultants, use proprietary data sources and various tools and techniques to gather, and analyze information.
Our data repository is continuously updated and revised by a team of research experts, so that it always reflects the latest trends and information. With a broad research and analysis capability, Transparency Market Research employs rigorous primary and secondary research techniques in developing distinctive data sets and research material for business reports.
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Date Added to website 7th March 2014
by Colin Todhunter
There is currently a battle waging across the planet over genetically modified (GM) crops. It seems like not a month goes by when a new report is released on the health, environmental or productivity aspects of GM organisms. The GM biotech industry tries to assure governments and the public about the safety and efficacy of their products, while study after study calls into question its claims.
The industry has succeeded in getting its GM foods onto the commercial market in the US largely due to its political leverage within government and regulatory authorities (1). However, Europe and elsewhere have so far not been the pushovers that the industry and the US State Department, which actively promotes the US GM biotech sector courtesy of the taxpayer (2), thought they would. The sector continues to push at the doors of Europe and India but is meeting stiff resistance.
And there is good reason for this resistance; one reason (among many) being that the introduction of GM crops leads to an increase in the use of the herbicide gyphosate (3). This is of concern because gylphosate could be linked to a range of health problems and diseases, including Parkinson's, infertility and cancers, according to a peer-reviewed report from 2013, published in the scientific journal Entropy. The study concluded that residues of glyphosate have been found in food, and these residues enhance the damaging effects of other food-borne chemical residues and toxins in the environment and disrupt normal body functions and induce disease (4). Other evidence from Argentina shows that as GM crops have become more prevalent, the use of gyphosate has spiraled as have cancer rates and birth defects (5).
The GM debate may ultimately not be decided by scientific debate or on the pages of journals, however. The battle could be lost for those opposing GM crops by default, or to be more specific, by the flagrant contamination of our food supply ˆ and our air and water as well.
Contamination by all means necessary
Don Westfall, biotech industry consultant and vice-president of Promar International some 13 years ago, was quoted by the Toronto Star on 9 January 2001 as saying that the hope of the GM industry is that over time the market is so flooded with GM organisms that there's nothing you can do about it; you just sort of surrender. However, Westfall did not go far enough. It is not just a vague hope. It's a deliberate strategy by the industry.
Genetically engineered wheat is not approved to be grown for commercial use in the US or anywhere else in the world. Yet last year the US Department of Agriculture (USDA) announced that unapproved GE wheat had been found growing in an Oregon wheat field. Since 1994, Monsanto has conducted 279 field trials of RoundUp Ready wheat over more than 4,000 acres of land in 16 US states (6). The USDA has admitted that Monsanto's GMO experiments from 1998 to 2005 were held in open wheat fields. The genetically engineered wheat escaped and found its way into commercial wheat fields in Oregon (and possibly 15 other states), causing self-replicating genetic pollution that now taints the entire US wheat industry.
Prior to this, in 2006 the USDA granted marketing approval of genetically-engineered Liberty Link 601 of Bayer CropScience. (GE) rice variety following its illegal contamination of the food supply and rice exports (7). The USDA effectively sanctioned an Œapproval-by-contamination' policy.
In India, back in 2005, biologist Pushpa Bhargava alleged that there were reports that unapproved varieties of several genetically modified crops were being sold to farmers. And Arun Shrivasatava wrote in 2008 that illegal genetically modified okra had been planted in India and that poor farmers had been offered lucrative deals to plant Œspecial seed' of all sorts of vegetables (7). He asked: who knows at how many places illegal genetically engineered rice have been planted? It's a valid concern given that the story of open air trials of GM crops in India is a story of blatant violations of biosafety norms, hasty approvals, a lack of monitoring abilities, general apathy towards the hazards of contamination and a lack of institutional oversight mechanisms (8). Concerns have also been expressed in Europe over the contamination of basmati rice exported by India (9).
Without doubt, though, the most alarming findings associated with contamination pertaining to GM crops come from new research. It shows that we do not have to eat GM food in order to be adversely affected by it. The findings have been released on the GreenMedInfo website, where it is argued that the GM farming system has made exposure to Monsanto's Roundup herbicide (gylphosate) a daily fact of people's existence in the US (10).
A new study from the US Geological Survey, accepted for publication online ahead of print in the journal Environmental Toxicology and Chemistry, reveals that Roundup and its toxic degradation byproduct AMPA were found in over 75% of the air and rain samples tested from Mississippi in 2007.
This study highlights the extent to which GM farming has altered daily exposure to chemicals ˆ even the rain and air people in the US now breath contains physiologically relevant and potentially health damaging levels of glyphosate Œfall out' from what Sayer Ji of GreenMedInfo calls "the war against any plant not part of the monocultured, genetically engineered system of production.
Regardless of the contamination of non-GM crops by GM crops, Ji argues that findings like these reveal just how illusory the perception of choice and health freedom is when it comes to the GM/non-GM debate and people's right to avoid harm from GM organisms by refusing to buy or consume them. Ji says that the environment is becoming so saturated with the Œfall out' from ever-expanding GM agricultural/agrichemical farming that even if we find a way to avoid eating GM-contaminated food, we will still have to deal with its adverse health effects.
If we are to believe Don Westfall,at this point we simply accept things and surrender. But that depends on how much you value your live and health, your children's lives and health and the environment around you.
In Europe:
and http://corporateeurope.org/
In India: http://indiagminfo.org/
1) http://rense.com/general33/fd.htm
2) http://documents.foodandwaterwatch.org/doc/Biotech_Report_US.pdf
3) http://www.globalresearch.ca/monsanto-roundup-glyphosate-weedkiller-in-our-food-and-water/5339244
5) http://www.pagina12.com.ar/diario/elpais/1-147561-2010-06-14.html
7) http://www.globalresearch.ca/the-death-of-rice-in-india/9562
8) http://indiagminfo.org/?page_id=175
9) http://www.downtoearth.org.in/content/india-denies-gmo-contamination-basmati


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Geococcyx californianus
Chaves County New Mexico AHGP
Chaves County was created 25 February 1889. It was named for Colonel Jose Francisco Chaves, a military leader in New Mexico during the Civil War and later in Navajo campaigns. The county seat is Roswell, home of NM Military Institute. Chaves County is rich in fresh water, oil, farming, commerce, clean air, and tourism. After growing up in this area, it is easy to image flying saucers after seeing hundreds of shooting stars in the clear night sky.
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