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The NOM is the Official Mexican Standard of Tequila that is regulated by the Mexican Government, which contains specifications to be followed by all individuals and companies producing Tequila.
In short, the NOM ensures the protection of the Appelation of Origin, regulates production, and continually establishes standards required to ensure quality. Those companies that comply with the regulations setforth by the Tequila NOM are then certified by the TRC (Tequila Regulatory Council), and labeled as an authentic Tequila producer.
- Read the Official Mexican Standard of Tequila here -
How can you tell if the tequila you are drinking is authentic? Look for the NOM number on either the front or back label on the bottle. The NOM number is a unique, government regulated distillery number. Many distilleries produce more than one brand of tequila, and some brands are exported, and some are only available in Mexico. Those products containing the same NOM # are produced from the same distillery.
If you have a favorite Tequila, try sampling another brand from the same distillery, as they will most likely be similar in the way they are produced.


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structural privilege
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Whether teaching online or face-to-face courses, Mary Hess, Luther Seminary, aims to create spaces where (in the words of Parker Palmer) obedience to truth can be practiced. "Learning," she argues, "is risk-taking." But she lets her students know that she, as the teacher, is with them in their learning adventure. Dr. Hess has had a variety of leadership roles at the Wabash Center over many years.
The "I" That Teaches - A new video project that invites senior scholars to talk about their teaching lives. These scholar-teachers candidly discuss how religious, educational, and family backgrounds inform their vocational commitments and, also, characterize their teaching persona. From the vantage point of a practiced teaching philosophy we get an intimate account of the value and art of teaching well.
Click here to watch all episodes of "The "I" That Teaches" on YouTube
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How To Put U.N. Rights Council Back on Track
Seven months after the United Nations General Assembly created a Human Rights Council to replace the much-maligned Commission on Human Rights, the new council already has garnered a level of condemnation that its predecessor took decades to achieve. Much of this criticism is justified. The council has failed to take concrete action or even to condemn serious human rights abuses in places like Darfur, Burma, Uzbekistan or Colombia. Yet it has adopted three one-sided resolutions condemning Israeli human rights violations, none of which even mentions abuses by armed Palestinian groups or Hezbollah.
Jewish organizations justifiably have been outraged by the council's partisan approach to Israel. Human Rights Watch labeled the council's treatment of the conflict in Lebanon "a blow to its credibility and an abdication of its responsibility to protect human rights for all."
Given the extraordinarily high expectations when the council opened its first session in Geneva this past June, this is a stunning fall from grace. There are some who already are prepared to pronounce the council dead on arrival. But the obituary writers should put away their pens. While the council is in deep trouble, it can be saved if supporters of human rights exert leadership and mount an effective drive to win over moderate states from all regions of the world.
The council is foundering for two reasons: first, the role played by the Organization of the Islamic Conference, which has fought doggedly within the council to shield states (other than Israel) from criticism; and second, the failure of states that ordinarily support human rights to act as an effective counterweight to the OIC.
Seventeen council members belong to the OIC, and three OIC members, Algeria, Saudi Arabia and Azerbaijan, respectively chair the council's regional groups for Africa, Asia and Eastern Europe. OIC members, led by Pakistan, have acted in virtual unison to undermine the council. For example, when four of the council's independent experts reported the findings of their visit to Lebanon and Israel, state after state from the OIC took the floor to denounce the experts for daring to look beyond Israeli violations to discuss Hezbollah's as well.
States that support human rights, meanwhile, were silent. Thirty-seven of the council's 47 members are considered democracies, and 26 have been labeled "free" by Freedom House. Yet only Chile spoke in defense of the experts and their report. This gap illustrates a much broader problem: the absence of leadership from states that supported the creation of a stronger, more effective council, and the willingness of moderate states to side with regimes that have notoriously bad human rights records and nefarious agendas.
The European Union and Latin American states have been anemic in raising their voices to protect human rights. E.U. member states need to speak sooner and more forcefully on the issues that they care about, but thus far they have been hamstrung by their desire to first achieve consensus. When they finally formulate a position, all too often they delegate responsibility to the country that holds the E.U. presidency (currently Finland) to speak on their behalf, allowing obstructionist states to dominate debate. E.U. members need to recognize that many voices singing the same tune can be more powerful than one singing alone. Latin American states, such as Argentina and Chile, have a crucial role to play in filling the leadership void. They need to reach out to moderate states in Africa and Asia where their views will have added legitimacy given their histories of overcoming human rights abuses at home.
Although the United States voted against creation of the council and is not a member, it still must actively support these efforts rather than cede the floor to the OIC. The United States should work behind the scenes to push for stronger leadership from traditional human rights supporters, to encourage swing states to join in efforts to strengthen the council and to put pressure on American allies such as Pakistan and Egypt to change their obstructive behavior.
The OIC's mantra has been that the council should work cooperatively with abusive governments rather than condemn them. Since states tend to fear the airing of their own dirty laundry, many have bought into this argument. Others simply have resigned themselves to the notion that the council will not be able to speak out more forcefully. But while cooperation, through training and technical assistance, can help willing governments improve their human rights records, the council must be willing to condemn states that are intransigent and to take concrete actions against those that egregiously violate human rights.
To get back in the game, states that support the cause of human rights need to come together to build a council that can provide real protection for victims of abuses. Progressive states must stop being so timid when it comes to focusing on abuses in places like Chechnya, Sri Lanka or Zimbabwe. They should rally support to confront violators of human rights and expose obstruction of efforts to do so.
The council's future also depends on convincing swing states from Africa, Asia and Eastern Europe to support real action by the council and, when necessary, to be willing to go against the well-established tradition of voting with their regional blocs. These states need to know that if they side with the Pakistans and Algerias of the council to block efforts to address situations like Darfur, their conduct in Geneva will be made known, and they will pay a price both back home and in their international reputation.
Despite the council's disappointing record to date, it's too early to pull the plug. Instead, its critics should push for leadership from supporters of human rights and encourage the council's member states to vote their conscience, not their location. The victims of human rights abuses deserve that much.
Peggy Hicks is Human Rights Watch's global advocacy director.
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With so much at stake for the Jewish people right now — war, rising antisemitism, a high-stakes U.S. presidential election — American Jews depend on the Forward's perspective, integrity and courage.
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Subrosa x Shadow Rose Crow Mid Pivotal Seat
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Women's UnRevive SAREE PINK SILVER SAREE GRADUATING HOUNDSTOOTH
Rs. 54,500
The featured product is from the "Un-Revive" collection showcased at Lakme Fashion week.
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Are you thinking about selling your Oklahoma City house? Depending on your property, capital gains taxes may become a factor. However, there is a way to defer your taxes! Learn how to avoid paying taxes when selling your Oklahoma City house in our latest post!
You might be excited to sell your house for a big profit, however, Uncle Sam is always looking for his cut! Capital Gains are assessed based on how much you paid for a property and what you actually end up selling it for. Capital Gains taxes aren't just found in real estate. They are also assessed on things such as stocks, bonds, cars, and boats. When it comes to real estate, there are many exclusions you can take advantage of before having to pay. Capital gains taxes kick in when:
- You are single, and make more than 250k profit on the sale of a home
- You are married, and make more than 500k on the home
That said, it is important to keep all of your home repair receipts as this is added to what you paid to determine the cost basis – or the actual amount of money you have put into the property before selling it.
These numbers might sound far-fetched, however, a home purchased years ago for $150,000, that sells for $550,000 today would easily fall into this category. In order to defer the amount of taxes you owe, you will want to do what they call a "1031 exchange."
What Is It?
You might have heard of a 1031 exchange in the past, but do you know how it works?
A 1031 exchange occurs when you reinvest the proceeds from the sale of one property into another property. In doing so, you will be able to defer the amount of capital gains taxes you owe. The process is fairly simple and used by investors all of the time in order to defer property taxes they owe. There are a few qualifications that must be met, but in doing so you will be able to save yourself thousands of dollars.
To Qualify
The qualifications of a 1031 exchange are pretty standard. You must have lived in the property for at least 2 of the past 5 years and it must be your primary residence. You will not be able to use it if you have claimed this exclusion on another property within the past 2 years or if you have purchased another property using a 1031 exchange within the past 5 years.
In addition, the property you purchase must be of like kind. This is a pretty broad term. You can sell a piece of land and reinvest in a house. Or maybe you want to sell a duplex and buy land to develop. Any of these options will fly.
At W Properties we work with 1031 exchange customers all the time! We are professional investors and property sellers who have a wide array of properties available at any given moment! Our inventory changes daily, with many types of properties to choose from. If you are looking to avoid paying taxes on a piece of property you wish to sell, we are here to help you with a solution! We will walk to through the entire process, saving you thousands of dollars along the way!


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Surprisingly high amounts of microplastic are raining down on a remote and seemingly pristine part of France's Pyrenees mountains, according to scientists who say such particles could potentially be floating everywhere.
Microplastic — fragments smaller than a fifth of an inch that have broken down from larger pieces of plastic — has been found in rivers, lakes, the oceans and in agricultural soil. But very few studies of wind-borne microplastic have ever been done. This one found that the air over these mountains has about as much floating plastic pollution as the air over Paris or Dongguan, a large industrial city in China.
Steve Allen, a researcher at the University of Strathclyde in Scotland, was part of the team that dreamed up the Pyrenees experiment.
"I don't know if you've ever seen a plastic bag on a fence flapping away until it disappears," he says. "Well, we thought that maybe it just doesn't disappear, so we started looking for it a bit higher up."
Higher up meaning 4,500 feet up a mountain. Allen's team set up collectors there for five months to trap plastic particles as they fell to Earth. "We expected to find some," Allen says. "We didn't expect to find quite as much as we did."
In fact, they found 365 plastic particles on average every day on a square meter collector. "We'd kind of expected it in a city getting blown around," he says, "but way up there? The number is astounding."
Writing in the journal Nature Geoscience, the researchers found several types of microplastic floating on the wind in the Pyrenees: fibers from clothing, and bits from plastic bags, plastic film and packaging material.
And apparently, it isn't local. Only a few small villages lie within 60 miles of the study site.
Scientists know how dust gets blown — say, from the Sahara across the Atlantic – but they "know basically nothing about how [microplastics] move," says Deonie Allen of the French institution EcoLab, who worked with Steve Allen on the research and is married to him.
"We don't have this sort of material in nature," Deonie Allen says, noting that microplastics come in different shapes and are of different densities, which might affect how long they remain wind-borne. The researchers suspect that rain or snow carries some particles down to the ground, but they don't need precipitation to fall to earth.
Allen says that if this much microplastic manages to get halfway up the Pyrenees mountains, it could theoretically be everywhere, floating hundreds of miles from its original source.
And some microplastics probably can be inhaled. "We ...don't know what they do to humans," Allen says. "They're a brand new [type of] pollution, but there's so much of it and it's increasing so fast that it's something we really need to start learning about."
Chelsea Rochman, a plastics researcher at the University of Toronto, has found microplastic as far away from civilization as the Arctic. She says this new study shows that "our use of plastic materials and the way we dispose of them has led to global contamination of more than just populated areas."
In fact, she says, "plastic pollution may be the marker of our time."
Copyright 2021 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.


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States Likely Could Not Control Constitutional Convention on Balanced Budget Amendment or Other Issues
In the coming months, a number of states are likely to consider resolutions that call for a convention to propose amendments to the U.S. Constitution to require a balanced federal budget, and possibly to shrink federal authority in other, often unspecified, ways. Proponents of these resolutions claim that 28 of the 34 states required to call a constitutional convention already have passed such resolutions.
State lawmakers considering such resolutions should be skeptical of claims being made by groups promoting the resolutions (such as the American Legislative Exchange Council, or ALEC) that states could control the actions or outcomes of a constitutional convention. A convention likely would be extremely contentious and highly politicized, and its results impossible to predict.
A number of prominent jurists and legal scholars have warned that a constitutional convention could open up the Constitution to radical and harmful changes. For instance, the late Justice Antonin Scalia said in 2014, "I certainly would not want a constitutional convention. Whoa! Who knows what would come out of it?"[2] Similarly, former Chief Justice of the United States Warren Burger wrote in 1988:
[T]here is no way to effectively limit or muzzle the actions of a Constitutional Convention. The Convention could make its own rules and set its own agenda. Congress might try to limit the Convention to one amendment or one issue, but there is no way to assure that the Convention would obey. After a Convention is convened, it will be too late to stop the Convention if we don't like its agenda.[3]
Such serious concerns are justified, for several reasons:
- A convention could write its own rules. The Constitution provides no guidance whatsoever on the ground rules for a convention. This leaves wide open to political considerations and pressures such fundamental questions as how the delegates would be chosen, how many delegates each state would have, and whether a supermajority vote would be required to approve amendments. To illustrate the importance of these issues, consider that if every state had one vote in the convention and the convention could approve amendments with a simple majority vote, the 26 least populous states — which contain less than 18 percent of the nation's people — could approve an amendment for ratification.
A convention could set its own agenda, possibly influenced by powerful interest groups. The only constitutional convention in U.S. history, in 1787, went far beyond its mandate. Charged with amending the Articles of Confederation to promote trade among the states, the convention instead wrote an entirely new governing document. A convention held today could set its own agenda, too. There is no guarantee that a convention could be limited to a particular set of issues, such as those related to balancing the federal budget.
As a result, powerful, well-funded interest groups would surely seek to influence the process and press for changes to the agenda, seeing a constitutional convention as an opportunity to enact major policy changes. As former Chief Justice Burger wrote, a "Constitutional Convention today would be a free-for-all for special interest groups." Further, the broad language contained in many of the resolutions that states have passed recently might increase the likelihood of a convention enacting changes that are far more sweeping than many legislators supporting these resolutions envision.
- A convention could choose a new ratification process. The 1787 convention ignored the ratification process under which it was established and created a new process, lowering the number of states needed to approve the new Constitution and removing Congress from the approval process. The states then ignored the pre-existing ratification procedures and adopted the Constitution under the new ratification procedures that the convention proposed. Given these facts, it would be unwise to assume that ratification of the convention's proposals would necessarily require the approval of 38 states, as the Constitution currently specifies. For example, a convention might remove the states from the approval process entirely and propose a national referendum instead. Or it could follow the example of the 1787 convention and lower the required fraction of the states needed to approve its proposals from three-quarters to two-thirds.
No other body, including the courts, has clear authority over a convention. The Constitution provides for no authority above that of a constitutional convention, so it is not clear that the courts — or any other institution — could intervene if a convention did not limit itself to the language of the state resolutions calling for a convention.
Article V contains no restrictions on the scope of constitutional amendments (other than those denying states equal representation in the Senate), and the courts generally leave such "political questions" to the elected branches. Moreover, delegates to the 1787 convention ignored their state legislatures' instructions. Thus, the courts likely would not intervene in a dispute between a state and a delegate and, if they did, they likely would not back state efforts to constrain delegates given that delegates to the 1787 convention ignored their state legislatures' instructions.
The following sections of this report provide background on the current campaign to call a constitutional convention and examine in more detail the reasons why policymakers should be skeptical of any claims that the states could control a constitutional convention. In addition, Box 1 below examines the substantial economic risks that a constitutional balanced budget amendment would pose.
Background: Campaigns for a Constitutional Convention
Article V of the Constitution provides for two methods of enacting constitutional amendments. Congress may, by a two-thirds vote in each chamber, propose a specific amendment; if at least three-fourths of the states (38 states) ratify it, the Constitution is amended. Alternatively, the states may call on Congress to form a constitutional convention to propose amendments. Congress must act on this call if at least two-thirds of the states (34 states) make the request. The convention would then propose constitutional amendments. Under the Constitution, such amendments would take effect if ratified by at least 38 states.
In part because the only constitutional convention in U.S. history — the one in 1787 that produced the current Constitution — went far beyond its mandate, Congress and the states have never called another one. Every amendment to the Constitution since 1787 has resulted from the first process: Congress has proposed specific amendments to the states, which have ratified them by the necessary three-quarters majority (or turned them down).
In the late 1970s and early 1980s, many states adopted resolutions calling for a constitutional convention to require the federal government to balance its budget every year. From the mid-1980s through 2010, no such new resolutions passed, and about half of the states that had adopted these resolutions rescinded them (in part due to fears that a convention, once called, could propose altering the Constitution in ways that the state resolutions did not envision).
Recently, though, additional states have called for such a convention, reflecting the efforts of a number of conservative advocacy organizations such as ALEC, which in 2011 released a handbook for state legislators that includes model state legislation calling for a constitutional convention.[4] Since 2010, 12 states have adopted such resolutions. According to some proponents of such a convention, a total of 28 states have now adopted resolutions (and not rescinded them). Proponents have targeted another 11 states for action this year and next.[5] (See Figure 1.)
Box 1: Balanced Budget Amendment Likely to Harm the Economy
Even if a constitutional convention could be limited to proposing a single amendment requiring the federal government to spend no more than it receives in a given year, such an amendment alone would likely do substantial damage.a It would threaten significant economic harm. It also would raise significant problems for the operation of Social Security and certain other key federal functions.
By requiring a balanced budget every year, no matter the state of the economy, such an amendment would risk tipping weak economies into recession and making recessions longer and deeper, causing very large job losses. Rather than allowing the "automatic stabilizers" of lower tax collections and higher unemployment and other benefits to cushion a weak economy, as they now do automatically, it would force policymakers to cut spending, raise taxes, or both when the economy turns down — the exact opposite of what sound economic policy would advise. Such actions would launch a vicious spiral: budget cuts or tax increases in a recession would cause the economy to contract further, triggering still higher deficits and thereby forcing policymakers to institute additional austerity measures, which in turn, would cause still greater economic contraction.
The private economic forecasting firm Macroeconomic Advisors (MA) found in 2011 that "recessions would be deeper and longer" under a constitutional balanced budget amendment. If such an amendment had been ratified in 2011 and were being enforced for fiscal year 2012, "the effect on the economy would be catastrophic," MA concluded, and would double the unemployment rate.
Most recent proposals to write a balanced budget requirement into the U.S. Constitution would allow Congress to waive the balanced budget stricture if a supermajority of both chambers voted to do so. However, data showing that the economy is in recession do not become available until months after the economy has begun to weaken and recession has set in. It could take many months before sufficient data are available to convince a congressional supermajority to waive the balanced-budget requirement, if they ever would. In the meantime, substantial economic damage — and much larger job losses — would have resulted from the fiscal austerity measures the balanced-budget mandate would have forced.
Requiring that federal spending in any year be offset by revenues collected in that same year would also cause other problems. Social Security would effectively be prevented from drawing down its reserves from previous years to pay benefits in a later year and, instead, could be forced to cut benefits even if it had ample balances in its trust funds, as it does today. The same would be true for Medicare Part A and for military retirement and civil service retirement programs. Nor could the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation or the Pension Benefit Guaranty Corporation respond quickly to bank or pension fund failures by using its assets to pay deposit or pension insurance, unless it could do so without causing the budget to slip out of balance.
Proponents of a constitutional balanced budget amendment often argue that states and families must balance their budgets each year and the federal government should do the same. Yet this is a false analogy. While states must balance their operating budgets, they can — and regularly do — borrow for capital projects such as roads, schools, and water treatment plants. And families borrow, as well, such as when they take out mortgages to buy homes or loans to send children to college. In contrast, the proposed constitutional amendment would bar the federal government from borrowing to make worthy investments even if they have substantial future pay-offs. And, as with Social Security, the amendment would prohibit using past savings for current purchases; if a family had to live under its strictures, not only would mortgages be prohibited, but so too would buying a house from years of prior savings.
a For more on the risks of a constitutional balanced budget amendment, see Richard Kogan, "Constitutional Balanced Budget Amendment Poses Serious Risks," Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, updated January 18, 2017, https://www.cbpp.org/cms/index.cfm?fa=view&id=4166.
Most of the recent resolutions closely follow ALEC's model legislation, the key sentence of which reads:
The legislature of the State of ______ hereby applies to Congress, under the provisions of Article V of the Constitution of the United States, for the calling of a convention of the states limited to proposing an amendment to the Constitution of the United States requiring that in the absence of a national emergency the total of all Federal outlays for any fiscal year may not exceed the total of all estimated Federal revenues for that fiscal year.
Most of the resolutions enacted in the last three years add a final clause: "together with any related and appropriate fiscal constraints." That language opens the door to any constitutional amendments that a convention might decide fit under this broad rubric, including placing a rigid ceiling on federal spending so that all (or virtually all) deficit reduction has to come from cutting federal programs such as Social Security or Medicare, with little or none coming from revenue-raising measures. Such a ceiling would reduce or eliminate any pressure to produce deficit reduction packages that pair spending reductions with increased revenue from closing unproductive special-interest tax loopholes or from combatting tax avoidance by powerful corporations. ALEC's most recent version of the model legislation specifically includes this additional clause.[6]
As ALEC recommends, each recent state-passed resolution also says that it should be aggregated with the balanced budget amendment resolutions that other states have approved (and not subsequently rescinded), even though those other resolutions are not identical and most are over 30 years old. Whether Congress would agree to count all such other state resolutions is unknown. The question is important, because the Constitution grants solely to Congress the power to determine whether the 34-state threshold has been met. The Constitution makes no provision for a presidential veto of a congressional resolution calling a constitutional convention; and such a resolution consequently appears not to require a Presidential signature. In other words, if enough additional states adopt resolutions calling for a constitutional convention and Congress rules that the 34-state threshold has been met, a convention must be held.
Besides the "balanced budget amendment" resolutions, some states have enacted or are considering related resolutions seeking a constitutional convention to impose broader restrictions on federal power. Eight states — Alabama, Alaska, Florida, Georgia, Indiana, Louisiana, Oklahoma, and Tennessee — have all enacted resolutions in recent years that call for a convention to propose amendments to "impose fiscal restraints on the federal government, limit the power and jurisdiction of the federal government, and limit the terms of office for its officials and for members of Congress."[7]
States' Ability to Control a Convention Is Highly Questionable
ALEC and its allies assert that states can control the operations and agenda of a convention and sharply limit the actions of their delegates. But there is no consensus on this question among constitutional scholars or others who have studied the question carefully; the selective quotations that convention proponents cite from the 1780s do not reflect a consensus among the Framers of the Constitution and do not have the force of law. Even more importantly, no court or other body exists with the authority to enforce any such rules and to override the decisions of a constitutional convention.
A number of prominent constitutional experts have warned of the dangers of calling a new constitutional convention (see Box 2). These concerns are justified, for several reasons:
Once Called, Convention Could Write Its Own Rules
Because a constitutional convention has not been held since 1787, the nation has established no orderly procedures for the formation and operation of one. While the Congress that calls a constitutional convention in response to states' petitions likely would propose certain ground rules, debate among constitutional scholars is contentious on what those rules might be. As a result, many fundamental questions remain unanswered.
For example, would votes in the convention be allocated among states according to population or would every state have one vote? The original Continental Congress operated on a one-state, one-vote basis, and every state has equal weight under Article V's ratification procedures. If every state likewise has one vote in a new convention, small states with a minority of the country's population could control the amendment-writing process. The 26 least populous states contain less than 18 percent of the nation's people.
Box 2: Constitutional Experts Warn That States Cannot Control a Convention
A number of prominent legal experts have warned that states cannot control a constitutional convention or that calling one could open up the Constitution to significant and unpredictable changes. For instance:
"I certainly would not want a constitutional convention. Whoa! Who knows what would come out of it?"a
Former Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia
"[T]here is no way to effectively limit or muzzle the actions of a Constitutional Convention. The Convention could make its own rules and set its own agenda. Congress might try to limit the Convention to one amendment or one issue, but there is no way to assure that the Convention would obey. After a Convention is convened, it will be too late to stop the Convention if we don't like its agenda."b
Former Supreme Court Chief Justice Warren Burger
"There is no enforceable mechanism to prevent a convention from reporting out wholesale changes to our Constitution and Bill of Rights."c
Former Supreme Court Justice Arthur Goldberg
"First of all, we have developed orderly procedures over the past couple of centuries for resolving [some of the many] ambiguities [in the Constitution], but no comparable procedures for resolving [questions surrounding a convention]. Second, difficult interpretive questions about the Bill of Rights or the scope of the taxing power or the commerce power tend to arise one at a time, while questions surrounding the convention process would more or less need to be resolved all at once. And third, the stakes in this case in this instance are vastly greater, because what you're doing is putting the whole Constitution up for grabs."d
Professor Laurence Tribe, Harvard Law School
"[S]tate legislators do not have the right to dictate the terms of constitutional debate. On the contrary, they may be eliminated entirely if Congress decides that state conventions would be more appropriate vehicles for ratification. The states have the last say on amendments, but the Constitution permits them to consider only those proposals that emerge from a national institution free to consider all possible responses to an alleged constitutional deficiency. . . Nobody thinks we are now in the midst of constitutional crisis. Why, then, should we put the work of the first convention in jeopardy?"e
Professor Bruce Ackerman, Yale Law School
a Marcia Coyle, "Scalia, Ginsberg Offer Amendments to the Constitution," Legal Times, April 17, 2014, http://www.nationallawjournal.com/legaltimes/id=1202651605161/Scalia,-Ginsburg-Offer-Amendments-to-the-Constitution?slreturn=20140421101513. In the 1970s, as a professor, Scalia argued that a convention was worth the risks he saw at the time. By 2014, as a Justice, Scalia seemed to have grown much more worried about those risks.
b Letter from Chief Justice Warren Burger to Phyllis Schlafly, June 22, 1988, http://constitution.i2i.org/files/2013/11/Burger-letter2.pdf.
c Arthur Goldberg, "Steer clear of constitutional convention," Miami Herald, September 14, 1986.
d Remarks as part of the Conference on the Constitutional Convention, Harvard Law School, September 24-25, 2011, Legal Panel, recording available at http://www.conconcon.org/archive.php.
e Bruce Ackerman, "Unconstitutional Convention: State legislatures can't dictate the terms of constitutional amendment," The New Republic, March 3, 1979.
Also unclear is whether the convention would need a supermajority (of states or delegates) to propose amendments. Congress may only propose constitutional amendments by a two-thirds vote in each chamber, but Article V is silent on whether a simple majority vote in a constitutional convention would suffice. With the country closely divided on many issues, a simple majority requirement could allow amendments to move forward despite opposition from many or even most voters, especially if all states had equal votes in the convention.
Another critical question is how states would choose their delegations. In today's highly partisan environment, majorities in state legislatures may be tempted to select delegations that reflect only their views rather than a broader spectrum of opinion within the state.
Finally, even assuming Congress sets ground rules for a convention, the convention itself could disregard those instructions once it convened; after all, there is no enforcement mechanism. Even if Congress purported to make its instructions binding, the courts likely would refuse to enforce Congress's instructions, both because Article V does not clearly grant Congress the power to make binding instructions and because the courts generally regard such matters as "political questions" that the judicial branch does not wade into.
Convention Could Set Its Own Agenda, Possibly Influenced by Powerful Interest Groups
The only national constitutional convention ever held — the 1787 assembly in Philadelphia that produced the current Constitution — disregarded its original charge, which was to amend the Articles of Confederation to promote trade among the states. Instead it wrote an entirely new governing document, effectively abolishing the Articles of Confederation and superseding them with a new design of government. A convention held today could set its own agenda, too.
Further, the opportunity to bypass Congress and write major policy changes into the Constitution — where they would be extremely difficult to remove — would likely tempt powerful, well-funded interest groups to influence the process and press for changes beyond those initially envisioned. After all, there are no federal or state limits on spending to influence delegates to a constitutional convention. No one can predict with confidence what would happen, for example, if Wall Street concerns sought to ban the taxation of capital income or prohibit market regulations designed to prevent another financial crisis, or if energy companies sought to ban a carbon tax or a cap-and-trade system.
In such a highly contentious political environment, delegates could cut deals resulting in amendments covering multiple topics. Although most constitutional amendments have addressed only a single issue, nothing in Article V requires this. The Fifth, Sixth, Eighth, and Fourteenth Amendments all combined provisions on several different subjects.[8] Provisions considered radical or damaging, at least in some states, could be attached to highly popular proposals in a single amendment, making their passage more likely.
Further, the broad language of several state resolutions enacted recently may increase the likelihood that a convention would enact sweeping and unforeseen changes. As noted above, most recent resolutions explicitly call for amendments imposing "any related and appropriate fiscal constraints" on the federal government — terms so broad that they could encompass an enormous range of changes in the government's basic operations.
The resolutions that passed in recent years in Alabama, Alaska, Florida, Georgia, Indiana, Louisiana, Oklahoma, and Tennessee called for amendments to "impose fiscal restraints on the federal government, limit the power and jurisdiction of the federal government, and limit the terms of office for its officials and for members of Congress," which envisions an even broader range of amendments. Even if Congress called a convention for the purpose of proposing a balanced budget amendment only, the convention once called could use the passage of these broader resolutions as justification to pursue a broader agenda, especially if more states have passed the more expansive resolution by the time a convention is called.
In sum, there is no way to predict what constitutional amendments the delegates to a convention might adopt.
Convention Could Change Ratification Process
The 1787 convention also completely rewrote the Articles of Confederation's amendment procedures in a way that made it much easier to secure adoption of the convention's changes. Under the Articles of Confederation, proposed amendments had to be approved by Congress and then ratified by all 13 states to take effect. Rhode Island, which opposed the kinds of changes that the 1787 convention was called to propose, declined to send delegates to the convention, apparently confident that the requirement for unanimous state approval meant it could block any resulting proposals that harmed its interests.
Instead, the other states' delegates bypassed Rhode Island and created a new ratification process that made the new Constitution effective with the consent of only nine states and cut Congress out of the amendment process entirely. Rhode Island opposed the new Constitution and resisted ratifying for several years. Eventually, however, left only with the choice of seceding or going along, it was forced to succumb. The current three-quarters requirement was imposed only for later constitutional amendments.
This suggests that a new convention could propose to alter Article V of the Constitution, which requires three-quarters of the states to ratify proposed constitutional amendments emerging from a convention. A new convention could, for example, provide that its amendments be considered ratified if approved by two-thirds of the states, or even by a national referendum, citing the precedent of the 1787 convention. If the ratifying states went along, dissenters would have no recourse to enforce Article V's three-quarters requirement and ultimately would face the same type of choice that Rhode Island did.
No Other Body — Including the Courts — Has Clear Authority Over a Convention
The Constitution provides for no authority above that of a constitutional convention. This makes it unlikely that the courts or any other institution could intervene if a convention failed to limit itself to the language of state resolutions calling for a convention or to the congressional resolution establishing the convention.
Moreover, even if the courts determined that they had the authority to rule, they would be unlikely to intervene if a convention veered away from its original charge. Article V contains only two limited restrictions on the scope of constitutional amendments (one of which expired two centuries ago). Absent guidance from the Constitution's text, the Supreme Court likely would regard this as a "political question" inappropriate for judicial resolution (consistent with how the Court has treated other highly charged matters on which the Constitution provides no judicially enforceable standard). A court would have great difficulty explaining why a convention should be bound by state resolutions, given that the 1787 convention disregarded both its own stated purpose and the Articles of Confederation's amendment procedures.
In addition, although some states' resolutions seek to bar their convention delegates from voting for amendments outside the subject matter of the resolution the state has adopted, the courts likely would not intervene in a dispute between a state and a delegate, viewing it, too, as a "political question." And if the courts did intervene, they likely would be unsympathetic to states' efforts to constrain delegates, given that delegates to the 1787 convention ignored their state legislatures' instructions.
Even if states could recall delegates, it likely would have no practical effect. Unlike a state legislature, a constitutional convention is a one-time body; once it has voted to propose a set of amendments to the Constitution, its work is over and it disbands. Recalling delegates at that point would be irrelevant.
States should be deeply skeptical of claims by ALEC and others that states will control the operations and outcome of a convention called under the Constitution's Article V. Fundamental questions about how a convention would work remain unresolved. A convention likely would be extremely contentious and politicized, with results impossible to predict.
Further, nothing could prevent a convention from emulating the only previous convention — the one in 1787 — by going beyond its original mandate, proposing unforeseen changes to the Constitution, and even altering the ratification rules. Some states might challenge the actions of their delegates, but with the courts unlikely to intervene, these efforts would likely fail.
States would be prudent to avoid these risks and reject resolutions calling for a constitutional convention. States that have already approved such resolutions would be wise to rescind them.
End Notes
[1] Michael Leachman is Director of State Fiscal Research at the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. David Super is Professor of Law at Georgetown University Law Center.
[2] Marcia Coyle, "Scalia, Ginsberg Offer Amendments to the Constitution," Legal Times, April 17, 2014, http://www.nationallawjournal.com/legaltimes/id=1202651605161/Scalia,-Ginsburg-Offer-Amendments-to-the-Constitution?slreturn=20140421101513.
[3] Letter from Chief Justice Warren Burger to Phyllis Schlafly, June 22, 1988, http://constitution.i2i.org/files/2013/11/Burger-letter2.pdf.
[4] ALEC's latest handbook is available here: https://www.alec.org/app/uploads/2016/06/2016-Article-V_FINAL_WEB.pdf.
[5] For proponents' latest description of their goals, see http://bba4usa.org/.
[6] See p. 26 of ALEC's handbook, here: https://www.alec.org/app/uploads/2016/06/2016-Article-V_FINAL_WEB.pdf.
[7] A group called Citizens for Self-Governance is promoting this resolution. See the group's "Convention of States Project" website at http://conventionofstates.com.
[8] The Fourteenth Amendment gives U.S. citizenship to those born or naturalized in the United States, protects the privileges and immunities of U.S. citizens, requires states to afford people due process of law, and requires equal protection of law — and all of that is only in its first (of five) sections. Its remaining provisions address numerous controversies active in the post-Civil War era when it was proposed, including changes in electoral rules, eligibility of former confederates for federal office, and the treatment of war-related debts. The Fifth Amendment requires indictments prior to most major federal prosecutions, prohibits double jeopardy, establishes the right against self-incrimination, creates a general right to due process, and prohibits uncompensated government seizures of private property. The Sixth Amendment requires speedy and public trials, specifies the location for criminal trials, gives defendants the right to an impartial jury, establishes a right to counsel in criminal cases, provides for cross-examination of prosecution witnesses, allows defendants to subpoena their own witnesses, and mandates a clear statement of the charges. The Eighth Amendment prohibits cruel and unusual punishment, limits the amount of bail accused defendants may be required to post, and bars "excessive" fines. At various times, some of these rights have proven intensely controversial while others in the same amendment were widely accepted.


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These Release Notes cover what's new, download and installation instructions, known issues and frequently asked questions for Firefox 2. Please read these notes and the bug filing instructions before reporting any bugs to Bugzilla.
Give us your feedback through this feedback form.
What's New in Firefox 220.127.116.11
- Release Date:
- July 30, 2007
- Security Update:
- The following security issues have been fixed.
- Earlier Changes:
- For information about previous changes, please see the Firefox 22.214.171.124 Release Notes.
- Firefox 2 Features:
- For an overview, please see Firefox 2 Features.
Downloading and Installing
System Requirements
Before installing, make sure your computer meets the system requirements.
Downloading Firefox 2
Mozilla provides Firefox 2 for Windows, Linux, and Mac OS X in a variety of languages. You can get the latest version of Firefox 2 here. For builds for other systems and languages not provided by Mozilla.org, see the Contributed Builds section at the end of this document.
Installing Firefox 2
Please note that installing Firefox 2 will overwrite your existing installation of Firefox. You won't lose any of your bookmarks or browsing history, but some of your extensions and other add-ons might not work until updates for them are made available.
Removing Firefox 2
You can remove Firefox 2 through the Control Panel in the Start Menu on Windows, by removing the Firefox application on OS X, or by removing the firefox folder on Linux.
Removing Firefox 2 won't remove your bookmarks, web browsing history, extensions or other add-ons. This data is stored in your profile folder, which is located in one of the following locations depending on your operating system:
Windows Vista | Users\<UserName>\AppData\Roaming\Mozilla\Firefox |
Windows 2000, XP, Server 2003 | Documents and Settings\<UserName>\Application Data\Mozilla\Firefox |
Windows NT | WINNT\Profiles\<UserName>\Application Data\Mozilla\Firefox |
Windows 98, ME | Windows\Application Data\Mozilla\Firefox |
Mac OS X | ~/Library/Application Support/Firefox |
Linux and Unix systems | ~/.mozilla/firefox |
Any version of Firefox that you install after removing Firefox 2 will continue to use the data from this profile folder.
Extensions and Themes
Extensions installed under Firefox 1.5 may be incompatible and/or require updates to work with Firefox 2. Please report any issues to the maintainer of the extension. When you install Firefox 2 all of your Extensions and Themes will be disabled until Firefox 2 determines that either a) they are compatible with the Firefox 2 release or b) there are newer versions available that are compatible.
Known Issues
This list covers some of the known problems with Firefox 2. Please read this before reporting any new bugs.
- All Systems
- Window bounces and shakes. There have been reports in Bugzilla and MozillaZine forums of windows either bouncing or shaking when no items are in the toolbar and in other cases. As a workaround, there are some instructions at MozillaZine that can help resolve this problem.
- Some firewall software may silently block Firefox from running. This often happens immediately after Firefox has been installed or updated from a previous version. There are configuration instructions available for most popular firewall programs to help you ensure that Firefox is allowed to connect to the Internet.
- Dictionaries for several locales can't be packaged with the builds, and must be manually downloaded by right-clicking in a text area and selecting "Add Dictionaries..." from the shortcut menu. New dictionaries are regularly being added to Mozilla Add-ons, so if you don't see the particular dictionary you need, check back later.
- Access key definitions provided by web pages can now be triggered using Alt+Shift+key on Windows, Ctrl+key on Mac OS X, and Ctrl+Shift+key on Unix.
- The Session Restore functionality provided in Firefox 2 will restore connections to services which use session cookies to maintain login state such as GMail. It is recommended that users with concerns about the privacy implications of this behavior change the value of browser.sessionstore.resume_from_crash to false.
- The option for "Shrink to fit" has been removed in Firefox 2. If you wish to change this from the value you had set in your previous version of Firefox, change the value of browser.enable_automatic_image_resizing.
- Software Update will not work if Firefox is installed to a location on your disk to which you do not have write access, since Software Update needs to replace or create files in this location.
- Some financial institutions use port 563 for secure logins, which results in an error message. If you encounter this error, make sure that network.security.ports.banned.override includes 563 in the comma-separated list of banned network ports to override.
- Windows & Windows Vista
- The Java Console extension that came with Java SE 6.0u1 (J2SE6.0.01) is incompatible with Firefox as reported in Bugzilla. Java should work as expected, but the menu item "Java Console" will not be available in the Tools menu. This issue has been fixed in Java SE 6.0u2 (J2SE6.0.02) and later versions and is available for download from the Java website.
- Clicking links in some applications (e.g. some instant messaging programs) might not open them in Firefox, even if you have set it as your default browser. To workaround this problem, go to Start -> Default Programs -> Set default programs for this computer, expand custom, select the radio button next to the app you want to set as the system wide default app (e.g. Firefox, etc.), and apply.
- A Windows Media Player (WMP) plugin is not provided with Windows Vista. As a workaround, in order to view Windows Media content, you can follow these instructions. Note that after installing you may have to get a security update and apply it before you can see the content in the browser.
- Vista Parental Controls are not completely honored. In particular, file downloads do not honor Vista's parental control settings. This will be addressed in an upcoming Firefox release.
- When migrating from Internet Explorer 7 to Firefox, cookies and saved form history are not imported.
- Mac OS X
- The "Close Other Tabs" action on the shortcut menu of a tab can fail with an error when more than 20 tabs are open.
- Some users have reported problems viewing Macromedia Flash content on Intel Mac computers. To work around this problem, users can remove or move the PowerPC version of "Flash Player Enabler.plugin from /Library/Internet Plug-Ins.
- After installing a new plug-in, Firefox may continue to display information for the older version of the plug-in in about:plugins. If this happens, quit Firefox, delete the "pluginreg.dat" file from your profile folder, and relaunch Firefox.
- Java does not run on Intel Core processors under Rosetta.
- There is no Talkback on Intel-based Macs when running natively or under Rosetta. The Apple Crash report program should launch in the event of application crashes.
- Linux and Unix
- If Firefox is installed to a location with spaces in the path, it may not be able to set itself as default browser and may keep prompting at startup. The work around is to install into a path without spaces.
- GNOME integration does not work properly with Fedora Core 3. Users of Fedora Core 3 will need to download and install linc-1.0.3-3.1.i386.rpm. After installing the RPM, perform the following command in the directory in which you installed Firefox (you will need write permission):
touch .autoreg
- Poorly designed or incompatible extensions can cause problems with your browser, including make it crash, slow down page display, etc. If you encounter strange problems relating to parts of the browser no longer working, the browser not starting, windows with strange or distorted appearance, degraded performance, etc, you may be suffering from Extension or Theme trouble. Restart the browser in Safe Mode. On Windows, start using the "Safe Mode" shortcut created in your Start menu or by running
firefox.exe -safe-mode
. On Linux, start with./firefox -safe-mode
and on Mac OS X, run:
When started in Safe Mode all extensions are disabled and the Default theme is used. Disable the Extension/Theme that is causing trouble and then start normally.cd /Applications/Firefox.app/Contents/MacOS/
./firefox-bin -safe-mode - If you uninstall an extension that is installed with your user profile (i.e. you installed it from a Web page) and then wish to install it for all user profiles using the -install-global-extension command line flag, you must restart the browser once to cleanse the profile extensions datasource of traces of that extension before installing with the switch. If you do not do this you may end up with a jammed entry in the Extensions list and will be unable to install the extension globally.
- If you encounter strange problems relating to bookmarks, downloads, window placement, toolbars, history, or other settings, it is recommended that you try creating a new profile and attempting to reproduce the problem before filing bugs. Create a new profile by running Firefox with the -P command line argument, choose the "Manage Profiles" button and then choose "Create Profile...". Migrate your settings files (Bookmarks, Saved Passwords, etc) over one by one, checking each time to see if the problems resurface. If you do find a particular profile data file is causing a problem, file a bug and attach the file.
Frequently Asked Questions
- What can I do to help?
We need help from developers and the testing community to provide as much feedback as possible to make Firefox even better. Please read these notes and the bug filing instructions before reporting any bugs to Bugzilla. You can also give us your feedback through this feedback form.
- Why haven't you responded to the mail I sent you?
Use the forums. The Firefox team reads them regularly. We all get a lot of email and your email may get lost.
- Where can I get extensions and themes (add-ons)?
- Who makes Firefox 2?
Lots of people. See Help->About Mozilla Firefox, Credits for a list of some of the people who have contributed to Firefox 2.
- Where's the Firefox 2 source code?
A tarball of the Firefox 2 source code is available for download. The latest development code can be obtained by cvs. Firefox-specific source is in "mozilla/browser", "mozilla/toolkit", and "mozilla/chrome". Please follow the build instructions.
- Where is the mail client?
Firefox 2 works with whatever mail client is the default on your system. However, we recommend Mozilla Thunderbird, our next-generation email client and the perfect complement to Firefox.
Localized Builds
Firefox is available in Beta form for the following languages.
- Georgian (ka) - Windows, Linux
- Kurdish (ku) - Windows, Mac, Linux
- Romanian (ro) - Windows, Mac, Linux
Contributed Builds
Many localized builds are now produced and distributed by Mozilla.org on behalf of their authors. These are available on the Firefox 2 download page.
Builds that have not yet been certified as official Firefox 2 localizations are available by browsing the FTP site.
These are unofficial builds and may be configured differently than the official Mozilla.org builds. They may also be optimized and/or tested for specific platforms.
Solaris (contributed by SUN Desktop Beijing Team)
Tarball format
- firefox-18.104.22.168.en-US.solaris10-i386.tar.bz2 (cksum)
- firefox-22.214.171.124.en-US.solaris10-sparc.tar.bz2 (cksum)
- firefox-126.96.36.199.en-US.solaris8-i386-gtk1.tar.bz2 (cksum)
- firefox-184.108.40.206.en-US.solaris8-sparc-gtk1.tar.bz2 (cksum)
Pkgadd format
- firefox-22.214.171.124.en-US.solaris10-i386-pkg.bz2 (cksum)
- firefox-188.8.131.52.en-US.solaris10-sparc-pkg.bz2 (cksum)
- firefox-184.108.40.206.en-US.solaris8-i386-gtk1-pkg.bz2 (cksum)
- firefox-22.214.171.124.en-US.solaris8-sparc-gtk1-pkg.bz2 (cksum)
Other Resources and Links
The following resources contain useful information about Firefox 2:


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www.littlemarley.com is a platform that connects any person wishing to sell or purchase new or used children goods and accessories. We give users of the website a platform to advertise and purchase goods and discuss topics relating to parenthood online.
We are not responsible for the conduct of any of our users either online or offline.


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Don't know if we have had this before but I like them as threads so I thought I would make one.
I post a movie image, if you name the correct movie you post the next image, and so on and so on.
I'll start with a holiday classic which is probably too easy
A Christmas Story
I'll go in a totally random direction.
Road House?
Road House?
Yup. Your turn.
farley3k wrote:Robot Jox?
Yep...! :D
Robot Jox?
Wow you really searched the net for that one didn't you.
that is Alien or the first one.
that is Alien or the first one.
Alien is the first one.
Oh, and you're totally correct.
Wow you really searched the net for that one didn't you.
...? As in sarcasm...(Sorry, I'm a bit slow today... real lack of sleep and coffee.)
This is way more interesting than work.
Harold And Maude?
Harold And Maude?
Correct. I promise to go more geek with the next one.
This is fun!
Wow. I have no clue. Is this from a Monty Python skit? I kid, I kid.
Birth of a Nation? Or was there no famous "dead guys planting trees" scene like I thought?
Birth of a Nation?
@farley3k: What is the policy on hints and stuff.
That's tough. Night of the Living Dead?
I want to say the 1960 Night of the Living Dead but I know I am wrong.
Nei wrote:@farley3k: What is the policy on hints and stuff.
If you are ready to hint go for it. It is kind of up to you since it is your post. I will say that if no one gets it right after a day we should move to another picture but hints are fine whenever.
A day!!! What the hell am I to do for the next 3 hours while at work!!?!?!?!?!
Night of the Living Dead?
I'm not good at hints but I give it a shot. It's a 1964 movie that was based on a novel... there was another movie in 2007 that shared the title with the said novel.
Ah! Last Man on Earth.
Ah! Last Man on Earth.
Too much of a hint? ...but yes, you got it.


text:
Our personalized adventure map lovey makes the perfect accessory for mountain and woodland theme nurseries.
- Personalized design on front side, frosted white and navy minky back side
- Durable, washable, and made with eco-friendly and baby-safe materials
- Approximately 14" x 14" finished, sizing may vary by up to 1 inch
- Satin loop attached for easy handling
- 100% polyester fabrics
- Made with love and skill in the USA
To keep the fibers soft and silky over time, it is very important to avoid fabric softeners when washing minky items. Many laundry pods contain softeners, and we recommend not using laundry pods for this item.
Follow these care instructions to keep your blanket soft and silky:
- Wash with detergent only, no fabric softeners or laundry pods
- Wash in cold water on gentle cycle
- Wash separately to avoid lint transfer from other textiles
- Tumble dry low


text:
O artigo ainda não foi traduzido para seu idioma.
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Dope! Cool!
Bam! Did the job within a minute or two
I accidentally deleted all my contacts from my iPhone (don't ask -- dumb move while removing my now-extinct MobileMe account) and could not find a way to get them restored from my iPad back to my iPhone -- particuarly because I could not figure out how to tell iCloud which direction to sync. My great fear was having iCloud wipe out my iPad contacts. The first app I tried (MCBackup) did, in fact, send my contacts (800+) as a single VCF file e-mail attachment, but my iPhone would not open it up and import it. Found this app, installed it on both devices, and got my contacts moved from my iPad to my iPhone in less than two minutes (most of which was spent setting up my sign-in account). Highest recommendations. -
Simple and intuitive
Easy account set up. Fast, secure, and accurate multidirectional uploads and downloads via their server. Keep the server updated and, thereafter, you can update your device or multiple devices. I transferred a Sprint Evo phone to an iPhone5. All names, numbers, addresses etc. transferred without a glitch. After download to new device, if you desire, you simply modify your phone display settings to match your previous device for data to display the way you wish it displayed...last name, first name or vice versa. Email reminders for sync and updates. Very intuitive! You do not need to be a rocket scientist to use this app!!! "Highly recommended" is an understatement for this app. -
Nice app to backup / export / import contact (by Leo)
Kudos to great designer to make copy/backup all contacts including outlook, iPhone, iCloud contacts into file server and then you can choose to retrieve them back and forth between iPhone/iPad to save the contacts. One minor suggestion is if you can consider to put "Select synchronization direction" in the front page rather than in the next page under "account setup" to make it clear without making mistake to click " Synchronize" right away, then that's super and super product. Again, this is a must great product. I greatly appreciate for your excellent job done, Beautiful !! -
Phone Copy!
This app does everything it claims. I recently retired and wanted to copy my contacts from my iPad and old iPhone to a new iPhone. After several weeks of struggling with iTunes and other methods/apps for I was frustrated since none of those methods produced a clean and complete copy. I even went to the cell phone store to ask for help. They suggested iTunes but that hadn't worked before. I found the PhoneCopy app and decided to give it a try. WOW! Simple and complete within minutes. I will recommend this to anyone with the need to copy from one device to another! THANKS for a great app! -
Best sync app I've used
This app is exactly what the doctor ordered... It simply works to heal all your contact sync ills! I already owned Contacts Sync but it only works with iPhones and iPods (and a total of only two devices per account) to keep them in sync. What to do now that I own an iPad too? Well, I searched and found this gem of an app. It works great, actually much better than Contacts Sync, in that it informs me of the specific contacts that are being updated. It is lighting fast. And it works across all my devices! -
After registration i had problem with connectivity but now it seems to be working well for whole week. I am not IT guy but from my perspective it is useful application. I just found they are storing history of my changed or deleted contact which can by useful sometime. For sure i exported my contact from Phonecopy.com and stored it locally :) . Generally i recommend it for anybody who want to backup his data. -
What an easy way to manage contacts between iPhone and PC. Why couldn't Apple do this? And best of all it's free! I've had my iPhone for a year and always hated iTunes as I don't save music on the phone, and dreamed of a better way to manage contacts. Phone Copy is great. Of course, there are little things that can be improved but overall, I think you'll like this App. -
New phone
Works great! So easy, so fast! Peace of mind knowing that my contacts are safely stored on the database and not just my phone. When uploading contacts from my old phone, it messed up some last names/ first names, but all the info is still there and I'll be able to find the info I need. I guess you get what you pay for... :) but it really is amazing that it's free! -
for me it works
I am using this app for few days a it works. The best feature for me is web user interface allowing to manage my contacts. The only what i am missing is simple tool to search for duplicities which i didn't find. I asked support and they answered it will be added soon. Have 900+ contacts and using iPhone 3GS upgraded to 4.0.1. -
Love it!
Had to restore my iPhone and didn't have a recent iTunes/iCloud backup because I rarely sync with iTunes and ran out of space on iCloud. But I had a very recent PhoneCopy backup (because it's so easy to tap on the app to backup, and it takes about 3-5secs to backup). It worked flawlessly, and restored all of my 358 contacts. -
The usage of a calendar with push notification would be awesome. Te alert would have to be 1 week to atleast 1 month as a reminder. I love this app. It works. I replaced my iPhone and didn't want to type in all my contacts. Just re-downloaded phone copy and synched from online to phone. Awesome. -
Just what was looking for!
I wish I had found this app earlier. Would have saved me a lot of hassle trying to rebuild my contact list. It works both ways- uploading and downloading. I was even able to make a change online and sync it back to my contacts. And it was fast too, but I was also using wifi. -
everything works
Hi, i have oposit experientce with such a great App Phonecopy. I just changed my iPhone to 4G and i needed to transfer contacts quickly. It works well. I have connected both iPhones to the same account and made transfer within minutes. Thanks guys, good work! - Worked great!
I used this program to synchronize the contacts from two iPhones into one. So now on one iPhone I have all the contacts from both my old iPhones. Very useful! Worked like a charm and it was very easy to set up. Took about 5 minutes from start to finish. - Wonderful!
I lost almost 200 complex contacts on my iPhone during a botched iOS 5 upgrade. This FREE APP restored all, including pictured contacts, to my iPad in a total of less than 5 minutes to download the app to both devices and sync/restore - awesome! - Great Program
Finally a program that can handle duplicates....I have over 2000 contacts...of which 1700 are true contacts & the rest are duplicates. Been waiting a long time for this! Worth 25$ for me, since I couldnt stay under 500 contacts. - Love Love Love
freaking out when I got the iPhone 5 and I thought I would have to manually transfer all of my contacts but with this app all that changed in less than five minutes all of my contacts were transferred to my new phone...yay! - Flawless, fast, free.
Simply amazing. I switched from a decrepit Nokia E63 to an iPhone 5 today, and everything just... worked. Now I have my contacts with me and I don't have to sync them by hand like I was going to. Thanks PhoneCopy! - Great, free contacts saver
Used this app to save and salvage the contacts data from my defunct iPhone 4S. It works great, but be careful at the startup screen to chose the transfer connection properly our you might corrupt your data. - Awesome!!
I searched online for an easy way to transfer from iPhone to new iPhone and I was kinda skeptical at first but it worked like a charm!!! Really surprised, thank you guys for this fantastic tool!!! I really needed it!!!!! - This is amazing
Love the way how easy the program is I transfer so far fro Nokia to samsung galaxy 2 And fro iphone to samsung galaxy All was working great Thank u for make it easy Is there any plans for the notes? - Lifesaver
This app literally saved 8 years of contacts after MobileMe corrupted most of them. It even allowed me to recover a contact I had deleted a few months back. They back up all deleted contacts on their website. - Incredible App!!!
This is an awesome app and works perfectly between my IPhone and IPad. Makes life easy when updating my contacts between them both saves me a lot of time. 5 stars all the way. - Ipad2 contact list
I was able to sync my contact list from my Iphone 3gs, to my Ipad2, it was so simple to use i can hardly wait for the calendar update, this app is quite simply fantastic. - Excellent app
This just may be the best and most needed download for every smart device you own. Secure and complete back up for all your contacts. This is an absolute must have app. - Awesome app
My iPhone went berserk & deleted ALL of my contacts. Much later I remember I had this app. In two mins I had all of my 350 phone numbers backed up .. This is a 10 star app. - Best ever!!
Best contact sync I have ever used! iCloud synced my contact with some old file, messed contacts up. This app restored to perfection. Worth a donation, at the very least. - Wonderful
Awesome app... I used this app got all my contacts from my old phone to new phone .. After my device got formatted and I got all my contacts back .... Great app.... Love it - The Best
Best supporting address book backup contact and so helpful for keeping your address book Synced between your iPhone and other smart phones no matter what OS you are using - Perfect for iPad/iPhone
This app is great for anyone who only has contact info on their iPhone. I synced my iPhone contacts with my iPad one minute after downloading. - Love it
Works great no problems. I got it because Vzw didn't have a solution. I loved my Blackberry too. No problems and I get reminders to back up my data. - Great app
It woks really well...easy to sync, very reliable and secure...Ipad, iphone, samsung galaxy 3... outstanding performance in this three devices.. - FREE!!!
AWESOME, I would give this app 7 stars if I could! Even better it's FREE! I sometimes shy away from free apps. I am so glad it is working for me. - Just Works
After reading the various horror stories in reviews of other contact backup apps, the ease-of-use of this app was refreshingly reassuring. - Amazing
Thought I lost all my contacts then remembered I had this app. Should add automatic sync function as well so we don't have to do it manually. - Awesomeness!
Worked 100% for me. I was able to back up my contacts, reset my phone to factory settings & restore every single contact! Love it! - Super awesome app!!!!
I love it!! Although its limited it really helps a whole lot in maintain and organizing my apps. Really recommended!! - Best. App. Ever.
I'm in Sales. Contact info is EVERYTHING. For once I found an app that works the way I imagined it would. Awesome! - Great app!
It's a must for every cell phone user.. It syncs everything so accurately, it even syncs contacts pics! Absolutely love it ツ - EXCELLENT
Didn't work at first but I restarted my iPhone 4 then it worked Great. 338 contacts from iPhone to IPad. I love it!!!! - Great app!
It transferred all of my contact list (about 2000) from my iPhone 4 to iPad 2 in less than a minute! 100% accurate. - The easiest contacts Backing up app
work 100% for me...very fast and easy...everybody should use it to backing up their phone.


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If you're a fan of the luxury fashion brand Louis Vuitton, be advised that the company recently and quietly fixed an issue on their website that may have been exploited by hackers before the company became aware of it. The problem was discovered by independent researcher Sabri Haddouche, who, following proper responsible reporting protocols, reached out to the company and informed them of the issue.
Unfortunately, their response was frustrating and read in part, as follows:
"Thank you for contacting Louis Vuitton. In response to your query, we regret to inform you that we are not able to answer favorably to your sponsorship proposal. We thank you for your understanding and your interest in Louis Vuitton and wish you a pleasant day."
An unusual response, to be sure, but Haddouche kept trying to make contact with someone who at least knew what it was he was attempting to tell them. Finally, he was successful on that front and the company moved to correct the issue.
The crux of the issue was this: The website allowed users to view their own account details but the account numbers were sequential, and part of the URL. Haddouche noticed this when he saw his account number in the URL and tried simply incrementing it by +1, which brought up an entirely different user's account information.
There is no evidence that hackers discovered and made use of this simple exploit before Haddouche reported it and the company corrected it. The truth is that they may well have, so if you have an account on Louis Vuitton's website, be aware that whatever personal information you had stored in your account profile may have been compromised.
Kudos to Sabri Haddouche for his dogged determination in getting the company to pay attention to the issue.
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This stunning arrangement of funeral flowers for a woman is presented in a graceful urn. It's a perfect pick to honor or comfort someone who loved the color purple.
Funeral flowers such as purple cushion spray mums, purple carnations, lavender gladioli and lavender Cremon mums are accented with leatherleaf fern in an exclusive Garlands of Grace urn.


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Fiji's military regime appears to have been taking lessons from Judith Collins. First, they commissioned an internationally renowned expert to draft them a new constitution. Now, they've chucked the entire thing out because they didn't like the results:
Fiji's military dictatorship has slammed a draft constitution drawn up with New Zealand aid as an appeasement to racist divisions in the Pacific nation.
But military strongman Voreqe Bainimarama, who rules Fiji by decree, told the nation on Thursday night there will be a new constitution – and democracy restoring elections next year.
But while Bainimarama smears the new constitution as promoting racial division, the draft (which is only available because it has been leaked on the internet) delivers exactly the electoral system that he wanted: a single national electoral roll, with seats allocated by proportional representation. The real problem seems to be the one highlighted earlier in the week: that the new constitution sees no role for the military in government, and seeks to make it subservient to an elected, legitimate Parliament. The fact that this is now considered unacceptable by Fiji's military shows us exactly why things need to change.


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Last January — more than nine years after the Sept. 11 attacks — Osama bin Laden killed Roy Chelsen. Bin Laden never met Chelsen; that's not the way it is when you do your killing en masse. And he certainly didn't kill him quickly.
Chelsen was a fireman, working for the 28th Engine Company on Second St. in Manhattan on the morning of Sept. 11. Like so many other first responders, he was called to the Towers that morning and found himself climbing the stairs as the office workers flowed down them. Like too-few first responders, he made it out alive, standing just half a block away when the second tower fell. He then joined thousands of other people working in search and rescue — and later search and recover — operations for weeks afterward. In 2005, he developed multiple myeloma, a cancer of the blood, and on Jan. 9 of this year, he died.
(More on TIME.com: See stunning aerial photos of the Sept. 11 destruction)
"Roy had had two marrow transplants but kept relapsing," says his sister Kathy, who was with him at the end. "When we brought him home from the hospital two days before he died, there were trucks from his engine company out front with their lights flashing. His friends had come to help him inside."
At least 1,000 other first responders have died in similar ways since the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, and thousands more have gotten sick. And if there's any real surprise about all that, it's that even more haven't been claimed.
In addition to the 40,000 people who labored sifting through the rubble and later clearing it away, 60,000 more worked in the vicinity. The debris cloud that engulfed all of them on the morning of the attacks and long afterward contained an estimated 2,500 different toxins, including such known nasties as lead, mercury, asbestos and dioxin, as well as such less notorious contaminants as silica, cadmium and polycyclic hydrocarbons. All of them are carcinogenic; combined in a single aerosolized mix they are believed to lead not just to cancer but to heart, liver, lung, kidney and central nervous system diseases.
(More on TIME.com: See a portrait of a heroic 9/11 firefighter)
The government acted fast — in its fashion — to provide assistance to the first-responders or at least to track their health. In 2002, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) established the World Trade Center Health Program, a monitoring body that would recruit anyone in the New York City or surrounding area who had worked with toxic debris from Ground Zero, asking them to come in for periodic checkups and to report immediately if they had suspicious symptoms. Originally, only 2,579 people signed on, a number that has soared to more than 57,000 since then.
At first, there were only three categories of diseases that qualified for federal first-responder coverage: respiratory ills, gastrointestinal problems and depression or PTSD. Those are still the only ones that make the official cut simply because those were the conditions that were showing up the most.
"The challenge from the beginning was to identify which conditions would be linked to working at Ground Zero" says Fred Blosser, a spokesman for the National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health (NIOSH). "The ones that would get covered were the ones that were being diagnosed."
(More on TIME.com: See TIME's 2001 cover story on the 9/11 attacks)
But such a treat-what-you-see (as opposed to anticipate-what-may-come) policy is not the only thing that's gotten in the way. So too has a lack of funding. About $475 million has been spent monitoring and treating 9/11-related ills since the attacks, or less than $50 million per year to follow at least 100,000 potential victims. Things looked worse still late last year when a $7.4 billion proposal for long-term funding came before Congress and was blocked by Republicans in the Senate who threatened a filibuster if a tax-cut deal wasn't struck first.
The official GOP position was that the bill created a "massive new entitlement program," though if our gridlocked political system can agree on one thing, it ought to be that if anyone can be said to be "entitled" to government help it's the people who rushed into the fires of Ground Zero that day while any other sane person was rushing away. Ultimately, the GOP gave in, but only after slashing the allocation to $4.2 billion.
Still, any funding helps, and the law has some smart ways to spend the money that's been made available. Most notably, it establishes a board of medical advisers who will study all of the diseases among the sample population more closely, looking for any hidden — or not so hidden — 9/11 link that may exist. Of the 57,000 people participating in the CDC program so far, nearly 16,000 have sought treatment just in the past year for problems they think or fear are connected to their time on the pile. Not all of those ills will indeed be connected, but 16,000 is a big enough share of the sample group that the scrutiny is warranted.
(More on TIME.com: See pictures of the devastation on Sept. 11, 2001)
"Making this connection has been a challenge since the beginning," says Blosser. "One of the biggest goals of this program is to help people figure out why they're not well and get them treated if we can."
Roy Chelsen's family never doubted why he died, and multiple myeloma is indeed one of the diseases that's getting close attention from the new panel — even if it's attention that comes too late for many. "When I heard that bin Laden was dead, I was glad that justice had been served," says Kathy, "but it's just too bad Roy wasn't around to see it."
It's a hard truth that many more people are likely to die over many more years as a result of the service they gave on 9/11. But it's some small consolation, perhaps, that at least they will be among the ones who outlived their killer.
(More on TIME.com: See pictures of the evolution of Ground Zero)


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Technology is enabling more engaging, immersive team building activities. Tech-based team building activities encourage the same outcomes of a traditional team building program like collaboration, effective communication, creative thinking and problem solving but with the convenience of technology. Utilising GPS instead of maps for treasure hunts, tablets instead of paper for quizzes and, the best thing they enable real time scoring (no waiting around). They have enabled funky new features like interactive mapping, image recognition technology, photo and video uploads, team to team chat and loads of other cool features.
At Catalyst we have several award winning technology based team building solutions. Go Team is the platform for a selection of indoor and outdoor experiential team activities that can be customised to reflect your outcomes and requirements. There is something for every situation including uniquely designed treasure hunts, scavenger hunts, escape games, social responsibility programs, learning & development applications and more. Quickfire is the technology platform for a variety of risk vs. reward team building activities. With various themes, different difficulty levels and a vast array of customise-able mental, physical and creative challenges there is something for every situation. Our conference quiz app, Push It! is slick, elegant and fun. Dual team tablets, physical challenges on the big stage and real time scoring make Push It! the choice for conference and meeting planners world-wide.
Looking for something creative? Why not let you team become film makers for the day? Try Travel Show, Blockbusters, 15 Famous Minutes, Pop Promo or Commercial Break. Or get the synapses firing with Catalyst's technology based corporate team building music events like Shake It! or Boom Time Live! that really set the room on fire with interactivity and real time scoring.
Look at this selection of related popular programs.
Need help in deciding? Looking for something else?