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Ethnicities of Enslaved Africans in the Diaspora:On the Meanings of "Mina" (Again)
The term "Mina," when encountered as an ethnic designation of enslaved Africans in the Americas in the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries, has commonly been interpreted as referring to persons brought from the area of the "Gold Coast" ("Costa da Mina" in Portuguese usage), corresponding roughly to modern Ghana, who are further commonly presumed to have been mainly speakers of the Akan languages (Fante, Twi, etc.) dominant on that section of the coast and its immediate hinterland. In a recently published paper, however, Gwendolyn Hall has questioned this conventional interpretation, and suggested instead that most of those called "Mina" in the Americas were actually from the "Slave Coast" to the east (modern southeastern Ghana, Togo, and Bénin), and hence speakers of the languages nowadays generally termed "Gbe" (though formerly more commonly "Ewe"), including Ewe, Adja, and Fon. Given the numerical strength of the "Mina" presence in the Americas, as Hall rightly notes, this revision would substantially alter our understanding of ethnic formation in the Americas.1
In further discussion of these issues, this paper considers in greater detail than was possible in Hall's treatment: first, the application of the [End Page 247] name "Mina" in European usage on the West African coast itself, and second, the range of meanings attached to it in the Americas. This separation of African and American data, it should be stressed, is adopted only for convenience of exposition, since it is very likely that ethnic terminology on the two sides of the Atlantic in fact evolved in a process of mutual interaction. In particular, the settlement of large numbers of returned ex-slaves from Brazil on the Slave Coast from the 1830s onwards very probably fed Brazilian usage back into west Africa, as I have argued earlier with respect to the use of the name "Nago" as a generic term for the Yoruba-speaking peoples.2
The argument advanced here is that, in its original meaning in West Africa, the name "Mina" did indeed relate specifically to the Gold Coast, or at least to persons who originated from the Gold Coast even if settled elsewhere, though these included speakers of the Ga-Adangme languages of the eastern Gold Coast, as well as Akan;3 and that in the Americas, although the term was sometimes (especially in Brazil) used with an extended reference that included speakers of Gbe languages, it is questionable whether it ever denoted Gbe-speakers as distinct from speakers of Akan or Ga-Adangme. The implication is that the size of the Gbe-speaking element in the "Mina" presence in the Americas has to be substantially scaled down from that hypothesized by Hall.
The origin of the name "Mina" is not in dispute. It is Portuguese for "mine," and in this context alludes to the mining of gold. After the Portuguese first reached the coast of modern Ghana in 1471, the name "A [End Page 248] Mina"/"The Mine" was soon applied to the area where they purchased gold, initially specifically to the coastal town of Shama. In 1482, however, the Portuguese constructed the fort of São Jorge da Mina, "St George of the Mine," 30 kilometers further east, at a village whose indigenous name was Edina, and subsequently the name "Mina" came to refer primarily to this site. The corruption of this name into its modern form "Elmina" occurred in the period of Dutch occupation of the fort after 1637.4
Although "Mina" thus became the name of a specific town, however, the term "Costa da Mina"/"Coast of the Mine" was applied more generally, at least roughly in the sense of the later "Gold Coast". But the application of the term was not precisely fixed, and sometimes included a broader area. In administrative terms, in fact, the Portuguese "captaincy of the Mina," over which the Elmina fort presided, covered the area from Cape Palmas to the river Volta, and thus included the "Ivory Coast" (Cape Palmas to Cape Three Points or thereabouts), as well as the Gold Coast proper. The coast to the east of the Volta, including the later "Slave Coast," by contrast fell under the jurisdiction of the "captaincy of São Tomé," administered from the island so named.5 In Portuguese/Brazilian usage from the late seventeenth century onwards, as Pierre Verger has shown, the connotation of the term "Costa da Mina" shifted again, to mean "the Coast leeward [east] of Mina,"6 including the section of the coast immediately east of the Volta, otherwise known as the "Slave Coast."
However, it is questionable whether, as is commonly assumed, ships from Brazil scheduled for the "Costa da Mina" took in all their slaves from the Slave Coast. The Dutch, who claimed the right to regulate Portuguese trade by issuing of passports, did indeed seek to restrict their activities to specified ports east of the River Volta–Popo (nowadays Grand-Popo), Ouidah, Jakin (modern Godomey), and Ekpè, all situated within the modern Republic of Bénin.7 It is doubtful, however, whether this restriction could ever have been fully effective, and Portuguese-Brazilian ships did purchase some slaves west of the Volta. Between 1680 and [End Page 249] 1683, for example, the Portuguese usurped possession of the Danish fort of Christiansborg at Accra, and it is clear that in this period the Portuguese, in common with other Europeans, bought slaves, as well as gold, there.8 It was still reported that the Portuguese were buying slaves (albeit only "a few") at Accra in 1688.9 In 1697 the chief of the English fort at Accra complained that "[w]e are hardly ever clear of Portuguese vessels," which was hindering the purchase of slaves by the English.10
Portuguese ships also bought slaves on the sections of the coast immediately neighboring Accra, in the kingdom of Agona to the west, and in "Allampo," i.e., the Adangme country between Accra and the river Volta to the east. The factor on an English ship seeking slaves at Winneba in Agona in early 1681, for example, noted that on his last visit there he had bought slaves in company with a Portuguese ship.11 In "Allampo" to the east, various reports in the 1680s-1700s alluded in general terms to the Portuguese, as well as other European nations, purchasing slaves there.12 In detail, English records refer in early 1681 to the presence of two Portuguese ships at Allampo, which by implication were buying slaves, and later in the same year an English ship trading for slaves there complained of competition from a Portuguese ship, which was paying higher prices. In the following year another reported two Portuguese ships there, again presumably trading for slaves, and in 1683 an English slaver at Allampo faced competition from a Portuguese ship, which bought between 70 and [End Page 250] 80 slaves there before proceeding east of the Volta to complete its cargo.13 It is clear, therefore, that some (albeit probably small) proportion of the slaves brought to Brazil from the "Mina Coast" came from the eastern Gold Coast, rather than from the Slave Coast.
On the Gold Coast itself, when "Mina" was used in an ethnic sense, its basic meaning was people from Elmina specifically, as opposed to other communities in the region. But outside the Gold Coast, the term came to have a more inclusive meaning, referring to persons from the Gold Coast in general. In 1731, for example, when it was reported on the Slave Coast that "a great army of Minas" was marching to fight against Dahomey, the dominant power in the region, the reference was to forces from the kingdom of Akyem, which were currently operating east of the Volta.14
The question is complicated, however, by the fact that there was a "Mina" diaspora along the coast to the east, into the Slave Coast. European ships trading on the Slave Coast regularly brought with them canoes purchased on the Gold Coast, and also hired crews of canoemen there, in order to communicate with the shore.15 The practice is first documented in Dutch trade in the 1650s, but whether this was a Dutch innovation or copied from earlier Portuguese practice is unclear.16 Around the same time, Gold Coast merchants began using ocean-going canoes to trade independently with the Slave Coast, buying locally-made beads and cloth for resale on the Gold Coast.17
Although such canoemen and traders normally returned to the Gold Coast on completion of their business, some of them settled locally on the Slave Coast. European factories on the Slave Coast often employed persons from the Gold Coast, some of whom were recruited as freemen, but [End Page 251] others slaves or pawns. In 1694, for example, an English ship trading at Ouidah noted that most of the slaves employed in the English factory there were "Gold Coast negroes," who were considered superior soldiers to the local people, and also that, although there was no Dutch factory there, there was a settlement of persons "which call themselves Mine-men," who assisted Dutch ships.18 In this context, the "Minas," from their association with the Dutch, were evidently from Elmina specifically, as opposed to those in the English factory, who would have been recruited from Cape Coast, where the English headquarters on the Gold Coast was situated. In later references, however, the category "Mina" has been expanded to include both: a French source of 1716 thus describes the slaves in the English factory at Ouidah, as well as of a Dutch factory that had now been established in the Hueda capital Savi, as being "almost all inhabitants of the Gold Coast, or Minas."19 To the present day there are families in Ouidah who acknowledge their descent from canoemen from the Gold Coast who served the European factories there,20 and these are still sometimes referred to as "Minas" in local usage.
In other cases, on the western Slave Coast, canoemen or traders from the Gold Coast established their own independent communities. The best-known instance is "Little Popo" (modern Aného, in Togo), so called in distinction from the original "Popo" (Grand-Popo, in Bénin). This was a settlement of canoemen from Elmina, first attested in the contemporary record in the 1650s, among the places on the Slave Coast visited by merchants from the Gold Coast, who came there by sea in canoes.21 Another Mina settlement on the Slave Coast was presumably (from its name) "Elmina Chica [Little Elmina]," alternatively called Adina (i.e., Edina, the indigenous name of Elmina), on the coast just west of the eastern boundary of modern Ghana, although this is not attested until the nineteenth century.22
Other emigrations from the Gold Coast to the Slave Coast involved refugees displaced by the expansion of the kingdom of Akwamu in the [End Page 252] 1680s. Numbers of refugees from the "Allampo" or Adangme country east of Accra settled east of the Volta, many of whom were absorbed into the Anlo state, in what is nowadays southeastern Ghana.23 Further east again, in modern Togo, refugees from the Akwamu conquest of Accra in 1680 settled at Glidji, on the north bank of the lagoon across from the already established Mina settlement of "Little Popo," which acknowledged the authority of the displaced Accras at Glidji.24 Europeans commonly referred to the Glidji kingdom, as well as its coastal port, as "Little Popo," but this is not in fact its indigenous name, which is "Gen" (or in French spelling "Guin"), which in turn is a variant of "Ga," the indigenous name of Accra.25
The earliest detailed description of Little Popo, by an English visitor in 1687, explicitly distinguished between the ethnicity of the two communities, the royal capital inland occupied by the displaced "King of Accra," and the coastal village whose inhabitants were "all Mine people, or at least the rulers."26 Down at least to the 1740s, the people of "Little Popo" were commonly referred to in European sources as "Accras," reflecting the dominance of the Ga community of Glidji.27 From the 1720s, however, they were alternatively termed "Minas."28 This latter usage may have reflected awareness of the composite character of the state, including both Accra and "Mina" (in the narrow sense of Elmina) elements, but more probably it reflects the extension of the term "Mina" to include people from the whole of the Gold Coast noted above.
In the first half of the nineteenth century, emigrations from Aného established two further "Mina" communities, Porto-Seguro (modern [End Page 253] Agbodrafo) to the west and Agoué to the east (in modern Bénin).29 The French Roman Catholic mission that operated in this area from the 1860s regularly employed the term "Minas." In this the missionaries claimed to be following local usage, but it seems likely that in fact they were reproducing that of the Brazilian settlers on the coast, with which the French mission was closely associated.30 The first head of the mission, Fr. Francesco Borghéro, applied the name "Minas" to the entire western Slave Coast, including Keta (the main coastal port of Anlo) and Elmina Chica to the west and Grand-Popo to the east, as well as Porto-Seguro, Little Popo (including Glidji, as well as Aného) and Agoué.31 This extension of the term to include Anlo/Keta and Grand-Popo, however, was probably merely a confusion; at any rate, it did not persist.32
The name "Minas" remained in use under French colonial rule in the twentieth century, and indeed down to the present, to refer to the inhabitants of Agbodrafo, Aného and Glidji, and Agoué; although there remains an awareness locally that it should properly be applied only to the Elmina element in Aného (and its offshoots), as distinct from the Gas at Glidji.33 It is not quite accurate, however, to state as does Hall, that these people "call themselves" Mina.34 Rather, this is an external, European coinage, which is nowadays used locally only when speaking in French. At a conference held at Aného in 2000, I recall a member of the local community insisting that "the Minas exist only for scholars," the self-appellation of the people in their own language being "Gen."
The Adangme settlers in Anlo and the Ga at Glidji spoke languages which were closely related to each other, but distinct from that of the [End Page 254] Mina settlers at Aného, which was Fante, a member of the Akan group–though doubtless many of them were bilingual in both Ga/Adangme and Fante.35 Over time, however, these immigrants became linguistically assimilated into the populations among whom they had settled, which were Gbe-speaking. The Adangme in Anlo thus adopted the local language, Ewe.36 The Ga and Fante of Little Popo/Gen also adopted the local language, which in this area was probably Adja to the north of the lagoon but Hula, the dialect of Grand-Popo, to the south, but in this case giving rise to what is nowadays recognized as a distinct new dialect, Gen.
This process of linguistic assimilation, however, evidently took some considerable time. In the early nineteenth century, for example, it was still noted that at Aflao, just east of Anlo, "a mixture of Adampe [Adangme] and Kerrapay [Krepi, i.e., Ewe] is spoken, accounted for by the emigration of a large body of the former people."37 At Agoué as late as 1859 the Methodist missionary Peter Bernasko, who was from Sekondi on the Gold Coast, was able to converse with a local chief in Fante, while in Glidji Ga was reportedly still being spoken as late as the late nineteenth century.38 This persistence of bilinguality needs to be borne in mind in considering the formation of ethnic identities among transported enslaved Africans in the diaspora. To the extent that African-American "nations" were constituted primarily on the basis of common language, clearly many slaves taken from the western Slave Coast in the eighteenth century would have had in effect a choice of ethnicities, being able to communicate with both Akan-speakers (and/or Ga-Adangme-speakers) and Gbe-speakers.
How commonly persons from the "Mina" communities on the Slave Coast were sold into trans-Atlantic slavery is uncertain, though they are unlikely, as Hall notes, to have represented a significant proportion of transported slaves.39 The ports of the western Slave Coast–Keta in Anlo [End Page 255] to the west and Grand-Popo to the east, as well as Little Popo, themselves accounted for only around 6% of slave exports from the region.40 However, their inhabitants were more likely to be enslaved through capture in warfare or kidnapping, and to be sold elsewhere on the coast. In fact, the only reference of which I am aware to "Minas" as an ethnicity of slaves purchased by Europeans on the Slave Coast is the account of the French captain Des Marchais describing the slave trade at Ouidah, the principal port in the region, in the 1720s. The "Minois" are here distinguished from two Gbe-speaking groups, the "Aradas," i.e., Allada, the dominant state in the region prior to the rise of Dahomey, and "Foin [Fon]," the people of Dahomey itself, immediately inland from Allada, but otherwise no indication is offered of their identity. The published version of this text, edited by Père Labat, explains that the "Minois" were "from the Kingdom [sic] of Saint George of the Mine," i.e., Elmina, but this is evidently no more than a misinformed editorial gloss.41 More likely, in this context these are the "Minas" of Little Popo, as Hall also seems to agree.42 Some (probably small) proportion of those identified as "Minas" in the Americas therefore probably did come from the "Mina" communities on the Slave Coast.
With respect to the nomenclature of African ethnicities in the Americas, it should be stressed at the outset that it is incontestable that in some contexts the term "Mina" did mean specifically people from the area of the Gold Coast. This is clear, for example, from the analysis of African ethnicities by Christian Oldendorp, a missionary active in the Danish West Indies in the 1760s.43 Oldendorp explicitly and unambiguously linked the [End Page 256] "Amina nation" to the Gold Coast. He clearly meant by this a larger grouping than Elmina town, describing it as "the most powerful nation on this [Gold] coast," whose territory was "very large and has many villages."
The only communities specifically named by Oldendorp as sub-groups of the "Amina" are the Kwawu ("Quahu"), located in the eastern interior of the Gold Coast, who are described as "one tribe of the Amina;" and the Accra ("Akkran"), "a people who belong to the Amina, whose language they also understand." This latter phrasing suggests awareness that the language of Accra, Ga, is distinct from Akan, but implies bilinguality on the part of the Accras. On the other hand, the Kyerepong ("Akripon"), another eastern Akan-speaking group, which formed part of the state of Akwapim, although said to "also speak the language of the Amina," seem to be regarded as a separate people. Other Akan-speaking groups mentioned, including the Asante ("Sante"), Akani ("Okkan"), Etsi ("Atti"), Assin ("Assein"), Adanse ("Adansi"), and Akyem ("Akkim"), seem also to be regarded as neighboring but distinct from the "Amina."
By distinction, in Oldendorp's conception the Gbe-speaking peoples of the Slave Coast are classified separately, as the "Papaa [i.e., Popo] nation." This was primarily the name by which Europeans referred to two communities on the western Slave Coast, mentioned earlier, "Great Popo" and "Little Popo" (nowadays Grand-Popo and Aného), although this was not their indigenous name (that of Grand-Popo being Pla or Hula, and that of the oldest quarter of Aného being Plaviho, "[House of] Little Pla"), and its origin is unclear: it may be a name by which the Yoruba to the east referred to the Gbe-speakers (or some of them), picked up by the Europeans in the earliest days of the trade.44 Its use in a wider sense, to include persons from other communities in the region, is also attested in the British West Indies, where it was applied generically to slaves exported through Ouidah.45 Oldendorp lists as peoples which "belong to the Papaa kingdom": Allada ("Arrada"), which had been the most important eastern Gbe-speaking kingdom down to the early eighteenth century, and the Fon ("Affong") of Dahomey, which conquered and replaced it in the 1720s; Tori ("Attolli"), a small state adjoining Allada on the south, also conquered by Dahomey; and Kpessi ("Apassu or Apeschi"), a Gbe-speaking community in the west (in modern Togo); and also the "Nagoo," i.e. the Nago or Yoruba, neighbors of the Gbe-speaking [End Page 257] peoples to the north and east. The inclusion of the Yoruba, whose language is in fact distinct from Gbe, here again probably reflects bilinguality. The Nago were also regarded as a sub-group of the "Popos" in the British West Indies.46 The people of Hueda ("Fida"), the coastal kingdom which controlled the port of Ouidah, also conquered by Dahomey in the 1720s, by implication also belonged to the "Popo nation," since they are described by Oldendorp as closely related to the Allada.47 On the other hand, two of the major western Gbe-speaking groups who are named, the Adja ("Atje") and Ouatchi ("Watje"),48 seem to be regarded as separate from the "Popos."
"Mina" was, however, as Hall correctly notes, certainly a term which was applied in Brazil, in some contexts, to speakers of Gbe languages. The "Casa das Minas [House of the Minas]" in São Luis in the province of Maranhão, for example, is a cult-house of specifically Dahomian origin, venerating spirits associated with the royal dynasty of Dahomey.49 A vocabulary of "the common language of Mina" compiled in the province of Minas Gerais in 1741 is likewise of a Gbe language, basically Fon, although incorporating some elements from other dialects.50 The vocabulary itself gives the vernacular equivalent of "gente mina [Mina people]" as "Guno," i.e,. Gunnu, "Gun people," this being the name of the most southeasterly Gbe-speaking group, straddling the modern Bénin/Nigeria border (including the towns of Porto-Novo in Bénin, and Badagry in Nigeria).51 [End Page 258]
In Rio de Janeiro a "Congregation of the Mina Blacks" formed in the 1740s comprised a number of different "nations," though all reportedly speaking a common language: "Dagomés," "Makis," "Sabarus," "Agolins," and "Ianos"—i.e., Dahomey; Mahi, its immediate northeastern neighbour; Savalou, north of Dahomey; Agonlin, to the east (whose principal town is Covè); and Oyo (Ayonu, "people of Oyo," in Fon), in the interior to the northeast. Of these the Oyo speak Yoruba rather than a Gbe dialect; their incorporation with the Gbe-speaking "Minas" presumably here again reflects bilinguality. In 1762 the congregation split, with the Mahi, Savalou, Agonlin, and Oyo breaking away to form a separate "Congregation of the Mina Blacks of the Kingdom of Maki."52 It is noteworthy that this split did not occur along linguistic lines (Gbe-speakers against Yoruba), but instead followed political alignments in Africa, where the four secessionist groups were all enemies of Dahomey and/or victims of its territorial expansion.
These instances, however, seem to reflect the use of "Mina" as a very general term, including a number of different peoples, rather than that the term meant Gbe-speakers in particular. The classic study of Africans in Brazil, by Nina Rodrigues, written in 1906, observes that in Maranhão all Africans were referred to generically as "Minas."53 In Rio de Janeiro in the eighteenth century, three principal categories were employed to designate the origins of enslaved Africans: "Guiné [Guinea]," "Mina," and "Angola." These were clearly broad geographical terms, rather than specific ethnicities: "Guiné" and "Mina" evidently representing respectively the western and eastern sections of the West African coast, and "Mina" being by implication the entire West African coast from the Ivory Coast eastwards.54 Given known patterns of shipping and shifting African sources of slaves in the trans-Atlantic trade, the Rio "Minas" would probably have been predominantly Gbe-speaking in the mid-eighteenth century, but would have become predominantly Yoruba-speaking by the nineteenth century.55 [End Page 259]
In the province of Bahia, however, where the African population was overwhelmingly West African and ethnic terminology was consequently more differentiated, the "Minas" were only one among several West African "nations" recognized, distinct both from the Gbe-speakers, who were here called "Gêges," or in modern spelling "Jejes" (and who included both the Fon/Dahomians and the Mahi),56 and from the Yoruba, here also called "Nagôs."57 According to Rodrigues, in Bahia two sub-groups of the Minas were distinguished: the "Minas-Santés," i.e., the Ashanti, and the "Minas-Popos," in the latter of whom he correctly recognized the Akan/Ga speakers who had settled east of the Volta at Little Popo.
In Cuba likewise, in the classic inventory of African ethnicities compiled by Fernando Ortiz, originally published in 1916, the "Minas" also seem basically to represent people from the Gold Coast.58 At any rate, the bulk of the Gbe-speakers here were again put into a distinct category, the "Ararás" (a variant of the name "Allada"), whose component groups included the Dahomians ("Dajomé"), Mahi ("Magino"), Savalou ("Sabalú"), and perhaps Covè (Cuévano"), as well as others not immediately recognizable ("Agicon," "Nezeve"); and the Yoruba were also separate, here known as "Lucumís". The existence in Cuba too of a brotherhood (cabildo) of the "Minas Popó Costa de Oro," listed in 1909, evidently refers again to the Gold Coast immigrants settled at Little Popo, as Hall also concludes.59 An earlier cabildo, of the "Mina Guagui" nation, documented in 1794-1812, may also refer to Little Popo, under its indigenous name of Genyi, "Gen country."60
In the French Caribbean colony of Saint-Domingue (modern Haiti) in the second half of the eighteenth century the "Minas" were likewise distinct from the main body of Gbe-speakers, here called generically "Aradas" or "Radas" (i.e., "Allada"), though sometimes particular Gbe-speaking groups were separately identified, notably the Adja ("Adia") and the Hueda ("Foeda"), the latter probably referring here to the community of refugees displaced by the Dahomian conquest of the Hueda [End Page 260] kingdom in the 1720s, now settled to the west of their original homeland, in the territory of Grand-Popo, and known as Hueda-Henji.61
However, interpretation of the Saint-Domingue data is complicated by the fact that they include references to "Coromantis" (and other variants), as well as "Minas," the former being a term regularly used in English sources for slaves from the Gold Coast.62 It is unclear whether these are alternative names for the same group, or a distinction between them is intended; and if the latter, what the basis of this distinction might be. Conceivably the use of these two terms might reflect a differentiation of ethnicity between Akan-speakers from the western and central (and interior) Gold Coast, and Ga-Adangme from the eastern Gold Coast, although if so it is not clear which name would have designated which group. Alternatively, and perhaps more probably, however, "Coromantis" might represent slaves from the Gold Coast delivered by English, as opposed to French, ships.
Gwendolyn Hall originally formulated her argument in relation to ethnic designations in the African-American population of Louisiana, of which she has compiled an invaluable database.63 In Louisiana as well, the "Minas" were a distinct category from the "Aradas." Hall implicitly argues that the "Minas" here represented the western Gbe-speakers–Ewe, Ouatchi, Adja, Gen, Hula, etc.–as distinct from the Fon of Dahomey and their immediate neighbors; but if so, their numerical strength in Louisiana (nearly three times the numbers of the "Aradas")64 is surprising, given the very limited role which the ports of the western Slave Coast played in the Atlantic slave trade, as noted earlier. Also, since presumably at least some of the Africans in Louisiana were from the Gold Coast, it is not clear where, if not among the "Minas," they were classified. It may further be noted that a leader of the "Mina" community in Louisiana in the 1790s to whom Hall refers, Antonio Cofi Mina, bore a transparently Akan name, Kofi, given to male children born on a Friday.65 This is not inconsistent [End Page 261] though with his having originated from the Slave Coast (or indeed, with his being a Gbe-speaker), since the use of such Akan day-names spread along the coast with the Mina diaspora as far east as Ouidah.66
Hall's argument for classifying the "Minas" as Gbe-speakers leans heavily on a passage in the work of Alonso de Sandoval, a Spanish missionary active in evangelizing African slaves in what is today Colombia in the early seventeenth century, which discusses at considerable length the different ethnicities (he uses the term castas, "breeds") of African-born slaves he encountered in Spanish America.67
The critical passage of Sandoval's work on which Hall's argument is based, referring to slaves brought to America from/through the island of São Tomé, reads as follows: "[t]he breeds [castas] which [they] ordinarily bring from those parts are Minas, Popoos, Fulaos, Ardas, or Araraes, which is the same [lit. "which is all one," que todo es uno], Offoons; also Arda breed [casta Arda]; . . . ."68 The intended syntax, and therefore the precise meaning, of this passage is not entirely clear. In particular, does the phrase "which is the same" refer only to the immediately preceding terms "Ardas, or Araraes," or, as Hall assumes, to the entire preceding list of "Minas, Popoos, Fulaos, Ardas, or Araraes?" And where do the immediately following "Offoons" fit into this schema? Hall's interpretation implicitly excludes them from the "Ardas," but the list culminates in a repetition of the name "Arda" in an implicitly generic form, "casta Arda," which presumably includes all the preceding groups. It seems likely that in its first occurrence "Ardas, or Araraes" means specifically Allada, but in its second, "Arda breed," represents a generic term, including the other neighboring and/or related groups specified earlier. In either case, however, Sandoval's inclusion of the "Minas" within the wider "Arda" group seems clear.
The various groups named as making up Sandoval's "Arda breed" are evidently arranged at least loosely in geographical order from west to [End Page 262] east. Setting aside for the moment the problematic "Minas," the first name, "Popoos," as has been seen, was one given by Europeans to a coastal port on the western Slave Coast, nowadays Grand-Popo, although in the Caribbean it was sometimes given a wider application, to include other Gbe-speaking peoples. Sandoval's own account, while clearly referring to this coastal port, represents it as included in a much larger "kingdom of the Popos" extending west to the river Volta, whose ruler resided some distance inland.69 This probably alludes to Tado, the center of the Adja people, from which several other Gbe-speaking groups, including Grand-Popo, trace their traditional origins.70 The second name "Fulao," which is also attested in other sources as a place of trade in the early seventeenth century, seems likely to represent Pla/Hula, which was, as noted earlier, the indigenous name of Grand-Popo, but from Sandoval's more detailed account of its location (midway between Popo and Allada),71 it clearly refers here to Glehue (modern Ouidah), later the coastal port of the kingdom of Hueda, which, at least according to some versions of local tradition, was originally a settlement of Hula immigrants from Grand-Popo.72 The name which follows Allada, "Offoons," presents more of a problem. An obvious identification would be with Fon, i.e., Dahomey (cf. Oldendorp's "Affong"), north of Allada, but this was not in Sandoval's time a place of any great importance, if indeed it existed at all.73 Alternatively, however, it may be a New World coinage, deriving from a common greeting, in modern Fon a fon [dagbe]?, "Have you woken [well]?"74 This would tend to suggest that "Offoons" is an alternative generic name for the wider "Arda breed," although admittedly Sandoval's syntax does not contrive to convey this clearly.
But what of Sandoval's "Minas"? The reference is unlikely to be to the "Mina" settlement at Little Popo, which, as seen above, probably did not yet exist. Hall implicitly identifies them with the westernmost Gbe-speaking groups, the Ewe and Adja–although on the face of it, given the geographical extent which Sandoval attributes to "the kingdom of the [End Page 263] Popos," both the Adjas and the Ewes would seem to be subsumed into his "Popos."75 However, Sandoval's own detailed geographical description elsewhere shows that he located the Minas on the Gold Coast: "From this Cape [Palmas] to the nation, which we call Mina . . . is a hundred and twenty leagues, peopled with many large villages, fifty leagues from which is the River Volta," which in turn marked the beginning of the "Kingdom of the Popos."76 The distances mentioned seem to indicate Elmina itself, but evidently Sandoval"s "Mina nation," with its "many large villages" was a wider area, as it was for Oldendorp later. On the face of it therefore, it would seem difficult to cite Sandoval's text in support of the view that "Mina" designated Gbe-speakers, or indeed any other group living east of the Volta.
A key assumption in Hall's argument is that the "Mina" slaves referred to by Sandoval in the 1620s could not be from the Gold Coast, because at the time when he wrote no slaves were being purchased by Europeans from that area.77 On this, Hall's view accurately represents the consensus of current scholarly literature. In the earliest period of European trade on the Gold Coast, when it was dominated by the Portuguese, slaves were in fact an import rather than an export, purchased by the Portuguese from elsewhere on the West African coast (especially the Benin area) to be exchanged on the Gold Coast for gold.78 This import trade apparently still continued in the early seventeenth century.79 In consequence, it is commonly believed that slaves did not become an item of export from this area until much later. The most detailed study of seventeenth-century European trade on the Gold Coast, by Robert Porter, suggests that slave-trading on the Gold Coast was initiated only in the 1640s, by English traders. He in fact explicitly identifies a cargo of 100 slaves purchased by an English ship at the beginning of 1647 at Winneba on the eastern Gold [End Page 264] Coast, as "the first occasion on which slaves were obtained from the Gold Coast by either the English or the Dutch."80
This view, however, is demonstrably inaccurate. When the Dutch West India Company entered the slave trade after 1635 (to supply Pernambuco in Brazil, recently taken from the Portuguese), some of the slaves it carried were obtained on the Gold Coast. The first two Dutch ships to deliver slaves to Brazil in 1637 purchased 38 slaves from the Gold Coast out of a total of 874, the remainder being taken from Allada and the Bight of Biafra.81 Over the period from 1637 to 1645, around 17% of the slaves that the Company shipped from West Africa to Brazil came from the Gold Coast, an average of about 200 per year.82 Most of these were recorded as obtained from Mina, with smaller numbers from Mouri, the original Dutch headquarters 14 kilometers to the east, and from Accra.83 The reference to Mina specifically may be misleading, however, since it is possible that slaves shipped from Mina had been initially collected elsewhere on the coast.
It is likely in fact that most of the slaves that the Dutch obtained from the Gold Coast in this period came from its most easterly section, especially from Accra. The Dutch geographer Olfert Dapper, writing in 1668, but probably reporting earlier (1640s?) conditions, states that Accra supplied not only gold, but also around 300 slaves per year, though he does not state explicitly that these were purchased by the Dutch; and also that the Dutch "sometimes" traded at Beraku, between Winneba and Accra, for slaves that were brought there by African merchants from Accra.84
This evidence of Dutch slaving on the Gold Coast in the 1630s and 1640s, however, might represent a recent innovation rather than a continuation of patterns of commerce from the earlier Portuguese period, to which Sandoval was referring. Sandoval himself, in his very brief reference to trade, does not mention slaves as sold on the Gold Coast, but he also fails to mention gold, referring only to "ivory, cloths and other [End Page 265] things in which their land abounds." This description can only be understood as referring to the Ivory Coast to the west, which was a source of African-made cloth, as well as ivory, rather than the Gold Coast proper.85
However, other Portuguese documents of the early seventeenth century do indicate some trade in slaves on the Gold Coast. A report of 1607 describes the trade of the Costa da Mina (from the context, referring here to the entire coast from Cape Palmas to the Volta, so including the Ivory Coast as well as the Gold Coast proper) as consisting of "much gold, ivory, silver, malagueta [pepper], gum, civet, cats [live civet-cats], wax, slaves." Admittedly, this passage shows some signs of confusion: the reference to silver, if not merely an error, can refer only to trade with Europeans on the coast for specie in the form of silver dollars; while malagueta, gum and wax were normally obtained further west along the coast, though maybe some of these commodities were collected from elsewhere and bulked up at Elmina for final shipment. A later document of 1620, however, proposing countermeasures against Dutch piracy and commercial competition, is more precise. In advocating an expedition to destroy the Dutch fort at Mouri, it alludes to its interference with Portuguese ships which came to buy "black slaves, ivory and oil [presumably palm-oil], gum and civet."86 How early this trade in slaves began is uncertain; the Portuguese had made contact with Accra for the first time as early as the 1520s, and maintained a fort there between 1557 and 1572, but the (admittedly fragmentary) sixteenth-century accounts of trade there refer only to gold.87
In the light of this evidence, it seems probable that small numbers of slaves were already being purchased on the Gold Coast in the early seventeenth century, if not earlier, specifically from the eastern Gold Coast around Accra. Consequently, the "Mina" slaves whom Sandoval encountered in South America could have been from the Gold Coast, as the term "Mina" normally implied. They would be for the most part have been more likely Ga-Adangme rather than Akan-speakers, however.
This conclusion of course serves to raise the further question of why, if Sandoval's "Minas" spoke Ga-Adangme, they should have been classified with the "Arda breed," who were otherwise all speakers of Gbe languages. In answer, it should first be noted that this is by no means a [End Page 266] unique instance. Sandoval himself, in discussing the "Lucumies" to the east, who were basically Yoruba-speakers, refers to the Bariba of Borgu, the northwestern neighbors of the Yoruba in Africa, as a sub-group of them, "Lucumies Barbas," although they in fact speak a different language.88 In Cuba later, as reported by Ortiz, the "Lucumí" or Yoruba nation likewise included the Tapa ("Tacua"), which is the Yoruba name for the Nupe, their northeastern neighbors, who likewise speak a different language.89 Contrariwise, in the Danish and British West Indies, as noted earlier, the Nago/Yoruba were included within the "Popo" nation, who were otherwise Gbe-speakers, while in Rio de Janeiro the Yoruba-speaking Oyo joined Gbe-speakers in the "kingdom of Mahi."
Such instances of the aggregation of peoples who were linguistically distinct but geographically adjacent (in Africa) are best explicable on the assumption that many people in these groups were bilingual, so that smaller groups could be assimilated into larger ones in the Americas. If the "Mina" slaves of the early seventeenth century were specifically from the eastern Gold Coast, divided from the westernmost Gbe-speakers by the Volta river, which was easily crossed by canoe, the existence of a sufficient degree of bilinguality for this process of incorporation seems a reasonable hypothesis.
In the longer run, however, the focus of the slave trade within the Gold Coast shifted westwards, with Cape Coast and Anomabu becoming the principal ports of embarkation: over the entire history of the trade, Accra and "Alampo" together accounted for only around 9% of shipments from the Gold Coast.90 By the eighteenth century, therefore, most of the slaves taken from the immediate hinterland of the Gold Coast would have spoken Akan rather than Ga-Adangme, and more critically would have been from places geographically non-contiguous with the Gbe-speaking peoples east of the Volta. Thus the later "Mina" in Bahia, the West Indies, and Louisiana, in addition to being sufficiently numerous to constitute themselves as a separate "nation," would have been less able to assimilate into the Gbe-speaking groups ("Popo," "Jeje," "Arará," or "Rada").
1. Gwendolyn Midlo Hall, "African ethnicities and the meanings of 'Mina'" in Paul E. Lovejoy and David R. Trotman, eds., Trans-Atlantic Dimensions of Ethnicity in the African Diaspora (London, 2003), 65-81. The argument is elaborated in a forthcoming book, African Ethnicities in the Americas, chapter 7; my thanks to Gwen Hall for allowing me to see a draft text of the relevant section of this work.
2. Robin Law, "Ethnicity and the Slave Trade: 'Lucumi' and 'Nago' as Ethnonyms in West Africa," HA 24(1997), 205-19; for the argument that the generic use of "Nago" in West Africa represents feedback from Brazil, see ibid., 212-15.
3. An interesting question, which however cannot be pursued here, is whether/how far European usage in the Americas distinguished between the Akan and Ga-Adangme language groups. The English in the late seventeenth century did distinguish between "Cormantine" or "Gold Coast" slaves and the "Allampo," i.e., Adangme, the former being much preferred: Thomas Phillips, "A Journal of a Voyage made in the Hannibal of London" in Awnsham Churchill and John Churchill, comps., Collection of Voyages and Travels (6 vols.: London, 1732), 6:214; Robin Law, ed., The English in West Africa 1685-1688: The Local Correspondence of the Royal African Company of Englan,d 1681-1699, Part 2 (London, 2001), 415 (doc. 973: Edwyn Steede and Stephen Gascoigne, Barbados, 12 May 1686). But the distinction seems to have been lost in later English usage, and to be altogether absent in that of other European nations, which referred generically to "Mina" slaves.
4. P.E.H. Hair, The Founding of the Castelo de São Jorge da Mina: an Analysis of the Sources (Madison, 1994), 43-44nn3-4.
5. António Brásio, ed., Monumenta Missionaria Africana (1st series, 14 vols, Lisbon, 1952-85), 5: 374 (doc. 137: Relação da Costa da Guiné, 1607).
6. This term occurs in a document of 1699, quoted in Pierre Verger, Flux et reflux de la traite des nègres entre le Golfe de Bénin et Bahia de Todos os Santos du XVIIe au XIXe siècle (Paris, 1968), 67.
7. Ibid., 10, 39; and documents quoted ibid., 44, 57n47.
8. In 1681 the king of Akwamu sent to the English fort at Accra that some women held in the fort in pawn should be sold to the first available ship, or else "to the Dutch or Portuguese" (but in fact they were sold to an English ship); and in 1682, when slave prices were high, it was reported that "the Portuguese nor Dutch buys none." Both these reports evidently imply that the Portuguese normally did buy slaves at Accra: Robin Law, ed., The English in West Africa 1681-1683: The Local Correspondence of the Royal African Company of England, 1681-1699, Part 1 (London, 1997), 159, 189 (doc. 397: Francis Frankland, James Fort, Accra, 25 May 1681; doc. 433: Ralph Hassell, James Fort, Accra, 25 June 1682).
9. "Relation du voyage de Guynée fait en 1687 sur la frégate "La Tempeste" par le Sr Du Casse," in Paul Roussier, ed., L'établissement d'Issiny, 1687-1702 (Paris, 1935), 14.
10. Bodleian Library, Oxford: Rawlinson C.746, Edward Searle, James Fort, Accra, 19 July 1697.
11. Law, English in West Africa 1681-1683, 304, (doc. 586: James Nightingale, Winneba, 11 May 1681).
12. P.E.H. Hair, Adam Jones, and Robin Law, eds., Barbot on Guinea: The Writings of Jean Barbot on West Africa, 1678-1712 (London, 1992), 2:440; Du Casse, "Relation du voyage," 14; William Bosman, A New and Accurate Description of the Coast of Guinea (London, 1705), 327.
13. Law, English in West Africa 1681-1683, 297 (doc. 575: James Nightingale, Winneba, 9 March 1681); 268 (doc. 518, Hugh Shears, Allampo, 30 October 1681; 315 (doc. 613: Daniel Gates, Allampo, 6 March 1682); 290-1 (docs 560, 562-63: David Harper, Allampo, 30 June 1683 ; John Groome, Allampo, 9 July 1693; David Harper, Allampo, 9 July 1683).
14. Robin Law, The Slave Coast of West Africa 1550-1750: The Impact of the Atlantic Slave Trade on an African Society (Oxford, 1991), 296, 316.
15. Robin Law, "Between the sea and the lagoons: the interaction of maritime and inland navigation on the pre-colonial Slave Coast," Cahiers d"études africaines, 29 (1989), 209-37.
16. Adam Jones, West Africa in the Mid-Seventeenth Century: An Anonymous Dutch Manuscript (Atlanta, 1995), 197 (referring to Popo, i.e., Grand-Popo, on the western Slave Coast).
17. Law, Slave Coast, 148-50. The earliest report of this trade (in 1659) implies that it was a recent innovation (operative only for "some years").
18. Phillips, "Journal," 228.
19. Robin Law, Ouidah: The Social History of a West African Slaving'Port,' 1727-1892 (Oxford, 2004), 39.
20. Ibid., 74-75.
21. Silke Strickrodt, "Afro-European Trade Relations on the Western Slave Coast, 16th to 19th centuries" (PhD, University of Stirling, 2003), 77-81; S. Wilson, "Aperçu historique sur les peuples et cultures dans le Golfe de Bénin: le cas des "Mina" d'Anécho," in François de Medeiros, ed), Peuples du Golfe du Bénin; Aja-Ewe (Colloque de Cotonou) (Paris, 1984), 127-50.
22. Strickrodt, "Afro-European Trade Relations," 77n41, 245. In a report of 1852 the town's indigenous name is given as "Adiner Cooma," i.e., Fante akuma, "junior."
23. Ibid., 83-85, 91-95; Sandra E. Greene, Gender, Ethnicity and Social Change on the Upper Slave Coast: A history of the Anlo-Ewe (London, 1995), 25-28.
24. Local tradition in fact generally states that the Minas arrived at Little Popo only after the foundation of Glidji by the Accra settlers. But given the contemporary evidence for the existence of Little Popo already in the 1650s, this is probably a fiction intended to legitimize the authority of the Glidji kings over the coastal town.
25. Strickrodt, "Afro-European Trade Relations," 81-91. For the Gen state see also Nicoué Lodjou Gayibor, Le Genyi: un royaume oublié de la Côte de Guinée au temps de la traite des noirs (Lomé, 1990).
26. Law, English in West Africa 1685-1688, 343-44 (doc. 825: John Carter, Whydah, 10 May 1687).
27. Law, Slave Coast, 258, 289, 322.
28. A force from Little Popo which raided Ouidah in 1728, although reported in an English source as comprising "Accras" with other allied peoples, was described in a French source as "les Minois du Petit Popo:" Archives Nationales, Section d'Outre-Mer, Aix-en-Provence, C6/25, Du Petitval, 4 October 1728; cf. Law, Slave Coast, 289.
29. Strickrodt, "Afro-European Trade Relations," 188-203.
30. This is suggested by the fact that they called the language of Dahomey and Porto Novo "Djedje" (or "Gegi," etc.), i.e., "Jeje," a term which although current in Brazil already in the eighteenth century had not (to the best of my knowledge) previously been recorded in West Africa: see also J. Lorand Matory, "The Trans-Atlantic Nation: Reconsidering Nations and Transnationalism," paper presented at the conference on "Rethinking the African Diaspora: The Making of a Black Atlantic World in the Bight of Benin and Brazil," Emory University, Atlanta, April 1998.
31. "Relation sur l'établissement des missions dans le Vicariat apostolique du Dahomé [3 December 1863]" in Journal de Francesco Borghero, premier missionnaire du Dahomey (1861-1865), ed. Renzo Mandirola and Yves Morel (Paris, 1997), 237-38.
32. A later account by another member of the mission noted explicitly that Grand-Popo, by its language and culture, did not belong among the "Minas," but rather among the "Djedjes:" Pierre Bouche, "Notes sur les républiques minas de la Côte des Esclaves," Bulletin de la Société de la Géographie, 6/10 (1875), 93-100.
33. Fio Agbanon II, Histoire de Petit-Popo et du Royaume Guin (1934) (ed. N.L. Gayibor, Lomé, 1991), 128-9.
34. Hall, "African Ethnicities," 66.
35. Strictly, the term "Fante" in this context is an anachronism, since the Fante state did not expand to absorb Eguafo, to which Elmina had originally belonged, and other neighboring coastal states until the eighteenth century.
36. Although Adangme continued to be spoken at Agotime, inland from Anlo: A.B. Ellis, The Ewe-Speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast of West Africa (London, 1890), 8; R.G.S. Sprigge, "Eweland's Adangbe: an Enquiry into Oral Tradition," Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana 10(1969), 87-128.
37. Thomas Edward Bowdich, A Mission from Cape Coast Castle to Ashantee (London, 1819), 221.
38. Wesleyan Methodist Missionary Society Archives, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London: West Africa correspondence, Box 263, William West, Cape Coast, 6 June 1859; Strickrodt, "Afro-European Trade Relations," 100n156.
39. Hall, "African Ethnicities," 66, 70.
40. David Eltis, Paul E. Lovejoy & David Richardson, "Slave-trading ports: an Atlantic-wide perspective," in Robin Law and Silke Strickrodt, eds., Ports of the Slave Trade (Bights of Benin and Biafra) (Centre of Commonwealth Studies, University of Stirling, 1999), 20 (Table 3).
41. "Journal du voiage de Guinée et Cayenne par le Chevalier des Marchais commandant la fregatte de la Compagnie des Indes, l"Expédition, pendant les années 1724, 1725 et 1726" (Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris: Fonds français, 24223), 34-34v; Jean-Baptiste Labat, Voyage du Chevalier des Marchais en Guinée, isles voisines et à Cayenne, fait en 1725, 1726 et 1727 (2d ed.: 2 vols.: Amsterdam, 1731), 2:105.
42. Hall, "African Ethnicities," 70.
43. Christian Georg Andreas Oldendorp, Geschichte der Mission der evangelischen Brüder auf den Caraibischen Inseln St Thomas, St Croix und St Jan (1777), translated in Soi-Daniel W. Brown, "From the Tongues of Africa: a Partial Translation of Oldendorp"s Interviews," Plantation Society 2/1(1983), 37-62; for the "Amina," see ibid., 46-48.
44. Cf. Law, Slave Coast, 16.
45. E.g. Phillips, "Journal," 214; Bryan Edwards, The History, Civil and Commercial, of the British West Indies (5th ed.: 2 vols.: London, 1819), 2:59-60.
46. Indeed, Edwards, ibid., even states explicitly that they "speak the Whidah language."
47. Oldendorp says that the Allada were "descendants" of the Hueda, but this is probably a confusion: versions of local tradition recorded recently state rather that Allada and Hueda shared a common origin, from the Adja kingdom of Tado to the west.
48. Associated with the town of Notse (Nuatja), in modern Togo—this being apparently the earliest reference to this group in any contemporary source.
49. Nunes Pereira, A Casa das Minas: Contribução ao estudo das sobrevivências do culto dos voduns, do panteão daomeano, no Estado do Maranhão, Brasil (Petrópolis, 1979).
50. António da Costa Peixoto, Obra Nova de Língua Geral de Mina, ed. Luís Silveira and Edmundo Correia Lopes (Lisbon, 1945); modern edition, Yeda Pessoa de Castro, ed., A Língua Mina-Jeje no Brasil: um falar Africano em Ouro Preto do século XVIII (Minas Gerais, 2002). For analysis see Olabiyi Yai, "Texts of Enslavement: Fon and Yoruba Vocabularies from Eighteenth- and Nineteenth-Century Brazil" in Paul E. Lovejoy, ed., Identity in the Shadow of Slavery (London, 2000), 102-12.
51. And providing the first documentation of this ethnonym, which is not attested in West Africa itself before the nineteenth century. The vocabulary also gives "Gamthòmè" for "as minas [the Minas]." This is interpreted by the editor Yeda Pessoa de Castro as Gentome, "Gen country," i.e., Little Popo, but it seems more likely to refer to Minas Gerais in Brazil than to the "Minas" in Africa, perhaps from gan, "metal."
52. Later the Agonlin and Savalou also chose their own kings: Mariza de Carvalho Soares, Devotos da cor: identidade étnica, religiosidade e escravidão no Rio de Janeiro, século XVIII (Rio de Janeiro, 2000), esp. 200-02.
53. Raymundo Nina Rodrigues, Os africanos no Brasil (ed. Homero Pires, São Paulo, 1932), 164.
54. Soares, Devotos, 95-127; cf. also Rodrigues, Africanos, 164-65.
55. Mariza de Carvalho Soares, "From Gbe to Yoruba: Ethnic Change and the Mina Nation in Rio de Janei," in Matt D. Childs and Toyin Falola, eds., The Yoruba Diaspora in the Atlantic World (Bloomington, 2004), 231-47.
56. Rodrigues, Africanos, 161-62, refers to a sub-group of the "Gêges" called "Efan," who he understood were distinct from the Dahomians, but this is perhaps a confusion.
57. Rodrigues, Africanos, 151-79; for the "Minas," see ibid., 163-65.
58. Fernando Ortiz, Los negros esclavos (Havana, 1987), 40-66; for the "Minas," see ibid., 53. See also idem., "Los cabildos afrocubanos" (originally published 1921), in Los cabildos y la fiesta afrocubanos del Día de Reyes (Havana, 1992), 1-24.
59. Hall, "African Ethnicities," 68.
60. Philip A. Howard, Changing History: Afro-Cuban Cabildos and Societies of Color in the Nineteenth Century (Baton Rouge, 1998), 27, 74.
61. See information from the period 1760-1800, summarized in Philip D. Curtin, The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census (Madison, 1969), 192-97 (Tables 55-58); also David Geggus, "Sex Ratio, Age and Ethnicity in the Atlantic Slave Trade: Data from French Shipping and Plantation Records," JAH 30 (1989), 23-44. For Hueda-Henji see Law, Ouidah, 52.
62. Derived from Kormantin, the original (1632-65) English headquarters on the Gold Coast.
63. Gwendolyn Midlo Hall, ed., Databases for the Study of Lousiana History and Genealogy, 1719-1820: Information from Original Manuscript Sources (Baton Rouge, 2000).
64. Hall, "African Ethnicities," 77 (Table 3.1).
65. Ibid., 75.
66. Law, Ouidah, 41.
67. Alonso de Sandoval, Naturaleza, policia sagrada i profana, costumbres i ritos, disciplina i catechismo evangelico de todos Etiopes (Seville, 1627); modern edition, Un tratado sobre la esclavitud, ed. Enriqueta Vila Vilar (Madrid, 1987); Hall, "African Ethnicities," 70-71.
68. Sandoval, Naturaleza, 65; Tratado, 139 (punctuation given as in the original 1627 edition). The text goes on to list peoples situated further east along the coast, beginning with the "Lucumies," or Yoruba.
69. Sandoval, Naturaleza, 51; Tratado, 123.
70. See discussion in Robin Law, The Kingdom of Allada (Leiden, 1997), 32-34.
71. Sandoval, Naturaleza, 51; Tratado, 123.
72. See further Law, Ouidah, 20-24.
73. The foundation of Dahomey is conventionally dated to ca. 1625, but this dating is speculative and only approximate. In European accounts of West Africa, the name "Fon" otherwise first appears in a report relating to 1660: Law, Slave Coast, 231, 261.
74. The phrase is recorded in a vocabulary of the Hueda language collected in 1682, in the form "ofons-d'aye": Jean Barbot, A Description of the Coasts of North and South Guinea (London, 1732), 415.
75. Actually, Hall says they represent "the Ewe, Aja, Fon and others of the Gbe language group," but excluding Allada: "African Ethnicities," 71. The logic of the inclusion of the Fon here, however, is unclear: on both linguistic and historical grounds, one would expect them to be associated with the Alladas.
76. Sandoval, Naturaleza, 7; also ibid., 51; Tratado, 65, 122-23.
77. Hall, "African Ethnicities," 71.
78. J.B. Ballong-wen-Menuda, São Jorge da Mina 1482-1637: La vie d'un comptoir portugais en Afrique occidentale (2 vols.: Lisbon, 1993), 1:323-25.
79. In 1607 an English ship delivered a cargo of slaves from São Tomé to Elmina: John Vogt, Portuguese Rule on the Gold Coast 1469-1682 (Athens GA, 1979), 157.
80. Robert Porter, "European Activity on the Gold Coast, 1620-1667" (DLitt. et Phil., University of South Africa, 1974), 245.
81. Robin Law, "The Slave Trade in Seventeenth-Century Allada: a Revision," African Economic History 22 (1994), 66.
82. 1,721 of 10,053: Ernst van den Boogaart and Pieter C. Emmer, "The Dutch Participation in the Atlantic Slave Trade, 1596-1650" in Henry A. Gemery and Jan S. Hogendorn, eds, The Uncommon Market: Essays in the Economic History of the Atlantic Slave Trade (New York, 1971), 360, table 14.1
83. 1,059 from Mina, 285 from Mouri, 139 from Accra (+ 258 from "Gold Coast," undifferentiated).
84. Olfert Dapper, Naukeurige Beschrijvinge der Afrikaensche Gewesten (2d. ed., Amsterdam, 1676), 2d pagination, 82.
85. Sandoval, Naturaleza, 51; Tratado, 123.
86. Brásio, Monumenta Missionaria Africana, 5:376 (doc. 137, Relação da Costa da Guiné, 1607); 6:469 (doc. 138, Relação de García Mendes Castelo Branco, 1620).
87. Ballong-wen-Menuda, São Jorge da Mina, 1:112-17; A. Texeira da Mota and P.E.H. Hair, East of Mina: Afro-European Relations on the Gold Coast in the 1550s and 1560s (Madison, 1988), 23-26.
88. Sandoval, Naturaleza, 66; Tratado, 141. Strictly speaking, two different languages are spoken in Borgu (Baatonu in the west, Boko in the east), but neither is closely related to Yoruba.
89. Ortiz, Negros esclavos, 56.
90. Eltis/Lovejoy/Richardson, "Slave-Trading Ports," 19 (table 2).


text:
What Causes My Calamondin Tree to Lose Its Leaves
My calamondin tree started to lose its leaves. I first thought that it was the caterpillar but I already got rid of that culprit, but still it won't produce new leaves. What could be the problem and is there a remedy?
The most likely problem is water; after that, check light and fertilizer. These articles have more information: https://www.gardeningknowhow.com/edible/fruits/citrus/leaves-falling-off-citrus-tree.htm
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subset: commoncrawl


text:
Water Illumination Show, Odaiba, Tokyo
26 March, 2010
This spectacular lighting show was projected on a screen of water underneath Tokyo's Rainbow Bridge. It seamlessly blends digital mediums into a temporal public artwork.
Via Lost at E-Minor | Tokyo's Odaiba Water Illumination Show
The Lantern of Sandnes by AWP Architects and Atelier Oslo
26 March, 2010
PROJECT Lanternen Sandnes
LOCATION Sandnes, Ragna Stakland, Norway
CLIENT Sandnes kommune and Norwegian Wood Group of Reference
DESIGN AWP Architects and Atelier Oslo
The Lantern, the product of collaboration between Awp Architects and Atelier Oslo, represents a new approach for the designers in thinking about public space design. The structure, lifted more than one storey off the ground and supported by informally positioned solid oak stilts, juxtaposes notions of shelter and openness to create a new public landmark and meeting place for the town of Sandnes. In an innovative approach, the designers have used contemporary materials such as translucent glass layered in the traditional method of slated roof tiles. The familiar roof form both complements the surrounding buildings and stands out like a lantern by night.
Via Architectural Review | Lanternen Sandnes, Ragna Stakland, Norway, Awp Architects + Atelier Oslo
PROJECT Niyang River Visitor Centre
LOCATION Daze Village, Linchi, Tibet
DESIGN Standardarchitecture-Zhaoyang Studio, Beijing, China
PHOTOGRAPHY Chen Su
Via dezeen | Niyang River Visitor Center by Standardarchitecture-Zhaoyang Studio
Freshwater Lens officially launched at Turbot Street
26 March, 2010
Judy Watson pictured with her Freshwater Lens artwork, suspended beneath the Turbot Street overpass in Brisbane.
Judy Watson's Freshwater Lens artwork, part of the newly redeveloped Little Roma Street urban oasis, was officially opened last Thursday night. Special guests included Indigenous elder Uncle Bob Anderson, who spoke about country.
Spheres by Carsten Höller at KAUST
23 March, 2010
PROJECT KAUST International Art Program
LOCATION King Abdullah University of Science & Technology (KAUST), Kingdom of Saudi Arabia
ARTIST Carsten Höller
ARTWORK Spheres
ENGINEERS Robert Bird Group Engineers
LIGHTING Norman Disney & Young
ART MANAGEMENT Urban Art Projects
One of 15 international artists selected for the KAUST International Art Program, Carsten Höller has presented a series of large scale Spheres in white brass. Three spheres, each 2.2m in diameter, are positioned in the north entry spine of the university campus. The spheres are based upon a human scale, designed to be entered through the large, round openings.
Carsten Höller first presented the Sphere project in Basel's Museum for Contemporary Art in 1998. The spheres are informed by the legacy of 1940s scientist and philosopher Buckminster 'Bucky' Fuller, who sought to make the most efficient shape out of the least material. Fuller's legacy is enduring: the sphere is at once the stuff of sci-fi fantasy as well as of the familiar, reminiscent of everyday objects such as soccer balls.
In the context of the KAUST campus, the Spheres speak of the importance of science and technology and the capacity to imagine and be innovative, a core mission of KAUST.
Complex mathematical modelling was required for the construction of Höller's Spheres. UAP was recognised as Autodesk Inventor of the month in July 2009 for work on the KAUST International Art Program and similar public art projects.
KAUST Mosque Screen | Nja Mahdaoui
23 March, 2010
PROJECT KAUST Art Program
LOCATION Campus Mosque, King Abdullah University of Science and Technology (KAUST), Kingdom of Saudi Arabia
ARTIST Nja Mahdaoui
ENGINEERS Robert Bird Group Engineers
LIGHTING Norman Disney & Young
ART MANAGEMENT Urban Art Projects
The vast contribution of Islam to poetry and literature is almost immeasurable, its influence on Western culture far reaching and frequently cited. One of 15 international artists selected as part of the KAUST International Art Program, Nja Mahdaoui's work explores this rich literary tradition in ancient and contemporary Islamic culture through the aesthetic form of the letters and words. Mahdaoui's abstraction of the calligraphy encourages the viewer to create his or her own poetry as it were. Sited on the sacred minaret and the surrounding mashrabiyyah screening for the KAUST mosque, Mahdaoui's embedded work complements the spirituality of the site and its purpose.
"The use of fragments of letters or symbols in my work is due to my instinctive rejection of the transfiguration of the value of characters," explains the artist, " In calligraphy the written letters acquire a symbolic status which they maintain until they vehicle a significance. But as soon as the letter loses its contours, the reader is bound to resort to his imagination in order to reach the meaning of the word.
"My view is to freely exit the graphic structure of the Arab letters or the verb syntax and the structure of the style. It is because I believe that the final objective is a work of art which materials are meaning loaded symbols. I have tried to extract the original signification power of these materials in order to achieve an aesthetic of form. I hope the reader does not remain confined to the visual content but that he rather journeys through a prose in process."
Visualisation of the KAUST Mosque by night.
The screens cast intricate patterns in the Mosque's interior.


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New US 301 will improve safety, manage truck traffic, and reduce congestion; support approved and proposed economic development in southern New Castle County (a key Delaware growth area); enhance the region's ability to compete for economic development; create needed jobs; improve local access to the Northeast Corridor Rail (Amtrak), commuter rail (SEPTA) and bus (DART) services; improve livability in the region and reduce fuel consumption and greenhouse gas emissions.
New US 301 will remove the "neck in the bottle" of the regional highway network, i.e. existing US 301 from the Maryland/Delaware state line to I-95 and its 2-lane sections (1 lane in each direction), 29 at-grade intersections (18 signalized) and numerous driveways with direct access to existing US 301. New US 301 will convert existing US 301 to a local roadway that is key to the local roadway network and approved and proposed development in this designated Delaware growth area.
- Improve Safety
- Existing US 301 (2000 – 2013)
- 1,597 total crashes - 502 resulted in injuries
- 21 fatal crashes (6 involved trucks), resulting in 23 fatalities
- Fatality rate (2000 – 2012)
- 64% higher than Delaware State-wide average
- 67% higher than the national average
- Existing US 301 (2000 – 2013)
- Manage Truck Traffic (23% at State Line / 90% leave DE)
- Removes large percentage of interstate trucks from existing US 301, SR 896 (Boyds Corner Road) and other local roads, thus reducing congestion, improving safety and supporting economic development
- Reduce congestion – existing and projected
- 33% of the key intersections and roadways in the area projected to operate at Level of Service F (failing)
- Reduces traffic by at least 20% on over 50% of the local roads
- Support Economic Development: New US 301 will support the significant approved and proposed economic development in southern New Castle County, one of the fastest growing areas of the State.
- 83.5% of the forecasted population growth in New Castle County is projected for southern New Castle County.
- Existing commercial development is projected to increase by 275%.
- Existing residential units are projected to increase by 143%.
New US 301, along with local road improvements, will accommodate the traffic resulting from the existing, approved and proposed development, along with the projected regional/interstate traffic.
Historical Key Dates since September 2011 Workshop
|December 2011:
|FHWA approves DelDOT's Post Record of Decision (ROD) Design Refinement Report, i.e., recommendation presented at September 2011 Public Workshop
|June 2012:
|General Assembly authorizes sale of toll revenue bonds supported by TTF pledged revenues to fund construction of US 301 Mainline. Established that the Office of Management and Budget, Department of Finance, the Controller General and Bond Bill Co-Chairs will have to sign off on the eventual bond sale
|January 2013:
|DelDOT submits Letter of Interest (LOI) for USDOT Loan under the Transportation Infrastructure Finance and Innovation Act (TIFIA) to fund US 301 Mainline Construction
|April 2013:
|USDOT notifies DelDOT that US 301 is ready to advance to the next phase in the TIFIA LOI Review Process
|September 2013:
|DelDOT receives updated projections from original Traffic and Revenue (T&R) consultant, along with a T&R Report that DelDOT requested from a second T&R consultant. Both reports significantly reduced traffic and revenue projections
|December 2013:
|DelDOT enhances the US 301 Plan of Finance by proposing Toll Revenue Bonds supported by a subordinate lien on State TTF pledged revenues and a TIFIA Loan
|August 2014:
|DelDOT submits Creditworthiness Review Material to USDOT for TIFIA Loan
|May 2015:
|DelDOT submits TIFIA Application
|August 2015:
|USDOT approves DelDOT request for TIFIA Direct Loan, with upset figure of $211.35 million


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Home » Ice advertising manual illustration
How is the ad applied on the ice? We have all seen this kind of advertisment during hockey games, but how is it put in place? I created this manual in collaboration with client to simplified the procedure. This version is without text.
Creative agency for illustration, graphics, web design & online marketing
Email: firstname.lastname@example.com
Tel: +357 999 07 821
Lemesos, Cyprus


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congrats to AC milan who go to athens
By napol18885
@napol18885 (39)
May 3, 2007 2:58am CST
congratulations to AC milan who have great performance last night, i really like Gattuso, Kaka and Seedorf play last night. And i think Milan must prepare against Liverpool if they don't want the final 2005 repeated again...
5 responses
@zhengdafeng (131)
• China
29 Jul 07
AC milan is the winner the final 2005 never repeat again.
@edandunyo (146)
• Indonesia
19 May 07
yes i agree with you to cangratulations to AC Milan with the great performence. Milan must to revenge about loosing in the final of champion league in 2005. Milan must win at this time. do not loose again because loosing twice is same as looser or fool. get seriously and beat the liverpool team.
@gabferreira (26)
• United States
6 May 07
i totally agree with you. These 3 guys did, and have been doing, a great job. i just hope that this time they come to the game (or the second half) willing to win. Last year was just terrible experience, and hopefully the players wont let this interfere with their performance on the field.
@mastercalin (34)
• Romania
3 May 07
same. i really liked the way the team played and i hope they will win the cup


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Hey, everybody, I'm back! Let's see what we missed while I was gone … hey, it looks the Atlanta Journal-Constitution's Truth-o-Meter has called into question Atlanta Mayor Kasim Reed's statement that the state is limited in how much money it can spend on land for a Falcons stadium:
The mayor said the state, specifically the Georgia World Congress Center Authority, which is in charge of negotiations with the church, can only offer a certain amount of money. Reed explained during an Aug. 7 interview with Sports Radio 680 The Fan.
"The state has some limitations on what they can pay above the appraised price. … We're not going to be able to pay Mount Vernon $19.5 million because of the constraints that the state has in what they can pay," Reed said on the station's The Front Row program…
Reed's statement is based on an interpretation of a portion of the Georgia Constitution, purportedly long-held best practices and an almost two-decade-old attorney general's opinion on property leases. The mayor and others have turned to the opinion and language in the state constitution as case law.
The mayor, however, specifically said this: "State law says that once the state appraises a piece of property, they can only pay it a certain amount above appraisal."
That's a precise statement. And our research found no laws establishing this limit.
We rated Reed's claim False.
So that's big news if the state isn't actually limited to paying the appraised value for the church land, since it means that that $9.3 million funding gap might be fillable after all. Gee, I wonder what else I might have missed while away…
PolitiFact originally rated Reed's claim False. But state Attorney General Sam Olens disagreed, saying the mayor was correct. Reed, too, asked us to rethink our rating. PolitiFact decided to do more digging and reconsider its original ruling, drawing in more expertise…
Olens said in an email to PolitiFact that his office has for decades interpreted the Gratuities Clause in the state constitution as limiting the state to "paying fair market value for property, absent some additional source of value that the state receives from the transaction."
The Attorney General's Office believes there's no gray area concerning state guidelines on appraisals, said Lauren Kane, a spokeswoman for Olens.
"It's a black and white issue," she said…
Given that, we reverse our earlier ruling.
We rate Reed's statement True.
The truly hilarious part here — other than that the AJC seriously has a column called the "Truth-o-Meter" — is that Reed is the guy advocatingfor the state buying the church land, so presumably would have a vested interest in trying to make the case for the state being able to kick in more to do so. So it's not exactly surprising that he knew what he was talking about here, since what politician lies in order to undermine his own interests?
Anyway, we're back to where we started: The state can only legally pay $6.2 million for Mount Vernon's land, Mount Vernon wants $15.5 million, and only Reed and the Atlanta city council seem to care whether the stadium gets built there as opposed to on the competing north site. Meanwhile, Reed has apparently promised to relocate Friendship Baptist Church, the other church in the way for the stadium, to the campus of a bankrupt local college that is currently trying to sell itself off to pay its debts, and now Friendship has delayed its membership vote on the sale while college supporters are holding pray-ins to try to keep the campus intact. Maybe the AJC should really be running a "Bizarr-o-Meter" instead.


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Bitcoin provides outstanding deal advantages for example freedom, protection, a high level associated with control for your users on their own and a totally transparent system. All of these bitcoin benefits tend to be enabled through the blockchain technologies.
Dapps are decentralized applications operating on peer-to-peer utility blockchain networks, permitting developers in order to expand dapps in various places. Dapps provide the highest privileges regarding users as a result of advantages of unmatched applications by means of transparency, steadiness and large security while being used. Capturing that pattern, DABANKING job was born using a noble quest to become the particular pioneering energy blockchain program in producing an environment to be able to built dapps with decentralized entertainment providers with visibility, fairness and also optimal customer experience.
The problem in online game development nowadays is the incapability to demonstrate the lifestyle and title of the property in the game, thus leading to several frauds. A brilliant contract permits users to get confident that they'll receive identified assets or perhaps items if they are bound from the blockchain. Changing in-game things is now any lucrative market estimated from $50 million US dollar and is anticipated to increase swiftly. The "unique" non-fungible expression is one of the most crucial contributions that will blockchain gives the games industry.
Fomojackpot and fomogame
Main dapp items of DABANKING is the FomoJackpot lottery plan base in blockchain technological innovation together with the dapp game each called fomogame, which aids participants not merely entertain after having a tiring day time but also as well increase their particular income in an easy approach.
Fomogame is a self-employed dapp program within the environment of DABANKING built within the blockchain associated with ethereum. Apply mining expression system and also fomogame method are a couple of independent devices so consumers need to sign-up an account for every single system to use the two platforms.
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- 20% instant income
- 17% referral income
- 10% of dividends
- 3% develop new products
DAA token features a maximum flow of 20.000.000 DAA and is slowly exploited whenever users purchase tickets as well as play games along with ETH which is the just way to obtain a DAA symbol.
- 60% for miners
- 20% for product development
- 10% for marketing
- 10% for partner
The succeeding multiplier agent is determined by the reliant formula within the total number associated with tickets bought and when the entire of 44.230 seat tickets are obtained, the earning multiplier will certainly return to x1.
Once you introduce any newcomer purchasing the ticket because of your referral website link, you get an endless income of around 17%.
When buying a ticket, you have the opportunity to win a huge amount of ETH in 4 treasures :
- Diamond chest
- Ruby chest
- Gold chest
- Silver chest
The actual dividend swimming pool will consist of 10% of the total ETH ticket bought and all earnings of fomogame. Once each and every 2 weeks, the actual dividend pool area will be paid according to the framework:
70% in the ETH within the pool is actually divided similarly to all trading accounts that have freezing DAA symbol
30% associated with dividends swimming will be put into the next 2-week dividend swimming pool area
At the end of the particular dividend transaction, all DAA tokens are going to be unfrozen and wish to be iced again to get the next returns round.
Within DABANKING video game, you can perform the game straight with your ERC20 wallet that contains ETH but if you act like you want to enjoy the game using the DAA symbol then you have to deposit expression to the anatomy's virtual budget before actively playing because the intelligent contract associated with ethereum will not allow immediate token through ERC20 finances to play.
When burning up DAA within a token pool, also losing the amount of DAA token from the developer's budget at the price of 60: 40 (burning 6 DAA tokens inside the token pool area, burning 4 DAA associated with developer wallet).
MY ROADMAP ~ phase 1
Built a development team, prepare a detail plan and prepare technology foundation.
Officially introduce game ecosystem on DAPP and start to develop DAB token minning community.
List DAA token and DAB token on free exchanges and integrate new games.
Open the swap port form the DAA token to DAB token for users. Add new game DAPP.
If you want more information, visit the link below :
My Profile
#Dapps #DABANKING #FomoJackpot #Blockchain #ETH


text:
It was white when we moved in, then black (I went through a weird phase), back to white again, and now its final color. I hope.
You may have peeked at the botanical wall, but I'll discuss that on a blog post soon!
For now – please, oh please, can we stop and appreciate how far this living room has come:
I wrote forever ago about painting and removing that giant mirror.
When the brick was white, the fireplace seemed dinky and overlooked, especially being sandwiched between the built-in (a former window) and a doorway. It certainly was not a focal point. White was probably chosen originally so the house would sell better, but I wanted to bring back the charm and older-home-feel I believed this house was meant to have.
I selected a few samples from Sherwin Williams – Studio Clay, Anonymous, Warm Stone, and Adaptive Shade. I ended up on Studio Clay (the first one). The others were a little too dark.
Blame it on my watching Downton Abbey (the servants' quarters are the prettiest) and Anne with an E, but I just had to paint it something other than white. If the trim in our house wasn't worthy of being painted dusty green, the fireplace had to be.
I'm an autumn girl all the way, and I love how an attention-grabbing fireplace alludes to the warmth a fire gives off. I've found even summer nights feel cozier. A yummy pasta being made to share with friends, jazz playing in the background, ahh.
We aren't planning on staying here for more than a few years, so in the back of my mind I'm thinking about resale. Unfortunately, the bright and trendy style that works for resale is not what I'm into. I'm keen on maintaining a semblance of minimalism when it comes to the function of my life (clothing, cleaning + beauty products, housewares, etc.) but I don't care for it so much design-wise in my home. Our house is traditional, and I deeply love traditional homes dressed up in collections of weird stuff and art. AKA what might creep potential buyers out (lol!)
So, right now I'm balancing what works for resale with what I really love. This is the first house we've owned, so I'm totally fine with that! I have the rest of my life to make more and more creative risks. For now my inviting little living room is making me oh so happy, and I'm learning to be content with the present.
July 29th, 2018 at 6:27 pm
I love it – just enough color that pops it out and makes it a focal point, but not overwhelming, I want to sit in your living room and have coffee with you. (not in a weird way) It's very welcoming and homey!
August 2nd, 2018 at 2:59 pm
That's not weird at all – it's such a compliment! One of my goals is to have a "warm" home, meaning it feels inviting even if it's not everyone's taste. I'm so encouraged that you said that! Thank you 🙂
August 2nd, 2018 at 5:13 am
Such a great call! I love how the new color gives the fireplace just the right amount of importance. And holy cow, the room has come SO far. That's gotta feel so good! Also, I can't wait til you're in a home where you bring out all your quirk! Those images are so inspiring.
August 2nd, 2018 at 2:58 pm
Oh my gosh, yes it feels much better! I'm so grateful for this house, but I can't wait to bring out the quirk either 😉
August 30th, 2018 at 7:06 pm
Love your use of whites to minimize the choppiness of the different elements on the fireplace wall, then accentuating the fireplace with that yummy shade of green! Great idea, and I agree, it's a room I'd like to sit down in for a cup of coffee and a nice chat. Well done! 🙂
September 4th, 2018 at 2:37 pm
Thank you Barb! It has been my favorite on-a-whim decision I've made 🙂


text:
Closure extended through end of school year (Cierre extendido hasta el final del año escolar) Details at www.rockdaleschools.org/COVID-19
RCPS 2017-18 School Year Calendar
RCPS 2018-19 School Year Calendar
Testing Dates and More
Do you want to delete all occurrences of the recurring appointment "Parent Academy CANCELLED", or just this one?
Delete this occurrence.
Delete this series.
500 Sigman Road, Conyers, GA 30012
Board Policies | Parent Handbook | Web Accessibility | Legal Notices


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How do I add collections to a product catalog?
In addition to publishing your product data, Mothership makes it easy to share your Shopify collections with your suppliers as well. Follow these steps to manage which of your Shopify collections are published to a product catalog:
- Makes sure the collection you want to add to make available to your retailers is published to Mothership. You can publish a collection to Mothership by going to the collection's configuration page and checking the Mothership box under sales channels.
You can also bulk publish collections to Mothership from the Collections Listings page in Shopify.
Once you've published your selected collections to Mothership, click on 'Mothership' underneath the Sales Channels section in the left-hand menu bar. Next, click on the Mothership drop down menu at the top of the app window and select 'Catalogs'. You should be taken to a page similar to the one below.
Next click on the catalog title or the Manage link next to the catalog you want to add collections to. You should be taken to the catalog configuration page. Click on the purple 'Manage Collections' button at the top.
On the next page, select all of the collections you want to add to the catalog. You can also click the 'Check all' button at the top right to toggle the selected state for all of the collections listed. When you're done, click the purple save button at the bottom.


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Changes On Mane is your trusted full service hair and nail salon in Bowling Green, OH. We are deeply committed to your beauty and well-being.
Our owner has 20 years of experience in the salon business and 38 years of experience in hair dressing. Schedule your appointment today and take advantage of our student discounts from Monday to Thursday or get a FREE haircut with any chemical service if you are a first time-client.
Can't make it in time? Ask about our afterhours appointments.
Phone: 419-352-4101
Changes On Mane
181 S Main St.
Bowling Green, OH
Contact name: Emma Duling
We accept payments:
Business hours:
Monday - Thursday: 9:00 AM- 7:00 PM
Friday: 9:00 AM- 5:00 PM
Saturday: 9:00 AM- 2:00 PM
We're available after working hours by appointment.


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10 Tips on How to Obtain and Maintain Radiant Skin
"Nature gives you the face you have at twenty. It is up to you to merit the face you have at fifty." –Coco Chanel
The Spring is the perfect time to open windows, let in some fresh air and set some order in your winter blown household. The mere idea of Summer peeking out from just around the corner motivates healthy habits for body, mind and sensitives skin. Tired of looking tired? Start your new routine now, and maintain it throughout the year. While new habits may be difficult at first, your goal of obtaining that elusive radiant glow will keep you motivated and soon, you'll be ready to shoot springtime selfies with confidence.
10 Healthy Habits to Incorporate in your Daily Routine
- Did you know that your face contracts during sleep?: As soon as you get up, get in the habit of smoothing your face and forehead, from the base of your nose to your temples and eyebrows. Repeat this gesture whenever you can.
- Exfoliate once a week: The more years pass, the more the skin loses its brightness and the pores dilate, even more if they are blocked by sebum or make-up. To remove dead cells it is important to scrub at least once a week! This routine is very important to clean the skin thoroughly, delay the appearance of small wrinkles and lighten the complexion.
- Avoid yo-yo dieting and yo-yo weight loss: Going up and down with your weight not only hurts your health, but it is also bad for your skin, especially your face, which becomes less elastic through the years.
- Stay 360° of hydrated: Drink at least 8 cups of water a day and remember to moisturize the skin daily with an organic cream, which will trap the water in the epidermis and therefore promote its elasticity. Well hydrated skin is a perfect skin that resists much better against harsh external aggressions.
- Regularly cleanse your skin: Dedicate at least 5 minutes in the morning and 5 minutes in the evening to cleansing your face and, after removing makeup, do not forget to use a toner. Apply products using small circular movements on your face to reactivate your circulation.
- Always apply sunscreen: The best way to keep your skin young and smooth is to always protect it from the sun. Apply immediately after your moisturizing day cream or choose a day cream that has a protection factor of 30 during the summer or 15 in the winter.
- Did you know that smoking causes adult acne?: Now there's another good reason to quit smoking! Stop smoking now to preserve your health, avoid deep wrinkles and to get some lost brightness back to the general appearance of your skin.
- Avoid drinking too many cocktails during happy hour: According to the latest dermatological studies, alcohol increases inflammatory agents at the level of the dermis (the deepest layer of the skin), which in the long run leads to sagging skin.
- Change your pillowcase regularly: Dirt, bacteria and hair product residue collects on our pillowcases, so make sure you change them regularly to prevent sensitive skin reactions. Also, avoid breakouts by choosing an organic detergent that is dye free, and fragrance free.
- Get your zumba on: Whether your workout of choice is running, zumba, pilates, or step, know that the more you sweat, the more you lower the stress hormone cortisol, which is not only linked to skin aging, but to acne and clogged pores, as well.
Organyc® products protect and respect sensitive skin
We are extremely proud that the following Organyc products have all earned Made Safe™ Certification: Moderate Flow Pads, Organyc Heavy Flow Pads, Organyc Panty Liners (Folded), and Organyc Panty Liners (Flat Packed)! We are currently working diligently to ensure that all of our products earn this fundamental certification.This certification signifies that they are literally made with safe ingredients not known or suspected to harm human health, animals, or ecosystems. It's the first nontoxic certification to apply to products we use every day.
For the first time, you can find things that are safe to use on your body, with your families, and in your homes. Certified products are examined by scientists to ensure they're made without known behavioral toxins, carcinogens, developmental toxins, endocrine disruptors, flame retardants, GMOs, heavy metals, neurotoxins, high-risk pesticides, reproductive toxins, toxic solvents, or harmful VOCs.
If you would like to try a sample to experience first hand Organyc's 100% genuine, organic cotton, click here for details.
Further Reading:
Proven Fact: Using 100% Cotton Pads Will Reduce Vaginal Irritation and Discomfort
5 Tips to Get Your Spring Glow On
SOS Makeup Remover: Try Olive Oil!
Get $6.00 in Organyc coupons by answering several questions about your experience. Click here. It will take just two minutes, and we never share information.
About Organyc sensitive skin feminine care products. Organyc feminine care products are made of 100% organic cotton inside and out are the only brand which provides complete protection for you and your sensitive skin. They have unsurpassed absorbency and leak protection and are cotton-soft and gentle. Conceived in Milan, Italy, they are now available at leading stores and ecommerce retailers throughout the U.S. To order a sample (tampons, liners or pads) or learn more call 1-844-ORGANYC (1-844-674-2692) or click here.


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Cliff Hunnicutt - Vice President & Business Banker
Mr. Hunnicutt has spent his 15 years in banking serving the Mooresville / Lake Norman community. With a focus on relationships he has held positions from Branch Management to Commercial Lending and Business Banking. Prior to joining blueharbor bank, Mr. Hunnicutt was Vice President of Business Banking with Park Sterling, formerly Citizens South Bank. Actively involved in the Lake community he is a charter member of Top of the Lake Mooresville Rotary Club, serves on the Board of the Sharon White Foundation and is Chair of the American Cancer Society's Mooresville Lake Norman Relay For Life. Mr. Hunnicutt attended Georgia Southern University majoring in Journalism and is a graduate of the North Carolina Bankers Association School of Banking.
Stan Reece - Vice President & Business Banker
Mr. Reece is a Kannapolis native and comes to blueharbor bank with 30 years of commercial finance and banking experience. After graduating from Appalachian State University with a Bachelor of Science, Business Administration degree, Mr. Reece began his career with GE Capital in Charlotte, NC where he served in various credit, portfolio, sales, and management functions. Prior to joining blueharbor, he was Commercial Lender at Bank of Granite, and later served as Rowan County Market Executive for Citizens South Bank and Park Sterling Bank. He has served his communities as a local board member of Habitat for Humanity, and volunteer with United Way, Kannapolis Food Pantry, Fellowship of Christian Athletes Area Director, and as Thanksgiving Meal Coordinator for West Point Baptist Church where he attends with his family. He has been a member of Kiwanis Club in Charlotte and Salisbury, and is a member of Gideons International, having served as Gideon Jail Chaplain for Cabarrus County.


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Predators Sign Frederick Gaudreau to an Entry-Level Contractby Press Release / Nashville Predators
Nashville, Tenn. (January 5, 2016) – Nashville Predators President of Hockey Operations/General Manager David Poile announced Tuesday that the club has signed forward Frederick Gaudreau to a two-year entry-level contract.
Gaudreau, 22 (5/1/93), leads Nashville's primary developmental affiliate, the American Hockey League's Milwaukee Admirals, in points (9g-15a-24pts) and assists, helping the club to the top of the Central Division and Western Conference. The 6-0, 192-pound native of Bromont, Que., is also tied for sixth in AHL power-play goals (6) and 10th in power-play assists (9). The 2015-16 campaign is Gaudreau's first full season at the AHL level after splitting 2014-15 between the Admirals and the ECHL's Cincinnati Cyclones.
Undrafted, Gaudreau entered the Predators organization after a three-season career in the Quebec Major Junior Hockey League which saw him amass 134 points (50g-84a) in 195 games with Shawinigan and Drummundville, winning the 2012 Memorial Cup with the Cataractes and earning the 2014 Frank J. Selke Trophy as the QMJHL's most sportsmanlike player with the Voltigeurs.


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M-LOK Style Free Float Aluminum Handguard for AR .223, Mid Length 10 inch. SKU: HG-1045-M-10
Easy install on this nice upgrade. Lightweight, Aluminum Picatinny Rail Mount with M-LOK accessory slots for adding lots of cool extras to your build. 1-3/4" ID.
• 12 M-LOK Slots
• Aluminum barrel nut and mounting hardware included
• Comes with (2) attachable M-LOK Picatinny rails with 5 slots and (1) rail with 8 slots.
• Dimension: OD 1.88", ID 1.75"


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Their fan base may have aged and diminished, but the two remaining members of The Quests still get recognised on the street.
"Just last week, a stall owner at Maxwell Food Centre called out 'The Quests!' and gave me the thumbs up when he saw me," said Mr Lim Wee Guan, 69, the group's drummer. Bassist Henry Chua, 68, quipped: "Our fans used to throw panties and bras at us. If we performed now, they might throw wigs and dentures."
Widely considered among the most successful Singapore bands of the 1960s and 1970s, The Quests made the news this week in 1965 when their song Be My Girl reached the top spot on Singapore's hit music charts. The four original members were aged 13 and 14 and neighbours in Tiong Bahru when the group was formed in 1961.
They were joined by Jap Chong on vocals and rhythm guitar and Raymond Leong on lead guitar, but Mr Leong left the group before it started recording. He was later replaced by Reggie Verghese, who died last month. Mr Chong died last year.
None of the boys knew how to play an instrument when they started, recalled Mr Lim, who now teaches at the Yamaha Music School.
"We had no lessons and did everything by trial and error, so thankfully we all had a good ear for music," he said.
The band was spotted by Radio Television Singapore during a contest, and began appearing on TV.
Soon, they were receiving invitations to play at social functions. Then a talent scout asked them to audition for recording company EMI. "We got the contract, and EMI told us we had seven days to come back with two original songs," recalled Mr Chua, a retired engineer.
"We panicked, but we worked best under pressure. I came back with Shanty, and Reggie came back with Gallopin."
Shanty, an instrumental song, went on to be No. 1 on the Singapore music charts for 12 weeks, unseating The Beatles.
Mr Lim vividly remembers the band trying to learn the song the night before they had to perform it for EMI. "We couldn't read music at that time, so we were desperately trying to remember the tune."
At the height of their popularity, every member of the group was a household name.
"While there was a loss of privacy that bothered us sometimes, mostly we really enjoyed it," said Mr Chua. "We were teenagers! It was fun for us to go out and have people recognise us on the streets, hear people screaming for us."
He left the band in 1967 to study. The band continued playing in night clubs before calling it quits in 1970. "No one really saw a future in it," said Mr Lim.
"We weren't making a lot of money, so none of us thought it was worth it. But we kept in touch, and played together often."
The surviving band boys still get asked to perform as The Quests but they say no every time.
"I ask, can you resurrect our other two members? If not, we can't ever appear again as The Quests," Mr Chua said.
Jennani Durai


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Snowmobile riding
Safe snowmobile riding, wide network of trails, the best freeride area for snowmobiling.
Would you like to join a long snowmobile safari tour or a shorter, two-hour-long safari in the region and its surrounding areas? Take part in a guided safari or rent a snowmobile for your own private excursion. We offer safe snowmobile routes and experienced snowmobile guides, who will show you how to operate a snowmobile. Here, even first timers can have safe but unforgettable experiences. There are plenty of routes to ride on: our 500-kilometre-long route network is connected to the 2,000-kilometre-long routes of Kainuu. Our freeride area is the first and best place to freeride in Finland!


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Heart Rate Variability: for real doctors. Conclusion. The threat of catastrophic health disorders, the search for effective methods of its prevention
Yabluchansky N.I., Martynenko A.V.
Heart rate variability: for real doctors. Translation from the Russian version of the book, published at Kharkiv, 2010, 131 p.
The basics and practice of the clinical use of the technology of heart rate variability are outlined for doctors of all specialties and students of medical faculties of universities.
The threat of catastrophic health disorders, the search for effective methods of its prevention
A sure sign of the danger of devastating health disorders is a sharp and significant, to a critical level, a fall or an excessive increase in the power of the cardiac spectrum, a severe imbalance in its regulatory links, and disturbances in transients. In the search for effective methods of preventing this danger, as well as in its very prevention, first of all, it is necessary to test regime activities. Examine the patient's lifestyle and influence it. Experience the possible positive effects of mental and physical effects. The simplest is music, modulated breathing, regular exercise, and diet. Then – medicines according to the state of health of the patient, but with essential consideration of the features of regulatory disorders.
All this is necessary to strengthen or weaken this or that link of regulation, to increase the power of the cardiac spectrum. Some improvement is already a success, the threat has moved further. Now – just patience, the result will not take long!


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David M. MottChairman
David Mott has served as our Chairman since January 2017 and as a Non-Executive Director since February 2015. He formerly served as a Non-Executive Director of Adaptimmune Limited since September 2014, initially in a capacity as a nominee of New Enterprise Associates 14 LP (NEA), one of our shareholders. Mr. Mott formerly served as a General Partner of NEA, an investment firm focused on venture capital and growth equity investments, from September 2008 to February 2020, and led its healthcare investing practice.
Prior to joining NEA, he was President and Chief Executive Officer of MedImmune LLC, a subsidiary of AstraZeneca Plc, and Executive Vice President of AstraZeneca Plc. From 1992 to 2008, Mr. Mott worked at MedImmune and served in roles including Chief Operating Officer, Chief Financial Officer, President and Chief Executive Officer. Prior to joining MedImmune, Mr. Mott was a Vice President in the Health Care Investment Banking Group at Smith Barney, Harris Upham & Co., Inc.
Mr. Mott is currently Chairman of Ardelyx (Nasdaq: ARDX), Epizyme (Nasdaq: EPZM) and Mersana Therapeutics Nasdaq: MRSN). He previously served as Chairman of TESARO (Nasdaq: TSRO) and as a director of Nightstar Therapeutics (Nasdaq: NITE). He has also previously served on numerous public and private company boards. Mr. Mott received a Bachelor of Arts degree in economics and government from Dartmouth College.