text:
Rumor: Gilbert Arenas for Vince Carter?
The Washington Wizards spoke with the Orlando Magic recently about a potential swap of Gilbert Arenas for Vince Carter, according to a league source with knowledge of the situation.
HoopsVibe's Very Quick Call: It's not happening.
Orlando Magic GM Otis Smith is close friends with Gilbert Arenas, and he advised the 'sharpshooter' during his recent issues stemming from bringing guns into the Washington Wizards' locker room.
However, Smith doesn't want to mix their personal and professional relationship. This is wise. After all, Carter's contract is only guaranteed for one season. Then his $17 million salary comes off the books, while Arenas is still owed over $80 million.
Reports have Smith dangling Carter's expiring contract in front of the cash-strapped New Orleans Hornets. And he wants to get back superstar point guard Chris Paul.
Also, new Wizards owner Ted Leonsis is pushing the organization and fans to re-embrace Arenas. The businessman who brought much life to a morbid Capitals franchise is excited about pairing Arenas with first overall pick John Wall.
An interesting idea, however, The Hibachi and VC aren't trading places.
Got thoughts on Arenas for Carter?

subset: commoncrawl


text:
I hope you enjoyed my post today. If you would like to make this project, simply click the links throughout the page to go straight to my ONLINE SHOP to purchase your crafting supplies. Please do remember that if your order is less than £150 to use this month's Hostess Code which you will find at the top right of my blog below the tab navigation bar and at the bottom of each post. At the end of each month I add up all the Hostess Codes that have been used, convert them to Stampin' Rewards and divide this between everyone that has ordered for that month….. which means….. YOU will receive a little something lovely through the post at the beginning of the following month but ONLY if you've used the Hostess Code. If your order is over £150 please don't use the code to make sure all the Stampin' Rewards come directly to you (only individual orders in excess of £150 qualify for Stampin' Rewards). Unsure what to do or need help ordering? Click HERE or give me a shout and I'll help you out :) I love to hear what you think of my projects so please feel free to leave me a message in the comments section below.
Until next time......
Happy crafting with love from


text:
One of the most common reasons for servicing Vespa forks is when the trailing suspension arm bearings require replacement. To spare you time ordering all the parts separately we have made a kit available containing all the necessary components for a complete overhaul of the assembly such as new suspension arm bolt, bearings, spacers and 'o' rings (not in all kits).
For the earlier Vespa models please check if the pivot pins are attached with either a wedged mechanism or threaded. This should become immediately obvious during disassembly of the unit.
SIP-TIP : While you are at it, why not also replace your brake shoes?
OEM Numbers (for the purpose of comparison)


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text:
Administrators at CU are like those people who go to Vegas, lose a bunch of money, come back home and tell everyone who will listen that they really won, and then either refuse to admit, or are honestly incapable of grasping, that they have a serious problem.
For more than 20 years, the annual 4/20 event on the CU campus came and went pretty much without incident. There is really no reason to think that this year would have been any different had those who run the University not decided to make it different, but they did, and it was.
As a result of the administration's failed attempt to stop the 4/20 protest, it has embarrassed itself along with the institution. Thanks to the misguided efforts of its leaders, the University of Colorado and all of us in the city of Boulder received far more local and national press coverage concerning the police-state they created to deny the free speech and peaceful assembly of students and others than had ever resulted before due to the 4/20 gathering.
Considering that "negative publicity" was one of the justifications given by administrators for their decision to basically suspend the First Amendment, I'd say their plan backfired.
This isn't a small thing. These people closed our publicly funded campus to all outsiders for the first time ever. Not even during the impassioned protests of the Vietnam War — when the very real possibility of violence existed — did anyone dare commit such an act to throttle First Amendment rights. And if you don't think that this year's 4/20 event qualified as a protest worthy of First Amendment protection, then I would ask that you look more closely at these photos. In its effort to quash what it perceived as nothing more than a 4/20 party, those who run the campus succeeded only in transforming the event into a far more powerful political rally.
At this year's 4/20 protest, I had the opportunity to observe as a passionate young man explained to the police at Norlin Quad why he wanted them to step aside and let him and his fellow protestors pass. He said it was his school, and he believed that he had the Constitutional right to express his views on the grass of his own university where he paid tuition. When his request was rejected, he then turned to the crowd and encouraged them to remain peaceable as he led them in political chants.
It was at that point that the policeman a few inches in front of me leaned over to another officer and quietly inferred that he thought he should arrest the young man for inciting a riot. Fortunately, before such a foolish act on the part of the police could occur — I say foolish because this is exactly how actual riots explode from otherwise peaceful gatherings — that same young man encouraged the crowd to peacefully leave the area in order to avoid conflict. He then led the crowd toward a new, police-free piece of grass at the quad south of the Duane physics building, where this year's 4/20 protest finally took place despite all the planning, military-like force and hundreds of thousands of dollars spent by CU in its failed effort to stop it.
Did I mention that this guy the cops wanted to arrest — the same young fellow who, from where I was standing, should be credited with having prevented what could have become an ugly scene — doesn't even smoke pot? Not that it matters when it comes to the First Amendment.
Not only were non-students denied the right to be on this public campus regardless of the circumstances for their being there, working journalists, including myself, who were unwilling to apply for a special bright orange press pass the size of a bullet proof vest and issued by the very administration on whose actions we were reporting, were also told to stay away and that we could not enter the campus. For the 25 years I have been working as a journalist, a valid Colorado press pass was always good enough for a breaking story on public property.
I realize that had I been willing to request a special media pass from the powers that be at CU, it would have been granted to me, but that isn't the issue. What if I had been legally on campus because I was wearing my administration-issued, orange-jump-suit of a pass? Would those same two cops have had that same candid conversation about arresting that young man right under my nose if they knew I was a reporter? I don't think so. And that's the point. This administration believes it has the right to control the message, even the message of the media.
We need to ask ourselves, is this shred-the-First-Amendment lesson really what we want University students to be learning? Because it is what they are learning. Can you imagine another time in CU's storied history — this is, after all, the university built around the Dalton Trumbo free speech fountain — that the student government would have been willing to spend $150,000 to try and dissuade their fellow students from gathering together peaceably and speaking their minds on an important issue of the day? And worse, while spending that money in part to create a Wyclef Jean concert to lure students away from the protest, members of student government actually wrote into the performer's contract which words he was forbidden to say, another first for CU, contractual censorship of a performing artist. What's next, firing professors for using certain words or expressing certain political views? Oh, wait, CU already has a reputation for doing that. Never mind.
As first reported by Boulder Weekly, according to the contract Wyclef Jean was forbidden to speak of marijuana or 4/20. To do so, per the contract, would constitute a breach, which presumably would cost the integrity-challenged singer his 80-grand payday. In a last pathetic effort to find someone to not talk about pot with, Wyclef sent his brother to the 4/20 protest with a megaphone to try and find out why "no one was at Wyclef 's concert." What a waste of $150,000.
But the important question here is, where did these supposed student leaders get such a hair-brained, anti-Trumboesque idea? There's an easy answer. These students were simply modeling the behavior of their school's administration. And it didn't stop there. Other equally mis-mentored students encouraged their peers who wanted to show solidarity against those who desired the right to participate in a 4/20 protest to do so by wearing suits and ties on that day. I'm not joking.
These are college students on the CU campus who believe, because they have been taught to believe, that the opposite of someone who wants to speak their mind on a political issue, is someone wearing a suit. I can only imagine that this is the result of having an institution of higher learning led by an oil man and other "businesspersons" who have made it clear that they are willing to use the threat of force to trample any and all Constitutional rights, including those possessed by tuition-paying students whose political positions and/or actions are deemed to be ill-suited to corporate fundraising.
They have created an environment in which our leaders of tomorrow believe that the censorship of those with whom they disagree is an acceptable tool of power. It should send a shiver down the spine of everyone, particularly CU alumni.
This near sacrilege that is transpiring in the very heart of our community did not rise from its McCarthy-era grave overnight. It has been a slow process that has led us back to this point where blatant suppression of our rights is not only tolerated, but even held high as a desirable aspiration for our young people.
There's no denying it, we live in a post-9/11 world where trading our rights for the perception of safety has become commonplace. A little racial profiling, a few unwarranted wire taps here and there, a couple of snapshots of protest leaders or pesky environmentalists put into a file, just in case. It's understandable as long as it's for the public good, right?
There is also no denying that today's public universities get far more of their money from corporations than from our tax dollars. This reality makes trading other people's rights to ensure this flow of funding remains steady is paramount for those whose healthy incomes depend on it. But no one in the CU administration would ever admit as much. So the excuse given for sending a massive police force to extinguish a protest over the morality and practicality of current marijuana laws is that it is necessitated by the need to protect CU's "reputation," and the perceived value of the institution's diplomas. The worst part about this invented diploma smokescreen is that some of the students, including those in campus government, have actually swallowed the whole thing hook, line and sinker.
The CU of today is a corporate-funded institution where those who speak their mind will not be tolerated unless their message is one acceptable to people who write big checks.
The Adrienne Andersons, Ward Churchills and Phil Mitchells are no longer protected by the higher calling of the university experience, the calling where students' minds are opened by new ideas and their worldviews broadened by exposure to myriad points of view. CU has spit these teachers and thinkers and others like them out in recent years, all in the name of protecting CU's reputation. But what does this even mean? What is all this business about reputations and diploma values?
Berkeley has a particular reputation, and its students are highly sought after. NYU has its reputation, and seems to be doing just fine. And yes, CU too has a particular reputation, and despite the current leadership's statements to the contrary, it's not one of which to be ashamed.
CU has always been viewed as a free-spirited place. It has been a university where individualism is cherished and where fun that didn't hurt anyone is tolerated. It has been a place that historically has been willing to speak its mind on all issues of the day. CU students have at times hated war, adamantly opposed alphabet organizations like the CIA and FBI, fought against military recruiting on campus and generally shown a healthy skepticism toward politicians whose idea of progress is forcing us all back into an episode of Father Knows Best.
But above all, as symbolized by the Dalton Trumbo fountain at the center of the square that has been officially dedicated as a free-speech zone, CU has been a caldron of ideas boiling in free expression, no matter how disagreeable or far from the mainstream they may be. Right or left, pro or con, the First Amendment was at the center of CU's reputation.
So you see, CU does have a reputation. The problem is that the school's real image isn't anything like this new University of Control version that the current folks in charge are rolling out with the help of a military-style security force. The truth is, in their effort to save a CU reputation that has never existed, administrators are destroying and degrading the very real CU reputation that has always made it great.
The politically active students who attended or who wanted to attend 4/20 but were threatened into submission aren't the problem. I couldn't help but notice that several of the students who were out in front of the protest on 4/20 were also on or near the stage during President Obama's visit to CU this week. They are our future leaders, thank goodness.
The problem is this group of university leaders and city council (with the exception of Lisa Morzel and Macon Cowles), which voted to support this military-style action to snuff out political dissent. The problem is every member of the Boulder community who has shown themselves willing to endorse a police action against people who would peacefully assemble to express their political views. How, in the city of Boulder, can we sit passively by and watch as CU administrators use the threat of physical violence, arrest, jail time and even a student's future ability to be employed and support a family as the weapons to stomp out the opinions of those with whom administrators disagree, or more accurately, believe will hurt the school's bottom line.
As a matter of full disclosure, I don't smoke pot. This isn't some exercise in pushing my hidden personal agenda. I'm just trying to stop this train because I have lived long enough to know that the bridge ahead is out. No good can come from the current direction this university is heading. If CU administrators are willing to use this kind of money and strong-armed tactics to stop something as innocent and peaceful as 4/20, what on Earth will they do when a truly volatile issue erupts on the scene? I can only hope that they will give me their permission to report on it.
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- Year
- 1948
- Month Day
- October 26
An abused wife gets revenge
Betty Ferreri kills her husband, Jerry, in their Los Angeles, California, home with the help of house caretaker Alan Adron. When Jerry, a notorious womanizer, brought a young model to the couple's home in the upscale Hancock Park neighborhood, Betty became upset and threatened him with a large wrench. Although Jerry fled, Betty was worried that he would return in a violent state, so she asked for Adron's assistance. When Jerry later returned, he began dragging Betty by her hair. Adron shot him twice, but the gun jammed before he was dead, so Betty finished him off with a meat cleaver, striking him in the head 23 times.
Betty and Jerry met in New Jersey in the early 1940s. Although Betty's parents disapproved, she and Jerry, a small-time thief and the son of a well-connected New York politico, eloped and moved to Los Angeles. Jerry rarely worked, but his parents gave them enough money so that they could buy a 15-room house in Hancock Park.
But their marriage had more than its share of problems. Beating Betty on a regular basis, Jerry once asked his wife to have sex with an auto mechanic to pay off a bill he owed. When she refused, he ruptured her eardrum. Then, angry about the doctor's bill, he struck her other ear, reportedly saying, "Maybe he'll give you two for the price of one." On another occasion, he brought a puppy home for the couple's young child but then killed the poor animal with a baseball bat in front of the boy. Despite the clear evidence of abuse, prosecutors decided to charge Betty Ferreri and Alan Adron with premeditated murder.
At first, the defendants' attorney wanted to claim that Adron was mentally incompetent and unable to stand trial. But Adron refused and hired his own lawyer, who argued that he was only insane at the time of the killing. Due to the salacious details about Jerry's prodigious exploits with other women, the trial became the talk of the town.
In 1949, both Betty Ferreri and Alan Adron were acquitted.


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Food Prices Continue to Rise, an International Food Crisis Looms
The Food Price Index has risen for eight consecutive months, and in February reached an all-time high.
The last time that food prices were in the news was in 2008, when the food price index soared. These days, we're hearing a lot about the issue once again. Why? Global food prices have surpassed the 2008 peak. The consequences of this persistent rise are yet to be fully realized, yet some are already discussing the imminent possibility of food riots, political unrest, and widespread hunger as a result of pricier food.
The Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) of the United Nations is reporting that the food price index has risen for eight consecutive months, and in February reached an all-time high. This index incorporates the price of sugar, oils, meat, dairy, and cereals.
All of these commodities have increased in price, with sugar peaking most dramatically. Particularly problematic are price increases that affect a country's staple crop—the FAO is seeing very high prices for rice in Asia, and maize in South America. These spikes can prove to be most problematic for individuals, and shortages of staple crops results in mass hunger in developing countries.
Here in the United States, we spend about 10% of our annual income on food—not very much given how many calories we are able to consume with that amount.
In other wealthy countries, this number is closer to 15% or even 20%, but households in the developing world pour up to 50% to 60%, or more, of their income into food commodities. Because our foods tend to be processed and go through many hands to reach our plates, swings in crop prices are not reflected as immediately on American price tags. But internationally, a price hike for staple crops can be a very serious problem.
This food crisis was set off by a series of natural disasters—droughts in Australia and Canada, wildfires in Russia, floods in Pakistan—resulted in decreased global food production. However, the impact of these disasters has been compacted by longer-term problems that have been simmering worldwide. Population increases are putting a strain on food stores. Use of food crops for biofuel is redirecting growing land towards energy production. Demand for meat continues to rise, and increasingly more food crops are going towards raising livestock.
How can we address these problems? In the most recent issue of The Economist there's a special report on the question of feeding a world of 9 billion people in 2050. One of the report's suggestions was to focus on planting higher-yielding crops, so that the developing world can better feed itself. The U.N. would also like to see a shift in food aid—currently 80% of food aid is spent during emergencies. Redirecting this money to increasing domestic agriculture in developing countries might result in ongoing food security rather than volatile markets.
It is also important for us in the States to entertain the notion of a future with more expensive food. Our current system protects us from some market fluctuation, but it remains to be seen if and how this current price spike will affect long-term thinking about how we produce and consume food globally.
About the Author: A student in Providence, Rhode Island, Leah Douglas loves learning about, talking about, reading about, and consuming food. Her work is also featured in Rhode Island Monthly Magazine.
All products linked here have been independently selected by our editors. We may earn a commission on purchases, as described in our affiliate policy.


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Three members of the Central Connecticut softball team swept this week's NEC weekly honors, the league announced Monday. Junior Kat Malcolm was named NEC Player of the Week, junior Laura Messina was named NEC Pitcher of the week and freshman Alexis Debrosse was tabbed NEC Rookie of the Week in her first collegiate outing.
Malcolm, the 2013 NEC Player of the Year, batted an impressive .412 while slugging .706 in the Blue Devils' opening weekend at the USF Under Armour Invitational in Clearwater, FL. Malcolm posted a total of seven hits, including two doubles and one home run. She also tallied three RBI, two stolen bases, two runs and a .412 on base percentage over the weekend.
In Central's first match-up against Campbell, Malcolm started the season strong with a 3-for-3 showing at the plate, one RBI, one run and a stolen base. In CCSU's 5-0 shutout of #15 Stanford, Malcolm led the Blue Devil offense with two hits, including a double and a two-run homer. Malcolm also finished the weekend with a perfect fielding percentage.
Messina kicked off the 2014 season with a .86 earned run average. The 2013 NEC First-Team honoree posted an opening weekend performance that included two shutouts, highlighted by a 5-0 shutout of #15 Stanford. The junior tossed 26 strikeouts at the USF Under Armour Invitational.
In three games, Messina walked just four batters while allowing only four runs, only two of which were earned. Messina led the CCSU defense in their highest margin victory (5-0) over Stanford on Saturday. She capped off the Blue Devils' opening weekend with a 2-1 record.
Messina now posts 21 career shutouts and 479 strikeouts, holding the CCSU career program record in both categories. The junior is just 21 strikeouts from reaching 500.
Debrosse opened her collegiate career hitting .333 and slugging .667 this past weekend. Debrosse also posted a .467 on base percentage. Her best game came against #15 Stanford in which she went 2-for-4 at the plate, blasting her first collegiate home run and earning two RBI on the play. The starting third-baseman tallied four hits, two runs, two RBI, one double, one home run and one stolen base in her opening weekend.
The Blue Devils are scheduled to return to the field on Thursday, March 6 at Coppin State. The first pitch of the doubleheader is currently set for 4 p.m.


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November 11, 2013
by Bruno Barbey
Panoramics of Morocco
Book on print
Limited Edition
« I'm drawn to Morocco because, I spent my first twelve years there ; I find smells and colours that remind me of my youth. Morocco is special to me because of my attachement to its people and its extraordinary cultural heritage ».
-Bruno Barbey
Bruno Barbey has always contrasted a versatility of technique with consistency of theme, using photography to reveal the subtle complexities of life in countries all over the world. Throughout Barbey's travels, however, one constant remains- his love for and fascination with Morocco, his homeland. His photographs of Fez, the city that Anaïs Nin likened to the inside of a brain, capture perfectly its labyrinthine quality. Elsewhere, he focuses on the yellow ochre and burnt umber tones of the towns and rural areas to create colour-drenched, strongly graphic images rendered dazzling by Morocco's scorching light.
Morocco is a complex country beneath her serene countenance, something Bruno Barbey Knows instinctively and his work respects. His unique empathy for the place and her people is beatifully expressed in his photographs.
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Bijay Kant Dubey#277 on top 500 poets
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Anglo-American Colonization
Anglo-American colonization in Mexican Texas took place between 1821 and 1835. Spain had first opened Texas to Anglo-Americans in 1820, less than one year before Mexico achieved its independence. Its traditional policy forbade foreigners in its territory, but Spain was unable to persuade its own citizens to move to remote and sparsely populated Texas. There were only three settlements in the province of Texas in 1820: Nacogdoches, San Antonio de Béxar, and La Bahía del Espíritu Santo (later Goliad), small towns with outlying ranches. The missions near the latter two, once expected to be nucleus communities, had been or were being secularized (i.e., transferred to diocesan from Franciscan administration), while those near Nacogdoches had been closed since the 1770s. Recruiting foreigners to develop the Spanish frontier was not new. As early as the 1790s, Spain invited Anglo-Americans to settle in Upper Louisiana (Missouri) for the same reason. The foreigners were to be Catholic, industrious, and willing to become Spanish citizens in return for generous land grants. Spain expected the new settlers to increase economic development and help deter the aggressive and mobile Plains Indians such as the Comanches and Kiowas. Mexico continued the Spanish colonization plan after its independence in 1821 by granting contracts to empresarios who would settle and supervise selected, qualified immigrants.
Anglo-Americans were attracted to Hispanic Texas because of inexpensive land. Undeveloped land in the United States land offices cost $1.25 an acre for a minimum of 80 acres ($100) payable in specie at the time of purchase. In Texas each head of a family, male or female, could claim a headright of 4,605 acres (one league-4,428 acres of grazing land and one labor-177 acres of irrigable farm land) at a cost about four cents an acre ($184) payable in six years, a sum later reduced by state authorities.
Beginning in 1824 when the Mexican Republic adopted its constitution, each immigrant took an oath of loyalty to the new nation and professed to be a Christian. Because the Catholic Church was the established religion, the oath implied that all would become Catholic, although the national and state colonization laws were silent on the matter. Religion was not a critical issue, however, because the church waited until 1831 to send a resident priest, Michael Muldoon, into the Anglo-Texan communities. This was inconvenient for those wishing to marry because there was no provision for civil ceremonies, and only priests had authority to perform nuptial rites. Anglo-Texans unwilling or unable to seek a priest in Catholic communities received permission from the authorities to sign a marriage bond, a practice common in the non-Anglican foothills of Virginia and the Carolinas before 1776, promising to formalize their union when a priest arrived.
Two other reasons brought Anglo-American settlers to Texas. Through the 1820s, most believed that the United States would buy eastern Texas from Mexico. Many thought that that portion of Texas had been part of the Louisiana Purchase and that the United States had "given" it away to Spain in exchange for Florida in the 1819 Adams-Onís Treaty, which established the Sabine River boundary. The Texas pioneers expected annexation would stimulate immigration and provide buyers for their land. A second attraction was that Mexico and the United States had no reciprocal agreements enabling creditors to collect debts or to return fugitives. Therefore, Texas was a safe haven for the many Mississippi valley farmers who defaulted on their loans when agricultural prices declined at the end of the War of 1812 and bankers demanded immediate payment. Faced with seizure of their property and even debtors' prison in many states, men loaded their families and belongings into wagons and headed for the Sabine River, where creditors could not follow and there was opportunity to start over.
Against this background, Moses Austin traveled from Missouri to Spanish San Antonio in 1820 to apply for an empresario grant to bring Anglo-American families to Texas. Like so many others, he had suffered losses in banking failures and hoped to restore his family's fortunes by charging small fees-12½ cents an acre-for land within his assigned area. He had become a Spanish citizen in 1798, when he moved from Virginia to the St. Louis area where he acquired an empresario grant to develop a lead mine and import workers. The Spanish governor at San Antonio gave tentative approval to Austin's plan, subject to review by his superiors, to bring 300 moral, hardworking, Catholic families from the former Spanish territory of Louisiana. Although the authorities wanted him to settle close to San Antonio, Austin opted for a still-to-be-defined area along the lower Colorado River, where he hoped to establish a port. On his return to Missouri he became ill and died at home in June 1821, leaving the plan with his eldest son, Stephen Fuller Austin.
Austin's advertisements for colonists coincided with Mexican independence and the presumption that a republic would be organized. Stimulated by these events, some families began moving immediately to the Red River near future Texarkana and across the Sabine along the old Spanish road leading to Nacogdoches. There they remained as squatters, some with intentions of joining the Austin colony, but others engaged in trading with the Indians and Mexicans.
The younger Austin visited San Antonio in mid-1821 as his father's heir and received permission to explore the lower Colorado for a site for the colony. His roaming convinced him that the Brazos watershed should be added to his grant. Upon returning to Texas in early 1822, Austin discovered he must go to Mexico City to confirm the contract with the national government, even though his first settlers were on their way with only vague instructions about where to settle. Soon after he reached the capital, a coup established an empire, and the resulting turmoil delayed Austin for a year. In April 1823 he finally received a contract under the Imperial Colonization Law, which had been passed in January. Because the empire collapsed in April and the republic was reestablished, Austin's empresario contract was the only one issued under this law. The reinstated republican Congress immediately approved the imperial contract, and Austin rushed back to Texas to organize his colony.
The Imperial Colonization Law specified that colonists must be Catholic, so Austin's first 300 families were affected. The 1824 National Colonization Law and the 1825 Coahuila and Texas State Colonization Law said only that foreigners must be Christian and abide by the laws of the nation, thereby implying they would be members of the established church. Protestant preachers occasionally visited Texas, but they seldom held public services. In 1834 the state decreed that no person should be molested for political or religious beliefs as long as he did not disturb public order. This was as close as Texans came to freedom of religion and speech before 1836.
Slavery was also an issue. Mexicans abhorred slavery as allowed in the United States, but pragmatic politicians shut their eyes to the system in their eagerness to have the Anglos produce cotton in Texas. National and state laws banned the African slave trade, but allowed Anglo-Americans to bring their family slaves with them to Texas and buy and sell them there until 1840. Grandchildren of those slaves would be freed gradually upon reaching certain ages. The state inferred in 1827 that it might emancipate slaves earlier, and the immigrants took the precaution of signing indenture contracts with their illiterate servants binding them for ninety-nine years to work off their purchase price, upkeep, and transportation to Texas. Mexican officials recognized the subterfuge as debt peonage, and black slaves continued to arrive in Texas. The most serious threat to Anglo slaveholders occurred when President Vicente Ramón Guerrero emancipated all slaves on September 15, 1829, in commemoration of independence. Austin's Mexican friends quickly secured an exemption from the law for Texas.
Austin, the most successful Texas empresario, made four six-year contracts between 1823 and 1828 for a potential 1,200 families. They were to be settled between the watersheds of the Brazos and Colorado rivers and as far as the Lavaca River below the Old San Antonio Road, as well as eastward to the San Jacinto River (but not including Galveston Island) and a small area around the site of present-day Austin. A fifth contract issued in 1831 for 800 families to be settled along the Brazos above the old Spanish Road was challenged by Sterling Clark Robertson, who had an expired prior claim. The ensuing conflict made accurate tallies difficult.
Empresarios did not own the land within their grants, nor could they issue titles; the state appointed a land commissioner to give deeds only after 100 families had been settled. Surveyors laid off leagues and labores along the watercourses and roads, after which colonists could choose vacant tracts. The settlers paid fees to the state, the surveyor, the land commissioner, and the clerk, who wrote the deeds on stamped paper and recorded the payments. Austin's plan to restore his family's well-being by selling land was denied because empresarios could not receive fees. The state gave them a bonus of 23,000 acres for each 100 families settled. By 1834, at the virtual end of the empresario system, Austin had settled about 966 families and earned 197,000 acres of bonus land that he could locate where he chose. He could sell the land, but only to those willing to live in Texas.
Austin, as the pioneer empresario in Texas, was burdened with more duties than later contractors. With no published compendium of the Mexican laws, administrative and judicial authority rested with Austin, and the result was a mix of Mexican decrees with pragmatic Anglo-American implementation. Local settlements within his colony elected alcaldes, similar to justices of the peace, and constables. Austin sat as superior judge until 1828, when sufficient population permitted the installation of an ayuntamiento at San Felipe, the capital of the colony. This council, with elected representatives from the settlements, had authority over the entire Austin colony and acted like a county government. As population grew, other settlements within the colony qualified for ayuntamientos. These councils settled lawsuits, regulated the health and welfare of the residents by supervising doctors, lawyers, taverns, and ferries, surveyed roads, and sold town lots. Capital cases were referred to authorities in Monterrey and later Saltillo. The remoteness of the court disturbed Anglo-Texans, who wanted accessible courts.
Austin also commanded the local militia to defend the colony against Indians and to keep the peace. His contract area had only a few small Indian villages belonging to such sedentary groups as the Bidais and Coushattas, who wanted only to trade. Less friendly were the seasonally migrant remnant coastal tribes of Karankawas or the inland Tonkawas, who foraged for game and targeted the settlers' livestock. Pioneers along the Colorado River suffered most. Austin led several punitive expeditions between 1823 and 1826; he also negotiated moderately successful treaties with these declining tribes. North and west of the Austin colony Indians continued to resist the flow of immigrants well beyond the colonial period.
Other men besides Austin wanted empresario contracts in Texas, and a few were in Mexico City in 1822. Because of the changing political scene and the slow passage of the colonization laws, they had to wait until 1825, after the passage of national and state colonization laws passed in August 1824 and March 1825. The national law prohibited foreigners from settling within twenty-six miles of the Gulf of Mexico or within fifty-two miles of the Sabine River border without special executive permission. To encourage immigration, settlers were free from national taxes for four years. Land ownership was limited to eleven leagues. Owners had to be residents of Mexico. Preference was given to native Mexicans in the selection, and the national government could use any portion of land needed for the defence and security of the nation.
The state colonization law detailed how to apply for land, how much would be given to heads of families, including females or single persons, and the fees to be paid. The law granted freedom from tithes and the alcabala, an internal excise tax, for ten years. Within three weeks four contracts were signed: Haden Edwards could settle 800 families in the Nacogdoches area, Robert Leftwich 800 along the Brazos valley above the Old San Antonio Road, Green DeWitt 400 on the Guadalupe River, and Frost Thorn 400 north of Nacogdoches. DeWitt, who developed the area around Gonzales, was the second most successful empresario in Texas. He settled 189 families before his contract expired in 1831. His colony suffered Indian attacks and also controversy with his neighbor, Mexican native empresario Martín De León.
De León, a native of a small town 100 miles southwest of the site of present Matamoros, moved his family north across the Nueces River and into the province of Texas in the early 1800s. He lived by catching mustangs and wild cattle and raising mules, then selling the animals in San Antonio or even trailing them to Louisiana. In April 1824, before the passage of the national colonization law, he received permission from the provincial deputation in San Antonio to establish a town for forty-one families about twenty miles northeast of La Bahía on the banks of the Guadalupe River. No boundaries were mentioned. By October, De León and twelve families had arrived at a cypress grove, the site of the town of Guadalupe Victoria (now Victoria, Texas), named for the first president of Mexico, who took office that year.
Unaware of the colonization grant to De León in San Antonio, the state assigned the same area of the Guadalupe valley with specific boundaries to DeWitt in April 1825. When DeWitt's settlers arrived, trouble was inevitable. Because the colonization laws gave preference to native Mexicans, De León petitioned the state for redress, and the authorities told DeWitt in October 1825 to respect De León's prior claims but failed to establish boundaries. The state named land commissioners for both De León's and DeWitt's colonies. The commissioners issued titles in 1831, the year DeWitt's six-year contract expired permanently. The boundaries remained unresolved. Eventually sixteen non-Hispanic families, some of whom were Anglo-Americans with Irish roots, received headrights in De León's otherwise Hispanic community.
De León also quarreled with neighboring empresarios James Power and James Hewetson natives of Ireland and residents of the United States and Mexico. They received a state contract in June 1828 to settle 200 families-half Mexican and half Irish-in the twenty-six-mile coastal reserve between the mouth of the Guadalupe and the mouth of the Lavaca River, an area that received approval from the president. In 1829 their boundary was extended south to the Nueces River. Two hundred titles were issued to Europeans, but because many were single men the colonial contract was left incomplete, since the law specified families. Nearby, two other Irish natives, residents of Matamoros, secured a contract in 1828 to bring 200 European families to the Nueces above the Power-Hewetson grant. John McMullen and James McGloin's colony was known as the Irish Colony; most of its residents clustered around San Patricio, where the land commissioner issued eighty-four titles.
Of more importance to the development of Anglo-Texan communities were the large grants made in 1825 to Edwards and Leftwich that were adjacent to the Austin colony on the east and north. Edwards's contract specified land for up to 800 Anglo-American families in a large area of East Texas from northwest of Nacogdoches, including the forks of the Trinity, west to the Navasota River, thence southeast along the Trinity River valley to upper Galveston Bay. The tract did not include Galveston Island or the twenty-six-mile-wide coastal reserve forbidden to foreigners. The eastern boundary was the fifty-two-mile-wide border reserve along the Sabine River running north from the Gulf of Mexico to the thirty-second parallel. The state instructed Edwards to respect the property of long-time residents in the Nacogdoches area, some of whom had been there since the 1780s. Edwards, insensitive to Hispanic culture, reached Nacogdoches in October 1825 and threatened to dispossess those who had no proof of ownership unless they paid him for the land. The Spanish process to acquire land on the remote frontier was lengthy and expensive, and almost nobody had deeds. But besides Hispanics, there were a number of Anglo-American hunters and traders who had moved there in the 1790s, as well as new squatters who had arrived since 1821. Although local alcaldes were authorized for the scattered settlements, there was no ayuntamiento until 1828, so all official business had to be conducted in San Antonio. In general, Hispanics and old-time Anglos opposed Edwards and complained to the political chief in San Antonio; some newcomers supported the empresario, while others remained aloof. Tensions mounted during 1826, and in response to complaints against Edwards the state abrogated his contract in October and banished him from Texas. Anglo-Texans, even those not involved in the controversy, were disturbed that a contract, almost sacred in Anglo culture, could be canceled. Did that mean that the provisions of the colonization laws might change regarding slavery? Were other empresario contracts vulnerable?
At the time of the cancellation, Haden Edwards was recruiting colonists in Mississippi, but his brother, Benjamin W. Edwards, rallied supporters to protest the order. In November they seized the alcalde (an Anglo old-timer) and tried others at a drumhead court; after a few days all were released. The following month the insurgents declared independence from Mexico by decreeing the Republic of Fredonia. Benjamin Edwards forged an alliance with some disaffected Cherokee leaders who were unable to secure titles to their villages northwest of Nacogdoches, and Edwards promised to divide Texas between the red men and the Whites. The Indians reconsidered, however, and failed to support Edwards, who fled towards Louisiana in January 1827, when soldiers from San Antonio accompanied by Austin's militia approached Nacogdoches. Thus ended the quixotic Fredonian Rebellion, which aroused fears of widespread Anglo-Texan revolt among Mexican leaders. The state banished the ringleaders, promised to send a land commissioner to issue titles to families who had settled the area in good faith, and established a permanent garrison at Nacogdoches to guard against ruffians and filibusters from the United States.
Almost as troublesome was the Leftwich contract, which, unknown to the authorities, was intended as a profit-making undertaking for the benefit of stockholders. This empresario grant eventually was known as Robertson's colony. Leftwich, who was in Mexico City when Austin was there, represented seventy Tennessee investors called the Texas Association. The land assigned was in the upper Brazos valley just north of Austin's grant and touching that of Edwards on the east. When Leftwich returned to Nashville in 1825 with the empresario contract in his name instead of the company's, the investors had to buy out his interest. They sent several agents to Coahuila-Texas to get the contract in their name, but the suspicions raised by the Fredonia Rebellion deterred their efforts. With Austin's help, the Nashville Association (as it was now called) was finally recognized as successor to Leftwich in October 1827. But the stockholders failed to send settlers until October 1830, only six months before the end of their contract. Shareholder Sterling C. Robertson and six others reached the garrison at Fort Tenoxtitlán, one of the new military posts established in 1830; Tenoxtitlán guarded the old Spanish road crossing on the Brazos River. Nine families trailed Robertson, and when they reached Nacogdoches the commandant detained them. The newly passed Law of April 6, 1830, prohibited the entrance of Anglo-Americans into Texas unless they had a passport to Austin's or DeWitt's colony. Austin had quickly secured an exemption from the restriction for his and DeWitt's colonies when he discovered an ambiguous phrase seeming to allow immigration to "established" colonies. This he interpreted as those with more than 100 families in residence. The authorities acquiesced. The Law of April 6 also forbade the immigration of slaves, but even the authorities admitted that this restriction was impossible to enforce.
Passage of the restrictive law was the result of heightened suspicions that the United States intended to seize Texas. Between 1825 and 1829, the United States minister to Mexico, Joel R. Poinsett, unsuccessfully pressured the new nation to sell eastern Texas, and his successor, Anthony Butler, had similar instructions. Mexican leaders feared a rebellion of Anglos and annexation to the United States, just as Spain had lost Baton Rouge and Mobile in the early 1800s. Thus the Fredonian Rebellion inspired an official inspection tour in 1828 from San Antonio to Nacogdoches which revealed that Anglo-Americans greatly outnumbered native Mexicans in Texas. Although there was no obvious subversive activity, the Anglos continued to speak only English and conducted legal matters primarily in Anglo tradition. The authorities concluded that Mexico might lose Texas if more Anglo-Americans were allowed to enter and that native Mexicans must be encouraged to settle in the frontier state to "Mexicanize" it. The government dispatched troops to strategic entrances to Texas in late 1830 to enforce the law and also to aid the newly installed customs collectors in levying national import duties. The special exemption from the tariff for Texas pioneer settlers had expired. It was hoped that the new garrisons would produce native Mexican communities and that the tariff would pay for the troops needed to preserve Texas. However, this understandable response to save Mexican hegemony inflamed Anglo-Texans, who inherited their grandfathers' distaste for standing armies and troops billeted in residential communities, and who had come to believe that their exemption from tariffs was permanent.
Robertson's colonists surreptitiously passed Nacogdoches and reached the Brazos in November. Amid a flurry of letters to officials, Austin offered the unlucky settlers sanctuary, a step approved officially in September 1831. Meanwhile Robertson asked Austin, who was leaving to take his seat in the state legislature at Saltillo, to intercede for an extension of the six-year contract. Austin agreed, although he believed the case dead-the six years was up, the Law of April 6, 1830, prevented Anglo settlement, and a French immigration company had already applied for the old Leftwich grant. In early February, however, Austin asked the state for a contract in his name and that of his associate, Samuel May Williams, to settle 800 European and Mexican families on the former Nashville grant, plus some additional land north and west. The application was approved on February 25, 1832.
This action caused trouble with Robertson, who felt betrayed. Austin defended his action by saying that Robertson's cause was hopeless. Austin wanted, he stated, a more dependable frontier neighbor than a French company on his northern frontier, which was still exposed to Indian raiders. Robertson appealed to the ayuntamiento in San Felipe for relief in November 1833 by offering testimony from various persons that the Nashville company had sent 100 families before the expiration of the contract in 1831. The council, influenced by anti-Austin sentiment, agreed that Robertson should be reinstated, and he left for Saltillo, where he presented his documents on April 2, 1834. In May the governor returned the contract to Robertson despite arguments by Austin and Williams's attorney; Robertson's land commissioner began granting titles immediately. Sam Williams attended the 1835 session of the state legislature and won back the colony in May. Austin and Williams's new land commissioner began issuing deeds, while Robertson's commissioner continued to act until the end of the year. The resulting overlapping claims kept lawyers employed past midcentury.
The most controversial of all of the empresario grants, however, were those of David G. Burnet, Joseph Vehlein, and Lorenzo de Zavala, who sold their respective contracts to New York and Boston speculators. This action was contrary to the intent of the national and state colonization laws. The sale was not only illegal, but also deleterious to the purchasers. As a result of it, small and large investors and innocent colonists lost their promised land and sometimes their lives. Burnet, a native of New Jersey and resident of Ohio, had traded with the Indians in Spanish Texas about 1818 but soon returned to Ohio. In December 1826 he received a contract to settle 300 families in the northwestern area of the former Edwards grant near Nacogdoches. At the same time, Vehlein, a Mexico City merchant, contracted through agents to settle 300 families in the southern portion of the canceled Edwards grant. Neither man visited the land and neither sent a single colonist. Burnet, a younger son of a prominent family, tried to recruit antislavery settlers in Ohio, but lacked the financial means to succeed. In 1829, with time running out, he unsuccessfully offered half of his future bonus land to wealthy and powerful individuals if they would send 300 families to his grant. Finally, in October 1830, he negotiated the sale of his grant to the Galveston Bay and Texas Land Company, as did Vehlein's agent. Joining in the sale was Lorenzo de Zavala, a native of Yucatán, a prominent politician and currently a political refugee in New York City. He had acquired the long fifty-two-mile-wide border reserve on the Sabine River as his empresario grant in 1828, when he agreed to settle 500 European or Mexican families. He, too, never saw his Texas land nor sent a colonist.
The Galveston Bay company issued stock entitling investors to scrip in denominations of leagues and labores. Some investors, such as James Prentiss, used their scrip to create separate ventures such as the Union Land Company and the Trinity Land Company. Those companies dispatched two schooners to Galveston Bay in January 1831 with a few European settlers recruited in New York City. Though the Law of April 6, 1830, prohibited sending Anglo-Americans, some American workmen accompanied the settlers. John Davis Bradburn, the commandant at Anahuac, allowed the unfortunate immigrants to land briefly. A few stayed and farmed, but most returned to the United States as best they could.
The entire undertaking was extortionate. Upon landing, each immigrant was to apply for a headright, of which he would receive 177 acres after three years of labor. The remaining 4,428 acres was signed over to the company. The company employed agents in Mexico to lobby for revocation of the restrictive law of 1830, a step that succeeded in 1834. Moreover, those squatters who had lived in East Texas since 1821 without titles discovered they were now colonists of the three empresarios. Although the state had approved naming a land commissioner in 1828, politics delayed implementation. Finally, in 1834, land commissioners arrived to give deeds to those long-time squatters and also the newcomers. One called himself the agent of the empresario and tried to collect fees until complaints to the state ended the illegal practice.
There were a number of lesser empresarios, including Benjamin R. Milam, Arthur G. Wavell, John Cameron, Stephen Julian Wilson,John Charles Beales, and Richard Exeter, as well as a few native Mexicans. All failed to complete their contracts within the allotted time. Most of their grants were located on the southwestern and northern perimeters of Texas.
Settlers continued to arrive in the established colonies and the area claimed by the Galveston Bay Company until the land offices were closed by the General Council on October 27, 1835, and confirmed by the Consultation the next month. By this time most residents, except in Robertson's colony on the northern frontier, no longer thought of themselves as colonists dependent on an empresario. De León was dead, DeWitt died in 1835, Austin was a sort of elder statesman, and few people in the Burnet, Vehlein, or Zavala grants were acquainted with the phantom empresarios. By 1834 Texas was divided into three departments: Bexar, the Brazos, and Nacogdoches, each with its own political chief reporting directly to the governor and each having more than one town with an ayuntamiento. This gave the residents a feeling of self-government. Their main goal was achieving separate statehood from Coahuila. The old Austin colony continued to attract newcomers, including some of those unable to secure titles in other colonies. Its stability, its guaranteed deeds, and its easy accessibility by water from New Orleans through Galveston Bay and the Brazos river were drawing cards.
The Anglo-American settlers imported their culture to Texas and resisted Mexicanizing even after 1830, when purchase by the United States was increasingly unlikely. Rich or poor, Anglo immigrants were independent-minded, self-sufficient republicans suspicious of the traditional deferential society of Hispanic culture, even though Mexican reformers were struggling to build a republic. The spirit of Jacksonian democracy pervaded even those not admiring President Andrew Jackson. Moreover, collecting national tariff duties in Texas in 1830 coincided with the growing anti-tariff movement in South Carolina, which resulted in the Nullification Crisis. Texans, like other agrarians, manufactured nothing and disliked import duties on necessities. It was not surprising, then, that American ship captains, supported by Anglo-Texan merchants, refused to pay the new duties and exchanged fire with the fort at the mouth of the Brazos River in December 1831. At this same time, Colonel Bradburn, charged with enforcing Mexican laws regarding immigration and the tariff at Anahuac, arrested civilians and held some without bail for trial before the commandant general at Matamoros. Anglo-Texans believed Bradburn was acting arbitrarily. They did not understand that his actions were required under Mexican law, which lacked anything like a Bill of Rights. Angry men from the Brazos marched to confront Bradburn at Anahuac, while others loaded illegal cannons on a ship to join them. At the mouth of the river, the Anglo-Texans forced the surrender of the fort. The first of the Anahuac Disturbances and the battle of Velasco took place in June 1832, just as the Federalist party's army defeated that of the conservative administration, thus ending a four-year-old civil war. The Texans claimed to be helping the Federalists, who were led by Antonio López de Santa Anna, and convinced authorities sent to investigate that they were not revolutionaries against Mexico. Their action resulted in the departure of all Centralist troops and customs collectors from Texas.
Wanting to capitalize on their support of Santa Anna, who was to be the new president, the Anglo-Texans drafted petitions for separate statehood, a better judicial system, and similar reform measures. In April 1833 Austin took the requests to Mexico City, where most were approved except for separate statehood. In a moment of despondency, Austin wrote an incriminating letter urging the leaders at San Antonio to act unilaterally on separation. For this act of sedition he was arrested in January 1834 and incarcerated in Mexico City until July 1835.
Texans remained relatively quiet during Austin's absence fearing for his life. After Santa Anna's installation as president in 1833, he left governing to his Federalist- reformer vice president. By 1835, however, Santa Anna reversed himself, became a Centralist dictator, and sent the army to punish his political enemies. Garrisons and customs collectors returned to Texas in January 1835 and the Anglo-Texan response was predictable. A second attack recaptured Anahuac in June, and when Austin reached Texas in September he surprised many by endorsing the resistance movement against the oppressive administration. Though at first supporting reform of the Mexican government, public opinion moved quickly to favoring a separate Texas nation.
There are no accurate figures detailing the number of Anglo-Americans who settled in Texas between 1821 and 1835. Although Mexican law required an annual census of all residents, the Anglo-Texans resisted such bureaucratic demands. Existing tallies reveal that in 1826 Austin had 1,800 people, including 443 slaves; DeWitt counted 159 Whites and 29 slaves; and the lower Trinity River, then outside of any empresario grant, was populated by 407 settlers with 76 slaves. Subsequent extant records show Austin's colony with 2,201 people in 1828, 4,248 in 1830, and 5,565 in 1831, while DeWitt had only 82 persons, including 7 slaves, in 1828. In 1834 the English-speaking Col. Juan N. Almonte made an official inspection of Texas and estimated that 4,000 people lived in the Department of Bexar, 2,100 in the Department of the Brazos (Austin's colony), and 1,600 in the Department of Nacogdoches. The 3,000 decrease in Austin's colony suggests that Almonte's figures were wrong. A few lists of residents in the Nacogdoches area in 1834–35 and scattered other records are extant, but such incomplete records only hint at the Texas population. Anglo-American colonization in Texas was obviously a success, although not what Mexican leaders envisioned. Neither side worked to understand, appreciate, nor resolve the cultural differences intrinsic to the union proposed by Mexico and accepted by Anglo-American immigrants.
See also SPANISH TEXAS, MEXICAN TEXAS, TEXAS REVOLUTION, MEXICAN COLONIZATION LAWS, BOUNDARIES, and LAND GRANTS.


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The next morning I got up and started in with the cleaning once again. I had to work fast because Bob's physical therapist was coming over at 11 and another man from the county was coming over at 1:00. I managed to get our entertainment center set up and all the electronics working by the time the PT showed up.
Bob's PT is super nice and was very surprised at Bob's range of motion and flexibility. He really does have an ability to move and lift the muscles he is left with. It's kind of amazing. There are exercises I have to help him with, but surprisingly, those are few and far between. Bob does most of his exercises in his bed before he gets up in the morning. (He's less tired and more able to get them done first thing in the morning.) He's ingenious in the way he uses his bed for resistance.
After the PT left, another man from the county came by to talk to us about the program Bob qualified for. It's one that gives his an annual budget and with that budget he is able to pay people to come in and care for him. He can pay someone to clean, help him with meals, help him bath, get dressed, exercise, etc. He can also get a membership at the Y, hire a nutritionist, see a chiropractor or massage therapist. He can also get adaptive/assistive aids with this money. All this as long as he doesn't go over his budget. This is great news because there is a lot of stuff we have put on hold or gone without altogether because we couldn't afford it. Now Bob can afford these things and his life will get easier. The budget isn't huge, but it's enough. Also, I can get paid as Bob's personal care attendant. There are lots of checks and balances in place so as to not get in hot water with the budget and Bob can't pay me more than he would pay someone else to care for him. But with the money I get from my work study and the money I get from caring for Bob, we should be OK. Whoot! Another thing Bob is looking forward to is a YMCA membership. He wants to hire a personal trainer to work with him on flexibility since strength training is not an option. As his PCA, I can go and work out with him, so it benefits us both. Unfortunately, this program is slow moving so we won't officially be on it until January so right now we are just getting the paperwork done and jumping through the hoops set before us.
After all our meetings and more cleaning, we still had to go get the cats from the vet. I set out in the van to pick them up. On the way I called in a pizza to be ready for pick up on our way home. I got Maisey and Daisy first and buckled their carriers into the van. Then I got the large carrier that held both Zoe and Chloe. Chloe was crying that sad, mournful wail that cats use when they are at their scardiest. On the way to the van I caught a whiff of cat urine and it knocked me over. I'm not sure if she had peed her carrier prior to me picking her up and I just now smelled it or if she peed on the way out to the van. Either way, it reeked and I had to drive home, stop and pick up a pizza, and drive some more before getting them home. Gah!
Once home, I carried Maisey and Daisy's carriers up to our apartment but didn't let them out. Bob came with me to get the kittens (we still call them the kittens even though they'll be 3 in April). The smell of urine was so strong and gag inducing I had to step back. Once we got them into the apartment, we took the carrier to the bathroom hoping to coral them there while we cleaned them and the carrier up. However, the carrier is so big and our bathroom so small that both cats got out. Each one ran to a separate bedroom and hid. So now we had cat pee in the bathroom and both bedrooms. I carried the carrier to the patio and cried. I'd just spent hours cleaning up sawdust from everything we owned and now I'd have to clean cat pee from the rest of our stuff. Grrrr!
While I was on the patio having a meltdown, Bob was able to coral the kittens into the bathroom. I got myself pulled together and grabbed poor Chloe who looked to be the culprit of the peeing incident. She is normally a very fluffy and vain kitty. At this point her feet, tail, and tummy were all wet and she was acting sad/depressed/humiliated. Poor kitty. We ran a bath and bathed her as well as we could. Never having actually bathed any of our cats before, I wasn't sure how it would go but Chloe surprised us. She lay docilly in the water while we soaped and rinsed, soaped and rinsed her. As I soaped her throat and stomach, I could feel her puring away. Once clean, we lay her in a towel and wrapped her tight. She just lay there enjoying the act of us drying her off. Once dry enough, we let her go and she ran off to groom. We repeated the same with Zoe who, though not thrilled, let us bathe her with minimal effort. She did keep trying to get out of the bath but for the most part was compliant enough and never meowed or cried during the ordeal.
Once both cats were clean, we went to work on cleaning the cat pee from everything. I think we got it. Thankfully, it was all surface cleaning and not deep cleaning so that made things a bit easier. Still, I was overwhelmed and would be so thankful for a day that didn't involve cleaning things. Once everything was clean we were finally able to let Daisy and Maisey out of their carriers and FINALLY eat the pizza I'd picked up. The cats were all a little hesitant and freaked out but we knew they would settle down.
The next day, the cats all seemed in better spirits and more settled in. They were unsure of the new floor and there have been a couple of funny incidents when, while running, they couldn't catch their footing resulting in a cartoon like scene of cat feet moving but the cat not going anywhere. They also don't really like the sound Bob's wheels make on the floor but they will get used to it.
I was looking forward to Sunday since I didn't have anything planned other than church. Bob and I have been visiting a church we really like a lot. It's an urban church that meets in a school on the North side of Minneapolis. It's extremely diverse, quite large, and for some reason we feel at home there. Sunday was no different in our experience there. We really enjoyed the service and look forward to seeing if and how we might be called to serve there. Next Sunday we are going to an event called Pizza With the Pastors to meet the pastors and get our questions answered.
To end today's post, here are some photos of the new floor. Was it all worth it? Now that I'm on the other side of it I can say yes but last week I wasn't so sure.


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Thinking About Getting Divorced in Rhode Island?
Local Divorce Lawyers Discuss Child Custody and Property Division
The decision to get divorced is really about making a choice about what is best for your family. In some cases, the best way forward for you, your spouse and any children you have may be to separate. However, even if divorce will help you in the future, it is always challenging process, especially if you have been married for some time. The stress and emotional turmoil can make it even more difficult to answer the complicated legal questions that you will encounter. Questions about asset division, child custody and support, and/or alimony can be tough to settle, even if you are on amicable terms with your spouse. Therefore, while you do not necessarily need an attorney to dissolve your marriage, consulting a Rhode Island divorce lawyer can help you navigate the divorce process more quickly and smoothly.
If you are considering divorce or were served with a petition by your spouse, then an attorney can help you understand your rights and options. Below, our local Rhode Island family law attorneys explain the general steps of the divorce process and discuss common issues you may encounter. However, every situation is different; a lawyer can examine your situation and explain how Rhode Island divorce laws apply to your unique circumstances.
What Is the Divorce Process?
Every divorce is different, so your experience may vary widely from that of another person. However, the basic stages of the divorce process are, by and large, the same. These are:
- Filing or Receiving a Petition for Divorce. If you and your spouse mutually agree that divorce is the best option for your family, then it may matter very little which of you files the legal petition. However, in more contentious circumstances, you may file or receive a petition with little advance warning. If you are served with a petition for divorce, then you must answer in a timely manner. Still, you should consult a divorce attorney before doing so.
- Temporary orders. When you file your petition, the court may issue temporary orders pertaining to child custody and child and/or spousal support. Usually, these orders will stay in effect until the finalization of your divorce. If you receive a petition from your spouse, then the paperwork will contain details of any temporary orders.
- Discovery. Both parties and their divorce lawyers will have a period of time in which to gather facts about the marriage. This includes an accounting of all assets and debts, plus any other relevant information.
- Negotiation and/or mediation. You and your spouse must agree on a system for child custody and/or support as well as asset division and other issues. If you cannot reach an agreement, then family law mediation may be a workable solution.
- Trial. The court will hear both sides and then issue a decision on any terms that were not previously settled.
- Order of dissolution. At the conclusion of the trial or hearing, the court will officially order the end of the marriage. This puts the terms of your divorce agreement into effect.
How Is Child Custody Determined?
If your divorce involves minor and/or dependent children, then one of the most important things to consider is child custody. In legal terms, there are two different types of "custody" which will apply; these are:
- Legal custody. Having legal custody of your child means that you have the right to make decisions about your child's life. These may include choosing a school, religion, medical needs and travel arrangements.
- Physical custody. This refers to your right to have your child physically live with you. In the vast majority of cases, regardless of legal custody decisions, the court will award physical custody to just one parent, the "custodial parent," who will provide the child's permanent residence.
You and your spouse can tailor your child custody agreement to your individual circumstances. However, there are two general types of child custody arrangements, which are:
- Joint custody. In a joint custody arrangement, both parents will share legal custody of the child or children. This means that both parents will have input on important decisions relating to the child's upbringing, such as education and medical care. However, usually, the child or children will stay with the custodial parent, while the other parent will have visitation rights.
- Sole custody. In some circumstances, one parent will receive sole physical and legal custody. This is common in situations involving domestic violence, child abuse, drug or alcohol problems or other conditions that may harm the child. Sometimes, the other parent will still retain some visitation rights and may still pay child support.
Who Will Pay Child Support After a Divorce?
Regardless of the child custody arrangements, the child or children will almost always spend more time with one parent. Therefore, the custodial parent will likely spend more money on the child's living expenses, like food and clothing. To make up for these expenses, the court may order the non-custodial parent to pay child support. (It is also possible for both parents to pay child support to a third party, if a third party is awarded legal and physical custody).
The amount that you will pay or receive in child support depends on multiple factors as well as state laws. In Rhode Island, the factors that may contribute to your child support payments include:
- The child's needs. Both parents are responsible for providing for their child's needs; therefore, the court will consider all costs associated with raising your child in determining child support. For example, if your child has a medical condition, then your child support payments will likely be higher to account for necessary care.
- Childcare expenses. If the custodial parent requires childcare assistance, such as a daycare, to allow him or her to work, then the non-custodial parent may have to pay a portion of these expenses.
- Both parents' incomes. Usually, the court considers the income levels of both parents and assigns a percentage of the combined income to each. This calculation is important for establishing child support payments. However, as the non-custodial parent, you will likely still have a child support obligation even if your spouse makes more than you.
- Visitation arrangements. The court will consider the percentage of time that the child spends with each parent. The more equal the time spent with each, the lower the child support payments, as a general rule.
Need a Divorce Lawyer in Rhode Island? Check Our Local Listings
If you are considering divorce or received a divorce petition, then you should contact a family law attorney as soon as possible. To find a divorce lawyer near you, consult our local listings. Alternatively, if you have a question about family law, divorce or child custody/support in Rhode Island, then do not hesitate to ask the lawyers.


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Spiral gold and red seed beaded bracelet
Spiral gold bugle beads and red miyuki seed beaded bracelet will fit wrist 7.5" and has gold plated toggle clasp and will be gift boxed
Shipping & delivery
This item will be posted to you by BlingBlingBarby within 3 days of receiving payment.
|Shipping destination
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Italy, Greece, Cyprus, Germany, France, Spain, Finland, Belgium, Portugal, Poland, Ireland, Sweden, Denmark, Netherlands, Austria, Latvia, Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia, Isle of Man, Jersey, Guernsey, Gibraltar
Returns Policy
You have 14 days, from receipt, to notify the seller if you wish to cancel your order or exchange an item.
Unless faulty, the following types of items are non-refundable: items that are personalised, bespoke or made-to-order to your specific requirements; items which deteriorate quickly (e.g. food), personal items sold with a hygiene seal (cosmetics, underwear) in instances where the seal is broken.


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A photo of the windward side of a Caribbean island covered in marine debris
"Lobsters, Snorkeling and Cliff Jumping..oh my!" "We spent a glorious day with Captain Morgan! This was our first trip to the area and he managed to cram in a ton of activities and sights while still allowing us to just relax and take a slow, chill vacation day. There were 4 of us--two adults and our young adult children. He picked us up from St. Thomas and took the time to figure out what we wanted--rather than just taking us to a standard cookie cutter list of places. Over the course of the day we snorkeled and swam on quiet beaches, ate freshly cooked lobster at Sidney's, explored the area and capped off the afternoon with a leap off of a 40 foot cliff into the deep blue sea. Pure perfection. Morgan was friendly and fun. Would recommend to anyone looking for a relaxing day on the water!"David C
"Our family of four spent the day with Jeremy as our Captain. He let us pick our day along with some of his suggestions. We ended up snorkeling at the Norman Island Caves and The Indians. Had a fabulous lunch at Pirates Bight , drinks and jumps at Willy T and finally spent some time at Jost Van Dyke and the beach . Jeremy was professional, friendly and we always felt safe. Would definitely recommend Ocean Runner for anyone looking for a day on the water." Visited July 2015Debbie S
"What an experience. Took a trip to the British VI's to see the Bath's, Caves at Norman Island and Jost Van Dyke. Hired Ocean Runner to take us there for a full day trip. Captain Tom Larson took care of us like we were his own family. He was so knowledgeable when it came to the history of the islands surrounding St. John and the BVI's. Highly recommend Captain Larson and Ocean Runner for your excursions out of St. John."John S
"The boat we rented from Ocean Runner was well-maintained, the staff were courteous and obviously experienced, and the advice and service excellent! We would strongly recommend OR to anyone seeking a powerboat rental while visiting St John."Dana - Nashville
"We have used Ocean Runner quite a few times during our family vacations and always have had a wonderful day. Last year we had a larger group and had to use another company. The difference was obvious from the get-go. Of course we enjoyed the day - it's impossible not to - but the overall experience was not up to what we have enjoyed with Ocean Runner."Janet - Massachusetts


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Home > News & Events > Wayland Press Release Archives > 2003 News Releases > March 2003 > Wayland nurse tends to health of employees
Wayland nurse tends to health of employees
PLAINVIEW - When a student at Wayland Baptist University gets sick, very often they begin by calling on Josie Gomez, a registered nurse and coordinator of student health services at Wayland.
But for Wayland's faculty and staff, Gomez is also often their first line of defense if an illness or medical need comes up. In addition to providing the usual minor medical services - such as an over-the-counter decongestant for a stuffy nose or a bandage for a cut or scrape - Gomez is also able to provide and coordinate services that aim to keep employees healthy.
A big part of that is the annual wellness clinic coordinated through Covenant Hospital Plainview. Employees who are interested complete a questionnaire that details their eating and exercise habits and any other personal habits that can lead to illness. A team from Covenant then visits to draw blood and take blood pressure and pulse readings.
"The wellness profile is primarily blood chemistry related, including tests for cholesterol, triglycerides and optional tests that can detect cells that cause prostate cancer and ulcers," Gomez said. "We get the results back and the test tells us where we are lacking in nutrition or if we need to see a doctor about a specific issue."
Gomez said many employees appreciate the chance to do such screenings - much of which is covered by the WBU health insurance plan - and keep one step ahead of their health.
"It gives people an opportunity to take a few minutes here at work rather than scheduling an appointment with the doctor," she said. "I also keep up with people and help in any way I can."
For some employees, that means regular visits to Gomez' office for allergy shots, which she can administer with a doctor's permission. Many take advantage of the annual flu shots provided in Gomez' office at a minimal charge. Some follow up on their wellness results by keeping in touch with Gomez.
"I keep records and can help them monitor their weight or their blood pressure," she said. "Then when they get ready to go to their own doctor, I give them a copy of our records."
Having the access and accountability has proved valuable for several employees who voluntarily formed a "weigh-in" group after the holidays to keep tabs on their weight. Gomez said after two ladies contacted her, she opened the group to anyone on campus and the members visit weekly to be weighed and chart their progress. More than 20 employees are currently taking advantage of the service, and an optional jackpot of weekly donations is awarded each month to the person losing the most weight in that month.
Lena Morphis, assistant coordinator of accounts payable, said she brought up the idea to Gomez after feeling the need for some motivation and accountability in her quest to eat better and lose weight.
"When I know I'm going to get on those scales every week, it makes me more conscious of what I put in my mouth," Morphis said, adding that she also has Gomez monitor her blood sugar and enjoys the convenience of having all those services close to her office.
She said she also appreciates the fact that Gomez typically has some handout with healthy eating or exercise tips each week the weigh-in group visits, and she finds those helpful to keeping her diet in check.
Feeling that prevention is the key to good health, Gomez also schedules a yearly visit from a mobile mammography unit to make that service convenient for female employees.
Gomez, who is a certified Emergency Medical Technician, said she is also able to provide breathing treatments for individuals to stabilize them for further medical care. She also makes referrals to local and area physicians and specialists for those needing more in-depth medical attention.