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Testimony on U.S.-Central American Relations, October 21, 1983
October 21, 1983
Mr. Chairman and Members of the Commission:
On behalf of the Catholic bishops of the United States and our president, Archbishop John R. Roach, I thank you for the opportunity to appear before this National Commission on U.S. Policy in Central America.
I. Our Perspective
As you know, the American Catholic bishops are not new to this discussion. For more than four years the bishops' conference has been consistently raising questions about U.S. policy in Central America. I include for the record the statement on Central America overwhelmingly adopted by the U.S. bishops in November of 1981, which is the foundation of our frequent testimony. Speaking personally, I have been visiting and observing Central America for more than eight years as I sought to support our missionary efforts there and understand the forces at work in the region.
The American Catholic bishops come to this discussion with several perspectives. As Americans, we want to see our vital national interests protected and our government's policies reflect our national values and ideals.
As citizens we want U.S. policies to help bring about greater justice, democracy and stability in this hemisphere and to limit communist influence in the region.
As Catholics we start with the social teaching of our church which calls us to defend human dignity and human rights and to work for social justice and peace as an integral part of our faith. Our views have been shaped and our hearts moved by the inspiring witness of the church in Central America as it seeks to defend the poor, work for justice and search for peace and reconciliation in the face of brutal violence, continuing conflict and frequent repression from regimes of both right and left. As Catholics we are not naïve about Marxist influence or activity. We emphatically reject any innuendo that the church's defense of the poor and advocacy of social justice serves Marxist interests. The church's mission requires it to defend human rights whenever they are threatened whether by dehumanizing ideologies or economic exploitation. Let me cite the activities of the church in both El Salvador and Nicaragua, in both Poland and the Philippines, as examples of this consistency.
As bishops in the United States we are not experts or specialists, but as pastors and religious leaders we have the right and responsibility to judge policies of our government by the values articulated in our teaching. We have developed our position in dialogue with our brother bishops in Central America, but we speak as U.S pastors to the U.S. government about U.S. policies in the region.
II. Our Concerns
For that reason and on that basis, we welcome this opportunity to share our deep concerns about the future course of U.S. policy and activity. We fear that future U.S. policy may be based on a number of misconceptions regarding the basic issues and choices in Central America.
Roots of the Conflict
One concern is that the conflict in Central America is too often seen as primarily a geopolitical battle—a struggle between East and West, between the United States and the Soviet Union. We have repeatedly pointed out that long before there was outside intervention there was a legitimate struggle in El Salvador and other parts of the region for social, political and economic justice. The conflict has been over land, wages, the right to organize, and the issue of political participation. To ignore this long struggle of people for justice, dignity and freedom is fundamentally to misunderstand the nature of the conflict today in Central America.
Because the conflicts in Central America are fundamentally rooted in questions of social injustice and the persistent denial of basic human rights for large sectors of the population, the USCC has always opposed interpretations of the Salvadoran and Central American conflict which place primary emphasis on the superpower or East-West rivalry. This is not to ignore the international implications and dimensions of the conflict. Nor to deny the willingness of outside actors such as the Soviet Union to take full advantage of the crisis. But we urge the commission to reject the notion that the geopolitical struggle is at the core of the problem in Central America.
The Search for a Military Solution
A second concern is the continuing pursuit of a military solution for Central America. U.S. statements move back and forth on this question, but our actions speak more clearly—U.S. policy still has hopes that military force can solve the problems.
In El Salvador victory by either side, which could only mean abject surrender and bitter defeat for a large number of Salvadorans on one side or the other, would not serve the interest of either El Salvador or the United States. A society divided into victors and vanquished is unlikely to result in either stable peace or justice. Likewise, if the U.S.-backed "contras" were to somehow topple the government of the Sandinistas, do U.S. policymakers really believe that would bring peace and stability to Nicaragua or the region? We hope the commission will make clear that a continuing military struggle in an already devastated region is not in our interests or Central America's.
A Wider War
A major concern of ours and of the bishops of Latin America is the imminent possibility of a wider war which will plunge the entire region into armed conflict. The heightened tensions, strident language and increased military activity make this threat a real danger. Last August the bishops of Latin America spoke of:
"The possibility of unleashing an open war covering the whole subregion with sorrow and destruction. Militarization is increasing; nations are feverishly readying for war, leading to serious deterioration of productive activities; tensions grow, accusations are hurled back and forth, border incidents multiply while, as a result, misery grows and with it the risk of outside interventions." (CELAM, August 1983)
We hope the commission will seek a way to help Central America step back from the brink of regional war. We need to find ways to reduce the tensions in the region which are turning nations into armed camps with unfortunate consequences for the domestic life as well as the region.
When U.S. policymakers talk about the dangers of outside interference in Central America, they refer to the Soviet Union and its proxies. When Central Americans talk about outside interference they are talking about the Soviets to be sure, but they are also talking about the United States. There is no need to recite the sad history of U.S. intervention in the region, a living memory for the people and leaders of Central America. The present and past experience of intervention has led to the unified opposition by the Latin American hierarchies to all outside intervention without exception. By outside intervention they do not refer to the efforts of other Latin American states to facilitate political dialogue; such efforts the bishops specifically endorse.
Rather, the unacceptable interference is that of the "foreign powers," essentially the Soviet Union and the United States. Latin America does not expect, nor desire, the United States simply to forfeit any active role in the Latin American quest for peace and development. Still less do they welcome expanded Soviet influence in any area of the hemisphere. What they oppose now more strongly than ever in the past, is in the words of the Central American bishops, "the meddling of foreign powers who come to support those in the countries who fit their own interests which are generally far from, even opposed to, those of the great majority."
To give a clearer sense of this nearly universal Latin American episcopal concern, let me cite the relevant paragraphs from the recent statements of the bishops of Central and Latin America.
The bishops of Latin America stated in July:
"We desire that neither the governments nor opposition groups invite foreign powers to intervene in this conflict, and that those foreign powers, if already present, leave; and if not present refrain from planning to do so. In this way both will avoid the repeated calamity of other historical experiences that have demonstrated the futility of such interventions." (CELAM, July 1983)
Even more strongly the Central American bishops wrote in August:
"To the outside powers and ideological forces that are interfering politically and militarily in Central America contrary to our cultural values, we demand that they do not do so, so that our people and only they can end their conflicts, overcome their differences and plot their course toward the longed-for goal of peace.
"There must be absolute guarantees now and for the future that all of them leave. If not, the intervention of one will automatically guarantee the intervention of the other and thus the establishment of peace will become progressively more difficult." (SEDAC, August 1983)
The commission must take into account the long history of outside interference in Central America and our role in it.
Human Rights
On inconsistent aspect of the debate over Central America is the use of human rights criteria for tactical advantage or propaganda points rather than as a steady and consistent benchmark for governments in the region and our relationships with them. Selective application of human rights standards depending on our ideological preferences erodes our credibility both at home and abroad. Human rights are being violated throughout the region.
The people of Central America are assaulted by death squads, arbitrary imprisonment, uninvestigated murders, harassment of land reform efforts, restrictions on free union activity, interference in education and journalism, and other threats to life and freedom. While life itself is threatened in some parts of the region, human freedom and social justice are too often violated by powerful interests and governments across Central America. We need a consistent policy which sees human rights as a principal focus of U.S. concern, not as debater's points in our policy discussions. We hope this commission will make respect for human rights a fundamental criterion for U.S. policy for all nations in the region.
III. Criteria
In dealing with these concerns, we need a clear vision of our goals and a way to judge which policies hold the best chance of achieving them. Permit me to suggest some basic criteria for evaluating both present and future policies:
- Do they move the parties toward diplomatic rather than military options, toward ceasefire, dialogue and negotiations? Toward free and open elections where all can participate without the threat of violence or coercion?
- Do they increase respect for human rights and basic freedoms? Do they make respect for human rights a consistent standard for governments in the region?
- Do they address basic issues of social justice, genuine land reform, broad participation in development and economic justice? Do they in fact offer hope of a better life for the poor and dispossessed in the region?
- Do they build the capacity or people and their governments in the region to deal with their own problems? Do they promote self-determination and self-sufficiency?
- Do they respect and respond to the cultural, ethical and religious values of the people of Central America or impose answers from a distance?
- Do they respect and support the positive role of non-governmental and local institutions (churches, small business, trade unions, cooperatives, etc.)?
- Do they strengthen the hand of moderate and democratic forces or, by further polarization, help the extremes of both right and left? Do they combat communism by offering alternatives to Marxism as vehicles for needed reform?
- Do they support effective civilian control of the military, the rule of law and an effective criminal justice system?
IV. Critique of Current Policy
In applying these criteria, we remain deeply disturbed by the direction of current U.S. policy in Central America. Let me cite policy toward El Salvador and Nicaragua as the two examples I am most familiar with. This is not to minimize the serious problems in Guatemala and Honduras.
El Salvador
The United States should use its influence to help bring about a ceasefire and dialogue among the relevant parties leading to serious negotiations aimed at elections and a stable government in El Salvador, as well as to begin the political, social and economic reconstruction of the country. These three elements have been stressed by the Salvadoran bishops and by John Paul II in his visit to El Salvador.
These steps are, if anything, more necessary today than ever before. The violence has already taken the lives of 30,000-40,000 civilians, the majority killed by death squads or the security forces. Thousands of Salvadorans have been driven into exile. The tactics of the leftist opposition become more and more destructive as the war drags on. The U.S. role in El Salvador continues primarily in a military direction. A continuation of the present course is exceedingly dangerous for both the United States and for El Salvador. Archbishop Rivera Damas has described the conflict as a war which cannot and should not be won. The political option, a negotiated settlement, is the humane and wise way to end this brutal conflict.
It is not clear to me, however, either from the content of U.S. policy or from recent statements explaining it, that there is a real determination in the U.S. policy process to pursue the road of military force with a diplomatic façade, rather than a political policy with a military component.
U.S. policy gives the appearance of encouraging war in Nicaragua. It seems clear that intensified military pressure, through both overt measures and covert support of the "contras," is the principal element of U.S. policy.
Let me make clear that I am deeply disturbed by the trends inside Nicaragua. During my Nicaraguan visit last February, much in the direction of the country disturbed me and the two other archbishops accompanying me. I have shared my concerns before the Congress: the expanding control of key sectors of social life by the Nicaraguan government; the visits we had with journalists, labor leaders and businessmen who described restrictions on their activities and the imprisonment of some colleagues; and the harassment of church leaders, including even the Holy Father during his visit there.
My concerns also include the lack of positive commitment on the part of the Nicaraguan government to the promises for early and free elections together with genuine political and economic pluralism. I still have these same concerns; nothing in the intervening months has alleviated them. Violations of human rights must be brought to light and opposed. We have and are doing that.
I fear U.S. policy is contributing to the deteriorating internal situation in Nicaragua. It provides precisely the pretext for increased government control and surveillance. The public rhetoric of our government toward Nicaragua, the cutoff of bilateral economic aid, U.S. support for a military buildup on the Honduran border and covert efforts to destabilize the government employing even members of discredited Somosista elements, all contribute to a state-of-siege mentality which reinforces misguided policies. U.S. actions do not determine internal Nicaraguan policy, but they exaggerate some of its most troubling aspects. The forces of political moderation in Nicaragua are being diminished by counterproductive U.S. policy.
Instead of a policy which isolates and provides an excuse for the Sandinistas to consolidate their power, the USCC has advocated that U.S. policy engage Nicaragua diplomatically. Our policy should include the provision of economic assistance under the same conditions we give aid to other countries. I refer especially to their human-rights performance. We see no reason to change this advice nor do we see reason to change our opposition to further funding of covert activity against Nicaragua. Let me state personally that as an American citizen and as a Catholic bishop, I find use of U.S. tax dollars for the purpose of covert destabilization of a recognized government to be unwise, unjustified and destructive of the very values that a democratic nation should support in the world. Such actions seem to be in violation of our treaty pledges and our commitments under the U.N. Charter.
In these two cases and other parts of the region, U.S. policy fails to respond to the criteria which we have laid out. It neglects the root causes of the problems, strengthens the extremists of both right and left, relies on military force rather than diplomatic creativity and applies human-rights standards only selectively. In ignoring these criteria, I fear our policies isolate us from our allies in the region and around the world, erode our credibility at home and undermine our future role and influence in the region.
V. Choices for the Future
Peace: The Primary Goal
The first requirement for future U.S. Policy in Central America is to change the basic thrust of present policy and stop the drift toward a regional war in Central America. Among our goals in Central America should be a group of states developing and maturing under viable political systems, enjoying good relations with one another and with us. Therefore, our policy should foster regional stability through efforts which encourage the individual efforts which encourage the individual nations to reach an accommodation with one another and settle their differences without outside intervention or arms.
In Central America there are some tasks the United States is well-suited to fulfill and other tasks which we should leave to other actors. I believe the United States can set a tone and an atmosphere in Central America which is conductive to diminishing the military elements of the struggle and encouraging the opportunity for diplomatic dialogue. There are three dimensions to this role for U.S. policy.
First, there is a superpower or geopolitical dimension. I have argued throughout this testimony that this is not the way the problem in Central America should be defined, nor is it the principal aspect of the diplomatic agenda. But there is need for a direct approach by the United States to the Soviet Union to address Soviet intervention directly or by proxy in the Central American region. This aspect of U.S. policy has its greatest relevance in terms of Nicaragua, but it is a mistake to focus U.S. pressure only on Nicaragua. This puts us in the position of a superpower squaring off against a small state; it raises all the old memories of U.S. intervention and it fails to address the key issue: the Soviet Union's conception of where its primary interests are in its relationship with the United States.
The overall state of U.S.-Soviet relations has deteriorated in recent months, but it is still possible to recognize different levels of the relationship. Direct Soviet intervention in Central America is no more welcome, legitimate or tolerable than direct U.S. intervention in Eastern Europe. The point should be made clearly to the Soviets. Save for this direct approach on a superpower basis to the Soviets, the geopolitical dimension of the problem should not be given a more expansive role in our policy.
Second, the principal focus of U.S. efforts to achieve peace in the region should be a regional approach. U.S. efforts should be primarily aimed at supporting the activity of the Contadora Group or a similar regional effort. The United States is not in a position to play a mediator's role in Central America. We are looked upon as partisans. The Contadora Group is a Latin American initiative aimed at solving the Central American crisis precisely because it has grave consequences for all of Latin America. The Contadora formula is aimed at disengaging the superpowers from the conflict, withdrawing all foreign military forces and assistance and then proceeding to a multidimensional diplomatic dialogue.
Contadora nations can say and do things that the United States would be either unable or unwilling to say or do. But the Contadora initiative cannot succeed without strong, explicit, consistent U.S. support. I realize that the U.S. government has often said that it supports the Contadora activity, but U.S. warships in Central America and support for the "contras" do not provide a convincing picture of support to anyone.
Present U.S. policy follows an independent course in El Salvador, toward Nicaragua and in the region as a whole, while still giving verbal support to Contadora. The recommendation of this testimony is that the United States endorses the Contadora effort, subscribe to its component elements and then shape U.S. policy so that it supports at each stage the Contadora effort. Real progress requires a belief in Central America that the United States is truly supporting Contadora, not just tolerating it.
Third, if the United States did move fully in support of the Contadora process our policy toward individual countries in the region would have to shift. As I have argued above, we should seek genuine dialogue, ceasefire and negotiations in El Salvador as part of our support for Contadora. Such an approach would require pressure by the United States on the Salvadoran military and pressure by the Contadora countries on the FDR-FMLN. In relation to Nicaragua, genuine U.S. support for Contadora would mean first the stopping of covert support for the "contras" and, second, the willingness to open serious high-level diplomatic dialogue designed to recast the U.S.-Nicaragua relationship. Such a reorientation would not signify U.S. support for Nicaraguan policy, but it would be aimed at conducting diplomatic relations based on the recognition of the right of self-determination and respect for the principle of non-intervention by the Nicaraguans toward their neighbors, and by us toward the Nicaraguans.
A halt in the drift toward a regional war should be the first priority for U.S. policy. It must be clearly understood that no significant economic program for the region can be implemented when war rages in some countries and threatens others. A political solution must precede large-scale and lasting economic programs. Likewise, a proposed economic effort should not be used to justify more military aid for the region. The need is not for a military policy to protect economic development, but for a comprehensive policy which brings peace to Central America and with it a real chance for economic reconstruction and development.
Social Justice and Democracy
A second essential choice for the future is the acceptance, and more than that, the welcoming of dramatic social change to achieve social justice and human rights in the region. We need to define U.S. interest in a way which recognizes and supports substantial political and economic change in countries needing both. If we fail to define our interests to accommodate change, we are fated to oppose it. This will place the United States in opposition to the majority of the people in a region which cries out for change, and in opposition to the Catholic Church there which supports change. We must support genuine land reform and other efforts to eliminate the enormous inequities in the region.
In addition, our long-term choices should reflect the best of our own political tradition. Not that we seek to impose it on others but that we are committed to abide by our deepest values in our policy toward others. We should strive to be seen as a mature, democratic, stabilizing force in the region, not a destabilizing bully. We should be confident enough of democratic values and virtues that we support moderate democratic regimes and that we use only democratic means in our support. Let us be known in Central America by the finest line of our heritage: liberty and justice for all.
Fund for Central American Development: A Long-Term Policy
I realize the bipartisan commission is examining ideas for a long-term approach to economic development in the Central American region. I am convinced that such an approach is absolutely necessary, and I am equally convinced that it cannon succeed unless it is linked to peace in the region. The United States should not repeat the mistake of the Mekong Delta proposal during the Vietnam era; it is not possible to carry out a large-scale, well-planned development effort while a war is going on.
I am sure that a serious long-term development effort on the part of the United States would receive the support of the church in our country, if it were shaped in accord with some key principles. My concern here is not to design a development program but to specify the importance of these principles.
The first principle is that the short-range objective of such economic assistance should be targeted to meet basic human needs. Existing U.S. law as well as the approach of multilateral agencies are presently geared toward a basic human needs approach. The people throughout Central America are in dire need of help in areas such as food, nutrition, health and housing.
Given the historic problem of institutionalized structures of inequity in many countries of the region, a second principle for a development effort should be a system of monitoring how both short-term and long-term economic assistance are being used. Such a system of monitoring would have to be carefully and cooperatively designed with each country to protect both cultural autonomy and political self-determination, but some oversight is needed to assure that funds go to those most in need.
Third, a long-term effort should seek to build and preserve the human capital of the region through support for education, training, cultural development as well as much needed assistance for the reform of legal and justice systems. These efforts should make extensive use of multilateral agencies like the Inter-American Development Bank, the World Bank or other regional efforts. No one expects an enlargement of the activities of these institutions without significant new U.S. support, but they can act as mediating institutions which do not carry all the historic baggage the United States brings to any Central American policy.
Fourth, a long-term economic strategy should be aimed at complementing our support for political self-determination with effective action to enhance economic self-determination for the countries of Central America. In an interdependent world, nations do not achieve total independence, but they should not be forced to face a permanent state of dependence, a condition which epitomizes exploitation for Latin Americans. It is crucial that the economic reconstruction and development of the region be controlled by the Central Americans themselves, not by powerful outside interests or by the remnants of an oligarchy.
Fifth, long-term economic planning should be respectful and supportive of local institutions in Central America. These institutions which are social, educational, economic and religious often embody key cultural and ethical values which must be preserved. I know from my contact with El Salvador that key institutions of higher education, for example, are already in place and should be supported and not displaced. These efforts should involve and build upon the strengths of local institutions, cooperatives, trade unions, churches and non-governmental organizations. North American models and structures cannot substitut4e for the development of local efforts respectful of the values and beliefs of the people of the region.
"Direct Soviet intervention in Central America is no more welcome, legitimate or tolerable than direct U.S. intervention in eastern Europe. The point should be made clearly to the Soviets. Save for this direct approach on a superpower basis to the Soviets, the geopolitical dimension of the problem should not be given a more expansive role in our policy." Refugees and Displaced Persons: A Special Crisis
An urgent Concern for both the church in Central America and the church in the United States is the question of refugees and displaced persons.
A first recommendation applies to the United States. The USCC has long advocated a policy of Extended Voluntary Departure for Salvadoran refugees in the United States. We find no good reason why this status is applied to other groups in similar situations and denied to Salvadorans. We hope the commission will add its weight to this just and humane proposal in your final report.
A second tremendous tragedy and need is the situation of the more than 1 million displaced persons and refugees. These victims of the Central American crisis are throughout the region, but concentrated in Southern Mexico, El Salvador and Honduras. A major commitment is needed to meet the immediate human needs of these people and offer training and relocation to them as they seek to cope with the enormous trauma of displacement. Our own Catholic Relief Services is already working to develop effective assistance for these people. But our private efforts are not enough. Refugees are at least theoretically eligible for some assistance through the United Nations, but there is virtually no adequate help for people displaced within their own country.
In short, for a seed to grow and develop one needs to prepare the soil. The weeds and stones of past neglect, injustice and violence in Central America must be removed so as to permit the growth of those spiritual and social values on which true democracy thrives.
In this testimony, we have outlined our concerns about current policy, criteria for future choices and our own proposals for peace and development in Central America. We are convinced they lay the foundation for a new relationship between the United States and Central America which will protect our national interests, help meet the needs of this troubled region and serve also to curb Soviet and Marxist inroads in this hemisphere.
In the past, U.S. policy toward Central America has too often been seen as defending the status quo and authoritarian regimes. Future policies cannot ask people to choose between the status quo and revolutionary violence, between continued injustice and Marxism. U.S. policy, given our history and traditional values, should stand as a beacon of hope, a force for justice and a defender of human rights.
Years ago the Catholic Church was perceived by some as distant from the struggles of ordinary people for justice, too closely linked to the status quo and authoritarian regimes. By reflecting on the Gospel and the situation in Latin America and by applying the church's teaching on justice and peace to their own lands, the church has renewed itself and become a leading advocate for non-violent social change, a defender of human rights.
The church and its leaders are a powerful force for justice and reconciliation in Central America. As a Catholic, I am proud and deeply impressed by the witness of my church. As an American, I want to be equally proud of my country's contributions to justice and peace in that region and in all the world.


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By: Tim DelChiaro
Abstract: Recognized as one of the most important companies in data for the second consecutive year
Recognized as one of the most important companies in data for the second consecutive year
SAN FRANCISCO – June 4, 2014 – Embarcadero Technologies, a leading provider of software solutions for application and database development, today announced it has been selected for inclusion in this year's DBTA 100, a list of the most important companies in data today. The DBTA 100 is compiled by Database Trends and Applications (DBTA) magazine.
"Ninety-seven percent of the Fortune 2000 use Embarcadero's tools each day to heterogeneously design, develop, and manage their data," said Michael Swindell, Senior Vice President of Products at Embarcadero Technologies. "On behalf of our customers, team members, and partners, we are proud to be recognized in DBTA's 100 list of most important companies in data for the second year in a row."
In its second year, the DBTA 100 sets out to provide a list of 100 companies that matter in data. The list focuses strictly on companies that provide a product or service related to data management. Some companies on the list provide technologies and services that have been on the market for many years; others are new to market or have game-changing approaches that are not yet widely embraced.
The DBTA 100 was announced this week and is printed as a special section in the June 2014 edition of Database Trends and Applications magazine. It is also published online at: https://embt.co/2014DBTA100.
About Embarcadero Technologies
Embarcadero Technologies, Inc. is a leading provider of award-winning tools for application developers and database professionals so they can design systems right, build them faster and run them better, regardless of their platform or programming language. Ninety of the Fortune 100 and an active community of more than three million users worldwide rely on Embarcadero products to increase productivity, reduce costs, simplify change management and compliance, and accelerate innovation. Founded in 1993, Embarcadero is headquartered in San Francisco, with offices located around the world. To learn more, please visit www.embarcadero.com.
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Echo Communications (for Embarcadero)
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Tom Walker ½ Marathon & 5k 2017!
November 11, 2017 @ 8:00 a.m
Boulware Springs Nature Park, 3300 SE 15th Street, Gainesville, FL 32641
If mailing in entry please send this form to:
Florida Track Club (Tom Walker Races)
c/o Betsy Suda
4190 NW 50th Drive, #7305
Gainesville, FL 32606
Mail in entry deadline: November 8th, 2017 Day of registration will close @7:30 a.m.
Last Name ___________________________________________ First Name _________________________________
Gender (check one): oM oF Age (race day) __________________________________
Address _________________________________________City/State/Zip ___________________________________
E-mail Address ______________________________________ T-Shirt Size oS oM oL oXL
(check one – tshirts are first come, first served)
Contact phone number _____________________________________________
I am participating in the (check one): oHalf-marathon o5k
FTC Member? oYES oNO
Interested in joining the Florida Track Club ($30/year)? See the benefits at www.floridatrackclub.wildapricot.org
Early registration (before 9/16/17) $35, (9/17-11/8) $40 (FTC members take $5 off)
Race day: $45 everyone
Early registration (before 9/16/17) $22, (9/17-11/8) $25 (FTC members take $5 off)
Race day: $30 everyone
Total enclosed $ ____________
Kids under 13, $5 (no shirt)
I know that running a road race is a potentially hazardous activity. I should not enter and run unless I am medically able and properly trained. I agree to abide by any decision of a race official relative to my ability to safely complete the run. I assume all risks associated with running in this event including, but not limited to: falls, contact with other participants, the effects of weather, traffic, and the conditions of the road, all such risks being known and appreciated by me. Having read this waiver and understanding these facts, I, for myself and anyone acting on my behalf, waive, and release, the members of The Florida Track Club, and all other sponsors and their representatives from all claims and liabilities of any kind arising out of my participation of this event even though that liability might arise out of negligence or carelessness on the part of persons named in this waiver. I understand and agree to abide by the insurance restrictions, which prohibit the use of portable sound systems, wheel conveyances (excluding racing wheelchairs) but including skateboards, roller skates or blades, bicycles, etc. Illegible applications may result in disqualification. My entry in this race authorizes the Florida Track Club, organizations conducting races, or sponsors to record the race and its results in any medium and use those recordings in its discretion for any purpose. The Florida Track Club, organizers, or sponsors in no manner guarantee the accuracy of recording or reporting of results of any race.
Signature of Participant or guardian if Participant is under 18
The Florida Track Club is a member of the Road Runners Club Of America and the USA Track and Field Florida Association.


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Roth's Child
Text: Jennifer Piejko
Times have changed in New York; apparently it's not the party it used to be. It should come as no surprise, then, that the Roxy, a former roller rink and nightclub operating during New York's nightlife heyday of the '80s has been transformed into the new outpost of Hauser & Wirth, one of the most expansive and ambitious galleries in the world. Inaugurating the new Chelsea space is an exhibition of the works of who the gallery considers the quintessential Swiss artist (and his heirs): Dieter Roth (1930-1998). Dieter Roth. Björn Roth is an exhibition of the late Roth and his eldest son, Björn, a frequent collaborator of his and an artist in his own right. Considering that Dieter Roth's oeuvre contemplates the never-ending, testing the last remnants of the still-living, one can expect future generations to continue in the family business.
Dieter Roth was born in Germany in 1930, and escaped the traumas of World War II by spending his summers in Switzerland. He never really returned once he turned 13, and eventually settled in Iceland. At first, he did everything an artist might want to do: collaborating on the magazine Spirale until the early 1960s, writing poetry, eventually publishing his own artist books. Later, he granted anyone with access to a printer to own a Dieter Roth original through the Order Form exhibitions of the 1970s, where visitors could take a sheet of directions to a printer and create their own print or multiple.
His "multiples" were merely replications of virtually anything that interested him. He made sculptures from molds of bunny rabbits using sugar, spices, toys, and jigsaw puzzle pieces. On display at Hauser & Wirth is a fully functioning industrial kitchen and mini factory where assistants mold chocolate busts of Roth père from luxurious E. Guittard chocolate. A looming column of brightly colored molded sugar sculptures, Zuckerturm (Sugar tower) (1994), looms nearby, the broken ones strewn on the floor like the remains of a piñata after a child's birthday party.
The early '60s ushered in his period of biodegradeable art, though one should not take this title to mean that these works disappeared or decomposed once they were finished; rather, his interest was in working with the non-decomposable, the refuse of preservatives, and he manipulated his materials to a slow death. Using yogurt and processed cheese to create portraits, then leaving them out indefinitely, until only the very last elements were left, leaves us with only a corpse of a painting. His Tischruine (Table Ruin) works show us the opposite: studio and worktables are buried under mounds of everyday scraps, all held equally valuable as sources of possible inspiration. Many of such works have endured decades of relentless decay. This attitude dictated Roth's artistic style through most of his career, as he neatly dismissed Fluxus, Concrete Art, Op Art, and many other styles and concepts, though never being able to ignore them completely.
The biodegradable art is a reminder of just how much is thrown away when there is still a bit of life left. "No Title (Bananas)" (1965-1966), on display here, is the result of a single banana pressed through an etching press, stretched on linen. Framed, the piece is over sixteen feet long. The tablescapes, essentially work desks piled high with what many would simply call junk, here are elevated to installations, supporting layers of history and the details of life and work in an artist's studio. The enormous, imposing Floors, here propped up as impossible canvases, are the floors from the artists' studio in Iceland. As an artist, Dieter Roth placed no limits on his mediums; rather, limits were his only consistent tool. Limits determined and broken by life spans.


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August 18, 1955 - July 18, 2013
Wappingers Falls, NY
Robert J. Stanley of Wappingers Falls, entered into eternal rest on Thursday, July 18, 2013 at St. Francis Hospital in Poughkeepsie. He was 57 years old.
The son of Robert and the late Stella (Strzalkowski) Stanley, he was born on August 18, 1955 in Jersey City, NJ. He married Kimberly B. Alexander on August 7, 1975 in Fredericksburg, VA.
Robert was a true family man. He had a deep love for his family. He was also a great provider, working extremely hard for all that his family had. Robert was the owner and operator of R. Stanley Paving.
He leaves to cherish his memory his wife of 37 years, Kimberly at home; his children: Robert James Stanley of New Paltz, NY, Farrah Fay Stanley of Burlington, NJ, and Richard Joshua Stanley of Wappingers Falls; his siblings: Patricia Stanley, Leonard Stanley, Denise Cooper, Richard Stanley, Bertha Lamark, Linda Costello, Dean Stanley, and Maureen Stanley; his grandchildren: George and Kimberly Fay Broadway, Arthur, Rachel and Dylan Stanley, William, Israel and Bennie Stanley; and 17 nieces and nephews.
In addition to his loving mother, Robert was predeceased by his younger brother, Joshua Stanley.
Visitation will be held from 6 to 9 p.m. on Sunday, July 21st and 2 to 4 and 6 to 9 p.m. on Monday, July 22nd at Brooks Funeral Home, 481 Gidney Ave., Newburgh. A service will be held at the funeral home on Tuesday, July 23rd at 10 a.m. Burial will follow in Wallkill Valley Cemetery in Walden.
To send a personal condolence or further information, please visit BrooksFH.com or call 845-561-8300.


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Slit tube is a revolutionary yet simple new concept. This flexible black plastic conduit encases all the wires in your engine bay and beyond, insulating, protecting and tidying your wiring.
Easy to use and available in four sizes.Give your engine bay a professional look.
Other sizes of Slit Tubes are available: 7mm, 10mm and 19mm.
*** 7mm, 10mm, 13mm are supplied in multiples of 3 metres and 19mm in multiples of 1 metre.


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Where can I find a listing of student services on campus?
There are many services available for NMU students. This link categorizes them.
Where can I park on campus?
The campus parking map is available here.
How do I get a parking pass? How much does it cost?
Campus parking fee information is available here. Online vehicle registration is available here.
Where can I get more information about parking? The best source for information about parking is NMU's Public Safety Parking site.
Where are academic buildings located on campus?
There are a number of academic buildings on campus. Students are encouraged to determine the location of their classrooms using their course schedule and the NMU campus map, available here.
Where can I find the NMU campus map?
A copy of the campus map is located here.
Where do I find the Wildcat Shuttle schedule?
For information about the Wildcat Shuttle, visit this site.
Is there a lost/found on campus?
Public Safety and Police Services is designated as the central repository for all lost, found, and abandoned property recovered on property owned and controlled by the University. Public Safety is located in the Services Building and their phone number is 906-227-2151.
What is NMU's inclement weather policy?
Inclement Weather Policy located here:
Where can I hang out, relax, or study between classes?
There are a number of public areas on campus where students gather between classes. Here are a few examples of common locations:
Study Lounge near Starbucks
University Center Peter White Lounge
Hedgcock Atrium
Jacobetti Complex commons
Lydia Olson Library main floor
Where can I eat on campus?
There are many places to eat on campus. NMU's Dining Services offers descriptions of each location.
Is there a meal plan option for commuter students?
Commuter students are encouraged to learn more about the meal plans that Dining Services offers here.
Is child care available?
NMU does not have a daycare program. There is a Head Start program located on campus which is run by the Alger-Marquette Community Action Board (AMCAB). A link to their site, along with other resources to assist in locating daycare, can be found here.
How do I withdraw from all my classes?
Information about complete withdrawal from NMU is here - read carefully.
How do I withdraw from just one or two classes?
Information about what to do if you need to withdraw from one or two courses (but not all courses) is located here - read carefully.
What hours is the library open?
Library hours can be found here.
What should I do if I need to miss class?
If you are too sick to get to your classes, you should always e-mail your professors before classes start. If that is not possible, do it as soon as you can.
Professor contact information is available here.
Let them know you are missing class because you are sick.
Ask them if they can let you know what material you will miss. You should do this for each missed class.
When you are feeling better, we suggest you meet with your professors during their office hours to talk about making up missed work.
How can I contact my professors?
E-mail is the preferred method of communication, as it provides a written record of your correspondence.
Professor contact information can be found on your syllabus or you can search here.
Where can I learn about academic dates and deadlines for the semester?
Is there a place where I can heat up food or a meal that I bring from home?
Yes. The Hedgcock building has two microwaves in common areas. One is on the main floor, near the financial aid office. The other microwave is on the upper level, adjacent to the atrium.
How do I find out what is happening on campus, outside of class?
There are a number of ways to stay connected with campus: check NMU's home page, read the Northwind Newspaper, and read the Campus Connect announcements.
How can I get involved with student government?
Visit the Associated Students of Northern Michigan University (ASNMU) web site or stop in the ASNMU Office and ask for the Off-Campus Student Affairs representative.
Where can I learn more about student organizations?
The Center for Student Enrichment web site provides a wealth of information about current NMU student organizations. Student organizations are categorized and each organization provides a description and contact person. Learn more.
Where can I find out about part-time campus jobs?
The NMU Career Services web site provides updated job listings for part- and full-time positions. They also host resume workshops, interview workshops, and job fairs.
Is there a bank on campus?
There is a Flagstar Bank branch on campus. It is located at 1106 University Center, near the NMU Bookstore and Wildcat Express Center. Their phone number is 906-226-0003.
Is there an on-campus health care service provider?
Yes. The Vielmetti Health Center is located on the lower level of Gries Hall. Visit their web site for more information or call them at 906-227-2355 for an appointment.
What are the blue-lighted poles around campus?
NMU began a proactive program with the installation of "code blue" emergency telephones that provide two-way communications from the phone site directly to Public Safety dispatch 911 emergency line. The purpose of these phones is for emergency contact to Public Safety allowing immediate response by patrols. The phones are located strategically throughout campus at 21 different locations. Assessments for new installations are made during new construction projects.
Where can I work out while on campus?
The Physical Education Instructional Facility (PEIF). For specific information about hours, rates, and facilities, visit the PEIF site.
What if my question is not listed here?
Please feel free to contact the Dean of Students office: via phone at 906-227-1700 or via e-mail at email@example.com.


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DescriptionClick groups of two or more blocks to make them disappear and do it fast to reach the bonus modes. Use the beam to crush blocks by creating falls and collect birds to increase its hang time.
- Click groups of two or more blocks of the same colour to make them disappear.
- Use the beam and birds to crush blocks by creating high falls.
- Be fast and accurate to enter the bonus modes.


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Pirates stay hot, beat Giants
Pittsburgh 13, San Francisco 2
A day before he takes part in the home run derby as part of the All-Star festivities in Kansas City, Andrew McCutchen put on a show for the home fans.
McCutchen hit two home runs, Neil Walker homered among his five hits and the Pittsburgh Pirates entered the All-Star break in sole possession of first place following a 13-2 win over the San Francisco Giants on Sunday.
McCutchen hit a pair of two-run homers that immediately followed hits by Walker - one to open the scoring in the first and another to make it 12-2 in the seventh.
"I am not going up to bat to hit home runs," McCutchen said. "I am just trying to put good swings on balls and when I do that, depending on where the pitch is and how my swing is, some balls go out."
If they don't go out, they at least drop in for a hit of some sort lately for the red-hot McCutchen, who enters the break on a 21-for-38 (.552) tear. He has multiple hits in six of his past nine games and 23 RBIs in his past 19 games.
All of his team-high 18 home runs have come in the past two months - an NL-high 12 have come with runners on base.
The long-woeful Pirates have won six of seven and 10 of 12, and no team in the majors has a better record since May 12 than Pittsburgh's 34-19.
"We worked hard to get to where we are, and we've earned our way so far," Pittsburgh manager Clint Hurdle said.
A.J. Burnett pitched effectively into the seventh to win his ninth consecutive decision, and Casey McGehee went 3 for 4 with two RBIs for Pittsburgh.
The Pirates (48-37) are 11 games over .500 for the first time since 1992 and are in first place at the break for the first time since 1997. The franchise has endured a North American professional sports record 19 consecutive losing seasons.
The Pirates have gone 11-1-1 in their past 13 series and have won seven consecutive series at PNC Park.
"Seeing what's going on here, it's fun to be a part of it," said Burnett, acquired in an offseason trade from the New York Yankees.
The Giants' Tim Lincecum failed to get out of the fourth inning for the second consecutive start, getting charged with six runs on seven hits. The two-time Cy Young Award winner enters the break with a 6.42 ERA that is worst in the majors among qualifying starters.
Pablo Sandoval hit a two-run homer for San Francisco, which has lost five of six and seven of nine.
Burnett (10-2) retired 13 consecutive Giants batters from the first until the sixth. He was lifted after Sandoval hit his eighth homer with Buster Posey aboard in the seventh. Burnett was charged with two runs on four hits and two walks with five strikeouts in 6 1-3 innings.
Burnett improved to 6-0 at home and became the second Pirates pitcher since 1993 to win 10 games prior to the All-star break. Pittsburgh has won each of his past 12 outings. Burnett's winning streak is a career-best.
Walker extended his hitting streak to 12 games - tying a team season high - with a homer, double and three singles. It was the first five-hit game for a Pirates player since Walker did it July 20, 2010.
Walker is hitting .489 (23-for-47) during his streak.
"Days like today can happen," said Walker, "but certainly five hits is something that comes around very rarely."
Walker hit his sixth home run with nobody on in the third, and the Pirates chased Lincecum (3-10) with a three-run fourth.
Burnett's soft liner through the middle with the bases loaded scored McGehee. It was the pitcher's 10th career RBI and first since Aug. 9, 2005, while with Florida.
Burnett was the final batter Lincecum would face - although runs that scored via a Drew Sutton sacrifice fly and Walker single would be charged to him.
Lincecum has allowed 69 earned runs - most in the majors and three more than his total from all of last season. He has allowed 47 earned runs in 47 innings on the road this season.
"You never want to say, 'Hey, I've hit rock bottom,' or anything like that," Lincecum said. "But when things are going as bad as they are right now, you've kind of got to go out there like you've got nothing left to lose. Leave it all out there on the field and what happens, happens."
Manager Bruce Bochy said Lincecum will start San Francisco's second game out of the break. He also was emphatic that he has given no thought to removing Lincecum from the rotation.
"He's got to put this first half behind him..." Bochy said. "He's got to regroup. We need him. He's got to be determined to turn things around, and have a better second half.
"There's not much you can do right now."
About the only negative for the Pirates on Sunday was McGehee pulling up lame with a mild left groin strain after swatting a two-run "single" deep into the notch in left-center during the sixth.
Pittsburgh entered the day a game up on the Cincinnati Reds in the NL Central. Only Washington has a better record among NL teams.
Notes: The Giants had three errors. ... The Pirates' 29-14 home record is the best in the majors. They have won nine of 11 and 14 of 17 at PNC Park. ... Pittsburgh will be on the road for 16 of its first 22 after the break, beginning with three in Milwaukee Friday-Sunday. Manager Clint Hurdle set the order of his rotation to start the unofficial second half: RHP James McDonald, RHP Kevin Correia, Burnett, RHP Jeff Karstens and LHP Erik Bedard. ... San Francisco hosts Houston for a three-game series coming out of the break beginning Friday. The Giants took two of three from the Astros at home June 12-14.


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That's right; I tell you that I can introduce to you a way of attaining Butter Bliss in less than ten minutes-How many people could vouch for that eh?
On hot toast, comfortingly creamy and lightly salty…or adding familiar sweetness to fluffy chapatti's…maybe on soft pillowy bread to add glistening moistness… perhaps a melting knob on steaming vegetables, granting slippery smoothness or even in a jacket potato infiltrating the warm sweet clouds with juiciness…ah oh my, what if in a croissant, crisping up delectable layer upon layer, upon layer…
Butter. Delicious isn't it? And what do we say about the alluring aroma…Proud cakes and steaming doughnuts all bleating towards us with their cosy smells and pretty colours; how can one not give in? I know some people who add a knob on khichdi (the traditional Indian Kedgeree of rice and lentils), or on their dhal to lift the aroma of the lentils and enhance the mild and homely flavours.
Now I'm not suggesting we all stop buying butter from supermarkets, or even that we encase our hearts with impenetrable and dense layers of it. But there is a glowing pleasure, a gratification, in creating simple ingredients yourself, to use as and when you will. You can make butter. Simple.
Home-made butter is creamier, has lightness about it. It is smoother and of course you can infuse it with flavours, spices and herbs as you like. There are no performances and no, you don't need to be churning away at it for hours. In fact, I 'made' this butter whilst washing the dishes and singing to my Aloe Vera plant and spring bulbs (that are now displaying shoots).
Its humble, it's delightful and you can dress it on a table for your dinner guests to devour between them. Mmm…Butter.
As always, let me know how you go…
My Recipe for Gently Spiced Home-Made Butter
This makes roughly 175g of butter
300ml of Double Cream
Salt to taste (I use ¼ tsp.)
¼ tsp. Aniseed powder, ¼ tsp. black pepper, ¼ tsp. cumin powder
- Churn the double cream in a food processor with whisking contraptions or use an electronic hand whisk. If you are using an electronic hand whisk, then put the cream in a tall container to avoid spluttering.
- Whisk the cream until you see stiff white peaks, like whipping cream at this stage; give it another mix to scoop all the lovely cream back to the centre.
- Continue to whisk until you see ball/balls form in the bowl and the whey separates from the butter. Check the consistency and it will feel and look like butter to the touch.
- Remove onto a plate, and fork the butter to release more of the whey. Remove this. I suggest keeping it and using it to bind chapatti flour for instance.
- Mix in the salt, aniseed, cumin powder and black pepper into the butter and moderate to your taste, If you wish.


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3.75" Square Coaster with Cork Bottom
All merchadise purchased for this fundraiser will be delivered to Browning Elementary and sent home with your child or can be picked up at Browning. Shipping will not be charged on the items listed in the Browning Catagory
Detroit Tigers Coaster - Browning
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Michael Nagle for The New York Times. James E. Hansen of NASA, retiring this week, reflected in a window at his farm in Pennsylvania.
Published: April 1, 2013
His departure, after a 46-year career at the space agency's Goddard Institute for Space Studies in Manhattan, will deprive federally sponsored climate research of its best-known public figure.
At the same time, retirement will allow Dr. Hansen to press his cause in court. He plans to take a more active role in lawsuits challenging the federal and state governments over their failure to limit emissions, for instance, as well as in fighting the development in Canada of a particularly dirty form of oil extracted from tar sands.
"As a government employee, you can't testify against the government," he said in an interview.
Dr. Hansen had already become an activist in recent years, taking vacation time from NASA to appear at climate protests and allowing himself to be arrested or cited a half-dozen times.
But those activities, going well beyond the usual role of government scientists, had raised eyebrows at NASA headquarters in Washington. "It was becoming clear that there were people in NASA who would be much happier if the 'sideshow' would exit," Dr. Hansen said in an e-mail.
At 72, he said, he feels a moral obligation to step up his activism in his remaining years.
"If we burn even a substantial fraction of the fossil fuels, we guarantee there's going to be unstoppable changes" in the climate of the earth, he said. "We're going to leave a situation for young people and future generations that they may have no way to deal with."
His departure, on Wednesday, will end a career of nearly half a century working not just for a single agency but also in a single building, on the edge of the Columbia University campus.
From that perch, seven floors above the diner made famous by "Seinfeld," Dr. Hansen battled the White House, testified dozens of times in Congress, commanded some of the world's most powerful computers and pleaded with ordinary citizens to grasp the basics of a complex science.
His warnings and his scientific papers have drawn frequent attack from climate-change skeptics, to whom he gives no quarter. But Dr. Hansen is a maverick, just as likely to vex his allies in the environmental movement. He supports nuclear power and has taken stands that sometimes undercut their political strategy in Washington.
In the interview and in subsequent e-mails, Dr. Hansen made it clear that his new independence would allow him to take steps he could not have taken as a government employee. He plans to lobby European leaders — who are among the most concerned about climate change — to impose a tax on oil derived from tar sands. Its extraction results in greater greenhouse emissions than conventional oil.
Dr. Hansen's activism of recent years dismayed some of his scientific colleagues, who felt that it backfired by allowing climate skeptics to question his objectivity. But others expressed admiration for his willingness to risk his career for his convictions.
Initially, Dr. Hansen plans to work out of a converted barn on his farm in Pennsylvania. He has not ruled out setting up a small institute or taking an academic appointment.
He said he would continue publishing scientific papers, but he will no longer command the computer time and other NASA resources that allowed him to track the earth's rising temperatures and forecast the long-run implications.
Dr. Hansen, raised in small-town Iowa, began his career studying Venus, not the earth. But as concern arose in the 1970s about the effects of human emissions of greenhouse gases, he switched gears, publishing pioneering scientific papers.
His initial estimate of the earth's sensitivity to greenhouse gases was somewhat on the high side, later work showed. But he was among the first scientists to identify the many ways the planet is likely to respond to rising temperatures and to show how those effects would reinforce one another to produce immense changes in the climate and environment, including a sea level rise that could ultimately flood many of the world's major cities.
"He's done the most important science on the most important question that there ever was," said Bill McKibben, a climate activist who has worked closely with Dr. Hansen.
Around the time Dr. Hansen switched his research focus, in the 1970s, a sharp rise in global temperatures began. He labored in obscurity over the next decade, but on a blistering June day in 1988 he was called before a Congressional committee and testifiedthat human-induced global warming had begun.
Speaking to reporters afterward in his flat Midwestern accent, he uttered a sentence that would appear in news reports across the land: "It is time to stop waffling so much and say that the evidence is pretty strong that the greenhouse effect is here."
Given the natural variability of climate, it was a bold claim to make after only a decade of rising temperatures, and to this day some of his colleagues do not think he had the evidence.
Yet subsequent events bore him out. Since the day he spoke, not a single month's temperatures have fallen below the 20th-century average for that month. Half the world's population is now too young to have lived through the last colder-than-average month, February 1985.
In worldwide temperature records going back to 1880, the 19 hottest years have all occurred since his testimony.
Again and again, Dr. Hansen made predictions that were ahead of the rest of the scientific community and, arguably, a bit ahead of the evidence.
"Jim has a real track record of being right before you can actually prove he's right with statistics," said Raymond T. Pierrehumbert, a planetary scientist at the University of Chicago.
Dr. Hansen's record has by no means been spotless. Even some of his allies consider him prone to rhetorical excess and to occasional scientific error.
He has repeatedly called for trying the most vociferous climate-change deniers for "crimes against humanity." And in recent years, he stated that excessive carbon dioxide emissions might eventually lead to a runaway greenhouse effect that would boil the oceans and render earth uninhabitable, much like Venus.
His colleagues pointed out that this had not happened even during exceedingly warm episodes in the earth's ancient past. "I have huge respect for Jim, but in this particular case, he overstated the risk," said Daniel P. Schrag, a geochemist and the head of Harvard's Center for the Environment, who is nonetheless deeply worried about climate change.
Climate skeptics have routinely accused Dr. Hansen of alarmism. "He consistently exaggerates all the dangers," Freeman Dyson, the famed physicist and climate contrarian,told The New York Times Magazine in 2009.
Perhaps the biggest fight of Dr. Hansen's career broke out in late 2005, when a young political appointee in the administration of George W. Bush began exercising control over Dr. Hansen's statements and his access to journalists. Dr. Hansen took the fight public and the administration backed down.
For all his battles with conservatives, however, he has also been hard on environmentalists. He was a harsh critic of a failed climate bill they supported in 2009, on the grounds that it would have sent billions into the federal government's coffers without limiting emissions effectively.
Dr. Hansen agrees that a price is needed on carbon dioxide emissions, but he wants the money returned to the public in the form of rebates on tax bills. "It needs to be done on the basis of conservative principles — not one dime to make the government bigger," said Dr. Hansen, who is registered as a political independent.
In the absence of such a broad policy, Dr. Hansen has been lending his support to fights against individual fossil fuel projects. Students lured him to a coal protest in 2009, and he was arrested for the first time. That fall he was cited again after sleeping overnight in a tent on the Boston Common with students trying to pressure Massachusetts into passingclimate legislation.
"It was just humbling to have that solidarity and support from this leader, this lion among men," said Craig S. Altemose, an organizer of the Boston protest.
Dr. Hansen says he senses the beginnings of a mass movement on climate change, led by young people. Once he finishes his final papers as a NASA employee, he intends to give it his full support.
"At my age," he said, "I am not worried about having an arrest record."


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VMware's IoT solution manages, monitors and secures all your IoT infrastructure to create a more efficient and responsive healthcare system to help deliver improved patient care and compliance, reduced security risks and better provider productivity.
Create next generation experiences for patients so they feel in control of their health with preventative care and improved patient diagnosis.
Track patients and equipment like wheelchairs, trolleys etc. to reduce costs and save time
Increase research efficiency by ensuring reliability and accuracy of equipment and shortening workflows via automated tracking.


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Aaron Hernandez has been jailed without bail pending trial on murder and weapons charges. He has enjoyed limited public support, due in large part to the strong circumstantial evidence that prosecutors have compiled in only three weeks since the killing of Odin Lloyd and the never ending stream of stories about other bad stuff Hernandez supposedly did.
But Hernandez can now expand by 50 percent the list of those who have spoken out on his behalf — former teammate Deion Branch, Snoop Dogg/Lion/Whatever, and the ACLU.
The ACLU doesn't care about Hernandez as much as it cares about its agenda, and it has used Hernandez's situation to spark a debate regarding solitary confinement.
"Regardless of what you think of Aaron Hernandez, it's important to take a minute and remember he has not yet been convicted — in the eyes of the law, he is still innocent until proven guilty," Hilary Krase and Sarah Solon of the ACLU write in an item posted on July 3 at the organization's website. "But, while awaiting trial, he has been locked alone in a small room with little or no human interaction for over 20 hours a day."
The ACLU then addresses the potential psychological costs of keeping human beings alone for extended stretches of time, even if the goal is to protect them from other inmates.
Here's the problem presented by the practicalities of prison. The only human interaction Hernandez would currently have is with other men who would be tempted to do him harm. Though each one individually will claim he is innocent, collectively there are some very bad people who have done far worse things.
In that setting, there are certain types of persons who become magnets for more bad things being done to them, requiring them to be isolated for their safety.
The better philosophical argument in Hernandez's case would be that, for the taxpayer resources being devoted to keep him behind bars, Hernandez should be allowed to remain isolated in his home. If there's a concern he'll flee, Hernandez can reimburse the government for the costs of a 24-hour police detail in or outside his home.
Regardless, the same system that protects Hernandez from a life sentence for murder via devices like the presumption of innocence, the right against self-incrimination, the right to counsel, and the get out of jail free card known as reasonable doubt mandates that he remain in custody until his trial. His lawyers have had two chances to get him sent home, and they've failed to convince the presiding judge that the benefit outweighs the risk.
Meanwhile, Sunday's apparent filler item in the Boston Herald about Hernandez's "quiet" July 4 behind bars and his daily menu and other details of his incarceration now makes sense. With the ACLU sounding off about solitary, the folks at the Bristol County jail wanted to get the word out that Hernandez is tolerating his current lifestyle very well.
And that's good. Because based on what we currently know, it's likely going to be his lifestyle for a long time.


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Please select either a variable or a type of mission to display a time chart of satellite
instruments having the potential to provide the corresponding measurements. The
selection is based on design characteristics (Expert analysis) or declared mission
objectives (Simplified analysis). Such a preliminary analysis does not replace a detailed
assessment of the actual instrument performances, data availability, and quality of
derived environmental data records against specific user requirements.
Note: The chart can be sorted by clicking on the header columns and filtered by
instrument properties when applicable. Select the period of interest with the cursor at
the bottom of the chart. Future missions which are not firmly planned are shaded with
stripes. A warning icon
indicates degraded satellite: hover over the icon for details.
The chart is followed by a table of all potentially relevant instruments.
Thickness of the ice sheet. It is related to sea-ice elevation and ice density
Hint: Move around in the timeline by scrolling up, down, left or right.
Found 87 results


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Reflect AwareDetails https://eu.jbl.com/REFLECT+AWARE.html?dwvar_REFLECT%20AWARE_color=Blue-USA-Current
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Reflective cables
Eye catching and tangle free, these unique designed cables help you stand out while you work out.
Get the most out of your exercises by filtering what gets in.The new JBL Reflect Aware™ sport earphones delivers both best in class noise cancellation and the ability to mix in sound from your environment for greater awareness of your surroundings when you want it, making it the most versatile sport headphone on the market.Designed for sport with a unique reflective design, the JBL Reflect Aware™ earphones, feature legendary JBL sound and an ergonomic fit design that keeps the earpieces in place regardless of the intensity of your workout routine. Sweatproof and available in blue, black, red, teal, the JBL Reflect Aware™ earphones require no battery because they draw power and digital audio directly from the lightning connector on Apple devices.
General Specifications
Audio Specifications
Spec Sheet (English)English 539 KB
- 1 pair of JBL Reflect Aware™ earphones
- 3 sizes of ergonomic sport ear tips
- 3 sizes of regular ear-tips
- 1 carrying pouch
- 1 Quick Start Guide
- 1 Safety Sheet
The latest owner's manuals, quick start guides, and documents.


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