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Nematodes occur regularly in macrobenthic samples but are rarely identified from them and are thus considered exclusively a part of the meiobenthos. Our study compares the generic composition of nematode communities and their individual body weight trends with water depth in macrobenthic (>250/300 µm) samples from the deep Arctic (Canada Basin), Gulf of Mexico (GOM) and the Bermuda slope with meiobenthic samples (<45 µm) from GOM. The dry weight per individual (µg) of all macrobenthic nematodes combined showed an increasing trend with increasing water depth, while the dry weight per individual of the meiobenthic GOM nematodes showed a trend to decrease with increasing depth. Multivariate analyses showed that the macrobenthic nematode community in the GOM was more similar to the macrobenthic nematodes of the Canada Basin than to the GOM meiobenthic nematodes. In particular, the genera Enoploides, Crenopharynx, Micoletzkyia, Phanodermella were dominant in the macrobenthos and accounted for most of the difference. Relative abundance of non-selective deposit feeders (1B) significantly decreased with depth in macrobenthos but remained dominant in the meiobenthic community. The occurrence of a distinct assemblage of bigger nematodes of high dry weight per individual in the macrobenthos suggests the need to include nematodes in macrobenthic studies.
Citation: Sharma J, Baguley J, Bluhm BA, Rowe G (2011) Do Meio- and Macrobenthic Nematodes Differ in Community Composition and Body Weight Trends with Depth? PLoS ONE 6(1): e14491. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0014491
Editor: Mark Briffa, University of Plymouth, United Kingdom
Received: July 9, 2010; Accepted: December 9, 2010; Published: January 6, 2011
Copyright: © 2011 Sharma et al. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited.
Funding: The collection of the samples in this work was supported by the Minerals Management Service of the United States Department of the Interior contract 30991 to Texas A&M University. This study was made possible by funding from National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) Ocean Exploration and Arctic Ocean Diversity Census of Marine Life. Examination of the nematodes from the Bermuda Slope was made possible by an Ernst Mayr Travel grant from the Museum of Comparative Zoology, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA. The funders had no role in study design, data collection and analysis, decision to publish, or preparation of the manuscript.
Competing interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.
Free-living nematodes are an abundant and diverse phylum that is usually considered in studies of meiobenthos. While several macrobenthic studies note their presence, they are identified only to phylum level and not considered in macrobenthic assemblages [1]. A comparison of body weight in individuals of different taxa showed that nematodes had the highest percent carbon dry weight suggesting an important role in the carbon cycle [2]. The main reason for the omission of large nematodes in macrobenthos studies is that the distinction between macro- and meiobenthos was originally based purely on sieve size [3]. Meiobenthos are defined as fauna retained on 42/63 µm sieves [4] and macrobenthos are defined as, depending on habitat, fauna retained on 0.25–1 mm sieve apertures [5]. A more flexible definition of these groups is now widespread and is based on taxonomic composition [6]. Macrobenthos sensu stricto excludes nematodes, harpacticoids and ostracods [4]. Large nematodes are, therefore, hardly ever taxonomically identified in any study from a given region.
The following trends on biomass and nematode size variation with water depth have emerged from numerous studies. Both total macrobenthic and meiobenthic biomass generally decreases with water depth though the rate of decline is greater for larger organisms [7]. This decline is partially explained by the decrease in average metazoan size with water depth [8]. The size of individual nematodes has also been noted to decrease with depth in the deep sea [9], [10] and has been attributed to the typically decreasing availability of food and decreasing sediment grain size. Studies on the functional diversity of nematodes as determined by buccal morphology show that with increasing water depth deposit feeders predominate while predators were less dominant [10]. However, macrobenthic nematodes have not been included in these studies and our current study emerged from an interest in evaluating the role of these larger nematodes in benthic communities and food webs.
Here we test the null hypothesis that meio- and macrobenthic nematode communities do not differ in structure and function. Specifically, the structure of the nematode community was examined by (1) measuring average weights of individual nematodes in macrobenthic samples from the Gulf of Mexico, high Arctic Canada Basin and Bermuda transect and in meiobenthic samples from the Gulf of Mexico in relation to water depth, and (2) comparing the community composition of macrobenthic (GOM, Canada Basin, Bermuda transect) and meiobenthic (GOM) nematodes using a multivariate approach. The functional role of meio- and macrobenthic nematodes was determined by comparing the feeding group distribution based on their buccal morphology. Taxonomic and abundance data for the Canada Basin can be found in Sharma and Bluhm [11] and the GOM and Bermuda transect data are not yet published.
Meio- and macrobenthic samples were collected from the Gulf of Mexico with a GOMEX boxcorer (0.2 m2) during May and June 2000 (Figure 1) [12]. 28 samples were collected from 14 stations in water depths of 212–3000 m. A set of five subsamples were set within the box thus reducing the total area sampled for macrobenthos to 0.17 m2. Sediments were removed, along with overlying water, down to a depth of 15 cm within the box and sieved on a 300 µm sieve. The meiobenthic samples were two of the seven subsamples with the box, each with a 5.5 cm inner diameter and a circular surface area of 22.9 cm2. The meiofauna were extracted by sieving through a 45 µm mesh sieve and centrifugation with Ludox [9].
A. Canada Basin. B. Gulf of Mexico (from Wei et al. [34] revised by Chih-Lin Wei).
Macrobenthos from the Arctic deep-sea Canada Basin were collected from a total of 22 quantitative box corer casts at a total of 8 stations at depths of 640–3961 m (Figure 1). The samples were collected with three replicates at each station in 2005 with 0.06 m2 surface area for replicates 1 and 2 and 0.03 m2 for replicate three [13], and mostly without replication in 2002 (0.04 m2 surface area) [1]. The top 10 cm of sediment and the overlying water was sieved through a 250 µm sieve. Details about the study area and additional benthic collections can be found in Bluhm et al. [1] and MacDonald et al. [13].
The Bermuda Slope samples were collected with an epibenthic sled at 1535–2200 m depth with details on sampling locations and methods in studies of Sanders and Hessler [14]. The samples examined are deposited at the Museum of Comparative Zoology, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA. The GOM and Canada Basin samples will be archived at the National Museum of Natural History, Washington, D.C.
Samples from all areas were preserved in 4% buffered formalin and later transferred to 70% ethanol. Nematodes were sorted by hand under WILD M3 and Leica M12 stereo-microscopes and processed to glycerin [15] for identification. All nematodes were identified to genus rather than species as many deep-sea species are not described. The total length and width of ethanol-preserved nematodes were measured on a Zeiss Axioscop to the nearest 20 µm. Five representative individuals (juveniles and adults) of each genus were measured to obtain average measurements. Biomass was calculated by the formula: Wet Weight = Length × Width2/1600000 [16]. Dry Weight was calculated as 25% of wet weight [17].
Multivariate community analysis was carried out using PRIMER™ version 6 [18]. Bray-Curtis similarity was calculated on the abundance matrix after presence-absence transformation. Similarities between station groups were tested using analysis of similarities (ANOSIM) in which global R = 1 indicates complete separation of groups and global R = 0 indicates no separation [19]. A similarity profile test (SIMPROF) was performed on group average cluster analysis to test the null hypothesis that the macro- and meiobenthic samples do not differ from each other.
The functional diversity of the nematode community was analyzed by classification into one of four feeding groups: Selective deposit feeders (1A), non-selective deposit feeders (1B), epigrowth feeders (2A), predators and omnivores (2B). Though there have been further divisions of these feeding categories [20] the original scheme introduced by Wieser [21] is used here.
In all study areas combined, 177 nematode genera were found representing 38 families. Detailed lists and abundances in for the Canada Basin are included in Sharma and Bluhm [11]. 128 nematode genera occurred in the GOM meiobenthos while 60 genera occurred in the GOM macrobenthos (Sharma and Baguley, unpublished). There were 75 genera from 25 families in the Canada Basin samples (ibid.). The Bermuda slope transect had 15 nematode genera from 8 families (Sharma and Baguley, unpublished).
Macrobenthic nematodes measured 400–8600 µm in body length and 14–130 µm in width, translating into a weight range of 0.04–7.34 µg per individual (2.11±2.70 µg; mean ± SD). Meiobenthic nematodes measured 300–3500 µm in body length and 25–110 µm in width translating into a weight range of 0.60–3.03 µg (1.38±0.78) per individual. The mean dry weights of individual macrobenthic nematodes showed a non-significant increase with water depth while the biomass of meiobenthic nematodes decreased non-significantly with increasing depth (Figure 2).
Cluster analysis of nematode genera indicates that the macrofauna nematodes of the GOM were more similar to those of the Canada Basin and Bermuda slope than to the meiofaunal nematodes at the same GOM stations (Figures 3). High R values in the ANOSIM support the separation of GOM meio- and macrobenthic nematode communities while no significant separation was seen between the GOM and Canada Basin macrobenthic nematode communities (Table 1).
A SIMPER analysis indicated 73% dissimilarity between the meio- and macrofauna nematode genera in the GOM with genera such as Enoploides, Crenopharynx, Micoletzkyia and Phanodermella present in macrobenthic samples and accounting for part of the difference (combined 7%). These larger nematodes that were predominant in the GOM, Canada Basin and Bermuda slope occurred rarely in the meiobenthic samples. The highest within-area similarity was found in the GOM meiofauna nematodes (60%) with genera such as Halalaimus, Desmoscolex, Microlaimus and Ammotheristus contributing most to this similarity (combined 17%). The pattern did not change greatly when the analysis was run at the family level (Figure 4).
The feeding group composition of the macrofauna nematodes from the GOM, Canada Basin and Bermuda transect combined shows a non-significant increase of predators and omnivores (2B) and selective deposit feeders (1A) with increasing water depth. Group 1B decreased significantly with depth in macrofauna (p = 0.002, Figure 5) but remained dominant in the meiofauna community (Figure 6). In the meiofauna samples, feeding group composition did not change significantly with depth nor were there any obvious trends, though as noted above, the non-selective deposit feeders remained dominant at all depths. The dominant feeding group in both the meiofauna and macrofauna communities was 1A. Group 2A was the least represented feeding group in the macrofauna sample. The slight increase of epigrowth feeders with increasing water depth in the meiofauna samples is due to increased presence of Desmodoridae genera. Group 1B was abundant at all stations and represented by larger genera of the Comesomatidae (Sabatieria) and Phanodermatidae (Micoletzkyia, and Phanodermella). Group 2B was only present at some deeper stations of the Canada Basin.
The cluster analysis of nematode feeding groups from meio- and macrofauna defined three significant clusters with meiofauna all grouping in one cluster but including three Canada Basin stations (Figure 7). High R values in the ANOSIM again supported the separation of GOM meio- and macrobenthic nematode communities while no significant separation was seen between the GOM and Canada Basin macrobenthic nematode communities (Table 1). Again, the highest average within group similarity (81%) was in the feeding group composition of the GOM meiofauna (SIMPER analysis). The group 1A contributed 53% to this similarity. The highest dissimilarity between groups was between the GOM meio- and macrofauna.
A frequency distribution of individual body weight suggests a bimodal distrbution with one mode including the meiobenthic nematodes and the second comprised of macrobenthic nematodes (Figure 8). There are fewer genera among the larger weight classes that comprises nematodes of 4 µg to 15 µg dry wt per individual than among the 1–3 µg dry wt per individual weight classes.
1. Size and biomass
Meiobenthic nematodes are defined as such by size and are logically smaller than macrobenthic nematodes. The plot of nematode sizes shows a predominance of smaller nematodes that are part of the meiofauna (Figure 8). The meiobenthic and macrobenthic faunas of shallow subtidal regions are characterized by a defined bimodal distribution of body sizes [22]. In the deep sea, however, this distinction between the meio- and macrobenthos body sizes is not well defined [23]. Nevertheless, the depth trend in our data, although non-significant, combined with the depth frequency distribution, may suggest a size gap between meio- and macrobenthic nematodes in the deep sea areas examined.
Larger-bodied nematode genera such as Crenopharynx, Micoletzkyia and Phanodermella and families such as Leptosomatidae, Thoracostomopsidae and Phanodermatidae dominated our macrobenthos samples at greater depths and are seldom recorded in meiobenthic studies. The relationship of our GOM meiofaunal nematodes to water depth, although not significant, probably due to small sample size, supports the widespread trend of decreasing meiofaunal nematode body weight with increasing water depth [8], [7], [16]. The occurrence of short, stout nematodes, such as Desmoscolecids, at shelf break sites and long, slender nematodes in deeper waters has been noted in several meiobenthic studies [10]. This miniaturization of nematodes in the deep sea has been found across latitudes including North-Eastern Atlantic, Belgian continental shelf, Mediterranean and Indian ocean. It is attributed to decreasing food supply at greater depths [24] and follows the trend observed for macrobenthos [25].
In contrast, our observed possible increase in macrofaunal nematode size with depth agrees with the only reported exception to the miniaturization for nematodes: in the Western Pacific the median size of nematodes increased with increasing depth, though there was a significant decrease in the median size of all meiobenthos combined [26]. This author attributed the increase to an adult-rich and juvenile-rare population structure at greater depths. This was, however, not the case in our study (data not shown) and in others [16] that found a high abundance of juvenile nematodes of all taxa.
The upper limit to the size of meiofauna has been suggested to be 0.5–1.0 mm [27] as the organisms would shift from an interstitial to burrowing lifestyle. Although not tested in this study, environmental factors such as sediment properties, trophic interactions, and sampling factors such as fixation method and sieve size influence body size [11] and the environmental factors are related to depth [24]. The finer sediments found at deeper water depths may limit interstitial organism size. Thus long thin nematodes such as Halalaimus that can move through finer sediments are well represented in deeper waters in both meiobenthic and macrobenthic fauna. These thin nematodes are also well represented in meiobenthic studies as they pass through the 1.0 mm sieve [16]. Warwick [22] suggests that meiofaunal traits such as feeding and resource partitioning are optimized at 45 µg dry weight body size. The larger size may facilitate burrowing and overcome movement barriers in the finer sediments in deeper waters [27]. The smaller flocculents generally reported at greater water depths may also allow for less restricted movement at greater water depths. The only published record of macrobenthic nematodes apart from ours is from a polluted river where they were associated with fine sediments [28] but were absent in coarse sediments.
The choice of sorting methods to extract nematodes may also affect their observed size in benthic studies that do not use an upper size limit to extract meiofauna. A study in the Gulf of Mexico found that manual sorting produced more taxonomic groups and higher abundance of nematodes than the traditional extraction method by Ludox centrifugation which removed the larger nematodes of the macrobenthos [29]. The biomass of hand-sorted nematodes was also significantly higher in samples from the abyssal sites. Further analysis of the size ranges of the nematodes could determine if this reflects higher biomass of abyssal nematodes that may constitute macrobenthos.
2. Community structure
The meiobenthic nematode community in the deep GOM was found to be significantly different than macrobenthic nematodes from the same and two other deep sea regions, while the macrobenthic nematodes from these three regions did not significantly differ from each other (Table 1). These families of macrobenthic nematodes, namely, Phanodermatidae and Leptosomatidae are seldom recorded in meiobenthic nematode studies. The generic composition of the meiobenthic samples is similar to that of other studies with a dominance of Comesomatidae and Xyalidae [10]. The large dissimilarity between nematode genera contributing to meiobenthic and macrobenthic communties observed here is a significant finding and supports the theory that meiofauna and macrofauna are functionally separate communities [27]. Our study is the first record of several genera from the GOM and western Atlantic, namely, Thoracostomopsis, Micoletzkyia, Phanoderma, Phanodermella and Synonchus as they have not been considered in previous meiobenthic studies in these regions [30]. Similarly, at least seven genera found in the Canada Basin samples were new records for the Arctic deep sea [11].
3. Functional groups
Among the macrobenthic nematodes, the observed trend of increasing proportion of predators and omnivores, such as Oncholaimidae and Enchelidiidae at increasing depth may be related to reduced competition by other macrobenthic predators. Omnivory is also a useful trait in the deep sea where food is scarce. These families are almost absent from deeper waters in studies of meiobenthic nematodes [31], [32]. The selective deposit feeding families Phanodermatidae and Leptosomatidae apparently predominate at greater depths and displace the non-selective deposit feeders, Monhysteridae and Comesomatidae that are prevalent at the shallower water depths. While the classification of marine nematodes into feeding groups is based solely on stoma structure, observations in the lab have shown that nematodes are flexible in feeding preferences [33]. However, given the significant reduction of selective deposit feeders in the macrobenthic community but dominance of this feeding group in the meiofauna community, we interpret these data as further support of the conclusion that the meiobenthic and macrobenthic nematodes constitute structurally and functionally different communities.
4. Conclusions
Data presented here support the idea that meio- and macrofauna represent two unique communities, rather than one continuous community within a taxonomic group (e.g. Nematoda) as evidenced by: 1) different community structure (meio- vs. macrobenthic nematodes), 2) different body sizes, regardless of depth trends, and 3) the different functional response with depth as evidenced by the loss of the dominance of non-selective deposit feeders (1B) among macrobenthos.
We are grateful to S. Gagaev, M. Kaufman and C. Debenham for sorting samples and Dr. Duane Hope, NMNH, for help in confirming some nematode identifications. We thank F. Huettmann, UAF, for producing the Canada Basin map.
Author Contributions
Conceived and designed the experiments: BAB GTR. Performed the experiments: JS JB BAB GTR. Analyzed the data: JS JB BAB. Wrote the paper: JS BAB.
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The idea behind the Labour Party's consultation document 'More Sport for All', recently announced by Harriet Harman, Labour's Shadow Culture Secretary, is excellent as are most of the specific policy ideas explored in the document. Encouraging people of all ages and backgrounds to take part in sport and physical activity is highly important and ideas such as re-introducing two hours of sport for every primary school child, increasing female participation in sport and its organisation, and having a ten-year National Strategy for Sport, all seem like good ideas.
The exception is the idea of a new levy on sports betting to support community sport and help raise awareness about problem gambling. Gambling Watch UK opposes this on the following grounds.
Horse racing and the betting associated with it has, over a very long period of time, become an accepted part of British sporting and social life. Although there have always been problems associated with horse race betting, such as the effect of problem gambling on individuals and their families, and periodic fraudulent betting scandals, it can be argued that we have 'adapted' to it over time so that the scale of those problems is kept within limits that society finds tolerable.
The situation that pertains to other forms of sports betting is very different. Betting on dog racing has never been so popular as horse race betting and has been declining. But one of the biggest changes in British gambling in recent years, as evidenced, for example, in the results of the national gambling surveys carried out from 1999 onwards, has been the increase in other kinds of sports betting including betting on football, tennis, cricket and many other sports. This has been a comparatively rapid development reinforced by an expansion of the ways in which bets can be placed (e.g. by machine or online via a betting office or internet gambling account), an expansion of the bets that can be placed (e.g. in football on many aspects of play such as goal scorers, corners, penalties, penalty cards), the timing of bets (e.g. 'in play' betting such as betting at half-time in a football match), plus an expansion of betting advertisements to which children and young people as well as adults are exposed. This is all quite new and remains controversial. Whether the public is happy with such exposure to betting advertising, whether we are endangering new generations who are facing potentially dangerous activities which their parents and grandparents did not have to face, whether the overall prevalence of problem gambling will rise, and whether one effect will be to increase health inequalities, all remain open questions.
If it is accepted that that picture is at all accurate, it can be argued that a levy on sports betting is an inappropriate way to fund community sports facilities and clubs since it encourages the normalisation of an increasingly complex and rapidly changing form of gambling which there is reason to think may be dangerous, about which we still do not know enough, and about which the public probably remains highly ambivalent. In addition it will have the effect of making sports facilities and clubs dependent on gambling proceeds which is in itself unsatisfactory since it makes a health-enhancing enterprise dependent on one which is potentially dangerous to health, leading to a conflict of interests which has been widely criticised elsewhere, for example in Australia where clubs as well as State and Territory governments have become highly dependent on gambling revenue. It would be a wrong and unwise move to link sport and sport betting so closely at this time.
It would also be strange to simultaneously benefit from gambling revenue and use the same levy to increase awareness about the problems associated with that same activity. The conflict of interests would be too obvious for comfort and might show a Labour government up in a poor light. The mechanisms for funding the prevention and treatment of problem gambling should be separate from those used to tax gambling profits. The existing method of an annual voluntary levy on commercial gambling providers is used to fund gambling treatment and research, but I and others have argued that this raises far too little and is not sufficiently separate from the gambling industry to be seen as properly independent. But the more important point is that the negative externalities associated with gambling (particularly debt, dependence, and family harm) are such that government should face up to its responsibility to adequately fund gambling prevention, research and treatment from general taxation as it does for other comparable conditions such as illicit drug misuse (which has a very similar annual British prevalence).


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Dodge Caravan Fog light Buyers Guide:
Deciding between OEM, Halo Projector, Clear, Yellow, and Smoke Caravan Foglights
Dodge Caravan foglights are one of the first things people buy after coming home from the dealer with their brand new Caravan. Foglights are SERIOUSLY overpriced when purchased as an OEM factory option, thus many smart buyers visit our website to buy and install their own Caravan Fog Light Kits at a fraction of the cost. Also, here at Tunersdepot.com, we try to offer a wide selection of the newest and best styles of fog light kits for your Caravan.
Our line of Dodge Caravan fog light carry thru 1999, 2000, 2001, 2002, 2003, 2004, 2005, 2006, 2007 or 99, 00, 01, 02, 03, 04, 05, 06, 07 models.
99-07 Dodge Caravan Fog Lights
Dodge Caravan Halo Projector Foglight Kit Overview
If you are looking for something a little different and more personalized, then a set of Caravan Halo Projector Foglights might work best for you. Halo Projector Fog lights are the same size as stock Caravan Fog Light kits, but they use a completely different type of lens. By incorporating a convex lens to "project" the light from your foglights, they transfer the shape of your light beam to be spread over a wider area. This increases overall visible viewing area, making your Caravan safer to drive during foggy conditions.
Also, Caravan Halo Projector fog light kits use halo lighting technology (also known as angel eye lighting) to provide even more light from the foglight. By adding an extra illuminated ring around the projector (the "halo"), they give your fog lights the same glowing ring look as the higher end European headlights. Also, for certain applications, the halo is left unwired, giving you the option to splice them into your Caravan's parking lights, allowing you to turn only the halo ring on when you activate your parking lights. Alternatively, you could not wire them all if are expecting a more low key look from your Caravan fog lights.
Choosing the right color foglights for your Dodge Caravan
Once you have decided what style you want, the next choice is color. There are usually 3 choices available for Caravan Fog Lights for both the OEM and Halo Projector styles: Clear, Smoke, and Yellow.
Clear Dodge Caravan Fog Lights: The standard choice
Clear is the color of lens that the dealer fog lights came in and for good reason. Clear Caravan Fog Lights put out the most light of all the colors since colored fog lights have to add some material to the lens, blocking overall light. Also, Clear Foglights, both halo and OEM style kits, look great no matter what color your Caravan is. Also, if you are planning to add colored bulbs of HID kits to your Caravan fog lights, clear is the way to go if you want to maximize the effect of the new color.
The only downside to clear Caravan Foglights is that their "clearness" can be a liability if your foglights start getting old and worn looking after a few years.
Smoke Dodge Caravan Fog Lights: A different take on a classic option
Unless you are going for that Japanese JDM look, Smoke Foglights are probably the nicest option available for your Caravan. At the expense of a marginal loss of brightness, you get a slick looking light that looks perfect on white and most dark colored Caravan. They are a perfect complement to tinted windows, especially on black Caravan going for the full tinted Knight Rider-ish look.
Being the darkest foglight, they hide wear and tear the best, but that also makes them a less than desirable option if you are planning to add colored bulbs or HID kits to your Caravan.
Yellow Dodge Caravan Fog Lights: Aggressive and functional
Yellow is the preferred color for drivers going after the Japanese "JDM" look. They look exceptionally nice on high contrast color Caravan like black, white, or blue. Yellow Caravan fog light kits might not be the best look for Caravan with yellowish colors though (yellow, orange, some reds, etc.).
Another thing to consider with yellow Caravan fog lights (both OEM style and Halo Projector versions) is that they actually do the best job in foggy or inclement weather. Due to the wavelength of the light spectrum of yellow light, they produce the least glare against fog, rain, puddles, etc. making them the SAFEST color of foglight to get…assuming you are really buying fog lights because you are planning on driving your Caravan in the fog.


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The church will be closed tomorrow, and the drunks are freaking out. An elderly lady in a prim white blouse has just delivered the bad news, with deep apologies: A major blizzard is scheduled to wallop Manhattan tonight, and up to a foot of snow will cover the ground by dawn. The church, located on the Upper West Side, can't ask its staff to risk a dangerous commute. Unfortunately, that means it must cancel the Alcoholics Anonymous meeting held daily in the basement.
A worried murmur ripples through the room. "Wha... what are we supposed to do?" asks a woman in her mid-twenties with smudged black eyeliner. She's in rough shape, having emerged from a multiday alcohol-and-cocaine bender that morning. "The snow, it's going to close everything," she says, her cigarette-addled voice tinged with panic. "Everything!" She's on the verge of tears.
A mustachioed man in skintight jeans stands and reads off the number for a hotline that provides up-to-the-minute meeting schedules. He assures his fellow alcoholics that some groups will still convene tomorrow despite the weather. Anyone who needs an AA fix will be able to get one, though it may require an icy trek across the city.
That won't be a problem for a thickset man in a baggy beige sweat suit. "Doesn't matter how much snow we get—a foot, 10 feet piled up in front of the door," he says. "I will leave my apartment tomorrow and go find a meeting."
He clasps his hands together and draws them to his heart: "You understand me? I need this." Daily meetings, the man says, are all that prevent him from winding up dead in the gutter, shoes gone because he sold them for booze or crack. And he hasn't had a drink in more than a decade.
The resolve is striking, though not entirely surprising. AA has been inspiring this sort of ardent devotion for 75 years. It was in June 1935, amid the gloom of the Great Depression, that a failed stockbroker and reformed lush named Bill Wilson founded the organization after meeting God in a hospital room. He codified his method in the 12 steps, the rules at the heart of AA. Entirely lacking in medical training, Wilson created the steps by cribbing ideas from religion and philosophy, then massaging them into a pithy list with a structure inspired by the Bible.
The 200-word instruction set has since become the cornerstone of addiction treatment in this country, where an estimated 23 million people grapple with severe alcohol or drug abuse—more than twice the number of Americans afflicted with cancer. Some 1.2 million people belong to one of AA's 55,000 meeting groups in the US, while countless others embark on the steps at one of the nation's 11,000 professional treatment centers. Anyone who seeks help in curbing a drug or alcohol problem is bound to encounter Wilson's system on the road to recovery.
It's all quite an achievement for a onetime broken-down drunk. And Wilson's success is even more impressive when you consider that AA and its steps have become ubiquitous despite the fact that no one is quite sure how—or, for that matter, how well—they work. The organization is notoriously difficult to study, thanks to its insistence on anonymity and its fluid membership. And AA's method, which requires "surrender" to a vaguely defined "higher power," involves the kind of spiritual revelations that neuroscientists have only begun to explore.
What we do know, however, is that despite all we've learned over the past few decades about psychology, neurology, and human behavior, contemporary medicine has yet to devise anything that works markedly better. "In my 20 years of treating addicts, I've never seen anything else that comes close to the 12 steps," says Drew Pinsky, the addiction-medicine specialist who hosts VH1's Celebrity Rehab. "In my world, if someone says they don't want to do the 12 steps, I know they aren't going to get better."
Wilson may have operated on intuition, but somehow he managed to tap into mechanisms that counter the complex psychological and neurological processes through which addiction wreaks havoc. And while AA's ability to accomplish this remarkable feat is not yet understood, modern research into behavior dynamics and neuroscience is beginning to provide some tantalizing clues.
One thing is certain, though: AA doesn't work for everybody. In fact, it doesn't work for the vast majority of people who try it. And understanding more about who it does help, and why, is likely our best shot at finally developing a system that improves on Wilson's amateur scheme for living without the bottle.
AA originated on the worst night of Bill Wilson's life. It was December 14, 1934, and Wilson was drying out at Towns Hospital, a ritzy Manhattan detox center. He'd been there three times before, but he'd always returned to drinking soon after he was released. The 39-year-old had spent his entire adult life chasing the ecstasy he had felt upon tasting his first cocktail some 17 years earlier. That quest destroyed his career, landed him deeply in debt, and convinced doctors that he was destined for institutionalization.
Wilson had been quite a mess when he checked in the day before, so the attending physician, William Silkworth, subjected him to a detox regimen known as the Belladonna Cure—hourly infusions of a hallucinogenic drug made from a poisonous plant. The drug was coursing through Wilson's system when he received a visit from an old drinking buddy, Ebby Thacher, who had recently found religion and given up alcohol. Thacher pleaded with Wilson to do likewise. "Realize you are licked, admit it, and get willing to turn your life over to God," Thacher counseled his desperate friend. Wilson, a confirmed agnostic, gagged at the thought of asking a supernatural being for help.
But later, as he writhed in his hospital bed, still heavily under the influence of belladonna, Wilson decided to give God a try. "If there is a God, let Him show Himself!" he cried out. "I am ready to do anything. Anything!"
What happened next is an essential piece of AA lore: A white light filled Wilson's hospital room, and God revealed himself to the shattered stockbroker. "It seemed to me, in the mind's eye, that I was on a mountain and that a wind not of air but of spirit was blowing," he later said. "And then it burst upon me that I was a free man." Wilson would never drink again.
At that time, the conventional wisdom was that alcoholics simply lacked moral fortitude. The best science could offer was detoxification with an array of purgatives, followed by earnest pleas for the drinker to think of his loved ones. When this approach failed, alcoholics were often consigned to bleak state hospitals. But having come back from the edge himself, Wilson refused to believe his fellow inebriates were hopeless. He resolved to save them by teaching them to surrender to God, exactly as Thacher had taught him.
Following Thacher's lead, Wilson joined the Oxford Group, a Christian movement that was in vogue among wealthy mainstream Protestants. Headed by a an ex-YMCA missionary named Frank Buchman, who stirred controversy with his lavish lifestyle and attempts to convert Adolf Hitler, the Oxford Group combined religion with pop psychology, stressing that all people can achieve happiness through moral improvement. To help reach this goal, the organization's members were encouraged to meet in private homes so they could study devotional literature together and share their inmost thoughts.
In May 1935, while on an extended business trip to Akron, Ohio, Wilson began attending Oxford Group meetings at the home of a local industrialist. It was through the group that he met a surgeon and closet alcoholic named Robert Smith. For weeks, Wilson urged the oft-soused doctor to admit that only God could eliminate his compulsion to drink. Finally, on June 10, 1935, Smith (known to millions today as Dr. Bob) gave in. The date of Dr. Bob's surrender became the official founding date of Alcoholics Anonymous.
In its earliest days, AA existed within the confines of the Oxford Group, offering special meetings for members who wished to end their dependence on alcohol. But Wilson and his followers quickly broke away, in large part because Wilson dreamed of creating a truly mass movement, not one confined to the elites Buchman targeted. To spread his message of salvation, Wilson started writing what would become AA's sacred text: Alcoholics Anonymous, now better known as the Big Book.
The core of AA is found in chapter five, entitled "How It Works." It is here that Wilson lists the 12 steps, which he first scrawled out in pencil in 1939. Wilson settled on the number 12 because there were 12 apostles.
In writing the steps, Wilson drew on the Oxford Group's precepts and borrowed heavily from William James' classic The Varieties of Religious Experience, which Wilson read shortly after his belladonna-fueled revelation at Towns Hospital. He was deeply affected by an observation that James made regarding alcoholism: that the only cure for the affliction is "religiomania." The steps were thus designed to induce an intense commitment, because Wilson wanted his system to be every bit as habit-forming as booze.
The first steps famously ask members to admit their powerlessness over alcohol and to appeal to a higher power for help. Members are then required to enumerate their faults, share them with their meeting group, apologize to those they've wronged, and engage in regular prayer or meditation. Finally, the last step makes AA a lifelong duty: "Having had a spiritual awakening as the result of these steps, we tried to carry this message to alcoholics and to practice these principles in all our affairs." This requirement guarantees not only that current members will find new recruits but that they can never truly "graduate" from the program.
Aside from the steps, AA has one other cardinal rule: anonymity. Wilson was adamant that the anonymous component of AA be taken seriously, not because of the social stigma associated with alcoholism, but rather to protect the nascent organization from ridicule. He explained the logic in a letter to a friend:
[In the past], alcoholics who talked too much on public platforms were likely to become inflated and get drunk again. Our principle of anonymity, so far as the general public is concerned, partly corrects this difficulty by preventing any individual receiving a lot of newspaper or magazine publicity, then collapsing and discrediting AA.
AA boomed in the early 1940s, aided by a glowing Saturday Evening Post profile and the public admission by a Cleveland Indians catcher, Rollie Hemsley, that joining the organization had done wonders for his game. Wilson and the founding members were not quite prepared for the sudden success. "You had really crazy things going on," says William L. White, author of Slaying the Dragon: The History of Addiction Treatment and Recovery in America. "Some AA groups were preparing to run AA hospitals, and there was this whole question of whether they should have paid AA missionaries. You even had some reports of AA groups drinking beers at their meetings."
The growing pains spurred Wilson to write AA's governing principles, known as the 12 traditions. At a time when fraternal orders and churches with strict hierarchies dominated American social life, Wilson opted for something revolutionary: deliberate organizational chaos. He permitted each group to set its own rules, as long as they didn't conflict with the traditions or the steps. Charging a fee was forbidden, as was the use of the AA brand to endorse anything that might generate revenue. "If you look at this on paper, it seems like it could never work," White says. "It's basically anarchy." But this loose structure actually helped AA flourish. Not only could anyone start an AA group at any time, but they could tailor each meeting to suit regional or local tastes. And by condemning itself to poverty, AA maintained a posture of moral legitimacy.
Despite the decision to forbid members from receiving pay for AA-related activity, it had no problem letting professional institutions integrate the 12 steps into their treatment programs. AA did not object when Hazelden, a Minnesota facility founded in 1947 as "a sanatorium for curable alcoholics of the professional class," made the steps the foundation of its treatment model. Nor did AA try to stop the proliferation of steps-centered addiction groups from adopting the Anonymous name: Narcotics Anonymous, Gamblers Anonymous, Overeaters Anonymous. No money ever changed hands—the steps essentially served as open source code that anyone was free to build upon, adding whatever features they wished. (Food Addicts Anonymous, for example, requires its members to weigh their meals.)
By the early 1950s, as AA membership reached 100,000, Wilson began to step back from his invention. Deeply depressed and an incorrigible chain smoker, he would go on to experiment with LSD before dying from emphysema in 1971. By that point, AA had become ingrained in American culture; even people who'd never touched a drop of liquor could name at least a few of the steps.
"For nearly 30 years, I have been saying Alcoholics Anonymous is the most effective self-help group in the world," advice columnist Ann Landers wrote in 1986. "The good accomplished by this fellowship is inestimable ... God bless AA."
There's no doubt that when AA works, it can be transformative. But what aspect of the program deserves most of the credit? Is it the act of surrendering to a higher power? The making of amends to people a drinker has wronged? The simple admission that you have a problem? Stunningly, even the most highly regarded AA experts have no idea. "These are questions we've been trying to answer for, golly, 30 or 40 years now," says Lee Ann Kaskutas, senior scientist at the Alcohol Research Group in Emeryville, California. "We can't find anything that completely holds water."
The problem is so vexing, in fact, that addiction professionals have largely accepted that AA itself will always be an enigma. But research in other fields—primarily behavior change and neurology—offers some insight into what exactly is happening in those church basements.
To begin with, there is evidence that a big part of AA's effectiveness may have nothing to do with the actual steps. It may derive from something more fundamental: the power of the group. Psychologists have long known that one of the best ways to change human behavior is to gather people with similar problems into groups, rather than treat them individually. The first to note this phenomenon was Joseph Pratt, a Boston physician who started organizing weekly meetings of tubercular patients in 1905. These groups were intended to teach members better health habits, but Pratt quickly realized they were also effective at lifting emotional spirits, by giving patients the chance to share their tales of hardship. ("In a common disease, they have a bond," he would later observe.) More than 70 years later, after a review of nearly 200 articles on group therapy, a pair of Stanford University researchers pinpointed why the approach works so well: "Members find the group to be a compelling emotional experience; they develop close bonds with the other members and are deeply influenced by their acceptance and feedback."
Researchers continue to be surprised by just how powerful this effect is. For example, a study published last year in the journal Behavior Therapy concluded that group therapy is highly effective in treating post-traumatic stress disorder: 88.3 percent of the study's subjects who underwent group therapy no longer exhibited PTSD symptoms after completing their sessions, versus just 31.3 percent of those who received minimal one-on-one interaction.
The importance of this is reflected by the fact that the more deeply AA members commit to the group, rather than just the program, the better they fare. According to J. Scott Tonigan, a research professor at the University of New Mexico's Center on Alcoholism, Substance Abuse, and Addictions, numerous studies show that AA members who become involved in activities like sponsorship—becoming a mentor to someone just starting out—are more likely to stay sober than those who simply attend meetings.
Addiction-medicine specialists often raise the concern that AA meetings aren't led by professionals. But there is evidence that this may actually help foster a sense of intimacy between members, since the fundamental AA relationship is between fellow alcoholics rather than between alcoholics and the therapist. These close social bonds allow members to slowly learn how to connect to others without the lubricating effects of alcohol. In a study published last year in Alcoholism Treatment Quarterly, Tonigan found that "participation in AA is associated with an increased sense of security, comfort, and mutuality in close relationships."
And close relationships, it turns out, have an even more profound effect on us than previously thought. A 2007 study of a Boston-area community, for example, found that a person's odds of becoming obese increase by 71 percent if they have a same-sex friend who is also obese. (Wired covered the study in more detail in "The Buddy System," issue 17.10.) And in April, a paper published in Annals of Internal Medicine concluded that a person is 50 percent more likely to be a heavy drinker if a friend or relative is a boozehound. Even if an alcoholic's nonsober friends are outwardly supportive, simply being around people for whom drinking remains the norm can nudge someone into relapse. It is much safer to become immersed in AA's culture, where activities such as studying the Big Book supplant hanging out with old acquaintances who tipple.
As for the steps themselves, there is evidence that the act of public confession—enshrined in the fifth step—plays an especially crucial role in the recovery process. When AA members stand up and share their emotionally searing tales of lost weekends, ruined relationships, and other liquor-fueled low points, they develop new levels of self-awareness. And that process may help reinvigorate the prefrontal cortex, a part of the brain that is gravely weakened by alcohol abuse.
To understand the prefrontal cortex's role in both addiction and recovery, you first need to understand how alcohol affects the brain. Booze works its magic in an area called the mesolimbic pathway—the reward system. When we experience something pleasurable, like a fine meal or good sex, this pathway squirts out dopamine, a neurotransmitter that creates a feeling of bliss. This is how we learn to pursue behaviors that benefit us, our families, and our species.
When alcohol hits the mesolimbic pathway, it triggers the rapid release of dopamine, thereby creating a pleasurable high. For most people, that buzz simply isn't momentous enough to become the focal point of their lives. Or if it is, they are able to control their desire to chase it with reckless abandon. But others aren't so fortunate: Whether by virtue of genes that make them unusually sensitive to dopamine's effects, or circumstances that lead them to seek chemical solace, they cannot resist the siren call of booze.
Once an alcoholic starts drinking heavily, the mesolimbic pathway responds by cutting down its production of dopamine. Alcohol also messes with the balance between two other neurotransmitters: GABA and glutamate. Alcohol spurs the release of more GABA, which inhibits neural activity, and clamps down on glutamate, which stimulates the brain. Combined with a shortage of dopamine, this makes the reward system increasingly lethargic, so it becomes harder and harder to rouse into action. That's why long-term boozers must knock back seven or eight whiskeys just to feel "normal." And why little else in life brings hardcore alcoholics pleasure of any kind.
As dependence grows, alcoholics also lose the ability to properly regulate their behavior. This regulation is the responsibility of the prefrontal cortex, which is charged with keeping the rest of the brain apprised of the consequences of harmful actions. But mind-altering substances slowly rob the cortex of so-called synaptic plasticity, which makes it harder for neurons to communicate with one another. When this happens, alcoholics become less likely to stop drinking, since their prefrontal cortex cannot effectively warn of the dangers of bad habits.
This is why even though some people may be fully cognizant of the problems that result from drinking, they don't do anything to avoid them. "They'll say, 'Oh, my family is falling apart, I've been arrested twice,'" says Peter Kalivas, a neuroscientist at the Medical University of South Carolina in Charleston. "They can list all of these negative consequences, but they can't take that information and manhandle their habits."
The loss of synaptic plasticity is thought to be a major reason why more than 90 percent of recovering alcoholics relapse at some point. The newly sober are constantly bombarded with sensory cues that their brain associates with their pleasurable habit. Because the synapses in their prefrontal cortex are still damaged, they have a tough time resisting the urges created by these triggers. Any small reminder of their former life—the scent of stale beer, the clink of toasting glasses—is enough to knock them off the wagon.
AA, it seems, helps neutralize the power of these sensory cues by whipping the prefrontal cortex back into shape. Publicly revealing one's deepest flaws and hearing others do likewise forces a person to confront the terrible consequences of their alcoholism—something that is very difficult to do all alone. This, in turn, prods the impaired prefrontal cortex into resuming its regulatory mission. "The brain is designed to respond to experiences," says Steven Grant, chief of the clinical neuroscience branch of the National Institute on Drug Abuse. "I have no doubt that these therapeutic processes change the brain." And the more that critical part of the brain is compelled to operate as designed, the more it springs back to its pre-addiction state. While it's on the mend, AA functions as a temporary replacement—a prefrontal cortex made up of a cast of fellow drunks in a church basement, rather than neurons and synapses.
Finally, the 12 steps address another major risk factor for relapse: stress. Recovering alcoholics are often burdened by memories of the nasty things they did while wasted. When they bump into old acquaintances they mistreated, the guilt can become overwhelming. The resulting stress causes their brains to secrete a hormone that releases corticotropin, which has been shown to cause relapse in alcohol-dependent lab rats.
AA addresses this risk with the eighth and ninth steps, which require alcoholics to make amends to people they've wronged. This can alleviate feelings of guilt and in turn limit the stress that may undermine a person's fragile sobriety.
Bill W., as Wilson is known today, didn't know the first thing about corticotropin-releasing hormone or the prefrontal cortex, of course. His only aim was to harness spirituality in the hopes of giving fellow alcoholics the strength to overcome their disease. But in developing a system to lead drunks to God, he accidentally created something that deeply affects the brain—a system that has now lasted for three-quarters of a century and shows no signs of disappearing.
But how effective is AA? That seemingly simple question has proven maddeningly hard to answer. Ask an addiction researcher a straightforward question about AA's success rate and you'll invariably get a distressingly vague answer. Despite thousands of studies conducted over the decades, no one has yet satisfactorily explained why some succeed in AA while others don't, or even what percentage of alcoholics who try the steps will eventually become sober as a result.
A big part of the problem, of course, is AA's strict anonymity policy, which makes it difficult for researchers to track members over months and years. It is also challenging to collect data from chronic substance abusers, a population that's prone to lying. But researchers are most stymied by the fact that AA's efficacy cannot be tested in a randomized experiment, the scientific gold standard.
"If you try to randomly assign people to AA, you have a problem, because AA is free and is available all over the place," says Alcohol Research Group's Kaskutas. "Plus, some people will just hate it, and you can't force them to keep going." In other words, given the organization's open-door membership policy, it would be nearly impossible for researchers to prevent people in a control group from sneaking off to an AA meeting and thereby tainting the data. On the other hand, many subjects would inevitably loathe AA and drop out of the study altogether.
Another research quandary is how to account for the selection effect. AA is known for doing a better job of retaining drinkers who've hit rock bottom than those who still have a ways to fall. But having totally destroyed their lives, the most desperate alcoholics may already be committed to sobriety before ever setting foot inside a church basement. If so, it might be their personal commitment, rather than AA, that is ultimately responsible for their ability to quit.
As a result of these complications, AA research tends to come to wildly divergent conclusions, often depending on an investigator's biases. The group's "cure rate" has been estimated at anywhere from 75 percent to 5 percent, extremes that seem far-fetched. Even the most widely cited (and carefully conducted) studies are often marred by obvious flaws. A 1999 meta-analysis of 21 existing studies, for example, concluded that AA members actually fared worse than drinkers who received no treatment at all. The authors acknowledged, however, that many of the subjects were coerced into attending AA by court order. Such forced attendees have little shot at benefiting from any sort of therapy—it's widely agreed that a sincere desire to stop drinking is a mandatory prerequisite for getting sober.
Yet a growing body of evidence suggests that while AA is certainly no miracle cure, people who become deeply involved in the program usually do well over the long haul. In a 2006 study, for example, two Stanford psychiatrists chronicled the fates of 628 alcoholics they managed to track over a 16-year period. They concluded that subjects who attended AA meetings frequently were more likely to be sober than those who merely dabbled in the organization. The University of New Mexico's Tonigan says the relationship between first-year attendance and long-term sobriety is small but valid: In the language of statistics, the correlation is around 0.3, which is right on the borderline between weak and modest (0 meaning no relationship, and 1.0 being a perfect one-to-one relationship).
"I've been involved in a couple of meta-analyses of AA, which collapse the findings across many studies," Tonigan says. "They generally all come to the same conclusion, which is that AA is beneficial for many but not all individuals, and that the benefit is modest but significant ... I think that is, scientifically speaking, a very valid statement."
That statement is also supported by the results of a landmark study that examined how the steps perform when taught in clinical settings as opposed to church basements. Between 1989 and 1997, a multisite study called Project Match randomly assigned more than 1,700 alcoholics to one of three popular therapies used at professional treatment centers. The first was called 12-step facilitation, in which a licensed therapist guides patients through Bill Wilson's method. The second was cognitive behavioral therapy, which trains alcoholics to identify the situations that spur them to drink, so they can avoid tempting circumstances. And the last was motivational enhancement therapy, a one-on-one interviewing process designed to sharpen a person's reasons for getting sober.
Project Match ultimately concluded that all three of these therapies were more or less equally effective at reducing alcohol intake among subjects. But 12-step facilitation clearly beat the competition in two important respects: It was more effective for alcoholics without other psychiatric problems, and it did a better job of inspiring total abstinence as opposed to a mere reduction in drinking. The steps, in other words, actually worked slightly better than therapies of more recent vintage, which were devised by medical professionals rather than an alcoholic stockbroker.
AA is still far from ideal. The sad fact remains that the program's failures vastly outnumber its success stories. According to Tonigan, upwards of 70 percent of people who pass through AA will never make it to their one-year anniversary, and relapse is common even among regular attendees. This raises an important question: Are there ways to improve Wilson's aging system?
AA is obviously not about to overhaul its 75-year-old formula. But there are a few alterations that would almost certainly make the program work for more people, starting with better quality control. Since no central body regulates the day-to-day operations of local groups, some meetings are dominated by ornery old-timers who delight in belittling newcomers. Others are prowled by men looking to introduce nubile newcomers to the "13th step"—AA slang for sexual exploitation. Finding a way to impose some basic oversight of such bad behavior would likely reduce the dropout rate.
Some AA groups would also do well to shed their resistance to medication. There is nothing in the Big Book that forbids the use of prescription drugs, but there are plenty of meetings where such pharmaceutical aids are frowned upon. Perhaps this sentiment made sense back in AA's formative years, when a variety of snake oils were touted as alcoholism cures. But today there are several medications that have been proven to decrease the odds of relapse. One such drug, acamprosate, restores a healthy balance between glutamate and GABA, two of the neurotransmitters that get out of whack in the brains of alcoholics. Naltrexone, commonly used to treat heroin addiction, appears effective at preventing relapse by alcoholics who possess a certain genetic variant related to an important mu-opioid receptor. Both can be valuable aids in the recovery process.
But the best way to bolster AA's success rate may be to increase the personalization of addiction medicine. "We're starting to get an inkling that something about the initial state of the brain prior to therapy may be predictive as to whether that therapy will be a success," says Grant of the National Institute on Drug Abuse. In other words, certain brains may be primed to respond well to some therapies and less so to others.
NIDA and other government agencies are currently funding several studies that aim to use neural imaging technology to observe how various therapies affect addicted brains. One alcoholic might have a mesolimbic pathway that normalizes quickly after receiving a certain type of therapy, for example, while another will still suffer from dopamine disregulation despite receiving the same care. The hope is that these studies will reveal whether neurobiology can be used to predict a person's odds of benefitting from one treatment over another. Perhaps there is one sort of mind that is cut out for the cognitive behavioral approach and another that can be helped only by the 12 steps.
A person's openness to the concept of spiritual rebirth, as determined by their neural makeup, could indicate whether they'll embrace the steps. Last September, researchers from the National Institutes of Health found that people who claimed to enjoy "an intimate relationship with God" possess bigger-than-average right middle temporal cortices. And a Swedish study from 2003 suggests that people with fewer serotonin receptors may be more open to spiritual experiences.
For the moment, though, there is no way to predict who will be transformed by AA. And often, the people who become Wilson's most passionate disciples are those you'd least expect. "I always thought I was too smart for AA," a bespectacled, Nordic-looking man named Gary shared at a meeting in Hell's Kitchen this past winter. "I'm a classical musician, a math and statistics geek. I was the biggest agnostic you ever met. But I just wrecked my life with alcohol and drugs and codependent relationships."
And now, after more than four years in the program? "I know God exists," he says. "I'm so happy I found AA."
Maybe one day we'll discover that there's a quirk in Gary's genetic makeup that made his prefrontal cortex particularly susceptible to the 12 steps. But all that really matters now is that he's sober.
Contributing editor Brendan I. Koerner (firstname.lastname@example.com) wrote about the pathogen UG99 in issue 18.03.


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High Commissioner concludes visit to Guatemala
Climate change - seminar
Report of the Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights Situation in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea
United Nations Human Rights on Facebook , Twitter and Youtube
Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR).
* The week's Human Rights news stories and videos - Week 09/12, 3 - 9 March
* The week's Human Rights news stories and videos - Week 08/12, 27 February - 2 March
The Brussels based United Nations Regional Information Centre for Western Europe - UNRIC provides information on UN activities to the countries of the region. It also provides liaison with institutions of the European Union in the field of information. Its outreach activities extend to all segments of society and joint campaigns, projects and events are organized with partners including the EU, governments, the media, NGOs, schools and local authorities.
United Nations Regional Information Centre for Western Europe (UNRIC Brussels)
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Tel.: +32 2 788 8484 / Fax: 32 2 788 8485


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The Virginia Declaration of Rights, June 12, 1776
After having decided to break with Great Britain, members of Virginia's fifth Revolutionary Convention voted unanimously on May 15, 1775, to prepare a new plan of government or constitution for Virginia, as well as a statement of rights. George Mason arrived late at the convention and became the thirty-second of thirty-six members of the drafting committee. Mason soon took the reins and drove the discussion. Edmund Pendleton noted, "The Political Cooks are busy preparing the dish, and as Colonel Mason seems to have the Ascendancy in the great work, I have sanguine hopes it will be framed so as to Answer it's [sic] end, Prosperity to the Community and Security to Individuals."
Mason's initial draft consisted of ten paragraphs that outlined such rights as the ability to confront one's accusers in court and to present evidence in court, protection from self-incrimination, the right to a speedy trial, the right to a trial by jury, and the extension of religious tolerance. All of the aforementioned rights were eventually adopted as a part of the Bill of Rights in the U.S. Constitution in 1791. Consulting with Mason, Thomas Ludwell Lee suggested two additional paragraphs, providing protections for the press and striking down ex post facto laws. Later, the drafting committee added other rights to the list, such as banning excessive bail and cruel and unusual punishment.
Once completed, the draft was debated between late May and early June 1776 and other significant changes were made. James Madison, often considered the "father of the Bill of Rights," expanded Mason's statement of religious tolerance to religious freedom. This idea is represented in the first amendment to the U.S. Constitution and is considered one of the cornerstones of a democratic government.
Pendleton suggested another critical change to the draft. He wanted to adjust Mason's sweeping introductory statement about freedom ("all men are born equally free and independant, [sic] and have certain inherent natural Rights") to curtail its promise in such a way as not to include those who were not considered to be a part of Virginia's body politic. The phrase "when they enter into a state of society," was inserted, amending the declaration specifically to exclude slaves. Enslaved people were not admitted into the state of society with free white men who were running the political process. (As a byproduct, women and Native Americans were also excluded). Though limited in this way, the concept was used again when Thomas Jefferson rephrased the idea and included it in the Declaration of Independence. For centuries the idea that "all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness" has influenced people around the world.
While the Virginia Declaration of Rights is a noted forerunner of the Bill of Rights, there are several provisions, considered precious and necessary in American society today, that were not a part of the Virginia Declaration of Rights. The Virginians did not promise the right to free speech, the right to assemble or petition of the government for redress, or to prohibit the quartering of troops.
The final version of the Virginia Declaration of Rights, consisting of sixteen sections, was adopted on June 12, 1776, and its subsequent influence is undeniable. For many years, however, the only version that was widely circulated was Mason's earlier draft. Mason's original draft is in the Library of Congress. In 1778 Mason prepared this copy of his first draft from memory to indicate what he had initially proposed.
1. How many articles did George Mason propose? How many were adopted?
2. Which article do you think is most important to Virginians and all Americans today?
Further Discussion
1. Compare the text of the Declaration of Rights that was adopted by the Virginia Revolutionary Convention to the text that Mason proposed. What are the differences? Do the changes make any fundamental differences in the meaning of the document?
2. Compare the Virginia Declaration of Rights to the Declaration of Independence or the U.S Bill of Rights. Which language is echoed in the later documents?
Video: Declaring Essential Rights: Virginia and the U.S. Bill of Rights
Suggested Reading
Broadwater, Jeff. George Mason: Forgotten Founder. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2006.
Tarter, Brent. "The Virginia Declaration of Rights." In To Secure the Blessings of Liberty: Rights in American History, The George Mason Lectures. Edited by Josephine F. Pacheco, 37–54. Fairfax, Va.: George Mason University Press, 1993.


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Check out the SMF Function DB!
while i can manually update the membergroup he paid for, and have done so, it will have to be manually monitored for his yearly expiration date since his account is not listed in the paid subscriptions summary. so far, i don't see a way of correcting this in SMF .... ?
Is that the member you're unable to subscribe? I used the email address in the paid subs error to get his name and id_member, maybe it was the wrong error.
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Cheese-tastic Classics is back! This time up we have classic of the genre, a movie that lives 1/4 mile at a time, "The Fast and the Furious"!
With its hip hop soundtrack, smoke shows, machismo, and gear head talk, "The Fast and the Furious" is a beloved serving of cheesy goodness. People even forgive it for ripping off the high concept of "Point Break". It's a high-octane, testosterone fueled, NOS charged thrill ride. Plus it features one of the greatest bromances of all time!
That's right, "The Fast and the Furious" is an entertainment masterpiece. Your brain is quietly saying "C'mon", but you cannot deny you've got a big old smile on your face.
Click through to enjoy some delicious cheese!!
Due to a rash of tractor-trailer heists being perpetrated by a crew driving sporty, street racing cars, LAPD officer Brian O'Conner (Paul Walker) is sent undercover, due to his driving skills and automobile knowledge. He takes a job at the local high-tech, racing car oriented auto part shop, The Racer's Edge in order to infiltrate the local street racing scene.
What he doesn't realize is that he's about to enter a dangerous world of high-speed racing, gunplay, and male bonding.
Each day, he lunches at a shop owned by local street racing king Dominic Toretto (Vin Diesel). The lunch counter is run by Toretto's sister, Mia (Jordana Brewster). O'Conner flirts with her, and jokes about the tuna, but his real aim is to get close to Toretto.
The first tiiiiiiiime… Ever I saw your face….
Toretto's crew smells pork though, even if Toretto is blind. They instinctively fight O'Conner to try to push him away, but to no avail.
O'Conner makes his way into the local street racing scene… a late night arena attended by hundreds, where hot, scantily clad chicks patrol lines of souped up rides, and drivers wait to gamble and illegally fly around the city at night.
Toretto is king of this nighttime world. All the other racers patiently await the appearance of him and his crew. When they do arrive, they give O'Conner the once over… checking out his ride, questioning his qualifications. It's decided that he can race, but he has to offer his car as stakes.
Couldn't they just have used one of those pre-existing white lines?
O'Conner bets his car cause he's cool like that, and that gets him in the race. He's obviously a dork though he's driving the street racing equivalent of a Batmobile. His car is carrying enough NOS (Nitrous Oxide) for a moon launch, and he has a computerized on board system to help him keep it all under control.
Everyone cranks up their NOS and gets ready to rip. Once the race takes off, that's when "Th Fast and the Furious" really starts to rip.
Racing Face.
The CGI kicks in as things get all blurry and rushy and stuff. The music stops so you can hear the engines going Wahhhhhhh, Wahhhhhhhnn. It's a sound that disables higher brain function and shifts the body into an amped up, heightened state. O'Connor's slow off the line, but he has nitrous, so he's able to make the jump to light speed. His car starts falling apart at one point because he's going so fast.
He pulls even with Toretto, but what he doesn't realize is that Toretto isn't the king for nothing. He's been around this block before… his car can jump to ludicrous speed, and it does, leaving O'Conner in its dust. O'Conner responds by pushing his car faster than it can take, and it seizes up. Toretto easily wins the race, while O'Conner is left to bashfully limp across the finish line.
Something tells me I'm in for something good! (Somethin' tells me I'm in for somethin', Somethin' tells me I'm in for somethin'…)
Diesel preaches street racing wisdom after winning, and the two trade flirtatious shit talk, but the cops arrive and bust things up. Toretto initially escapes, but makes the mistake of ditching his car and thinking he can walk out of the area on foot. The cops see him and call him out by name, chasing after him. It doesn't look as if he'll be able to escape, but O'Conner is there to pick him up in a miraculously healed car!
It's here, as they escape the cops, that they get to know each other, trading stories about jail and juvie. The bonding is under way fully now…
Even after escaping the cops, they're not out of danger. The Yakuza are after them for some ill-defined reason. After a group on motorcycles pulls them over and talks smack about an upcoming race (Race Wars), they pull out machine guns and blow up O'Conner's NOS loaded race car! When the car blows up, it blows up straight up off the ground, which is as awesome as it sounds.
Of course Toretto's crib is rocking, did you think his crib wouldn't be rocking?
Eventually though, Toretto and O'Conner make it safely back to Toretto's home. Unfortunately for them, there's a bunch of people there. Tempers flare between Toretto's new BFF and his old BFF, and O'Conner continues to lead Toretto's sister Mia on.
O'Conner gets taken back to the FBI base (in order to remind us he's a cop), where Buffalo Bill offers him this advice about Toretto. "He's got nitrous oxide in his blood and a gas tank for a brain." I'm fairly certain that he's right, but I still wonder how that's helpful advice.
In keeping with the completely feasible tone of the movie, O'Conner tows this junker to Toretto's shop, fulfilling the "10 second car" he owes him. It's a fixer upper, but it's got it where it counts under the hood, and besides, a fixer upper is just what their blossoming bromance calls for.
But O'Conner is still a cop, and he has a job to do. So he goes back to investigating, by illegally busting into the Mexican race team's garage after they place a suspicious parts order. For some reason though, Toretto and his ex BFF catch him in the act and confront him. O'Conner sticks to his story, making up some BS about scouting the competition. Toretto and his ex suspect him of being a cop, so, they test him by breaking in somewhere else with him!
This time, it's the Yakuza. They witness them making the auto parts store owner drink oil and stumble upon a cache of dvd players and other suspicious goods… so for a time, it seems as if Toretto's crew might not actually BE behind the robberies!
Honestyyyyy… is SUCH a lonely word. Everyone is SO untrue. Honestyyyyy… is hardly ever heard… and mostly what I need from you.
It's there, in the garage, that the bromance begins to get serious. Toretto reveals his '70 Dodge Charger. It's a supercharged machine that's technically capable of short-range flight. He also reveals that he and his father built it together… and proceeds to share the story about his father's death. His father was a stock car racer, and as a boy, he watched him crash during a race and burn to death.
It's obviously a vulnerable subject for Toretto, and clearly it takes a lot for him to share it with O'Conner. The undercover cop is gaining his trust.
Happily rubbing that car IS the only proper response to it.
O'Conner continues to make puppy eyes with Dom's sister, but their romance is doomed due to a number of factors.
For no real reason whatsoever, O'Conner and Toretto wind up in a street race against a Ferrari. I'm not complaining, mind you. it's awesome.
Wahhhhhhh, Wahhhhhh, Wahhhhhhhnn…
You can't telllll me it's not worth tryin' for
I can't hellllp it, there's nothin' I want more…
The bromance reaches a fever pitch with the "whatever it is you're in on, I want in on" lunch date. O'Conner confronts Toretto, telling him he knows he has to have something happening on the side to be able to afford all his racing, and he tells him he wants in. Toretto agrees, but makes his admission reliant on race wars. Race well, and O'Conner's in.
Race Wars is a series of drag races out in the middle of nowhere. Apparently, everyone brings their money wrapped in rubber bands for side bets at these things. Dom's girlfriend, Letty wins a heat, but when Jesse, a member of Toretto's crew, loses his car in a race against Zao, the shit really hits the fan. Zao and Toretto throwdown, with Toretto victorious (was there any other outcome possible?). Tensions between the gangs have reached a boiling point.
Toretto bolts after the altercation with Zao, and O'Conner realizes he's off to pull a score. His only hope of catching him is through his sister, Mia. Luckily, he's been stringing her along for just such an occasion. He just comes right out and tells Mia he's a cop (Donnie Brasco he is not), and Mia tearfully turns on her brother. I wonder how Brewster wasn't at least nominated for an Oscar for this role.
Toretto and his crew are indeed after another score. They swap cars out and hit the road, hoping to hit the mother lode. The problem is, the truckers have gotten wise to their heists, and aren't about to give up their hauls without a fight. The driver of the tractor-trailer they've chosen is armed, and ready to shoot any would be hijackers.
That spells bad news for Dom's ex BFF, who's shot trying to board the rig and left dangling off the side of the cab. Toretto pulls up and play the "GIVE ME YOUR HAND!!" card, to no avail. Things look bleak… is the crew about to experience a fatality?
Eventually it's O'Conner, who's used his FBI resources to pinpoint the crew's location and speedily caught up along the highway. He actually jumps onto the side of the cab, frees Toretto's ex BFF and jumps them both safely back to his car.
It's sad, so sad… Why can't we talk it over?
Oh it seems to me… That sorry seems to be the hardest word
The bromance has turned into a full-out lovers spat now however. With the revelation of the fact that O'Conner's a cop, things are at a breaking point, even though O'Conner saved Toretto's ex BFF's life. Instead of having Toretto arrested, like most cops would, O'Conner succumbs to the bromance and goes to Toretto's home, alone.
The two of them draw down on each other, and posture, hostilely, but they're picked a bad time to hash out their relationship issues. Jesse, the crew member who earlier lost his car to Zao and then reneged, pulls up. Unfortunately, the Yakuza sense him… and promptly do a drive by on their bikes.
When Yakuza strike!
Jesse is shot down in the street, and the finale is on. O'Conner goes driving after, kicking in the NOS as the machine guns spray bullets everywhere… The awesomeness is formidable. Techno starts kicking. One Yakuza biker circles off of the road and pulls a jump at O'Conner. To which the only rational thought is %#$& yeah. I dont know that he fully thought that manuever out, but it was pretty sweet anyways. Toretto, who has joined the chase now, runs the biker off the road. Meanwhile, just as Zao is about to get away, O'Conner slams into a skid and turns his car sideways… taking dead aim, he icily shoots him down. It's a technique that's not focused on enough in police training… thankfully, O'Conner's skills were sharp enough to execute it here.
Of course, the primary conflict of the film has yet to be resolved. And there's only one way to settle it… with a race. Toretto and O'Conner meet at the top of a hill, with some train tracks exactly 1/4 mile off. It's agreed. It's on.The light turns green, Toretto's charger rears up, smoke billowing from its tires… they're off.
Wahhhhhhh, Wahhhhhnn, Wahhhhhhhh….
Below, at the finish line, the train is coming. The tracks are live tracks and a freight train is speeding towards the intersection just as O'Connor and Toretto are speeding towards it. That's ok though, Train collisions are for sissys, that's what NOS buttons are for. The charger blows a gear. The speeds at which they're traveling cause slow motion effects, validating Einsteins theory of relativity. Their cars have broken the sound barrier in the pursuit of being the fastest. Neither will back down, neither will give, it has to be determined through sheer speed.
The race is a tie. The two cars crash through the railway crossing bar at exactly the same time, narrowly arriving ahead of the train. But as the two share a bromantic victory look, Toretto hits a truck and flips his car, wrecking the Charger.
The moment of truth is at hand. The cops will be on scene any moment, well, if you don't count O'Conner, who's already there. Toretto is hurt, but not seriously. But his car is undriveable. He'll never get away.
Which is when O'Conner gives him the keys to his car.
If he had said "Vaya con dios, brah" right than I might have had a fatal geek seizure. O'Conner sacrifices his career… risks jail himself… in order to help Toretto get away. It's a fitting climax to the ultimate bromance. The self sacrificial gesture. Things will never be the same for O'Conner again, and Toretto rides off, still on step ahead of the law, still living his life 1/4 mile at a time.
The End.
You know it's true. Everything I do…. I do it for you…
Well. There you have it folks, another installment in my Cheese-Tastic Classics! Hope you enjoyed it! If you liked this one, be sure to check out the others, including "Commando", "Face-Off", "Road House" and "Bloodsport"!


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|Eimi got up and snatched one of my magazines... (courtesy of Megatotoro)
|"Mamá" vs "Papá" C'mon, Eimi!
We were watching some YouTube clips when the computer rebooted and the OS refused to launch. It turns out that there was a power surge and some sectors of the HD fried. Yes, it was my fault because I forgot to replace the old PSU unit.
Luckily, I could reinstall the system to a different partition in less than 20 minutes...that was the Windows partition, but Eimi will not miss that OS, I'm sure :-)