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Edward Friedman, ed. The Politics of Democratization: Generalizing East Asian Experiences. Boulder and Oxford: Westview Press, 1994. xi + 276 pp. $23.95 (paper), ISBN 978-0-8133-2265-0.
Reviewed by Eric Dowling (University of New South Wales)
Published on H-Japan (March, 1998)
This book is one of a series, the editor of which is Mark Selden, whose distinction between "issues of 'pure' versus policy-oriented research" (with his shuddered rejection of the very concept of pure research) may hint at what we are to expect from the present authors. And indeed what they offer is (to quote Jeanne Kirkpatrick) the popular American conviction that "it is possible to democratize governments, any time, anywhere, under any circumstances."[1]
Section I of this review gives a summary survey of selected parts of the work; comment is in Section II.
I: Summary survey
The book's editor, Edward Friedman, takes the lion's share of this book with over sixty pages which aim to give a frame of reference in which to place the other contributors. They are Masanori Nakamura, David Arase, and Yasunobu Sato on Japan (54 pp.); Tun-jen Cheng and Eun Mee Kim, and Heng Lee on Korea (33 pp.); Ming K. Chan on Hong Kong (20 pp.); Hung-mao Tien and Hsin-Huang Michael Hsiao on Taiwan (33 pp.); and Su Shaozhi and Stephen Manning on China (27 pp.).
In his Introduction and "Theoretical Overview" (which has the same title as the book), Friedman seems to conceive democracy as a state in which accountable governments are institutionally and peacefully chosen "without fear" and by "fair rules" to deliver a transparent administration. I think he also regards judiciary independence, due process of law, and "human and civil rights" as of the essence of democracy (p. 3), but since he doesn't clearly distinguish democracy itself from either its pre-conditions (if any) or its outcomes, I may be wrong.
I may be wrong because, in his Introduction, Friedman repeatedly emphasizes that in his view, there are no "unique historical, cultural, and class preconditions" for democracy (p. 4), and there's nothing in Europe or the West that was peculiarly conducive to democracy. What does lead to democracy says Friedman, is politics. Politics themselves, however (the only "preconditions" of democracy) have no preconditions at all; for politics lie in "a contingent realm" (p. 41). "Rather than focusing on inherited historical preconditions," he writes,
the universal political approach of the authors investigate political actions, leadership, alliances, programs, trade-offs, and the like. Democratization is then understood as the building of political institutions, common interests, and new forms of legitimation. Consolidating a democracy requires building political parties and alliances capable of establishing credible national agendas and control of the military, making the security forces accountable to electoral representatives, and crafting a constitutional arrangement ... that will seem fair, open, and in the interests of all major social sectors, including old and new elites. (p. 5)
There's nothing at all distinctive about the West's democratic achievements. Anyone can do it, anywhere, any time: "In contrast to the lesson derived from theories premised on unique historical, cultural and class preconditions that people must wait for democracy ... the lesson from a focus on ordinary politics in Japan or anywhere is that democrats can learn and then act more wisely in the here and now to secure democracy" (p. 4). What is needed for democracy is not "unique preconditions" but "generalizable politics," for "[d]emocracy in the West was not the consequence of a purported culture of Protestant individualist consciences" (p. 7). All of which is illustrated, according to Friedman, by his contributing authors. History has shown that"unique" culture has nothing at all to contribute to democracy: to the contrary, "democratic cultures are the consequences, not the causes, of democratization" (p. 20). Although Friedman nowhere elaborates a definition of democracy, he regards its definition as of such impact that influential and "narrowly self-serving" Eurocentric theorists with their "[h]istorical cultural blinders" have so grievously misdefined democracy as actually to conclude that Japan is not a democracy at all: "[i]n this view that mythologizes the Western experience, democracy means a clash of opposing interests resulting in the voting of 'ins' out of power. Democracy is defined so that Japan is not democratic" (p. 19).
Friedman regards this as misconceived since, by his criteria, Japan is democratic. Those criteria are given on page 21: 1) fair rules, 2) the possibility of peaceful challenge to existing rule, 3) the possibility of eventual compromise between government and opposition. In less than two pages (pp. 22-23) Friedman summarises the U.S.-Japanese reaction to the Cold War to serve as an example of how Japan then "consolidated" its democracy.
If I properly grasp him here, he claims that Japanese democracy was consolidated during that period because (and only because) Japan's socialists succeeded in "preventing Japan from military action on the side of U.S. Cold War policies. The socialists won on this agenda because ... the ruling Yoshida faction and bureaucrats of the powerful Ministry of Finance were willing to forego a global politico-military role for Japan." The resultant compromise, diagnostic of democratic consolidation, was itself the result of the government's "concessions to left-wing challengers" (p. 23), i.e., the result of party politics. Such political compromise in Japan did in fact "reveal a general political pattern for the consolidation of democracy" which, in the case in question, had nothing to do with any cultural or historical disposition to social harmony. It was contemporary politics, not historical culture.
The post-WW II outcome in Japan was a "grand conservative coalition, usually treated by Western analysts as so strange as to be beyond the pale of democratic mores ... " (p. 46). He calls it a coalition, I think, not because the conservatives formed a coalition of parties or factions but rather because, as I understand him, the LDP formed a de facto coalition with the socialists to isolate the extremes of the left and right. There is a hint of a suggestion, on page 47, that Japan's "grand conservative coalition" (an oft-repeated phrase) actually constituted a socialist victory since, had the established middle and upper classes been isolated, they'd have been strong enough to stop any democratic consolidation. (He thinks the same happened in England in and after 1688, and in America's Federalist success.)
Friedman concludes that "[t]o understand democratization, it is useful to abandon a misleading opposition of consensual Asia versus individualistic Europe and to rethink Western experience in terms of generalizable lessons of consensus building" (p. 25).
Briskly moving from Japan in the Cold War to China's history from Confucius to the present day (pp. 24 ff.), Friedman suggests that Deng Xiaoping was much mistaken not to have foreseen that his "1989 suppression of democratic forces" would lose him a place in which "his name and fame would resound happily to Chinese ears for centuries to come" (p. 25). And an equally curt glance at Mencian Confucianism's doctrine of popular support as the only basis for legitimate rule, and Confucius's concept of the educability of everyman, and Daoism's focus of freedom, the Legalists' concept of universal equality before the law, and Mohism on egalitarianism and "the yin-yang school on compromise and dialogue ... [shows that] China seems replete with tendencies favorable to democratization" (pp. 27-8).
Friedman actually says that in the light of the foregoing "[o]ne might expect that Chinese culture [my italics] ... would lead Chinese intellectuals ... to take the lead against ... Leninism"; and, he adds, "[t]hat is precisely what happened in China's 1989 democracy movement" (p. 28). He therefore feels able to conclude that "all [sic] people and all [sic] cultures are alive with a democratic potential."
However, having said that "[a]ny society tends to be rich in multiple possibilities," he immediately and in the next sentence adds that "in actuality, most cultures are largely authoritarian" (p. 31). Whence I infer that his position, if coherent, is a intricate as these words suggest. He repeatedly asserts or implies that democracy is a good thing. It has always been "the simple truth that democracy was humanly attractive and dictatorship inhumanly repellent" (p. 33), and "the universal attractiveness of democracy and human rights" (p. 34) should need no demonstration.
But lest they do, he gives such demonstration, saying that democracy "can appeal to any society because democracy helps bar the evils of a permanent succession crisis that, in despotisms, continually threatens chaos"; it "offers public accountability that can limit ... corruption" and blocks "arbitrary arrest, degrading treatment, internal exile, slaughter,and torture ... Whether the culture values face, pride, or individual dignity, only political freedom can offer a life fit for human beings" (p. 34), for such freedom "is a facilitator of continuous progress." Yet, alas, the universal appeal of these obvious truths was concealed from Marx, Weber, et al., who "slight the East Asian experience that the authors of this volume stress, moral legitimacy, the politics of social equity, and democratic consensus building" (p. 35).
Friedman considers the widely held view that first, since it was individualism in the West which led to its democratic achievements and, secondly, since such individualism is lacking in East Asia, therefore East Asia will have difficulty in developing democracy. He simply denies the two premises, and claims that the observable fact of successful East Asian democracies prompts reassessment:
In the conventional wisdom, democracy in Europe is related to a rise of self-interested individuals. In East Asia, successful democracy is linked to the rise of a patriotic people willing a common, better destiny. But that is how it actually was in the West, too. The East Asian experience calls attention to almost buried Western essentials. Democracy succeeds best when it ends archaic humiliations imposed on a long-suffering people. Even when one looks at the revolutions of 1688, 1776, and 1789, one finds in England, America, and France, as in East Asia, an emerging group solidarity that defined the old despotic system as outmoded, traitorous, and beyond the pale of the true national community. To look back at Western experience with a vision sharpened by East Asian glasses focused on nationalistic identities permits one to see both East and West more clearly ... The East Asian experience thus permits the uncovering and recovering of the West's actual political path to democracy. (p. 36, my italics)
In this connexion he considers Japan (p. 37f.):
National survival required political democracy and social equity ... In Japan, the democratic constitution, social equity, land reform, and legalization of labor unions facilitated a prodemocracy consciousness ... [W]ithin a democratic consensus, conservatives, needing a regular popular mandate, offered the Shinto-Buddhist-Confucian people of Japan a social equity pact that could facilitate national consensus [for] ...[c]ommon identity does [!] matter. Democracy is not easy to consolidate in a nation-state era if there is no shared national identity ... [and] the conventional wisdom that dismisses East Asia because people there are supposedly homogeneous could not be more wrong. It is wrong everywhere because, when closely examined, all constructed national identities are replete with an almost endless diversity of particularisms from histories of conquest, sectarian religious conversions, regional affections, and speech differences ... In the chapters on democratization in Taiwan and Korea the authors correct the error of dismissing East Asia's achievement with the misleading assertion that it is uniquely homogeneous.
That surely is not how the fudatories of Tokugawa Japan conceived each other. A politics replete with regionalisms, particularisms, and conflicting interest is ubiquitous. ... That divisive danger was softened during democratization in Japan, Taiwan, and Korea because of political mobilization against a common threat to all in the nation and because of governmental policies fostering greater equity among diverse social groups. Politics can encourage local communalisms to find a fair stake in a national democratic community, a compacted patriotism" [my italics]
Contrary to the "Occidentalism" of "self-serving" and "blinkered" Eurocentrics that there is something "culturally peculiar about the West," the West is not that different from the East for, as in the East, democracy is also under threat in the West, where
[r]eligious or culturalfundamentalism, racist nativism, and military chauvinism still threaten democracy. As with those French forces backing fascism in the Nazi era, as with the racism that facilitated America's civil war, as with the embrace of local ethnonationalisms against the United Kingdom, political threats to democratic consolidation persist ... The politicization of ethnic, regional, religious, and other cultural identities can challenge democracy anywhere. (pp. 38f, my italics).
Such Eurocentric Occidentalism is also invoked by Orientalist Asian "dictators to legitimate their anti-democratic cause by contending that their people are not yet ready for democracy," as did the old French counter-revolutionary monarchists. Such "super patriots" as " Korean reactionaries, Taiwan militarists, or Mainland Chinese xenophobes" also pretend that democratic movements will cause national disintegration. They claim that Western "individualism" is "hostile to virtually all cultural communities" whereas, in fact, "the actual creation of national culture in the democratizing West was also in conflict with the West's subsequent mythos of rational secular individualism" (p. 40, my italics).
Democracy was first said to be confined to Calvinists, then to all Protestants, then to all Christians:
But by the end of the twentieth century, after lengthy eras of democracy in Hindu-Muslim-Sikh-Buddhist India and Shinto-Buddhist-Confucian Japan and its spread to Confucian East Asians, Muslim Albanians, animistic Pacific Islanders, and Buddhist Mongols, one might think that this diversity would discredit all notions of peculiar cultural, value or socioeconomic prerequisites of democracy (p. 40).
Friedman, however, still allows some connexion between the economy and democracy. While on page 2 he rejects the "conventional wisdom" that "a large middle-class socioeconomic foundation" is a "precondition" of democracy (repeated on p. 12 and 32), he also says that economic growth can "help" democratization (p. 33). And he remarks that "Japan's grand conservative coalition actually has much to teach about ... a linkage of a legitimate polity to economic growth." However, he immediately, on the same page, claims that in Chile and Taiwan "democratization was made possible not by economic growth but by political struggles," and that "[p]olitics ... is not an immediate reflection of some deeper economic reality. Democracy is not determined by economic preconditions" (p. 51).
That last quoted sentence seems contradicted by Masanoru Nakamura on page 70 of his following contribution, "Democratization, Peace, and Development in Occupied Japan." His main concern is with the politics and economics of the Reverse Course and the Dodge Line. He believes that economic "stability and growth could encourage both labor and business to abide by the rules of a democratic political process" (p. 69). And epitomises the relation between politics and economics by saying that
The Japanese experience after the occupation reveals mutual support between democracy and development. The democratization of economic reward was only delayed, not denied. In the era of high-speed economic growth, movements for wage increases, social welfare, and social security policies were institututionalized. In contrast, in the post-oil shock years when economic growth was sluggish, people tended toward conservatism, and the movement for further democratic progress receded. (p. 70, my italics)
That passage, which continues his identification, on page 62, of democracy with "progressivism" and of conservatism with anti-democracy, also continues his claim that there are indeed economic and ideological "mainstays" for political structures (p. 64).
David Arase's chapter, on "Japan's Foreign Policy and Asian Democratization," explores Japan's shift from the "Yoshida doctrine" of "low-cost, low-risk" dependency on America to an independent international influence consistent with its economic power. Japan, "without being selfish or crudely interventionist, can link its resources to the promotion of democracy and human rights in the countries of democratizing Asia ... [but] has not grasped the opportunity to lead Asia toward democracy despite the many gains and modest costs involved, due to domestic factors" (pp. 83 and 96). The reason for this woeful dereliction is obvious to Arase:
The insulated, autonomous bureaucracy serving primarily the interest of the dominant conservative coalition keeps Japan from embracing democracy in foreign policy. This gap can hurt Japan's search for an appropriate set of values that are classically 'political,' that is, having to do with defining those moral and spiritual values that accompany the good life not just for Japanese but for all of humanity" (p. 97).
In this connexion, he is particularly severe on Motofumi Asai's claim that "the true nature of the Tiananmen incident is unclear," since the participants "interpreted democracy as all democrats do, and no one credits the Li Peng government's account of the massacre, of peaceable soldiers responding to violent attacks by hoodlums" (p. 91).
As with Friedman, Arase offers no extended examination of the nature of democracy, or of what he takes democracy to be, although at one point he explicitly recognises the possibility of a different view from that presupposed by Friedman:
... Ardath Burks notes that Japanese democracy 'opts in favour of the individual person rather than for individualism. The person often achieves security in the group. ... To the Japanese, it is the right to belong to a group and to become involved in a demanding but protective world of duties that is the core of human rights.' Equating democracy with individualism may be problematic. Nevertheless, calls for human rights and government accountability are compatible with all Asian systems and portend continued democratic development in ways suitable to these Asian societies" (p. 96, my italics)
Yasunobu Sato's "New directions in Japanese foreign policy ... "considers the Tiananmen incident, Japanese promotion of human rights and democracy in Asia, and ODA. His consideration of these topics is little (if anything) more than a repetition of standard and well-known slightly left of center critics such as Asia Watch, Amnesty International, et al..
I am sorry to ignore the contributions on Hong Kong, Korea, Taiwan and China, but this review is already far too long. Stephen Manning's final contribution, however, merits attention because of its apparent inconsistency with the over-all Friedmanian orientation of the book. Manning does echo Friedman's lamentations about the "Eurocentric" and "self-congratulatory" thesis that "posits democratization as a historically specific phenomenon" etc.
But he then considers "the social and the cultural" conditions (or "preconditions") of democracy (pp. 232-33) and concludes that "[s]ocial pluralism, that is, the existence of a variety of groups that are independent of the state, is conducive to, indeed a crucial precondition for, democratic development ... " (p. 233). He thinks that has been demonstrably so in China so that "the obstacle to democratizing therefore seems to Chinese analysts to be not in economics but in social values. Democracy requires a transvaluation of social values (p. 238)" Such a "shift in mind-set is perhaps a first and necessary step in the eventual emergence of a genuine civil society (loc. cit.)."
The same, however, cannot be said for that beteist of the bete noir, culture, where he centers on the Beast with seven heads and ten horns, the apocalyptic Huntington, whom he rebuts by appeal to Barrington Moore et al.
In his conclusion he briefly mentions "six additional explanatory variables [which] together can comprise a composite theory of democratization." They are foreign relations, economic development, economic growth-rate, income distribution, international debt, and the economic system type. "Of these eight environment variables," he writes, "only two--a market-oriented economic system and an independent and autonomous civil society--correlate strongly with a democratic transition" (p. 243). Politics is in the drivers seat but "[t]his is not to urge unidimensionality, and ignore other, non-political variables" (p. 244)--all of which seems inconsistent with Friedman.
Section II: Comment
I think most political theorists distinguish, albeit intuitively, between matters of political fact on the one hand and, on the other, concepts used in the description of those facts; between empirical political science and political philosophy. It's often hard to decide where one ends and the other begins but, at least ideally, the distinction (even when made only to be rejected) is tolerably familiar.
I think it's also fair to claim that there is a large class of terms, of which "democracy" is one, which are essentially ambiguous, or contestable. However, lest I be seen as idiosyncratically question-begging, let me quote A.W. Sparkes's Talking Politics: A Wordbook:
It is not news that the words 'democracy', 'democratic', 'democrat' are both ambiguous and vague, that they have 'emotive force' and all the rest of it. As Hobbes might say, many apply the word 'democratic' to any socio-political thing liked, merely because they like it ... What is undemocratic is the socio-political misliked" (p. 148)
"This kind of talk," claims Sparkes, "has nothing to recommend it" which, if not new, seems (if one might venture) true.
I am therefore bound to note as a massive weakness of these essays the failure to grasp what Sparkes thought to be elementary. Thus we find Arase saying that the Tiananmen participants "interpreted democracy as all democrats do" (p. 91). All democrats interpret democracy the same way? I'd not have thought it needed a Sparkes to tell us the assumption is indefensible. But there it is.
While Arase's remark is the locus classicus of this weakness, the same weakness does rather run through the whole book, and I'll concentrate my attention on it.
Human Rights
Nothing in this book would suggest that it's perfectly well-known that the concept of "natural rights" (the old-fashioned term for "human rights") was rejected by Burke, Hume, Hegel, Bentham, Mill, Marx and (by implication) Austin and Wittgenstein. Bentham, it is notorious, dismissed the concept as "nonsense." These philosophers may have been mistaken (for some sort of "transcendental deduction" may be conceivable) but it seems reckless to develop a whole argument as though they'd never spoken. And that seems even less defensible when, as I believe, virtually everything that most believers in human rights want to claim can equally be claimed without any reference whatever to these fictions. The only loss (I assume) will be that of a spurious sanction, for it may sound grander (to the uncritical), more persuasive (to the many) to say "everybody has a human right to liberty" than to say "I, Eric Dowling, would like everybody to be free if that were possible."
While its not in place here to argue the case against the concept of human rights, it is in order to suggest that it not be taken for granted in the way that these authors have, particularly since they use the term so extensively in their references to other central concepts, like democracy.
Friedman's enthusiasm for the virtues of democracy, its "simple truth" and "universal attractiveness," (obvious to everyone of sound mind and honest disposition) is reminiscent of the earlier Western enthusiasm for the virtues of Christianity, similarly obvious and ready for export to the benighted heathen. And when Asian leaders fail to share that enthusiasm they are traduced as dishonestly seeking to "legitimate their anti-democratic cause" etc. But I can't see that this enthusiasm for democracy is any less "Eurocentric" than Christianity was, nor any more obvious in its virtues. Friedman seems to assume that it is perfectly obvious that the future could hold nothing better than democracy. He may, however, be mistaken: it's not impossible. Enthusiasm is no substitute for analysis and demonstration.
Neither is it obvious that the concept of "Asian values" is, for all its confusion, wholly without merit. Friedman speaks of "the error of ... the misleading assertion that it [East Asia] is uniquely homogeneous. That surely is not how the fudatories of Tokugawa Japan conceived each other. A politics replete with regionalisms, particularisms, and conflicting interest is ubiquitous." All of which seems to me a gross over-simplification, unfortunately very common and thoroughly confusing.
Here I may refer to a discussion in The Dead Fukuzawa Society between T.J. Pempel and Brian McVeigh on 27 and 28 May 1997 on the topic of "homogenized Japan," in which McVeigh pushed the Friedman line. Pempel simply invited comparison of Japan with Switzerland (on cultural homogeneity), U.S. (on ethnic sub-grouping), Australia (on immigrant sub-grouping) and concluded a longish rejoinder by inviting McVeigh to "compare the various public opinion surveys done among citizens of the OECD; Japanese almost invariably come up with far less deviation from the national mean than do most other countries ... Do Japanese differ on their answers? Sure; but far less than the Americans, the Italians, or Belgians. You want to stress, it seems, that 'Japanese differ from on another.' I don't disagree; I suggest that these differences are, generally, far less than in numerous other countries." While it does seem to me that Pempel is right and Friedman and McVeigh are wrong, what is even more obvious is that what Friedman takes to be obvious is obviously not obvious.
To come to Arase's remark, quoted above, that Ardath Burks noted that for the Japanese "The person often achieves security in the group. ... To the Japanese, it is the right to belong to a group and to become involved in a demanding but protective world of duties that is the core of human rights." (Rikki Kersten elaborates a little on this in her Democracy in Post-war Japan: Maruyama Masao and the Search for Autonomy, p. 213.) Arase agrees with Kersten when he comments that [e]quating democracy with individualism may be problematic, and his unease is understandable, since he thinks that all democrats interpret democracy the same way.
It is therefore most unfortunate that Arase and Friedman failed to see the full significance of Burks's remarks, not merely for their understanding of Japanese politics, but also for their understanding of the concepts of democracy and consensus.
Finally, I should note that Friedman's concept of democracy as essentially incorporating "fair rules" is not all that obviously consistent with his belief that Japan is a democracy. For it hasn't seemed that obvious to the many critics who have noted its judiciary as typically refusing to accept the most obvious of "implied" rights (when claimed against the state), as preferring (unlike the democratic High Court of Australia) to leave legislation to the democratically elected legislators. Which rather suggests that the conceptual analysis of "democracy" is more complex than these authors have presupposed.
[1]. See Selden's introduction to a symposium "Asia, Asian Studies, and the National Security State" in The Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars, Jan.-March 1997 and Jeanne Kirkpatrick, as quoted by D. K. Mauzy in "The human rights and Asian values debate in Southeast Asia ... ," Pacific Rev., 10:2, 1997, p. 214.
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Eric Dowling. Review of Friedman, Edward, ed., The Politics of Democratization: Generalizing East Asian Experiences.
H-Japan, H-Net Reviews.
March, 1998.
URL: http://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=1868
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JOHNSON CITY, Tenn. (Oct. 19, 2007) - The ETSU women's soccer team fell to the Mercer Bears, 1-0 on Friday afternoon at Summers-Taylor Stadium. The Bucs fall to 6-5-3 overall and 2-4-1 in the A-Sun, while the Bears improve to 8-5-1, 6-1-0.
During the first half the Bucs and Bears battled for the early lead while ETSU outshot the Bears, 7-1, including a shot on goal by Katie Green (Knoxville, Tenn.) that was deflected at the goal line by Mercer's Raschelle Riley, but remained in a 0-0 deadlock going into halftime.
In the second period both teams continued to battle it out but were unable to convert to force the match into overtime.
Three minutes into the first overtime period an ETSU defender accidentally scored an own goal for the Bears to end the match.
Green led the Bucs offensively with five shots on the night, while newcomer Morgan Jutras (Colleyville, Texas) contributed three. The Bucs outshot Mercer 10-4 and earned five corner kicks to Mercer's three. Rachel Van Horn (Thousand Oaks, Calif.) was in goal for the Bucs making two saves on the night.
"It was a very good game in the field but we just weren't able to convert on a lot of opportunities. Mercer really came in wanting to solidify their second place standing in the conference rankings," said head coach Heather Henson. "Mercer's keeper is outstanding and made some great saves. We were just unlucky with what happened at the end."
The Bucs will be back in action on Sunday as they host league-leading Kennesaw State in the A-Sun Game of the Week. The match is set to begin at 2 p.m. at Summers-Taylor Stadium.

subset: commoncrawl


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cleanPathRel :: ByteString -> ([String] -> Request -> IO Response) -> Request -> IO ResponseSource
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splitPath :: ByteString -> Either ByteString [String]Source
Given a certain requested path, return either a corrected path to redirect to or the tokenized path.
This code corrects for the following issues:
- It is missing a trailing slash, and there is no period after the last slash.
- There are any doubled slashes.


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I received an email several days ago asking about the bastard brother in the Priest talent trees. Er, I mean the Discpline Priest. By Discipline Priest, I mean 41 points.
Matticus – I'm known as Hawk 99% of the time, but on my off days I join the ranks as Farrow, a now lvl 53 Belf priestess. I haven't noticed many Discipline priests my level…ever actually. I love it though. I spec'd far into it and am finally starting to go into the holy tree and will put my remaining points there until I'm 70. I was wondering though – is discipline just not a comment way for priests to roll? I was heavy into Holy for a long time but like to solo…discipline enables me to do that easier. I just don't have it in me to be shadow. Don't ask me why! I did try it! (dont knock it til you try it)
What is your take on discipline priests? Am I doomed in this spec even though I enjoy it?
Matt's Note: Hawk also has her own blog which I won't hesitate to shamelessly plug because I enjoy reading it.
The truth is, until recently, Discipline Priests had no business being in a Raid. One of the recent patches changed that when it was announced that Pain Suppression could now be cast upon any member ony our party.
You don't have to be a Gnomish Engineer to figure out what that means.
My History
When I was a wee little Dwarf Priest, I leveled from 1-60 as Holy/Disc. In my case, I had no problems at all getting the experience I needed. When TBC came out, I specced completely in Disc so I could get to 70 in a manageable way. I've had no experience playing Shadow.
My secret? The server I leveled on was brand new
What Hawk is ding is leveling as Discipline. I wholeheartedly commend her for doing that. The Discipline tree requires… well, discipline to play. You get a ton of stats and your survivability is almost as notorious as a Warlock. I don't see any problems leveling as Discipline because that's what I did. Granted, you may not kill as fast as our dark, shadow brethren. But at least you can live.
Raiding as a Discipline Priest
As Healing
Just like in hockey, players in a team have to remain aware of what their roles are and what's being asked of them to do. You don't ask a shadow priest to heal your tanks. You don't ask a resto druid to light up wrath and starfire.
I've spoken with several friends and colleagues in the game about Discipline Priests could be slated for. In raiding, you play 1 of 3 possible roles:
- Tanking
- Healing
- Beating the crap out of the boss
Pwyff, a blogger on Gameriot (and friend), sees Discipline Priests as "fantastic panic healers". True Disc Priests must have Brodeur like reflexes and can bail out your healers if crap hits the proverbial fan.
In other words, like Luongo (or Jesus), Discipline Priests save.
But herein lies the 5200 G question:
If you consistently rely on a Disc Priest to save your healers, what kind of healers are you bringing to a raid? Disc Priests are an excellent crutch and support class to have in a raid, but I think their presence isn't necessary if you already have outstanding healers. Sure they can Power Infuse your best casters every few minutes at a time. Other than that and Pain Suppression, there isn't much else.
Disc Priests cannot match the healing output of a Holy Priest, period. If you think otherwise, I expect several WWS reports as evidence.
As DPS
Don't even think about it. You're competing with Mages, Warlocks, Shadow Priests, and Boomkins for cloth gear.
PvPing as Discipline
As a healer
I've PvP'ed with my Shaman both against and alongside Discipline Priests
Nothing pisses me off more than seeing a player with that Pain Suppression blue glow around them. I end up spending precious time spamming Purge instead of Lesser Healing Wave, or Shocks offensively.
Nothing gives me greater pleasure than seeing that blue glow around me when I'm at 10% after popping Battlemaster's Perseverance and a Fel Blossom to stay alive because I'm being focus fired.
They're a pain in the butt to take down, especially with those stat bonuses. Then they sit behind one of those pillars in Nagrand spamming Mass Dispel, Mana Burn, and Power Infusion.
As DPS
No. It does't seem to fit with pre-existing arena team setups. By DPS, I mean a Priest who actively Smites/Mana Burns and the like. I think they're a reactive class. They cannot ever replace actual DPS like a Warlock or a Mage. If you think I'm wrong otherwise, I invite you to show me. But please do not give me theories or opinions. I do not want to know the maximum amount of DPS a Disc Priest can do under ideal conditions when his opponents are CC'd and there is nothing he's doing other than spamming. Discussing theory is like discussing experiments in lab conditions. As a student, I know lab conditions do not equate to real life situations. The same should be held true of WoW.
Again, the only thing I know of offensively is Power Infusion, Mana Burn, and Mass Dispels. Healing and DPSing roles aren't that far off from one another.
I know somewhere in here I've pissed off many readers. Good! Because anger breeds reaction and discussion. I want to know your experiences and thoughts about Discipline Priests. Specifically, I want to know from readers who are:
- Priests who raid as Disc
- Priests who PvP as Disc
- GM's who have Disc Priest raiders (and why)
- Guildmates of Disc Priests
- Anyone who has ever been in contact with a Disc Priest in any way shape or form (playing alongside or against
Over the next few days, I hope to compile the most insightful comments into a future blog post about what other players think about Discipline Priests. I want to get some community feedback and start involving more. I'm hoping for some feedback from GMW, Kirk, Ego, Kestrel, Karthis, Phaelia, Megan, and Galadria/Vladvin others that I've no doubt forgotten due to lack of memory.
Who knows? Perhaps Discipline Priests will earn the respect and prestige that Protection Paladins now have. After all, 10 months ago we were laughing at the idea of a Prot Pally. Now we beg them to come tank our runs.


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Friday, January 21, 2011
Posted by Doe Cheese at 6:36 PM 0 comments
Pure Gold
Largest bottle of champagne in the world, Ace of Spades.
Effn amazzzinnnngg!
But umm who the hell is gona pay $100,000 for that......
Posted by Doe Cheese at 6:32 PM 0 comments
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Taking on debt is always a leap of faith, no matter your age. But taking on debt when you are older should be handled even more carefully.
Similar to retirement investing advice, in general, the younger you are, the more risk you can take. You simply have more time to recover from any downturns.
Good Debt vs. Bad Debt
Discussion of debt is often broken into two kinds — good and bad. Bad debt carries high interest and goes to buy things that usually don't have the ability to bring a return. Also, it is most often used to buy things that you don't need and can't really afford. Think about things like credit card debt taken on to go on a clothing shopping spree.
Good debt is usually something that you can't pay for in cash all at once but that will pay off in some way and has lower interest. Some examples of good debt can be taking out a mortgage or a student loan, if you can afford the monthly payments.
Retirement & Home Loans
While many people aspire to pay off their mortgages before retirement, the financial reality has more and more heading into old age still making monthly payments. If you have already paid off a mortgage and are looking to move, before taking on a new home loan there are a few things to consider. Many of the same factors apply no matter what age you are — how long you plan to stay in the area, whether you can afford the down payment, what the taxes will be, how the monthly payment fits into your budget, etc.
When applying for a 30-year loan later in life, you may be looking at a reality where you will be passing that home (and the loan) onto your heirs when you die. You might need to consider life insurance policies that will cover the cost, so you aren't passing on a burden. This is especially true if you are retired and no longer covered by an employer's life insurance policy.
You may determine that you don't require as big or as expensive a house in retirement. You may also have less flexibility in your budget because of a fixed income. If you still have a mortgage, you may consider downsizing to a less expensive home. If you've built up enough equity in your current home, you might even be able to sell and buy a cheaper home so you can live mortgage-free.
Middle Age & Student Loans
A career change in your 30s, 40s, 50s or beyond may require some additional education. There are certainly lots of factors that go into deciding to go back to school. But with the high cost of education, finances cannot be ignored. Even if you have the cash on hand to pay for that degree, it's a good idea to consider if this is the best use of that money. And if you will be taking out student loans, it's even more important to think about what return that degree will offer and whether it is really makes sense to go back to school.
Things to consider include what the monthly student loan payment will be, what job prospects will open up for you, how your salary potential will increase, etc. Then, of course, there are the more intangible things to take into account — how much you will enjoy it and how important expanding your knowledge is to you. Then there are other alternatives to look into — like auditing classes instead of getting a degree. Some schools have programs where senior citizens can audit classes for lower fees or even for free. It's wise to consider all of your options.
Before taking on any debt, it's important to make sure your credit score is in good shape so you can get the best interest rates possible. You can see two of your credit scores every month for free on Credit.com.
More Money-Saving Reads:
Image: iStock


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IBM has released a video overview of its new "data center family" of modular data center building blocks, which includes a 5,000-square-foot module for enterprise customers, and data center container products in both 20-foot and 40-foot shipping containers. This clip runs about 2 minutes, and provides footage of the containers, including a brief glimpse of the interior design.
For more about IBM and its modular data centers, see our IBM Channel. For additional video, check out our DCK video archive and the Data Center Videos channel on YouTube.


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One of the most entertaining chefs at ARY Zauq, Chef Saadat is a multi-faceted individual who also works closely with multinational brands such as Unilever. Despite an extraordinary and energetic professional lifestyle, he still manages to find time.
There are so many different ways to prepare our food, and often new gadgets are to be found that help in the preparation and cooking. Today, the emphasis is very much on healthy eating, not everything has to be swimming in unhealthy oil and fried. KhanaPakana.com offers an easy way for you to filter desired recipes and videos based on cooking methods and techniques. To follow are Slow Cook or Crockpot technique used in some of the different ways of food preparation. New recipes and videos based on cooking methods and techniques are added on daily basis, so check back regularly for the latest!
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Welcome to North Eastern California, a beautiful, pristine area filled with mountains, valleys, juniper forests, canyons and pristine Eagle Lake. In addition, Lassen County is an outdoor paradise, where the beautiful Sierra Nevada and Cascade mountains meet the desert of the Great Basin. Because of...40 Acres : $26,995
Beautiful Ravendale Ranch 57
Ravendale : Lassen County : CA
Classic Country Land, LLC


text: Notary Bulletin RSS Legal Professionals Improve Your Career And Income Helping Immigrants Complete USCIS Forms By NNA Staff on May 11, 2016 - Latinos Unidos Event will host an immigration documents training seminar on May 21 and 22 in Las Vegas. Register today.Read full articleBecoming A Paralegal (Infographic) By David Thun on March 19, 2014 - If you're a Notary who's ever been interested in working as a paralegal, the following infographic from George Washington University provides a helpful overview of a paralegal's duties, salary, training, and job prospects.Read full articleRobo Signing Fallout Continues To Hit Legal, Financial Industries By NNA Staff on April 24, 2013 - The ripple effect of the foreclosure crisis continues to impact the legal and financial industries, with a number of companies and once-major law firms now facing severe sanctions, or, in some cases, being forced to shut down their doors completely.Read full articleRobo-Signing In Your Workplace By NNA Staff on April 24, 2013 - While the mortgage industry has cracked down on "robo-signing" involving foreclosure documents, accusations of unethical document signings and notarizations continue to impact law firms and other businesses.Read full article3 Rules For Notaries Giving An Oath To A Signer By NNA Staff on January 25, 2013 - Administering an oath or affirmation is a serious part of the notarial process, and it's important for you and the person taking the oath or affirmation to act properly during the process. Here are some etiquette tips to follow while performing this notarial act.Read full articleABA President Warns Young Immigrants Against Notarios By NNA Staff on January 25, 2013 - The American Bar Association's (ABA) top official recently issued a warning about "Notarios" who may try to take advantage of young immigrants following the launch of the federal government's Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program, which allows certain undocumented residents brought to the U.S. as children to avoid deportation.Read full articleThe Notary's Role In Depositions By NNA Staff on October 10, 2012 - Depositions play an essential role in many legal proceedings and typically require the participation of an official who can administer oaths and affirmations, such as a Notary. But some states also permit Notaries expanded roles in the preparation of depositions. Before accepting any notarial request involving a deposition, however, it's essential to make sure you have both the necessary skills and the legal authorization to proceed.Read full articleThousands Of Mortgage Fraud Complaints Filed Against Attorneys By NNA Staff on October 10, 2012 - A "huge" number of mortgage fraud-related complaints are being filed against attorneys and law firms, according to the American Bar Association. And many of these complaints involved "loan modification" scams that actively try to recruit Notaries for illegal activities, a California State Bar spokesperson warned.Read full articleWhy Legal Professionals Must Take The Notary Stamp Seriously By By Michael Closen on September 11, 2012 - We sometimes forget that our seals of office serve a significant purpose. The seal is such a key feature of notarization that the Notary Public Code of Professional Responsibility specifically addresses it, as follows: "The Notary shall affix a seal on every notarized document and not allow this universally recognized symbol of office to be used by another or in an endorsement or promotion." This ethical obligation applies to all Notaries, even those in states that do not at present statutorily require their Notaries to affix seal impressions on documents, for several reasons.Read full articleLegal Professionals Section Advisor: Malcolm Morris By David Thun on August 23, 2012 - Malcolm Morris is a Professor Emeritus at the Northern Illinois University College of Law and a recognized expert on notarial laws and statutes.Read full article1234567


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Senior Member
A new link has been posted under "legal forums and blogs". For anyone with an interest in trust law, this is a great resource "Matter of Trust"
Paddy Sweeney's plans for expansion into the North Island were punctured in the Christchurch High Court this week.
Justice Warwick Gendall disallowed a plea to again adjourn the liquidation petition against West Coat Brewery.
West Coat Brewery is a subsidiary of Westcoast Brewing, also owner of West Coast Bar & Grill in Christchurch, which is unaffected.
The liquidators continue to trade the brewery, which supplies the Christchurch outlet and other customers.
In Escoigne Properties Ltd v Inland Revenue Commissioners [1958] AC 549 Lord Denning said at pp 566:
"Thus one of the best ways, I find, of understanding a statute is to take some specific which, by common consent, are intended to be covered by it. I can say at once: "Yes, that is the sort ofthing Parliament intended to "cover". The reason is not far to seek. When the draftsman is drawing the Act, he has in mind particular instances which he wishes to cover. He frames aformula


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SUNY Canton Welcomes CSTEP Program
SUNY Canton has received a grant that will greatly impact students interested in pursuing science, math, technology and health-related fields.
The $150,000 grant from the New York State Education Department was awarded to the College in order to start the Collegiate Science and Technology Entry Program (CSTEP) on campus. SUNY Canton joins 48 other colleges and universities throughout New York State that have the program as an additional resource for students.
"CSTEP's success has been proven since its inception 25 years ago as students involved with the program have gone on to be highly successful in their career paths of choice," said SUNY Canton President Joseph L. Kennedy. "We look forward to seeing our students continue to excel in the classroom while increasing their networking and career-advancement opportunities through this program."
CSTEP is a scholars program designed to prepare minority and economically-disadvantaged students for careers in scientific, technical, engineering, mathematical, health-related and licenses professions. The program emphasizes academic preparation and achievement as well as career awareness. Eligible students must be in good academic standing, enrolled full-time in an undergraduate program at the College, and a New York State resident.
The program is free for students since costs are covered by the Education Department and SUNY Canton. Students in the program must maintain a grade-point average (GPA) of 2.0 or above, meet with a CSTEP administrative member monthly, and attend and participate in at least one CSTEP or related event per semester.
"Having CSTEP will not only allow these students to be more successful, but it will also make SUNY Canton more successful," said Stacia R. Dutton, program director. "When we invite speakers and presenters to campus, other students not involved with the program will be able to take advantage of those opportunities."
Dutton is in the process of meeting with interested students who will begin their work with CSTEP at the beginning of the Spring 2012 semester. The program only has 75 slots available.
"There are so many benefits to being a part of this program and I think we'll have a lot of students interesting in working with us," she said. "The grant helps us fund trips for students to do tours of businesses, attend conferences across the state, hold and host workshops, use money to buy laptops, eBooks and textbooks. We'll be able to offer stipends for internships and research opportunities as well as hire them as tutors here on campus."
The grant will also cover the costs of licensing fees, graduate school exam preparation costs and admission application fees.
Dutton noted another goal is to build a community among the students through a variety of social activities.
"We'll be taking part in a symposium in February that includes all CSTEP students from the Associated Colleges, and that will be a great way for our students to continue to network," she said.
For more information, contact Dutton at 315-379-3804 or firstname.lastname@example.com. Letters of interest can also be sent to Stacia R. Dutton, CSTEP Director, 34 Cornell Dr., Nevaldine North 105, Canton, N.Y. 13617.
Media inquiries should be directed to Gregory Kie, Media Relations Manager, or call 315/386-7527.
Tags: CSTEP, Joseph Kennedy, NYS Department of Education, Stacia Dutton


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The new 2012 Zeeko bar introdiuces the UDS depower system, no clamcleat no depower straps, how does the depower system work?
watch the video : click here
that's the futur
Have a look at this Joe,( min 1:33):I like the concept but I will never use one. I'm short and I would never be able to reach the trim system or bar if it went all the way out. I'll stick to my clam cleats and above bar trim. Nice to see something different though.
The point is having a clean, above-the-bar depower system with no dangling depower rope. I don't know about you, but personally I have several times had a dangling depower rope twist itself around the lines, sometimes actually tying itself into a knot around the center lines. That can make it take longer to adjust the depower (because you first have to sort out the depower line mess), and in a worst-case scenario I think it could actually disable your ability to release to safety. Also, on two occasions I've had a dangling depower rope twist itself around a bar-end - not a nice situation.dyyylan wrote:I don't really see the point in this
I think this is a valid concern... It appears that for every inch that you effectively shorten the front lines by pulling on the the adjuster, you would have to pull the bar towards you by more than one inch, thereby actually temporarily powering the kite up more (until you stop pulling on the adjuster and can push your bar away again). That is obviously not ideal.kitecomedy wrote:What if for example I'm full powered - a gust hits me and Ì'm going to be overpowered. I have sheeted the Bar out for minimum power - but to get less power with the adjuster - I have to Sheet the Bar IN Again (creating more power in this moment)?
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After heroics in Buffalo on Saturday night garnered them two huge points, the Washington Capitals turned right around on Sunday night and blew a late two goal lead to the Flyers and ended up losing in overtime, 5-4, in Philadelphia.
It was a gut wrenching defeat given that the tying tally came with 10 seconds left after the Caps were called for an iffy icing call. Nonetheless, Washington failed to win a late defensive zone draw and Philadelphia's Kimmo Timonen bombed one in through traffic before Ruslan Fedotenko won it in overtime on a Caps defensive breakdown.
Defensive breakdown. Those are two big words for this Capitals team and it has been something that has plagued them all season long. No matter how good things are going or if they have the momentum, they somehow seem to find a way to make a mistake in their own end that allows the puck to eventually end up in the back of their own net. It is a maddening event that continues to occur with this 2013 Caps club.
You can call it bad luck, but I label it lack of attention to detail. This Caps team did a good job of learning to play in their own side of the rink last season under coach Dale Hunter, but somewhere along the way in their quest for more offense under Coach Adam Oates they've lost that ability this season. Maybe it's the departures of a solid two way player in Alex Semin and Dennis Wideman on the back end, but whatever the case, this team seems to have forgotten how to cover their opponents inside their own blue line? And doing that leads to bad results in hockey, for the most part, thus the 16-17-2 record Washington now posseses with just 13 games remaining.
What is even more discouraging is that this poor defensive zone play isn't coming against the better clubs in the league. In their last four games the Caps have no regulation wins against Eastern Conference squads that are in the bottom eight of the conference in the Rangers, the Islanders, the Sabres, and Philadelphia. This at a time when Washington is trying to put together a late surge to make it into the post season.
It is frustrating because at times this Capitals team really looks good, poised to click and go on a run. After a clean hit by Steve Oleksy on Claude Giroux resulted in the Flyers Jakub Voracek acting like an idiot and jumping #61, the Caps received a four minute power play early in period three. Despite struggling on their first four power plays of the game, including a nearly full two minute five on three, the Caps finally made Philadelphia pay for its thuggery and buffoonery by scoring two times (Marcus Johansson and Alex Ovechkin) to take what appeared to be a commanding 4-2 lead. Even though there were still 13 minutes left, it should have been game over.
But Washington couldn't close, they failed on another power play attempt and then Troy Brouwer took a bad penalty. Giroux scored on the power play and the Caps were on their heels most of the last seven minutes before the dam finally gave way.
It was a crushing loss on a night they should have had two points, yet they pick up only one.
What makes it even worse is it came against the hated Flyers, and that does not make Capitals fans feel good at all.
Notes: Washington's last game before Wednesday's trade deadline is Tuesday in Carolina. The Caps need to win that game if they want to win the division and make the playoffs…Defensemen Jeff Schultz played for the second straight game while Dmitry Orlov curiously sat in back to back tilts…the Caps won the faceoff battle, 32-25 with Jay Beagle going 6-0. Unfortunately due to the apparently erroneous icing call, Oates couldn't put Beagle on for the critical late draw that the Caps lost just before the tying tally…Ovechkin now has points in eight straight games and he has 18 goals in 35 games, putting him at a 40+ goal pace in a normal season…the Capitals were 2 for 7 on the power play while the Flyers went 1 for 4.


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Italian Meatballs & Cavatappi
With record-breaking snowstorms back east, and some 35ºF mornings here…I've been in the mood for comfort food. Spaghetti and meatballs has not been a go-to meal for me…probably because I don't like spaghetti. This, in and of itself seems silly…since pasta is pasta…but shapes make a rather large difference.
My problems with spaghetti start with the messy factor…I would like the sauce in my mouth and not splattered on my chin. Also…I think the pasta shape should mirror the shape of whatever else is in the dish…and meatballs do not look like spaghetti. Then there's the fork issue…it seems like eating spaghetti with a fork should come with instructions like using chopsticks in a japanese restaurant – step 1: take a deep breath and prepare to stab your fork into the pile of innocent long thin noodles; step 2: Twist fork in circles with tines braced against the bottom of the dish until an appropriate bite-size amount of noodles are twirled around; step 3: Lift fork without noodles sliding, falling or unraveling off of the fork and insert into mouth; step 4: chew spaghetti and meatball bite and savor each delicious morsel…oh wait…you forgot the meatball. See? It's complicated.
Let me simplify. Don't use spaghetti when you are making spaghetti and meatballs!
I based this recipe loosely on Ina Garten's Real Meatballs & Spaghetti from her Family Style cookbook. I halved the recipe for the meatballs as I only had 1 lb. of ground beef in the house, but made the full recipe for the sauce. I deem it a very successful recipe and know that it will become a favorite! (just my humble opinion) 🙂
Italian Meatballs & Cavatappi
Makes 10 golf-ball-size meatballs
For the meatballs:
1 pound ground beef
2/3 cup panko breadcrumbs
2 tbsp. dry bread crumbs
1 tbsp. chopped fresh flat-leaf parsley
¼ cup freshly grated Parmesan cheese
1½-2 tbsp of whole milk
¼ cup of minced onion
1 large clove of garlic, minced
1 heavy tsp. of ketchup
1 tsp. kosher salt
½ tsp. freshly ground black pepper
1 pinch ground nutmeg
1 large egg, beaten
¼ cup of warm water
Vegetable oil
Olive oil
For the sauce:
1 tablespoon good olive oil
½ cup chopped onion
1 large shallot, chopped
1½ tsp. minced garlic
½ cup good red wine, such as Chianti
1 (28-ounce) can crushed tomatoes, or plum tomatoes in puree, chopped
1 tbsp. chopped fresh flat-leaf parsley
1 tsp. of dried Italian herbs (like Penzey's)
dash of Worcestershire sauce
1 1/2 tsps. kosher salt
1/2 tsp. freshly ground black pepper
Preheat the oven to 400° F.
Put the beef, breadcrumbs, parsley, parmesan, onion, garlic, ketchup into a bowl together. Beat the egg and add the 1/4 cup of water and beat together a bit more.
Pour the egg/water mixture over the top of the beef et al., and mix together with your hands. Mix gently and not for very long. Overworking the mixture will cause the meatballs to be tough. Once I get a sense of the consistency of the meat mixture, here's where I decide how much of the milk I will add. I used about 2 tablespoons of whole milk. It's a judgement call…not enough moisture or fat…and the meatballs will be dry…too much and they can fall apart or end up spongy. Roll the mixture into balls…size is up to you…I went with golf-ball size…assuming two meatballs per person for portion size.
Heat olive and vegetable oil together in a pan on the stove top and place the meatballs in gently, making sure to not crowd them. It's better to cook them in batches than to squeeze them all in. You want the meatballs to brown, not to steam.
Place the pan in the 400° oven for 25 minutes (less if they are smaller). After 25 minutes, pull them out and give each meatball a turn, turn the oven up to 450° and then put them back in to brown a bit more for about 5 minutes.
Once browned, remove them from the pan and set aside. Place the pan back on a burner…being highly aware that the pan is hotter than the sun…so don't touch the handle! I like to rest a hotpad on the handle as a reminder since I have a (small) history of burning myself when I ought to know better!
Now that you've got your pan back on the heat, pour in the tablespoon of olive oil and heat a bit before adding the chopped shallot and onion. Cook until the onion and shallot are translucent, probably about 5 minutes.
Add in the minced garlic and cook for another minute or so. While the onions were sautéing, I prepped my tomatoes. I had a can of whole peeled tomatoes and I wanted them chopped…so I pull them out, gave them a rough chop, making sure not to lose any of their juice and put them back in the can, ready for use.
Next pour in the wine and deglaze the pan, making sure to scrape up all the delicious bits stuck on the pan from the meatballs and the onions.
Now it's time to add the tomatoes and all of their liquid.
And it's also time to add in the parsley, italian seasoning, salt and pepper and the dash of Worcestershire sauce.
Let the sauce come together for 10 minutes or so, before adding the meatballs back in and cooking for another 10-20 minutes. The timing really depends on how quickly you want dinner on the table…as long as the meatballs are cooked through and warmed back up…you are good to go!
Serve over freshly cooked al dente cavatappi (we used De Cecco brand) and top with a sprinkling of fresh grated parmesan and some minced parsley. This goes amazingly well with a buttery slice of garlic bread! Just saying!
Buon Appetito!
(but seriously…am I alone in my lack of love for spaghetti…?)


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SIDI Arcadia Tex
SIDI Arcadia Tex
Product Description
New for 2017, A Sidi Design Series (S.D.S.) shoe, the Arcadia Tex was created by Sidi's engineering/design team and is produced by outside suppliers.
Rugged work boot look.
Upper is constructed of a combination of double stitched leather, suede and Cordura panels.
Internally padded to the top of the shoe for max comfort.
Vented polyester lining.
Non slip rubber lug sole.
Internal outer ankle protective caps.
Reinforced internal heel and toe areas.
The Arcadia Tex features two different entry/egress systems. The rider can choose between the lace-up closure with steel Sidi eyelets or the zip closure with a Hook and Loop Closure flap at the top.
Plush anti vibration system inner sole.
Removable arch support pad.
Double stitched leather shift pad.
Rear of boot reflective pull tab.


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Archaeological Dig Aims to Unearth Artifacts from Minshall Laboratory
June 14, 2012
"Without an Indiana Jones fur fedora anywhere in sight, sunbonnets, caps and floppy hats had to suffice this week as an archaeological dig commenced on the DePauw University campus," writes Eric Bernsee in today's Banner-Graphic. An article details efforts now under way "to excavate the site of the old Minshall Lab building. Minshall had stood west of the Union Building along the north side of Hanna Street from 1902 until it was razed in 1973 with the opening of the Julian Science and Math Center a stone's throw to the southwest." (photo, l,r: Professors Rebecca Schindler and Pedar Foss work with student volunteers Kat Raymond-Judy and Danica Andersen)
The report continues, "The three-week excavation looms significantly this year as the creation of an historic map of the DePauw campus has become a byproduct of the university's 175th anniversary celebration. Heading the dig is Rebecca Schindler, an associate professor who chairs Classical Studies at DPU, joined by Pedar Foss, associate professor of Classical Studies and dean of academic life at the university. Digging in the dirt beneath the shadows of East College is a first for both of the classical archaeologists. Neither has ever done a dig on American soil, let alone in Greencastle and at DePauw. Yet it represents a remarkable opportunity, Schindler notes, reminding all that the site uniquely has been part of a college campus since 1837."
Read more about the effort at the Banner-Graphic's website.
For regular student updates on the project, click here.Back