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Necrotizing enterocolitis (NEC) is a serious illness in newborns. It happens when tissue in the large intestine (colon) gets inflamed. This inflammation damages and sometimes kills the tissue in your baby's colon.
Any newborn can get NEC. But it's most common in premature babies. It also happens in babies who spend time in newborn intensive care units (NICUs). This condition is more common in babies who weigh less than 3 pounds, 4 ounces (1,500 grams).
No one knows what causes NEC. It may happen if not enough blood and oxygen reach your baby's intestinal tissues. Then when food moves into the area, bacteria from the food can damage the tender tissues. This can harm the tissues and cause them to die. When this happens, a hole forms in the intestine. This can cause a severe infection in your baby's belly (abdomen).
Several things may raise your baby's risk for NEC.
Premature babies are smaller and weaker. This means they may have trouble with blood and oxygen circulation. They also have problems with digestion and fighting infections. This increases their chance of having NEC.
High-risk babies are more likely to get NEC. A high-risk baby is often one who is premature. Premature babies are often fed formula through bottles or tubes. Babies who are breastfed are less likely to get NEC.
Babies who had a difficult birth or low oxygen levels at birth are more likely to get NEC. When there is too little oxygen, the body sends blood and oxygen to the brain and heart first. This reduces the blood flow to the intestinal tract. This can cause less oxygen in blood to reach the colon.
Babies with too many red blood cells have a higher risk for NEC.
Babies with infections in their intestines are more likely to get NEC.
Each child may experience symptoms differently. Symptoms usually show up in the first 2 weeks of life. They may include:
Signs of infection include:
The symptoms of NEC may be similar to symptoms of other conditions. Make sure your child sees his or her healthcare provider for a diagnosis.
Your baby's healthcare provider will check him or her for signs of NEC.
Your child may need an abdominal X-ray. An X-ray can show if your child's intestine has a bubbly appearance. It can also show signs of air or gas in the large veins of your child's liver. Air may also be on the outside of the intestines in your child's belly (abdomen).
Your child's healthcare provider may also put a needle into his or her abdominal cavity. This is to look for intestinal fluid in your child's abdomen. This is a sign of a hole in the intestines.
Treatment will depend on your child's symptoms, age, and general health. It will also depend on how severe the condition is. Treatment may include:
If your baby has severe NEC, he or she may need:
NEC can cause a hole to form in your baby's intestines. This makes bacteria in the intestinal tract leak out into your child's abdomen. This causes an infection. This can harm a small or large part of the intestine. It can happen quickly.
An infection in the intestines is hard for a baby to fight. Even with treatment, there may be serious problems. Some of these issues include:
No one knows what causes NEC. This means that it's hard to prevent it. Studies show that babies who only have breastmilk, instead of formula, are less likely to get this condition. Also starting feedings after a baby is stable and slowly increasing how much he or she eats may also help.
Tips to help you get the most from a visit to your child's healthcare provider:
Vidant Health can connect you to health care professionals to help you understand your condition and guide you through the treatment process. Let's chat.


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No norteño act is more renowned than Los Tigres del Norte, a group of Mexican-American brothers based in California who began their recording career in the early '70s and enjoyed widespread acclaim over the following decades, recording regularly for Fonovisa Records from the '80s onward. The group is centered on lead vocalist and accordionist Jorge Hernández (the oldest of 11 children), who is joined in Los Tigres by his brothers Hernán (bass, vocals), Eduardo (accordion, saxophone, bass, vocals), and Luis (guitar, vocals), as well as his cousin Oscar Lara (drums). In 1968, they left Mexico for California (along with brother Raúl Hernández, who would leave the group in the '90s for a solo career) in search of better means of supporting their family following an injury that prevented their father, D. Eduardo Hernández, from ranching any longer. Their hometown is Rosa Morada, which is located in the municipality of Mocorito in the western state of Sinaloa. Their moniker arose when an immigration official called the boys "little tigers" (a nickname for kids) as they crossed the border, eventually bound for San Jose, which became their longtime residence.
During the early '70s, Los Tigres became the first act signed to Fama Records. Founded by Art Walker, Fama grew to become the leading Spanish-language record label on the West Coast. Walker, a local impresario, first heard the group on a live radio presentation recorded at the local Parque de las Flores on Keyes Street in San Jose and, impressed with what he heard, he decided to make them the foundation of Fama. With his guidance, Los Tigres adopted an electric style, trading in their traditional acoustic sound for one incorporating bass, drums, and electric guitar. The group also adopted a modern approach to songwriting, emphasizing contemporary social themes common to Mexican-Americans.
Their breakthrough hit, "Contrabando y Traición" (1972), is emblematic. Like most of the group's songs, "Contrabando y Traición" is a corrido, which is an age-old style of narrative song common to the mestizo cultural area of North America, including the northern states of Mexico as well as the southwestern ones of the United States. Traditionally, corridos feature a salutation or prologue; a story, often a legend or ballad of a hero or criminal native to northern Mexico; and in conclusion, a moral or lesson. However, "Contrabando y Traición" is a thoroughly modern corrido, as it features a pair of lovers who traffic marijuana across the border in the tires of a car.
The song became a sizable hit in Southern California and set the course for the long, continuing success of Los Tigres, who went on to write a multitude of notable contemporary corridos about the drug trade (i.e., narcocorridos) and immigration. Corridos Prohibidos (1989), in particular, showcases the former, while "Jaula de Oro," one of their most well-known and frequently compiled songs, is an example of the latter. The song, whose title translates to "Golden Cage," details the plight of an undocumented worker in the United States: he swam across the border ten years prior but still doesn't have his papers; his wife and kids have long since forgotten about Mexico, while he longs to return yet cannot; he asks his son if he would like to go back to Mexico, and his son responds, in English, "What are you talking about, Dad? I don't want to go back to Mexico — no way, Dad!"; and transcribed, the chorus laments, "What good is money/If I'm like a prisoner/Inside this big nation?/When I remember I cry/Although the jail may be made of gold/It's still a prison."
In the '80s, Los Tigres moved to Fonovisa Records and furthered their success. Beginning with Jaula de Oro (1984), the group would regularly top the regional Mexican album chart stateside, and this success was acknowledged in 1987 when they won the initial Grammy Award for Best Mexican-American Performance, for Gracias America...Sin Fronteras (1986). They subsequently would be nominated over a dozen times, and that's not even counting the Latin Grammys. Los Tigres were later honored with El Mas Grande Homenaje a Los Tigres del Norte (2001), a tribute album featuring many of the biggest names in Mexican pop/rock, such as Julieta Venegas and Molotov. Furthermore, beginning in 2003 Fonovisa began to compile a series of greatest-hits compilations titled Herencia Musical.
Throughout their long and storied career, Los Tigres, also known as Los Idolos del Pueblo and Los Jefes de Jefes, maintained a respectable image, never glamorizing the drug trade nor any other criminal activity. They refused to be photographed with so much as a gun in sight. This air of respectability helped them expand their audience demographically as well as internationally. By the early 2000s, Los Tigres had begun touring globally and their shows often reflected the diversity of their fan base. Amid all of this activity, they continued releasing albums on an annual basis and branched out into cinema as well, with DVD videos becoming a regular addition to their CDs. In total, they've released over 50 albums, recorded over 500 songs, and appeared in over a dozen films. In 2006, Fonovisa reissued some of these films as CD/DVDs, complementing the films — cine de frontera classics such as La Banda del Carro Rojo and La Muerte del Soplon — with thematic compilations of Los Tigres favorites. In 2011, Diego Torres, Zack de la Rocha, Andrés Calamaro, and others would help the group celebrate their career on the spirited live album MTV Unplugged: Los Tigres del Norte and Friends.
After a four-year break from studio recording, Los Tigres del Norte issued the full-length Realidades in October of 2014. It was their 23rd album to reach the Top Ten on the Top Latin Albums chart, tying the record originally set by Los Temerarios. The album entered at number three. On November 13, 2015, the group released the single "Tu Carcel," written by Marc Antonio Solis (who appears on it as well), an artist Los Tigres consider the "poet of the century." It was followed three weeks later by a live album, Desde al Azteca.
In 2016, Los Tigres del Norte submitted a request to perform at Folsom Prison. It took two years to get permission, but on the 50th anniversary of the norteño legends playing their first show in the United States — at another prison in the town of Soledad, California — they received permission. They played the show in mid-April, marking the first time a major act performed at Folsom since Johnny Cash took the stage there nearly half a century before. Los Tigres made it a special show for the inmates, and even brought one of them on-stage to play accordion on their reading of the Cash classic "Folsom Prison Blues." ~ Jason Birchmeier
Recording Arranger

subset: commoncrawl


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UBS on Tuesday agreed to pay nearly $50 million to settle charges by the Securities and Exchange Commission that a brokerage unit violated securities laws while structuring and marketing a collateralized debt obligation (CDO) and by failing to disclose that it retained millions of dollars in upfront cash it received in the course of acquiring collateral for the CDO.
The SEC's investigation found that UBS Securities, a brokerage unit of the Zurich-based parent bank, received $23.6 million in upfront payments in the process of acquiring credit default swaps (CDS) as collateral. Rather than transferring this cash to the CDO when the collateral was transferred, the SEC says that UBS retained the full amount of upfront payments in addition to its disclosed fee of $10.8 million.
George Canellos, co-director of the SEC's Division of Enforcement, said in a statement that "UBS kept $23.6 million that under the terms of the deal should have gone to the CDO for the benefit of its investors." In doing so, "UBS misrepresented the nature of the CDO's collateral and rendered false the disclosures about how that collateral was acquired."
Without admitting or denying the SEC's findings, UBS agreed to pay disgorgement of the $23.6 million in upfront payments as well as the disclosed fee of approximately $10.8 million plus prejudgment interest of approximately $9.7 million and a penalty of $5.7 million.
Said the SEC: "Not only did UBS go on to market the deal using materials that omitted any reference to its retention of the upfront payments, but the materials inaccurately represented that the CDO had to acquire all collateral at either fair market value or the price it was acquired by UBS."
This representation, the SEC says, was inaccurate because the CDO did not receive the $23.6 million in upfront cash kept by UBS as an additional undisclosed fee, and the collateral was not acquired at fair market value.
According to the SEC's order instituting settled administrative proceedings, UBS structured the CDO known as ACA ABS 2007-2 in mid-2007.
ACA Management—the same company that managed the failed CDO for Goldman Sachs—was collateral manager for the UBS structured CDO. The collateral for the CDO consisted primarily of CDS on subprime residential mortgage-backed securities (RMBS).
The CDS essentially operated as a kind of insurance against certain defaults in the underlying RMBS, the SEC says. As the "insurer," the CDO received monthly premiums from the CDS collateral. The premiums were in turn used to make required payments to bondholders of the CDO.
According to the SEC's order, ACA solicited bids on the CDS collateral, with those offering the highest yields becoming the winning bidders. Typically, the collateral manager would seek to achieve the highest yield in the form of periodic interest payments, known as a running spread. However, for this particular CDO, UBS and ACA agreed that ACA would seek bids for yield in two components: a fixed running spread plus upfront cash payments in the form of "points" like those on a mortgage. The running spread plus the upfront points combined to equal the yield on the CDS.
According to the SEC's order, as a result of the bidding process, ACA ended up acquiring CDS having upfront payments totaling $23.6 million. These payments were made to UBS as part of the process of acquiring collateral for the CDO. From the outset, UBS employees working on the CDO intended for UBS to retain the upfront cash.
Early in the structuring, the SEC says that the head of the U.S. CDO group at UBS stated, "Let's see how much money we can draw out of the deal." Similarly, the manager of UBS's CDO syndicate book viewed the CDO as an "arbitrage opportunity" for UBS to make trading gains when selling the assets into the CDO.


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Hello everyone,
I have a problem on NGLE of this kind, when I open some rooms and I see very small and very far.
I tried to approach them with the PGUP and PGDOWN keys but nothing happens, there is no way to see them normally.
QUESTION: there is someone who has this particular thing happened to him?
I'm stuck because so 'the level can not be built is impossible.
Hello and thanks to all those who will give a hand.
builders help builders
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Re: NGLE PROBLEM
never had this. use mousepatch and see if it can be a workaround for you
Re: NGLE PROBLEM
Problem is officially solved: http://www.tombraiderforums.com/showthread.php?t=219188
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IRDG Calendar 2014
IRDG Calendar 2014
By Mary on March 13, 2014 in
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American Red Cross chapters in the Texas Panhandle soon will have a new executive director.
Steve Pair said Thursday he has been selected as executive director in charge of both the Texas Panhandle Chapter of the American Red Cross, based in Amarillo, and the Eastern Texas Panhandle Chapter, which operates from offices in Pampa and Borger.
He will start work there Nov. 26.
"I feel really grateful to have the opportunity to work for an organization that does such important work throughout the entire Texas Panhandle," Pair said.
"I look forward to meeting the staff, as well as all of the volunteers and supporters who make the mission of the American Red Cross possible."
Anita Foster, a chief communications officer for the American Red Cross North Texas region, confirmed Pair's appointment.
Pair currently is director of communications for the Texas Tech University Health Sciences Center in Amarillo.
Pair succeeds Chris Knight, who resigned from the job in July, leaving the chapter without an executive director for the second time since May 2011.
Knight took over the local chapters in November with questions lingering about how it used $282,000 in donations following February 2011 wildfires that destroyed 70 houses in Potter and Randall counties. Less than half the money aided first responders and wildfire victims, Red Cross officials said.
Before Knight joined the Red Cross, the Amarillo chapter was managed temporarily by interim Executive Director Brian Jensen, a senior director at the Tulsa, Okla., Red Cross office.
He filled in after Amarillo Red Cross Executive Director Vicki Richmond and Director of Development Susan Ginn quit in May 2011.Officials said Richmond and Ginn's resignations were unrelated to the issue of wildfire donations.
Staff writer Kevin Welch contributed to this story.


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Eltima SWF to FLA Converter for MacOS 1.1
Convert SWF files back into FLA format with Eltima SWF to FLA Converter for Mac.
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Eltima SWF to FLA Converter for Mac OS is the only Flash software on the net for Mac OS users, that lets Flash designers convert SWF files back into FLA format in a few mouse clicks. It presents user with an arsenal of profound algorithms to extract all Flash objects from SWF file. Extracted objects can be edited in native Flash environment, which is very convenient when working with Flash. Every group of objects such as morphs, shapes, texts, fonts, motions, sounds, ActionScripts, etc. could be placed in separate FLA library groups, which makes it easier to use and view the resulting FLA file. Every FLA library can be saved into a different folder under a specified name. Additionally, you can customize FLA file workspace by enabling/disabling guides, grids, rulers; specify guides accuracy and so on. To make sure that masks layers are working properly, every morph or shape can be placed on different layers. Forgotten passwords to your SWF file are not a problem any longer with SWF to FLA Converter. While decompiling SWF file resources the application bypasses this protection mechanism. Once you have converted your SWF into FLA you can set new protection in your favorite Flash editor. SWF to FLA Converter is the only Mac OS tool to export the whole SWF movie in FLA format that supports Flash MX and ActionScript 2.0. Restore your lost original FLA files from available SWF files using Eltima's SWF to FLA Converter for Mac, thus saving you time and efforts to develop or modify your Flash movies. You can easily change Flash objects, modify text or hyperlink, replace sounds, images, etc. and convert it back to SWF file.


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New information following the change in COVID-19 alert levels. massey.ac.nz/coronavirus
Academic advising is primarily about establishing a good fit between you as an individual and a particular programme of study. We would like to help you make the right decisions. There are people who can give you the academic advice you need to meet your personal study goals.
Our Contact Centre will provide information about Massey University programmes and courses and can direct you to additional help. You can contact one of our friendly staff by email, fax, phone, live chat, using an online form or visit one of our campuses.
Opening hours: Monday-Friday 8:30am to 4:30pm
Telephone: 0800 MASSEY (0800 627 739)
Telephone (from outside NZ): +64 6 350 5701
Facsimile: +64 6 350 5618
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Online form: Information request form
Internet chat: http://chat.massey.ac.nz
Email: email@example.com
Visit a campus: https://www.massey.ac.nz/massey/contact/contacts.cfm
Contact an adviser from our Student Advice and Information Unit to get all the information you need on your study and any programmes and courses you are interested in. This includes advice on progress to completion, graduation, credit for previous study, changing programmes, progression between qualifications, as well as advice on planning and sequencing your course choices.
For academic advice please use the contact details above and the Massey University Contact Centre will arrange for an adviser to assist you further.
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Contact us Mon - Fri 8:30am to 4:30pm 0800 MASSEY (+64 6 350 5701) TXT 5222 firstname.lastname@example.com Web chat Staff Alumni News Māori @ Massey


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Guests: Brian Williams, Hampton Pearson, Eugene Robinson, Chris Matthews,
Howard Fineman, Richard Engel, Marc Lynch, Brian Katulis, Robin Wright, David Corn
CHRIS MATTHEWS, HOST: Big test for Obama.
This is HARDBALL.
Good evening. I'm Chris Matthews in Washington. Leading off tonight:
Who's next? To appreciate what's happening in Cairo and its potential for spreading beyond Egypt, consider this. An NBC reporter—a producer, rather—in Beijing reports that Chinese authorities are censoring the word "Egypt" from social networking sites. If the Chinese government is worried, imagine the frayed nerves in Syria, Saudi Arabia, Jordan and other countries in the Middle East.
For a seventh straight day, crowds gathered in Cairo today calling for an to end the three-decade-long regime of Hosni Mubarak, who is promising not to fire on protesters but is also refusing to step aside. Mubarak's seating of a new cabinet has done nothing to blunt calls for his removal. We're going to go to Richard Engel for the latest right at the top of the show.
There's also so much at stake for the United States here, which, of course, is careful not to choose sides publicly. Egypt is a U.S. ally, of course, and has helped keep the peace with Israel, of course. It's a partner in the struggle against Islamic fundamentalism. Tonight, America's balancing act.
It's also a critical moment for the Obama administration, which was happy to be focusing on jobs and gaining momentum in the polls. White House spokesman Robert Gibbs said Egypt must change but that the outcome is up to the Egyptian people. Republican critics—well, they've been quiet so far. What's at stake today and tomorrow and this week for President Obama?
And while Egyptians march for freedom, the birther crowd, for what
it's worth, is trying to nail President Obama here at home as—catch this
an impostor. What a fine message of democracy to send to the world at this time.
Finally, "Let Me Finish" with Michele Bachmann's intriguing notion that the Founding Fathers eradicated slavery. I'm going to list tonight, with no joy, the American presidents who owned slaves.
We start with the crisis in Egypt. Joining me from Cairo is NBC News chief foreign affairs correspondent, Richard Engel. Richard, we're there. The million-man march tomorrow, just like we had here in Washington a decade ago, this one seems a lot more important in terms of changing a country's course. Your thoughts about tomorrow?
RICHARD ENGEL, NBC CHIEF FOREIGN CORRESPONDENT: I think it's going to get a huge number. I don't know if it'll be a million, but it could happen. There are a lot of poor people who are now joining this demonstration. Tahrir Square is just next to a neighborhood called Shubra. There are millions of working-class and poor Egyptians living in that area, most of them frustrated with President Mubarak. If just several hundred thousand or a million people from that neighborhood alone to Tahrir—went to the square, they could fill it.
MATTHEWS: Let me ask you about, as you have watched over the weekend, what are the options we can see coming? If you could pick them off, is there going to be—let's start—will there be an election this September that matters? In other words, there won't be a Mubarak on the ticket?
ENGEL: Oh, I thought you were giving me other options. I think there will be elections here. I'm not sure if they'll be in September. I think the only way out of this—and according to protesters we've spoken to—is for Mubarak to either leave the country—and that's what they would like, but they would probably settle for him having completely new elections, preferably with him not on the ticket.
MATTHEWS: Well, let's go the other options prior to September or whenever there might be elections. What are the other options? You mentioned him possibly leaving the country, the possibility of creating another government on his way out the door. Who would create that government? Who might likely be part of a coalition?
ENGEL: There are a lot of scenarios right now and it's people reading the tea leaves here. The protest movement is going on. It doesn't really have a specific leader, although there are people who are trying to emerge as leaders. ElBaradei is one of them.
The army is watching this very, very carefully. The army has been very loyal to President Mubarak. If the situation gets on the streets where it's total chaos, something like we saw over the weekend, more looting, people are really angry, then the army will have to intervene and have to have a coup against Mubarak and send him either into retirement or potentially send him out of the country.
So I think the army is watching. If the situation really deteriorates, they will move in and topple this regime. If they don't, then Mubarak might be able to hold on long enough to hold some sort of new elections.
Now, while this is all going on—that's the leadership. While this is all going on, you have to also (INAUDIBLE) what's happening on the grass roots. Who controls the streets? And while this has been happening and there's a degree of chaos, the Muslim Brotherhood has been moving up and has been already taking on a degree of authority. When looting took place, it was the Muslim Brotherhood that stepped up and said, We will help organize the vigilante groups and stop the looting.
So the army might take over. President Mubarak might call new elections. But while this is already sorting itself out, the Brotherhood is taking over more authority.
MATTHEWS: Watching from here in America, as we see the crowds grow tomorrow, is at a fair guesstimate that the louder they get, the bigger they get, the more belligerent they get, the more likely the army will get a message that it has to topple through coup President Mubarak?
ENGEL: I think if it's just loud and contained to Tahrir Square, I don't think the army would act. It depends on the real fear people—I guess you could call it even the non-protesters, what they fear. What upset the army and senior officials and what upset more Egyptians across the country was the collapse of law and order, the chaos.
MATTHEWS: Yes.
ENGEL: The army has taken steps now to contain Tahrir Square. They put in—they have barbed wire ready. I assume early in the morning, they're going to start sealing it off with barbed wire. They brought in concrete barricades. If they can contain it there, let the people scream, let the people blow off steam, I don't think the army would necessarily move. If there's a massacre, if they try and—protesters try and charge the troops, the troops fire back, the army will intervene.
If there's more of this collapse of law and order and people are feeling terrified and wealthy Egyptians are once again leaving the country and the army officers feel themselves in danger, that they have to leave the country, leave the family, their families, send their families abroad, then I think the army will intervene.
MATTHEWS: So it comes down to whether Mubarak survives as leader of the country, for a while at least, or the army topples him. Is there any other possibility? Could the army topple him and let a civilian group come in and take over, like ElBaradei—we're looking at him right now—an ElBaradei-led coalition, is that possible?
ENGEL: It is possible. You could have the army come in and say, The situation has gotten out of hand. Egypt's—for the sake of national security, the army has taken over and will hold elections. And then Mohamed ElBaradei could be one of those elections. And while those elections are being held, they could form a "government of national salvation," and they're already talking about—the opposition is talking about who would be on that government of national salvation, a caretaker government. Baradei would certainly have a role.
But the way Egypt has been structured right now—and this is why I keep going back to the Muslim Brotherhood. Baradei, if he becomes prime minister, it doesn't really matter that much. The prime minister in this country doesn't have a great deal of authority. Most people don't even know, outside of Egypt, who the prime minister is. It's a presidential system. The military is in charge.
And on the ground, you have to also look at who controls the mosques, the unions, the streets, the people who clean the buildings, the people who take out the garbage. And that is where a lot of grass roots power takes place. And the Muslim Brotherhood—the longer this chaos happens and the longer it takes for the decisions to be made, the reshuffling at the top, the more authority they are able to—they are able to gain.
MATTHEWS: Well, that's one thing we study in school in America is the difference between power and authority, true authority, belief that the people have in who should rule them. You've talked the last couple of days about the army's authority in that country, that it is different than the authority that it has in the United States. In the country—our country, it's all civilian rule. The army takes orders.
But in that country, you talked about authority, the legitimate
authority that the army enjoys for its fights against Israel, its fights in
well, it's leadership of the country since the days of Nasser. Is it declining? Is it holding? And is it being challenged eventually by the Muslim Brotherhood because of its role in supporting safe streets right now?
ENGEL: The Muslim Brotherhood, we've been told, is actually in contact right now, secret negotiations going on between their leadership and military leadership.
MATTHEWS: Wow.
ENGEL: The Muslim Brotherhood is telling the army that it can be a reasonable, rational organization. I did an interview tonight with one of the senior leaders of the Muslim Brotherhood. He was telling me to tell the American people that the Muslim Brotherhood can be reasoned with, wants to be a player, isn't a radical group. So you're trying—you are seeing the Muslim Brotherhood legitimize itself, much in the same way you saw Hamas try and legitimize itself during the elections in Gaza.
MATTHEWS: Does that surprise you, as someone who really grew up over there as a journalist, living among the Muslim Brotherhood? Does it surprise you that they could be copacetic with the military?
ENGEL: Not at all. A lot of them are truly patriotic Egyptians. They don't necessarily want to overthrow the military regime. In the belief structure and the political structure that the Muslim Brotherhood has, which is common in Islamic moments, they believe in a strict hierarchy. There can be a ruler. There can be a military ruler. But as long as that military ruler doesn't impede on the ability of the Muslim people to worship, then they have no problem with that. So they could live very copacetically with the military. It's not that it is a Taliban kind of movement that wants to take over...
MATTHEWS: I get you.
ENGEL: ... and tell everyone what to do and how to do it. They're very patriotic. They have lot of supporters. You mentioned I lived with a lot of them. They were nice people. I mean, If you fell down in the street, they would come and help you out. If you didn't have enough money for the bus, they would give you money. There was a community feeling that a lot of people are nostalgic about in this country that is still present in the poorer, more Muslim—more Islamic communities here.
What people are so upset about is prices have gotten so high, there's become this elite class of Egyptians that...
MATTHEWS: Right.
ENGEL: ... no longer reflects a lot of the traditional cultural values here. And the Muslim Brotherhood still does embrace those values very close to its chest.
MATTHEWS: It's great to talk to you in Cairo. Richard Engel, our great correspondent over there, thank so you much for this report tonight.
Coming up: With so much at stake for the United States, the Obama administration has been careful, as you've noticed, not to take sides, at least not publicly, although I sense they want to see some change over there. It's a case of our principles versus our interests. We are worried about too much change. America's balancing act coming up next here on HARDBALL. You're watching it, only on MSNBC.
MATTHEWS: Wow! A federal judge in Florida has just declared a key part of President Obama's health care overhaul unconstitutional. You'll guess which one it is. U.S. district court (SIC) Roger Vinson agreed with 26 states that argued people cannot be required to buy health insurance, the so-called individual mandate. Vinson is the second federal judge to say this, while two other federal judges have upheld the health care reform law. Well, the Obama administration's already appealed this, and this case will no doubt end up with the United States Supreme Court. That's where the fight's going to be. It's probably going to be a 5-4, one way or the other.
HARDBALL back after this.
MATTHEWS: Welcome back to HARDBALL. The United States is in a precarious position trying to respond to the latest in Egypt, and the White House this morning held a meeting of Middle East experts to discuss the situation. So just what do the protests and the unrest mean for us?
I'm joined right now by two of the experts who were at the White House today. Marc Lynch is director of the Institute for Middle East Studies at the George Washington University here in Washington, and Brian Katulis is a senior fellow at the Center for American Progress.
Gentlemen, let me get this right. Now, here's Secretary Clinton on "MEET THE PRESS" yesterday. Let's listen to what she said. She, of course, is leading our foreign policy in that situation, talking here about the transition that we want to see in Egypt. Let's listen.
HILLARY CLINTON, SECRETARY OF STATE: I want the Egyptian people to have the chance to chart a new future. It need be an orderly peaceful transition to real democracy.
It's not a question of who retains power. That should not be the issue. It's how are we going to respond to the legitimate needs and grievances expressed by the Egyptian people?
MATTHEWS: Well, this is an interesting thing. It's almost like riding a bike along a gutter. You know, you move a slight inch, and you go into the gutter, so you get sort of nervous there. Looks like that's where we are. We're right on that edge there.
So are we for change in Egypt, or would we refer, if we had our druthers 30 years ago to happen right now, back to a military rule, back to Mubarak, we'd better off, we'd just like a military ruler that's on our side. But now we have to pretend we really want democracy because we're faced with it. Is that what's going on?
BRIAN KATULIS, CENTER FOR AMERICAN PROGRESS: Well, look...
MATTHEWS: Have we ever pushed for democracy before today, before we had to?
KATULIS: Well, the Bush administration tried to, and it talked a good game. But then it never delivered on it. You know, you had protesters who were jailed and beaten and killed by the Mubarak government.
MATTHEWS: What did we do about it? What did we say?
KATULIS: Well, we continued to talk, but we didn't change our policy. And what this administration is trying to do, which—I think they stumbled in reaction to this, and in fact, I think they missed an opportunity last November when they had sham parliamentary elections in Egypt. They didn't say much.
MATTHEWS: Yes.
KATULIS: Now they're saying a lot because there's a crisis in the street in Cairo. Now I think they've finally got their footing. They said political reform and economic reform. And here's the thing that's got to happen, Chris. They better follow through on policy change because we've had far too many presidents...
MATTHEWS: So you say put the pressure, put the screws to Mubarak, tell him it's time to go. That's what you say.
KATULIS: Well, I didn't say that Mubarak should go...
MATTHEWS: Well, tell me what you're saying?
KATULIS: I think, essentially, they have—they put into place the right rhetorical policy, and now they're working the diplomatic contacts...
KATULIS: OK, what do we want? Put it in English.
KATULIS: We want change that...
MATTHEWS: So in other words, we don't want Mubarak.
KATULIS: Yes, we want change that is...
MATTHEWS: We want to get—we want to get rid of Mubarak.
KATULIS: We want change that's led by the Egyptian people.
MATTHEWS: OK. You're talking talk like the administration.
MATTHEWS: No, I'm serious here. What do we want, Marc?
MARC LYNCH, GWU CENTER FOR MIDDLE EAST STUDIES: Chris, I'll say it.
MATTHEWS: It seems to me—do we want—does the American—what does the administration really want? They would love to have some sort of democratic, vaguely capitalist-socialist mix like we all like in this country, pro-American, pro-Israeli, peacekeepers. We want all that. What are we likely to hope for?
LYNCH: Chris, I'll say it. They want Mubarak to go. They don't know how to make it happen. And it can't be imposed by us because then it'll be rejected by the Egyptian people. That's the line that they're walking because...
MATTHEWS: But the Egyptian people seem to want Mubarak to leave.
LYNCH: Well, some of them do. Some of them don't. And I think that...
MATTHEWS: He's 83 this May. He will leave. It's a question of how many months he serves at this point, right?
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: But he's not taking the hint. I mean, I think that we want him to leave now.
MATTHEWS: What is he, Mugabe?
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: I think that...
MATTHEWS: Is this Robert Mugabe...
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: When you've been in power for 30 years, you can't imagine anything else. He doesn't understand the idea of a next president. And I think that we've got to make him see and we've got to make the people in the army who could make him leave understand that this is it. It's over.
MATTHEWS: Former secretary Colin Powell, in a very generalized conversation I once had with him, said one thing Middle East leaders have in common, whether they call themselves Ba'athists or monarchists or Islamists. They want their oldest son to replace them.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Yes, well, can...
MATTHEWS: Is that it?
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: That's over. You know, Gamal Mubarak...
MATTHEWS: Is not going to...
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: ... the president's son...
MATTHEWS: Is not going to get...
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: That's, like, at least one consequence we can be certain of here.
MATTHEWS: So there won't be a ballot printed in September that says Gamal Mubarak.
MATTHEWS: And there won't be one that says Hosni Mubarak.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: No. Absolutely not.
MATTHEWS: So I finally got you where I want you! See what HARDBALL gets me here? So we got two guys here that say we're getting rid of Mubarak, but we're not (INAUDIBLE) people to do it. Two options. We just heard from Richard Engel. Will the army topple this guy because this thing gets too hot?
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: It could happen.
MATTHEWS: You think it will?
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: I think it might. It depends on how...
MATTHEWS: Well, how's it stop? If this keeps going on for two weeks, are they going to put up with the streets being burned...
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: No.
MATTHEWS: ... and buildings being looted and all the—the shopkeepers are going to start complaining, saying, Get rid of this guy, he can't keep peace.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: I think the army could do that, but that won't be enough for these protesters. It won't be enough if Omar Suleiman is managing this process. The people in the streets aren't protesting for the same security apparatus to stay in power.
MATTHEWS: So they won't take a government in a new form, with a different face.
LYNCH: Yes, that's right. They don't want to just see Omar Suleiman, you know...
MATTHEWS: Who is number two. He's the appointed security chief and the sitting vice president.
LYNCH: Yes.
MATTHEWS: They are not going to accept the papering over?
LYNCH: They're not going to accept that. And—and if...
MATTHEWS: So, what do they want then? A fall? They want a new government elected?
LYNCH: Well, if what you get are elections where Omar Suleiman is on the ballot with 95 percent of the vote, then that's not going cut it. I think what we need to have right now is...
MATTHEWS: OK. They want an election like we have in this country.
Here's Mohamed ElBaradei, of course, who is the head of the arms control, international arms control.
MATTHEWS: Here he is on ABC yesterday talking about what he says Egyptian Mubarak should do. Let's listen.
MOHAMED ELBARADEI, NOBEL PEACE PRIZE LAUREATE: People's concerns right now is, Mubarak has to go immediately.
The first step, if we need to get out of this mess—and it's a total mess—security is not there. It's a total chaos situation right now. The first step, he has to go.
MATTHEWS: Well, he has to go. Do we have any hopes of getting a leader as loyal to us as Mubarak?
KATULIS: Absolutely. I think the Egyptians have a lot of great people beyond the regime right now.
MATTHEWS: Who are pro-Western?
KATULIS: Pro-Western, pro-democracy. And we have got to move beyond this false choice between stability and freedom in a place like Egypt. We can actually secure our counterterrorism concerns, our regional security concerns, while also helping Egyptians open the door to—to their democratic reforms.
MATTHEWS: Well, you're very positive. You're very optimistic.
KATULIS: Yes, I am. And...
MATTHEWS: Are you optimistic?
LYNCH: I'm optimistic if we get this right. I mean, even if the Muslim Brotherhood comes into—forms part of the government, that sort of thing, they understand they have got to run the country. They have got to be on good terms...
MATTHEWS: Yes, but they're—they are on good terms with al Qaeda.
LYNCH: No, actually, they are not. Muslim Brotherhood and al Qaeda hate each other.
MATTHEWS: Zawahri, where is he?
LYNCH: He's hiding out somewhere in Pakistan?
MATTHEWS: But isn't he loyal? Isn't he part of the Muslim Brotherhood?
LYNCH: No, no. He's their worst enemy. He hates them. They hate each other.
KATULIS: Yes, al Qaeda...
LYNCH: Al Qaeda and the Muslim Brotherhood are completely different.
MATTHEWS: OK. Here's what I know about the Muslim Brotherhood, like most Americans. They killed our hero, Sadat. Therefore, we don't like them.
KATULIS: That was Gama'a al-Islamiyya, which was different from the Muslim Brotherhood.
KATULIS: The Muslim Brotherhood today wants to enter politics. And I think Marc and agree that let them be part of the Egyptian politics.
MATTHEWS: So, if you're sitting in Tel Aviv right now, you're sitting next to Bibi Netanyahu, you're a real Likudnik, right, a real right-winger, are you happy about what's happening here or scared to death?
LYNCH: No, they got to be scared.
MATTHEWS: Yes.
LYNCH: I mean, they—they see what's happening in Lebanon.
MATTHEWS: Well, if they're listening to you, they're not.
LYNCH: They see what's happening in Egypt.
Well, if they listen to us, they calm down and see that, if you want to have a stable Egypt, you have got to let this change happen.
KATULIS: Yes.
LYNCH: We have—we have been holding up this house of cards for too long, and it's got us to where we are today. You've got to let it happen. You've got to have—if you want stability, you have got to have democracy.
MATTHEWS: Isn't Hosni Mubarak the one guy holding up Mahmoud Abbas on the West Bank, the one guy standing against Hamas, the one guy standing against Hezbollah in the region, the strong ally of King Abdullah of Jordan, the one really good, reliable ally of King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia? How can you say he can easily be replaced? This guy is the George Washington of...
MATTHEWS: ... over there.
KATULIS: Chris, we have got to beyond this—we have got to beyond this addiction to dictators that you just recounted right now. That's the way we have done business since the end of the Cold War and during the Cold War.
And what we're saying is, you can walk and chew gum at the same time.
You can actually have a more democratic Egypt.
MATTHEWS: Where were you on the Iraq war?
KATULIS: On the Iraq War? I was against going in, and I think we needed to get out as quickly as possible.
MATTHEWS: Well, then I trust you.
MATTHEWS: Where were you?
LYNCH: We were on the same side.
MATTHEWS: Well, that's my litmus side, because a lot of guys love to talk democracy, the neoconservatives...
LYNCH: Right.
MATTHEWS: ... the Scooter Libbys of the world. Oh, we love democracy.
What they really love is American intervention militarily to put down a government we don't like.
KATULIS: Which is why we can't say, Mubarak, go or stay. Let the Egyptians say that.
MATTHEWS: OK. We have a voice of optimism here, first time.
You should get out in the rally out there and start joining these people, say, I'm with you, brothers.
MATTHEWS: Anyway, Marc Lynch, Brian Katulis, thank you, gentlemen.
KATULIS: Great.
MATTHEWS: I'm sure we will have you back.
When we come back, much more on the crisis in Egypt. When we return, we're going to go to the ground and talk about what's actually happening with Americans over there trying to get out.
You're watching HARDBALL, only on MSNBC.
MATTHEWS: Back to HARDBALL.
Joining us right now from Cairo is the anchor of the "NBC Nightly News," Brian Williams.
Brian, you're on the ground. What can't we see on television in these pictures? Is there more to the story than we can grasp just looking through the camera lens?
BRIAN WILLIAMS, HOST, "NBC NIGHTLY NEWS": Well, you know how vast this place is, Chris.
Just to give people some perspective, population wise, you would have to smash together New York, California, and Texas, size-wise, about Texas and New Mexico. And the city of Cairo is just enormous and sprawling. And, of course, it's nighttime.
Couple that with the fact that people are taking the curfew more seriously, ordinary folks who have a choice to drive or not, to walk around or not, other than just protecting their property. So, it does get very quiet.
Now, we're outside the main center of the city, where, of course, the gathering has kind of taken on a 24/7 feel. There's a report late tonight that there's a private security service that is kind of checking people as they go into the larger organized protests in Liberation Square.
That's new, but still nothing alarming. And the big news, of course, the army saying they are not going to fire on the protesters during the march of millions tomorrow.
MATTHEWS: What was the airport ride? I don't want to get all your information about your location and all, but what was the airport like? Was there was concern about security, about anyone coming into the country at this point?
WILLIAMS: Not security. I think that's a function of the fact that the airport feels quite secured as a location. It's well outside of the center of Cairo that we have seen on television. And it's really all about the business of flying in and out.
Now, there are a lot of fairly desperate and very tired-looking people there, and we saw aircraft, clearly some of them from the United States, lined up on the tarmac. And, clearly, they were part of this air chain of charters out of there.
The terminal where we arrived had hours earlier been bedlam. It was more like controlled bedlam when we got there. And people by the hundreds are being told, guess what, you're going to Cyprus. You're going to Athens. We're going to take the rest of you to other cities in Europe.
They are being given a boarding pass. We got one of them. It says printed on the front no name, just kind of generic here you go. They fill out about six pages of paperwork, and then they are assigned a flight out.
MATTHEWS: You know, I love Cairo. I have been there a number of times recently. And it's the most romantic city in the world, next to maybe Paris or Rome.
You sit overlooking the Nile River, with the old boats going—the (INAUDIBLE) going up and down it. You see the middle-class young people at the nightclubs and restaurants along the river. It has a wonderful intoxication for the traveler. What's it like compared to that tonight? Last question.
WILLIAMS: Well, as you fly in, Chris, if you have been here often, you know well that when you get close, you can see the teeming already from the air, and—and that was not visible tonight.
Just striking, the vehicular traffic has just calmed way down. A very simple ride on a normal day in Cairo can be a two- to three-hour excursion. But that kind of social life, people's efforts, middle-class families with two teenagers, those teenagers are likely to be enhancing their rock collection for their balcony...
MATTHEWS: Yes.
WILLIAMS: ... just in case they need to fortify and make a last stand in their neighborhood.
You know, the sprawl, the kind of high rises out in the concentric rings around the city, those neighborhoods are largely unaffected by this. At the main center of the most dense population...
MATTHEWS: Right.
WILLIAMS: ... is where most of the action is going on.
MATTHEWS: Brian, we will catch you on "The Nightly News" tonight on
Thank you, Brian Williams, anchor of "The NBC Nightly News." Thank you for reporting right now from Cairo.
WILLIAMS: Thanks, Chris.
MATTHEWS: Up next: It's a critical moment for President Obama, who now has a balance to do, a major international crisis on his hands. And he's focusing on the big issue here at home, creating jobs. Can he do both? This is hot. And this is coming up ahead.
You're watching HARDBALL, only on MSNBC.
HAMPTON PEARSON, CNBC CORRESPONDENT: I'm Hampton Pearson with your CNBC "Market Wrap."
Stocks posting solid gains after Friday's big sell-off, the Dow Jones climbing 68 points, the S&P 500 adding nine, the Nasdaq gaining nearly 13 points.
Investors still keeping a close eye on Egypt and companies with interests there. Heineken and Nissan shares slipping on word they're suspending product activities in Egypt for the time being. Concerns about the stability of the Suez Canal pushed oil prices to their highest level in 27 months.
Pair that with some better-than-expected earnings from ExxonMobil and Imperial Oil, and energy stocks were squarely in the spotlight today. On the tech side, Intel says it will have to spend about $700 million to fix a design problem with a new support chip. Rival AMD enjoying a 4.5. percent bump on Intel's goes.
And in economic news, personal incomes and spending are up for the sixth straight month, with personal savings falling to their lowest level since March.
That's it from CNBC, first in business worldwide—now back to
DAVID GREGORY, MODERATOR, "MEET THE PRESS": Are you calling the regime of Hosni Mubarak stable this morning?
HILLARY RODHAM CLINTON, U.S. SECRETARY OF STATE: You know, I'm not going to get into, you know, either/or choices.
GREGORY: Do you think that the Mubarak regime has taken the necessary steps to retain power?
CLINTON: Oh, I think that there are many, many steps that have to be taken. And it's not a question of who retains power.
GREGORY: But you would like to see him stay in power?
CLINTON: David, you cannot keep trying to put words in my mouth. I have never said that. I don't intend to say that.
I want the Egyptian people to have the chance to chart a new future. It needs be an orderly, peaceful transition to real democracy, not faux democracy.
MATTHEWS: Well, sometimes, you have to put in people's mouths, so they will actually be saying something.
MATTHEWS: Anyway, welcome back to HARDBALL. That was Secretary of State Hillary Clinton on Sunday having an interesting conversation with David Gregory, the host of the program.
Obviously, the Obama administration is in a very tricky situation now, facing a critical moment handling Egypt's—Egypt's uprising. And Republicans are largely supporting them for the while right now, with some exceptions that don't really matter. The serious Republicans are playing team ball here.
Robin Wright covered the Middle East for "The Washington Post" and covered everything else in the world in Africa and everywhere. I have been following her bylines all my life—well, not all my life.
MATTHEWS: Last couple years. Anyway, for now, she's now a scholar at the United States Institute for Peace and the Woodrow Wilson Center, and a Pulitzer Prize-winning columnist—so, we have two smart people here—he's also with MSNBC.
So, here's the question.
And I want to start with you, Gene, on this, because you follow politics.
EUGENE ROBINSON, MSNBC POLITICAL ANALYST: Mm-hmm.
MATTHEWS: This president—and this is big casino—and the question is, I'm getting the clear message he has more sympathy for those protesters than previous presidents, who tend to be Eurocentric in their thinking, stability-centric, not exactly thrilled by the look of a protest mob, whereas a guy who was a community organizer, when he sees protest crowds, he doesn't see the enemy.
ROBINSON: Well, I think that's...
MATTHEWS: That's my theory.
ROBINSON: I think that's...
MATTHEWS: I'm putting words in your mouth.
ROBINSON: I think that's true to a point. I mean, I think George Bush followed the freedom agenda. And, to his credit...
MATTHEWS: In theory, yes.
ROBINSON: Well, but to his credit...
MATTHEWS: As long as it was consistent with the neocon agenda.
ROBINSON: Well...
MATTHEWS: All right.
ROBINSON: ... but to his credit, his theory was that the Arab world shouldn't be denied the fruits of democracy that...
ROBINSON: ... everybody else.
MATTHEWS: As long as it justified attacking Iraq.
ROBINSON: Well, look, we can—we can get in...
MATTHEWS: You know what he was up to.
ROBINSON: With you on that.
But, yes, I think that we're at a—we're in a different point now.
We're at a point where, remember, last week, the regime was stable.
MATTHEWS: Yes.
ROBINSON: And the president was kind of temporizing. By Sunday, we got to the point of orderly transition. I think it's now time for the administration to go a step further: Mubarak, get out. Let us help you fuel the plane and...
MATTHEWS: OK. Why did Secretary Clinton avoid it when David was trying to—logically trying to follow her train of thought and getting some clarity by saying, we want Mubarak to stay, because he was trying to get her to say, no, we don't want him to say. I know what he was—I think he was trying to do, get some clarity of which way we're leaning. And she wouldn't say it.
ROBIN WRIGHT, SENIOR FELLOW, U.S. INSTITUTE OF PEACE: The great conspiracy theory in the Middle East has always been that the United States picks who the rulers are, backs them, until they basically drop over.
And so the United States is actually trying very hard now not to be seen be the one to dictate. I do think, behind the scenes, whatever the language is in public, that they have moved since Friday into a whole new phase. The first time was the crisis.
Today, it's managing. And it's not just managing Egypt.
MATTHEWS: Yes.
ROBINSON: It's also managing the whole region. How do you deal with a very nervous president or prime minister in Israel, an even antsier king in Saudi Arabia?
That they are—that the whole region, we're talking about 23 countries, is very unnerved by what's happened, and the administration is struggling, I think, to figure out, how do you balance all these and you ensure that the—the kind of turmoil doesn't disintegrate? This is a country that accounts for one-quarter of the Arab's world population.
MATTHEWS: Mm-hmm. Well, it is. When you're there, it's quite a country.
Here's Robert Gibbs today in his exchange with Chip Reid of CBS.
Let's listen.
CHIP REID, CBS CORRESPONDENT: You said that this transition does not mean that Mubarak would have to go and that...
GIBBS: No, no, no, I want to be clear. I want to be very clear, because I don't—that is not for me to determine. That is not for our government to determine. That is for the people of Egypt to determine. So I have—I have not weighed in on anything other than on—as we have throughout this process—on the side of the people of Egypt to determine what Egypt looks like in their future.
REID: Are you categorically saying that at no time will the president ever say it's time for him to go?
GIBBS: Well, I'm not going to—Chip, I'm not going to stand up here and—and—and look that far into the future.
REID: It may be a few days in the future. It sounds like you're leaving the door open to the possibility?
GIBBS: I appreciate the game we're playing. I rather you not put words in my mouth.
CHRIS MATTHEWS, HOST: These guys don't want words in their mouth, but there no words are coming out, unless you put them in there.
EUGENE ROBINSON, MSNBC POLITICAL ANALYST: Well, nobody will say a word.
MATTHEWS: Here's the question. Is this administration riding the tiger over there? Are we telling the tiger which way to go even? Are we showing any influence or just wait and see who wins?
ROBINSON: Well, it's not clear. Clearly, they don't want us to know what they are saying behind-the-scenes. I hope they're talking to the army. I hope they're telling the army, look, the jig is up, you need to ease this guy out—
MATTHEWS: Right.
ROBINSON: -- so we can have—
MATTHEWS: You think that's what they are doing.
ROBINSON: I think that's what we ought to be doing.
MATTHEWS: Is that what we're doing? Is that what we're doing? Are we telling the Army, if you guys dump this guy, like we did with Diem in Vietnam, we're with you. That was a very clear signal (INAUDIBLE) at that point in 1963.
We sent a cable and said, we're with you if you dump the guy you got because we think he's no good for us. Are we doing that now?
ROBIN WRIGHT, WOODROW WILSON CENTER: Look, the military—
MATTHEWS: Am I putting words in your mouth?
WRIGHT: You're putting words in my mouth. The military is very important player. Many of them were trained in the United States. But I don't think the military is necessarily the only decisive factor. And I think one most interesting things happened on Sunday when the president reached out and he talked to the prime minister of Turkey.
This is a country that increasingly looks like it's a kind of model, a member of NATO. It's deployed troops with—
MATTHEWS: It's Islamic.
WRIGHT: It's Islamic. It deployed troops in Afghanistan with the West. It's taken strong stands against extremism and it's the kind of place that the United States hopes will play role in talking to Mubarak and easing him out, getting him to make the decision himself rather than to rely on the military.
ROBINSON: But here's the problem. Every day that Mubarak stays in power is going to be seen by a lot of people in that crowd as another day the United States kept Mubarak in power. As you said, the belief is always the United States is pulling the strings behind-the-scenes.
So, we're going to get the rap whether or not we're doing it. And I think that could be a problem down the road.
MATTHEWS: Well, I'm a big believer—the sooner the change comes, the less dramatic it has to be.
WRIGHT: That's right.
MATTHEWS: And the lower you hold—it's just boiling the water.
ROBINSON: Exactly. Keep the lid on.
MATTHEWS: You get the wildest change you ever didn't want.
WRIGHT: And not only that, but you have Tunisia that preceded it.
And this is something that now is rippling across the region.
WRIGHT: There is unease everywhere.
MATTHEWS: OK. Who's the most important in Washington besides the president right now?
ROBINSON: Secretary of state.
WRIGHT: Yes.
MATTHEWS: It's Donilon, it's not McDonough in the White House?
WRIGHT: When it comes to a country like Egypt, which is a country -
she knows well from her time, when her husband was in the White House and as a secretary of state.
ROBINSON: And right behind her would be Gates, Secretary Gates.
MATTHEWS: Well, I would think secretary of defense. And I want to know what Leon Panetta knows right now, the head of CIA.
MATTHEWS: I want to know how many people we got in the streets with nice Arabic looks and Arabic accents that can pass in that crowd and work their way into the Islamic brotherhood. I want to have people in there.
I'm a believer in intelligence. I want to know we're in there and I want—I'd like to think we can catch up the (INAUDIBLE) in that way.
WRIGHT: And I suspect that on Friday, the intelligence estimate was that Mubarak couldn't last and that's why you saw President Obama come out seconds almost after—
MATTHEWS: OK. Well, I'd like to think the president is three days ahead of us and he knows. A million people on the streets tomorrow. And three days after that, Mubarak is gone.
Anyway, Robin Wright. And thank you, Gene Robinson.
Let's go back right now to domestic politics and the birther crowd in Arizona trying to keep President Obama off the ballot this year. They're going for keeps, these guys. They're going to use this birther issue, not having an old birth certificate with a signature of a doctor, signature of witnesses. If he doesn't have that, if the president doesn't have it, they're not going to let him campaign for office in Arizona in 2012.
This is fascinating—well, it's worse than HARDBALL, we'll be right back on MSNBC.
MATTHEWS: Last week, we pointed out that Michele Bachmann seemed to be looking off camera during your response to the State of the Union. Bachmann was actually speaking to a Tea Party event and was looking at the Tea Party camera. The other camera, the one feeding pictures to us and the millions of Americans belonged to FOX News. But aired it live only on CNN.
Bachmann was never told to look at the camera and that's why she seemed to us to be looking off into space. So, it wasn't CNN's camera. CNN was merely showing the pictures that were sent by FOX.
HARDBALL will be right back.
MATTHEWS: Welcome back to HARDBALL.
Well, the birthers now have a plan to try to block Obama's re-election, well, in fact, the crazy world. A Republican in the Arizona state legislature has introduced a bill that would require candidates to provide, quote, "an original long form birth certificate that includes the date and place of birth, the names of the hospital, and the attending physician and the signature of witnesses in audiotape the attendance."
Without this, the candidates' name would not appear on the Arizona ballot this year. Does this really have a chance to become law in Arizona?
Howard Fineman is senior political editor for "The Huffington Post" and an MSNBC political analyst. And David Corn is Washington bureau chief of "Mother Jones." He writes for "Politics Daily," and he's also one of our political analysts.
Gentlemen—Howard, I don't know what's afoot here, but this—the beard keeps growing on this thing. It doesn't—it doesn't go away. The birther thing is not shamed into non-existence. They believe they have gotten something here they could embarrassed the president and they ain't going away.
HOWARD FINEMAN, MSNBC POLITICAL ANALYST: Well, it's kind of been backed into the corner of the sort of the tender loin of American politics which is Arizona. I mean, this is where all these resolutions and local laws come from.
MATTHEWS: Some day, you'll be getting off the airport and somebody is going to remind you about the tender loin. We've got this seedy part of San Francisco. I know where it is.
MATTHEWS: OK. Here's the point. We were talking before we went on during the break, that some of us have in our possession at home or somewhere, I have one in the office here, an actual copy of one of these birth certificates as described here. It has a picture of Naismith (ph) Hospital in northeast Philly, a Roosevelt bulwark. It has the name of the Dr. Langdon (ph), I believe we know him. And it's got witnesses and my parents names, all old school written out, handwriting with ink and everything on it.
It looks like an old document, like letters of transit in
"Casablanca." Now, you have the new kind which is this digital thing printed out. The president has produced this new kind. It's been fine for him.
DAVID CORN, MOTHER JONES: Newfangled.
MATTHEWS: But it's not fine. There it is. That's what he has.
CORN: Right.
MATTHEWS: He doesn't have the other kind, apparently. So—
CORN: But what the law says—and it's probably—the top Democrat in the state house of representatives told me last week that he expects it to pass because it already—
MATTHEWS: There it goes. OK, let's move ahead. It depends. Will Arizona deny our—the president of the United States a chance to run for reelection out there?
CORN: It still has to be signed by Jan Brewer, a Republican governor. And there are probably be court challenges. But it passes, and it goes through and it says, if you don't give us the original long form—and to begin with? What is original mean? The one that might have existed? Does a copy of the original if—
MATTHEWS: Well, the one that has the names of the doctors and the signatures of witnesses.
CORN: They want the original one. Not just a copy, but the original one. I mean, you don't have the original. You have a copy of the original.
FINEMAN: What brand of stethoscope was used in the delivery?
MATTHEWS: No, no. But the fact of the matter is, you may mock this by the fact, but a majority of people in Arizona passed vote for this, right? So, they want to see it.
CORN: And it will say that you can't be on the ballot as a president—
MATTHEWS: So, what's going to happen?
CORN: Now, in Arizona, if he's not on the ballot, it probably won't matter that much.
MATTHEWS: Because he's not going to carry Arizona.
CORN: Well, he didn't last time, probably won't next time. But it maybe up for grabs. But there are other states following suit now because what this is doing is giving the birther movement finally something to hang on to because they've lost every court challenge until now.
MATTHEWS: My own question, if you put these guys, including the congress people, there's like nine or 10 that who believe in this stuff, this malarkey, you might argue, if you put them under oath, if you waterboarded them, would they say they believe this guy is a complete imposter, he faked the announcement of his birth back when he was born in '61 -- that he faked that, all this was some incredible Manchurian candidate number, put together with the idea that after 45 years or so, this African-American guy of mixed background named Barack Obama is going to be elected president. Therefore, we'll have this guy (ph) to use.
Are they saying that that was all conspiracy?
FINEMAN: I think—I know a few of them and I think they probably don't think that necessarily.
MATTHEWS: What do they think?
FINEMAN: What they think is it's part of an effort to continue to attempt to undermine the legitimacy of the president. The fringes of every party—
MATTHEWS: If he produces a piece of paper, is it over?
FINEMAN: No, the fringes of every party do it. They tried to do it to Bill Clinton, because he only got 40, 42 percent of the vote. They do it with Barack Obama over this. Some people on the left tried to do it to George W. Bush because of the 2000 election. That's really what this is about, the way I see it.
MATTHEWS: With Clinton they tried to say he went to Russia on some kind of secret—back when we were fighting the Russians.
CORN: And he was brainwashed. I think there are people who
actually do believe this, who believe that he—that Barack Obama is
indeed some secret socialist Muslim who wants to take over America, ruin it
so it can become a socialist country. None of it makes sense, but I think
MATTHEWS: Let's go back to politics now. The leaders of the Republican Party again and again, and I get back to you, the real politics of these guys, you ask Boehner who was levelheaded, whether you agree with his politics, he's a level-headed guy, right? He won't disown these people. He will not disown them.
He says they're entitled to their opinions.
FINEMAN: Right.
MATTHEWS: As much as the person who believes that, you know, the Mets are going to win the World Series. It's just another theory to him. It doesn't—it is not considered seditionist or dangerous to the republic to constantly say the president of the country is not even one of you. This is a very strong statement.
FINEMAN: Well, I think—and I think, to look at it cynically, it serves their purpose on the fringes of their own base, not to denounce those people, because those are people that they're counting on to vote for Republican candidates.
MATTHEWS: OK. Is there more here—
FINEMAN: There's a constitutional issue here, though. If all the states do this, then who determines the qualifications for being on the presidential ballots in the states? I could see it being a Supreme Court case.
MATTHEWS: Well, traditionally the states said qualification—
FINEMAN: This is national office, though.
MATTHEWS: I want the honest answer here from you.
CORN: Sure.
MATTHEWS: There's always been questions about, well, George Romney was born perhaps outside the country. It wasn't clear, on one of the territories. Barry Goldwater was born in Arizona. It was a territory. It wasn't a state. John McCain was born in the Canal Zone.
We've had cases where people were not born in geographic United States. It didn't meet the strict construction, right? Would they be under this kind of assault if their name wasn't Barack Obama? And he wasn't black? Is this an ethnic card they're playing? Or just a game they're playing with history?
CORN: I think there's a movement on the right—not everybody who is opposed with Barack Obama, but to delegitimatize him as the other.
MATTHEWS: A foreigner?
CORN: It could be a—
MATTHEWS: Not just happened to be born somewhere else, but is essentially a foreigner.
CORN: But other people might just do it out of politics and ideology. But to make him different, he's not one of us.
MATTHEWS: OK. That's what I think. Do you agree with that?
FINEMAN: Yes, and I think that's why his State of the Union was so important because that was—
MATTHEWS: OK. Great. Howard Fineman, David Corn.
When we return—when I return—"Let Me Finish" with a history lesson for Michele Bachmann.
You're watching HARDBALL—she could use one here, she ought to be lucky we still don't have literacy tests out there. You're watching HARDBALL, only on MSNBC.
MATTHEWS: "Let Me Finish" tonight by putting a cap on that story that was running by us last week. It concerns the evil of slavery.
Congresswoman Michele Bachmann who's making forays into presidential politics these days which will definitely add to the color of the competition told a group in Iowa recently that our country's Founders worked tirelessly until slavery was no more in the United States. I think it was high time she said that we recognize the contribution of our Founders who worked tirelessly who would not rest until slavery was extinguished in our country. Well, to those watching whose forebears know more of the true, sad story of this part of our history, let me confirm what your parents and grandparents told you, perhaps in trying to explain how attitudes about race crept into our American culture.
Did the Founding Fathers work tirelessly to end slavery? Did they not rest until slavery was extinguished in this country? We'll hear the facts. I have a high school history teacher, a close friend of mine to thank for leading me to these details.
George Washington owned more than 200 slaves, some say between 250 and 350.
Thomas Jefferson owned as many as 200, his wife having brought 100 to the marriage as her dowry.
James Madison, who drafted the Constitution, had over 100 slaves, had them all his life, didn't even free them in his will.
James Monroe had about 75 slaves.
Andrew Jackson, about 160. John Tyler, 70. James Polk, 50 to 25.
Zachary Taylor, up to 150 slaves.
Other presidents through those years, Martin Van Buren, William Henry Harrison and Andrew Johnson also owned slaves. So, if you want to get your history from the congresswoman from Minnesota, that's, of course, an option. Or you can check it out yourself.
I recommend in this as in so many other cases you do some work yourself. President Reagan used to say trust but verify. When it comes to people like Bachmann and Beck and Savage and Palin and the rest of this jamboree, I think the smart move is to start with "the verify."
That's HARDBALL for now. Thanks for being with us.
More politics ahead with Cenk Uyghur.
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Polo Steals Beat? Ayo The Producer (Breaks Down Lil Wayne's Single "If I Die Today")
Ayo The Producer breaks down the instrumental to Lil'Wayne's single "If I Die Today" ft. Rick Ross. Follow @AyoTheProducer @TREN_SETT_MUZIK @SpotStudio407
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Human resources
In a highly competitive international environment the Human Resources team is supporting L'Oréal's growth by attracting and developing talent.
Individual talent lies at the root of every great idea. A company is not an end in itself but a way of creating conditions favourable to the development of talent. By staying faithful to this ideal the L'Oréal Human Resources team has to reconcile two key factors: they have to help L'Oréal employees choose the right career path while supporting the company's business goals. Supporting L'Oréal's managers worldwide, the HR team's mission is to attract, identify, select, develop and reward the finest talents in all the group's business units and divisions.


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Fitchburg man accused in money laundering scheme pleads guilty
Men to be sentenced in May
MADISON, Wis. — The second of two Fitchburg men accused in a local money laundering scheme has pleaded guilty in U.S. District Court in Madison.
Steve Schmidt, 56, pleaded guilty Tuesday to a money laundering conspiracy.
Schmidt's co-conspirator, Darren Ulatowski, 47, of Fitchburg, pleaded guilty to mail fraud on Feb. 4.
U.S. District Judge William Conley scheduled sentencing for both men for May 17.
Schmidt faces a maximum penalty of 20 years in prison, a $500,000 fine and a three-year term of supervised release.
Ulatowski faces a maximum penalty of 20 years in prison, a $250,000 fine and a three-year term of supervised release.
On Dec. 8, 2011, a federal grand jury in Madison returned a 22-count mail and wire fraud indictment that charged both Schmidt and Ulatowski with participating in a scheme to defraud It's Your Party, a Madison party event company where Schmidt worked.
The indictment alleged that the defendants used a variety of methods to embezzle money and products, and to misuse property and personnel from IYP for their own personal purposes, which included, among other things, the funding of House of Flowers, a floral shop in Verona, owned by Ulatowski, in order to keep HOF solvent and operational.
In his plea agreement, Schmidt agreed that the fraud loss amount for the scheme to defraud totaled $323,948.
At Tuesday's plea hearing, the government presented evidence of the defendant's scheme to defraud, including Schmidt's misuse of his IYP corporate credit card to pay for personal trips for Schmidt and Ulatowski and to pay for gift store inventory for HOF. In addition, Schmidt misused the IYP payroll system to issue IYP payroll checks to IYP contract floral designers doing work for HOF and to issue checks to vendors to pay for products purchased by Schmidt and Ulatowski for HOF, according to prosecutors.
Schmidt was fired from IYP in September 2007, after the owner of IYP first learned of some of Schmidt's fraudulent activity.
"The two defendants caused extreme financial and emotional distress for the owner of the business victimized by their actions," said U.S. Attorney Vaudreuil in a statement. "My office will continue to partner with federal, state, and local law enforcement investigators in aggressively pursuing individuals who participate in fraud."
The charges against Schmidt and Ulatowski were the result of an investigation conducted by IRS Criminal Investigation.


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Oliver Stone has his male leads and a studio for his next film, but he still needs a leading lady, and has his sights set on three blondes.
Blake Lively, Abbie Cornish and Teresa Palmer are all in the running to play Ophelia in Stone's adaptation of "Savages," reported Deadline. The film, which will likely star Aaron Johnson, Taylor Kitsch and Benicio Del Toro, recently found a home at (our corporate cousins) Universal Studios.
The film is based on Don Winslow's novel of the same name, here's the synopsis:
U.S. & World
The day's top national and international news.
Part-time environmentalist and philanthropist Ben and his ex-mercenary buddy Chon run a Laguna Beach–based marijuana operation, reaping significant profits from their loyal clientele. In the past when their turf was challenged, Chon took care of eliminating the threat. But now they may have come up against something that they can't handle—the Mexican Baja Cartel wants in, and sends them the message that a "no" is unacceptable. When they refuse to back down, the cartel escalates its threat, kidnapping Ophelia, the boys' playmate and confidante. O's abduction sets off a dizzying array of ingenious negotiations and gripping plot twists that will captivate readers eager to learn the costs of freedom and the price of one amazing high.
We remain impressed by Lively's turn in "The Town," but Cornish has been just OK in two not very good movies this year--"Limitless" and "Sucker Punch," and we haven't seen enough of Palmer to feel strongly about her, but she's dating Australian filmmaker Nash Edgerton, so she can't be all bad.


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Dear Liege
Our developer explained that the killed troops should have been wounded which cost more to heal than to revive at that tier. That's why we offer 200 Source of life to you. We can see that you used 760 source of life to revive both your T14 cavalries and catapults, around 350K each. For the troops that you were not able to revive, I will try to ask if we can give you at least part of them. As I said before, healing the troops is more expensive than reviving them at the tier. You could let us know if you have a better solution. Thanks.
Best Regards


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Your guide will take you inside and outside the home, as well as to the attic and basement, to give you a close up look at Kahn's masterpiece. Please dress for the weather and be prepared to navigate several sets of stairs.
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Apple Will Light the Wearable Tech Fire
Mar 21, 2014 6:11 AM PT
I'm usually not a prediction sort of guy because it's cosmically silly -- we're tiny little humans on a tiny little rock spinning in a very large universe. Yet here I am, looking at 2014 and the latest batch of smartwatch efforts from Samsung, Google, Motorola and LG.
Here's what I see: All of these manufacturers and creators are charging forward into the smartwatch arena with some interesting and incremental improvements to the watch. However, none has created anything that will resurrect the watch for whole generations of people who have either abandoned it in favor of smartphone clocks -- or never wore one in the first place.
Earlier this week, Google announced its Android Wear program to help extend Android to wearable devices -- to smartwatches and beyond. Nice. It's a good start.
Motorola also revealed a sleek (and nearly sexy) round Moto 360 smartwatch.
Meanwhile, LG is getting in on the action, and Samsung has released pricing on its Gear 2 (US$295) and Gear Fit ($197) smartwatches, which will hit the market in April.
It's all good stuff -- just not insanely great.
It's the Marketing, First and Foremost
Here's what I see happening in 2014: The Android crowd will continue to release smartwatches and wearable jewelry, making progress, but even with the impressive Moto 360, none of it will hit any sort of true tipping point of mass adoption until Apple joins the party.
At that point, smartwatches will transition from becoming interesting gadgets to enter mainstream consciousness.
Apple's marketing machine will ensure that hundreds of millions of people will be aware of the space like never before. This alone will drive adoption of Android-based smartwatches because it will, ironically, help activate Android smartphone customers.
Of course, millions of Apple fans will buy an Apple device just because of their affinity for Apple -- even if the Apple "smartwatch" isn't a necessary product.
Am I Overstating Apple's Importance Here?
Not at all. Why? When you think through the elements, there's a lot of reasons why this space won't tip until Apple plays its hand.
The most obvious reason is that Apple has at least 100 million truly loyal customers who at the same time make up a demographic that would consider dropping hundreds of dollars on a glorified watch. This set of customers won't buy Android-based solutions in 2014, and a Moto 360 sure as heck isn't enough to make them switch from iOS to Android.
Personally, I'm impressed with the early teaser of the Moto 360 -- and pleased to see a company take on a major design challenge and create a sweet product, which incidentally plays well with the roundness of the Web these days, not to mention Google+.
But it's not enough.
Apple's iPhone-using population might be dwarfed by the overall Android-using population, but -- even when you count the tech-lovin' geeks who appreciate how well Android lets them tinker and play -- the iPhone population of gadget buyers who will spend $200-plus on a wrist gadget is larger.
At least, that's my opinion based on all the graphs and studies I've seen over the last two years that show how iOS users engage with the Web more frequently -- and actually buy things, apps and media included, time and time again.
Customer Activation Is Key
Even if you quibble over the numbers of potential buyers right now, what matters most is Apple's insane ability to activate its customer base. Along with creating its actual product -- which I'll get to shortly -- Apple will do two things extremely well:
- Create a Web page
- Create a marketing campaign
Each of these two little things will do two more things:
- Describe the product in clear, engaging detail
- Help "sell" iPhone users on why they really want and need the product
If you look at Apple's product Web pages, they are all big, glorious items that step through items that not only describe a product, but also illuminate (and manipulate) its value. Have you ever tried to find such a page on Google's site? On Motorola's? Samsung's? For mass consumers, Apple's site is far simpler to grok.
The same goes for TV ads. When everyday consumers see how Apple presents the value proposition around its "watch," they will be able to imagine themselves wearing and using such a watch. Right now, for most people, I fully believe that imagining a Samsung Gear 2 on their wrist is more a leap of faith. The visceral and cerebral connections simply haven't yet been made.
The point is, Apple is one of the few companies that can make both a visceral and cerebral connection to a so-called smartwatch -- and then also has the power to broadcast its vision around the world.
What If Apple Creates Something Better Than a Smartwatch?
This entire premise is also based on the notion that Apple simply releases a smartwatch that's just as good as, if not a little better than, the competition's. I don't actually believe Apple will do that. I believe that Apple will make a serious leap forward by combining the power of a smartwatch with the useful health-based features of an exercise band.
In doing so, Apple will avoid the difficult-to-win fashion element of creating a traditional timepiece and instead introduce some sort of hybrid wrist device, maybe even with a new name, that will cause all the tech pundits to have collective palm-to-forehead moments on announcement day. That's what I'm hoping for, at least.
The more important thing is that Apple won't create just a smartwatch or band -- Apple will create a ready-to-run ecosystem of health-oriented partners, which also will be open to independent developers. If all of this comes together -- insanely great design married to cerebral and visceral marketing -- the smartwatch/band developer ecosystem will collide head-on with Apple's massive, loyal customer base.
And boom. The entire smart wearable space will explode.


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At Carson Corporation, we view our reputation as our most valuable asset. We operate according to a strict ethical code, and strive to foster that attitude in each of our employees.
Directional Drilling
We have the distinction of owning and operating one of the largest directional drill rigs on the East Coast that has successfully drilled throughout the country.
Civil Construction
We have the experience and resources to safely, efficiently and timely complete all aspects of a Civil development project. But isn't that what's expected from a civil contractor?


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Bein Movies.. do you know anyone sitting at home watching these FOX/Melody movie channels?
I mean yeah in Ramadan when you're bored or something but not everyday.
Anyway, thanks.
Oh, tell him to just unplug the bein receiver and start it over, it'll update on it's own... at least that's what I read on twitter.
... Crisetig lover, out.
Hey, Dark Knight.
You have a problem with bein channel 11 and above?
Batman, you do it, go to Guney`s page and copy-paste the stuff I left there with the translations I made and post them in the Roma game thread NOW
here http://forzainterforums.com/member.php?7721-Guney
eat your tiny heart out huzzaaaaam
you're one of my chilhood heroes yao.
Happy birthday Huz
Somebody stop me!


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Italian rice pudding: use arborio rice, and add a splash of amaretto with the milk (or almond extract and a half t sugar). Then throw in chopped or finely ground hazelnuts (about a handful) five minutes before serving. Enjoy lightly dusted with cocoa and cinnamon with a soy latte on the side.
How do you make your rice pudding?
I'll be the first to admit there's a lot not to love about it. For instance, I don't exactly love how wasteful it is: dead trees resurrected as Christmas cards; wrapping paper mountains that disappear overnight; families on the news pleaing for help with their electric bill because their light display captures the "Christmas spirit" better than anyone else's. I also don't love how commercial it is: buy this or your daughter will hate you! buy that or your house won't be Christmas-y enough! buy something or you're a total Scrooge! It's all very insulting.
And yet, I am smitten. For me, Christmas means snow-kissed landscapes and jazz in unexpected places. It means strange holiday crafts and complementary color schemes (hello, art nerd here!). It means pausing to appreciate your loved ones and pressure to be a little kinder. It also means a wealth of cookie recipes. For those of us compelled towards Christmas by something other than Christian faith, there's only one way to celebrate this odd cultural melange of Christian mythology and Pagan tradition. And that way to celebrate is... a cookie swap.
In my mind, cookie swaps are everything Christmas should be - and best of all, they don't even have to be about Christmas. (True story! You could host a cookie swap in July!) They're intimate because the best ones stay relatively small, and they're selfless because everyone has to do something for everyone else.
Plus, the cookies are a built-in conversation-starter: "Man, how did you get those cookies to look like stained glass? That's so neat!", "Hey, these are amazing. What's your recipe?", "Don't take any of those home; they taste like feet." Cookie swaps are such a relaxed, no-fuss social occasion.
The formula for a cookie swap is simple:
photo source
01. Assemble a small guest list - maybe five to twelve people - and send out invitations. Be sure to specify how many cookies everyone should bake and any dietary restrictions/allergies they need to be sensitive of. Also remind folks to bring a container if you won't be providing them. If you're really amazing, tell them to wear one of those amazing holiday sweaters, too.
Pro tip: the dollar store sells cookie tins and large stacks of those Chinese take-out looking boxes, so if you want to provide containers for guests, there are options.
02. Make sure to have a table ready for all the cookies. You can dress it up with a cloth, candles, whatever (there are always fancy table settings on Hostess with the Mostess if you're into that), but having that surface is what's important. If you're feeling up to it, decorate your home, too. The dollar store and thriftstore are great sources for materials, but it's easy make your own decorations, too. For bonus points, put on some of that sweet holiday jazz. (The library is an excellent source for said music.)
03. Provide beverages. Most of the cookies will probably go home with folks, but some will definitely be eaten at the party. That's why you need to provide soymilk, at the very least, and maybe some coffees and teas. Vegg nog, hot chocolate, chai, chocolate chai rice milk, and chocolate peppermint soymilk - all good choices, too! If you want to get crazy, throw in some juices and whatnot, too.
04. Plan games. Yeah, catching up and eating cookies are activities unto themselves - and in your case, that just might be enough - but if you really want to mark your party as an occasion, throw in some party games. Pin the nose on Rudolph! White elephant! Name that (Christmas) tune! Holiday charades! Stock the stockings! And on and on and on...
05. Have fun. Because that's what it's about, after all. And don't forget to remind your guests to take home some cookies!


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A defiant Texas Gov. Rick Perry, a potential 2016 presidential candidate, was booked on Tuesday on two felony charges related to his handling of a local political controversy.
Perry voluntarily appeared at the Travis County Court to be fingerprinted and to have his mug shot taken.
"I'm going to enter this courthouse with my head held high knowing that the actions I took were not only lawful and legal but right," Perry told reporters.
"I'm going to fight this injustice with every fiber of my being, and we will prevail and we'll prevail because we're standing for the rule of law," he said.
The charges allege Perry misused his office by improperly threatening to and then withholding state funds for a program run by a county prosecutor unless she resigned.
Perry, a Republican, was indicted last week on counts alleging coercion of a public servant and abuse of his official capacity.
His initial court appearance is scheduled for Friday.
The case centers on Perry's veto in June 2013 of $7.5 million approved by the Legislature to fund a public integrity unit run by Travis County District Attorney Rosemary Lehmberg, a Democrat. He wanted her out, following a drunk-driving arrest. She refused to leave.
His legal team insists he had a legal right to tie funding for the public integrity unit to Lehmberg's removal, and argues he had no legal obligation to explain his veto. Perry said on Tuesday that he would do the same thing again if faced with the same situation.
Many Republicans and some Democrats have come to Perry's defense. Even Texas gubernatorial candidate Wendy Davis, a Democrat, wasn't as strident in her reaction as her party's state committee, which called on Perry to step down.
"Those are very serious charges and I as a lawyer understand and trust the justice system and I will rely on it to do its job," she said on Monday.
Perry is entering his final few months in office after a historic 14-year run in Austin, and it's unclear how the charges might impact any presidential run.
It's an open secret he's laying groundwork for a second White House campaign after his disastrous 2012 effort and is due to visit key states in coming weeks.