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Guests: Ron Allen, Chuck Todd, Andrea Mitchell, Michelle Kosinski, Michelle Caruso-Cabrera, Abderrahim Foukara, Hisham Melhem, Jim Moran, Laura Richardson, John Feehery, Mark Penn
CHRIS MATTHEWS, HOST: Friendly persuasion.
Let's play HARDBALL.
Good evening. I'm Chris Matthews in New York. This is HARDBALL.
Leading off tonight: A defiant Mubarak. Late this afternoon, President Hosni Mubarak of Egypt went on television and said he would not run for another term as president when elections are scheduled in September. But Mubarak was defiant in saying he would not step down immediately but will serve out his term in office.
There's very little chance that Mubarak's pledge tonight will satisfy the protesters in the streets. Thousands of anti-government protesters gathered in Cairo, and for an eighth straight day. The crowds have been demanding that Mubarak get out and get out now, and they are not likely to be happy with Mubarak's half-steps.
Shortly before Mubarak spoke, President Obama effectively pulled American support. That message was conveyed by an old Egypt hand, Frank Wisner, who told Mubarak that even if he wanted to stay in office, he can't hold on until September, when elections are scheduled. We've got this story covered from all the bases in Cairo, Washington, and here in New York.
Plus, the charge of judicial activism. Conservatives go hoarse criticizing activist judges, what they called "liberals." But they can't get enough of yesterday's ruling against the health care law by a Florida judge appointed by Ronald Reagan. We'll dig into that hot story.
But we begin with the latest on the crisis in Egypt. Joining us right now in Cairo is NBC News correspondent Ron Allen. Ron, I guess I'm trying to figure this out. Did we tell Mubarak he has to leave now, next week, two months from now? What was our message through Frank Wisner, the old Egyptian hand, yesterday?
RON ALLEN, NBC CORRESPONDENT: It's unclear to me, too, Chris. I think there was a message that was pretty firm, that, Your time is up and we have to figure out how to end this.
I can tell you that the message out on the streets is also a bit muddled. We just got back from Liberation Square, where there are still perhaps tens of thousands of people out there. Some of them are vowing to camp out until the president resigns. Some of them are vowing to pull together another million-person march for this coming Friday, after Friday prayers.
But on the other hand, you have a group of people who we saw who were leaving the square after the speech, who were saying things like, Well, the president said everything we wanted to hear, he's going to step aside, he's going change things, we have to give him time.
And I think what that shows is that all along, we've been saying that the opposition to the president is somewhat fractured. It's very diverse, is perhaps a better word. There are people from all walks of life. So I get the sense that people are beginning to weigh their own self-interest in how much more they can push.
Remember, this is very uncharted territory. This country, this part of the world, has never seen anything like this before, I think it's fair to say. So given what's happened, I think people are really trying to understand, Well, where do we go from here? And the promise of another million people out on the streets on Friday may not be as easy as it perhaps sounds. There was a lot of passion out there today, a lot of people who were first-time protesters, if you will. We met families who brought their—parents who brought their children who wanted to be a part of history and see what was going on out in the streets. Whether the opposition can muster that and keep this playing out for another few days remains to be seen.
Remember the old adage, divide and conquer. And out in the square, in a quick snapshot after the speech, that's what I think was happening. Some people were satisfied, some people weren't, and a lot of people were just trying to make up their minds, OK, what do we do now? And I think for the government, after a day when it seemed that the government had been able to rope-a-dope this out a little longer, it seems that—well, that's where they are tonight. It seems like they're able to extend this a little longer. And for the government, that's good news. That's a victory for them. The protesters didn't get what they wanted. The president is still in power.
MATTHEWS: Well, I like the rope-a-dope analogy because it means let them wear themselves out. And my question to you—they talk about being a steam in a teapot. But you know, the army has to break. And it looks to me like he's talking to the army in that speech today, Ron. You read and heard what I said. I heard the president of Egypt is saying, I'm an army guy, identifying with the interests of the army. Is there any sign there that the army is not behind him?
ALLEN: No. The army seems to be—it's very interesting. On the street, there are tanks, there are soldiers out today. And they were standing by. They weren't—it was not aggressive. There was not a lot of—there was not a lot of aggression between the protesters and the military. And remember, a couple of nights ago, a government official went on camera—went on television and said to the protesters, We're not going shoot, we're not going to fire, saying things that suggested, We agree that you have the right to speak your opposition. You have the right to be out there. And there's no indication that they're clamping down on this again.
MATTHEWS: Yes.
ALLEN: But tonight, based on what Mubarak said, his patience may be running out. He may try and clamp down. Remember, this is a guy who's been in power for 30 years and this is how you stay in power for 30 years. You know, you play your adversaries. You do a little of this, a little of that. And you know, I don't know that we can say for sure what the tactics will be going forward, if the opposition will be able to bring out hundreds of thousands of people back into the streets. Mubarak obviously is getting a lot of diplomatic pressure from the United States and elsewhere, but he's still there. He's still there to fight another day.
MATTHEWS: It seems to me, based upon his statement on television—we're going to play it right now, but a couple of statements he made—one, The army is with me, I'm with the army. Number two, I'm going to bring the police out. The police are not going to keep standing by. We're going to have investigations of this riot, this protest.
Let's take a look, Ron, together at Hosni Mubarak again and this very historic statement late today.
HOSNI MUBARAK, EGYPTIAN PRESIDENT (through translator): My top priority and responsibility now is to restore the security and stability of the nation, to ensure the peaceful transition of power in an atmosphere providing security and saving the people, safeguarding the people, to pave the way for this, who is to be elected by the people in the coming elections. And I tell you in absolute veracity, regardless of the current circumstances, I did not intend to run for the coming presidency. I have exhausted my life serving Egypt and its people. However, I am totally keen on ending my career for the sake of the nation.
MATTHEWS: Ron, I'm a political guy, I'm not an Egyptian guy. That guy looks strong. Anybody would like to look like him at 82. He doesn't look nervous, like he did a couple of days ago. He ain't sweating. And he's talking about having the army with him and talking about releasing the police to clean up the crowds. He doesn't look like he's leaving. My thought. Yours?
ALLEN: That sounds pretty ominous, to have the police clean up things, because the police, more so than the military in this country, are a dreaded force. We were downtown at one point, and some of the only violence that we saw was a confrontation between a group of police who were in a pick-up truck with a covered back, and they went into an area where there were a lot of people sitting around in a sidewalk cafe. The truck backed in, and the protesters pounced on it, throwing rocks and sticks at it and banging on the—on the—the driver—the police officer who was driving the truck backed out in a hurry and got out of there.
MATTHEWS: Right.
ALLEN: That was the only violence that we saw in being out there for many hours all day. You know, I think a lot of people, certainly the opposition, who've been so critical of the president, are not going to believe that any of these investigations are going to be worth the time or worth their weight, they're going to be rigged, like the elections, they would say.
And again, over the coming weeks and months—Mubarak's trying to buy time. He's trying to play this out. And the opposition, again, Mohammed ElBaradei and others who've taken—who've taken the lead on this, or at least have been visible in the lead of this—you know, there's some pressure on them now to see if they can really mobilize the people and have another surge of people power and keep a lot of attention and enthusiasm and energy in this. It's a lot to sustain.
The other thing you have happening, Chris, of course, is that the country is crumbling. Trains are not running. Banks are not open. People are not going to school or work. It's taking its toll, and a lot of people who were certainly poor to begin with, want to get things back to normal, to their normal so that they can survive. And that's another dynamic—
ALLEN: -- that's going on. That's going to be a test in the coming days and weeks.
MATTHEWS: OK, Ron, thank you very much for that report. Ron Allen in Cairo.
Let's go right now to NBC News White House chief correspondent Chuck Todd. Chuck, the president—we're hearing that Wisner went over there on the president's behalf and basically told this close ally of ours to leave. Are we treating him the right way to get him to leave, or is he just showing defiance because we're not showing the right way to tell him to leave?
CHUCK TODD, NBC POLITICAL DIR./WHITE HOUSE CORRESPONDENT: No, I think by sending Wisner, I think that tells you who has a personal relationship with Mubarak. A lot of people in the American diplomatic and national security community do have pretty good relationships, personal relationships, with Mubarak, but Wisner closer than others. So in many ways, that signal is a sign of respect to Mubarak in the hopes that he would listen to the message in full.
And I think that's the clear—that's what's unclear here, and that's what—what—there's been some fuzziness in the public statements coming out of the White House—
MATTHEWS: Right.
TODD: -- because yesterday, Chris, you know, they were trying to say, No, no, no, no, we're not trying to pick the next leader, we're not telling Mubarak when to go, when actually, it seems pretty clear they sent Wisner over there to explain to him how he must go.
MATTHEWS: Well, the old political question about our president, Barack Obama, is whether he's a transactional guy or a relationship guy. And of course, he's always accused of being a transactional guy. And this question I got to ask, Is he being relationship enough with Mubarak? Why doesn't he say anything good about him? Why doesn't he ask him to leave quietly without making public—usually, if you want somebody to do something, you sort of love them to death. You tell them how good a job you've done for 30 years, you've been a close ally, a peacekeeper. We're not saying anything good about this ally of 30 years. Why not?
TODD: Well, look, I think this goes to a bigger geopolitical issue, which is the more—the more that is said, the more that could be implied of, it's too pro-American or we're picking sides—and I think that there's that fear. You know, there was a lot of public hesitance—
MATTHEWS: Yes.
TODD: -- during the Iranian protests in the streets about 18 months ago because—and the fear that they had was and the reason they weren't so publicly forward on this, that if they picked a side, then that side would get the anti-American sentiment that's so easily spun up in the Muslim world—
MATTHEWS: Yes.
TODD: -- at a moment's notice could be used against—either for or against the opposition. And I think that that's the line they've been walking here. This is less about Mubarak—I think behind the scenes, when you say send a guy like Wisner and you do the things that they've been doing and—you're sending a signal that you do appreciate what kind of ally he's been for 30 years.
So look, I think one thing you got to understand about Barack Obama when it comes to foreign policy—and it was something you heard lot about during the campaign and it's something I feel I've observed—is that he's a pragmatist, and he always has been a pragmatist. He's got—he may have idealistic goals, but he's very pragmatic in trying to get there. And that's why, just like every other American president, you develop the relationships you have to with—whether it's—
MATTHEWS: Yes, it just seems very cold, Chuck.
TODD: You know, and this was one of those.
MATTHEWS: It looks very cold, the way we're treating this guy. It seems to me, if you want him to leave, you say nice things about him. If you want him to stay, you might ignore him. But I'm not talking about befriending him now. I'm being—I'm saying we should acknowledge we've been his friend and then tell him to leave. Do we have any ties with anyone else in the military over there besides the president? Are we working the military if the president's defiant?
TODD: Well, one thing you got to remember, Chris, is on the day of the revolution, on the day it started, on January 25th in Egypt, one of the top defense—in the Egyptian defense—in the Egyptian army was meeting with Secretary Gates, doing sort of a regular—
MATTHEWS: Yes.
TODD: You know, so actually, our ties to the army as the United States government—very close. A lot of high-level generals have spent a lot more time at West Point than they have in some of their own military bases. So no, no, no. The ties there are actually stronger. I mean, I think if you look at it on a pure diplomatic sense, if the transition, if the army is used as a transition—and they seem to be the obvious short-term answer here, right?
MATTHEWS: Right.
TODD: The people respect the army because there's a lot of, you know, rank-and-file Egyptians that have to do a tour in the army, so that it's a very pro-people part of this, and at the same time, we as the United States government have a very good relationship with the Egyptian army.
MATTHEWS: Great. I'm waiting to see if we develop a relationship with Suleiman as a transitional figure. Anyway, thank you, Chuck Todd. Great reporting from the White House. And that's where a lot of this is happening.
Coming up, we're going to get reaction for Mubarak's address, well, from the streets of Cairo. What are they saying about what he said? We're going to get the question—and also the domino effect. Could this contagion spread to other countries in the Arab world? I'm sure they're worried in a lot of those countries like Jordan and Saudi Arabia, and of course—and our friendship—zone (ph) of all friendships, Israel over there.
You're watching HARDBALL, only on MSNBC.
MATTHEWS: Normally, this would be a hot story. The Democrats announced today they'll hold their national convention next summer in Charlotte, North Carolina. Charlotte beat out St. Louis, Minneapolis and Cleveland for the honor. President Obama surprisingly carried the Tarheel state in 2008, and the decision to convene in Charlotte is obviously a big sign the White House—this president wants to win North Carolina a second time. The Republicans will hold their convention in Tampa. Well, they're both going to be hot places in September of next year. We'll be right back.
MATTHEWS: Welcome back to HARDBALL. For more on how the Egyptian street over there in Cairo is reacting to Mubarak's address late this afternoon, let's turn to Abderrahim Foukara, the Washington bureau chief of Al Jazeera, and Hisham Melhem, who's Washington bureau chief of Al Arabiya.
Let me to go, first of all, to Abderrahim. Your sense of the disconnect—let's start with the easy one in this country—the disconnect between our president and the president of Egypt right now.
ABDERRAHIM FOUKARA, AL JAZEERA: Well, there's clearly a disconnect, but there's something else. I think everyone involved in this situation is having a doublespeak, so to speak. President Obama is saying that he wants Mubarak to go, but he's not saying it outright. Mubarak is now saying, Yes, I do recognize the grievances, the legitimate grievances of the Egyptian people, but they are being manipulated by somebody else and I'm not going to leave.
It seems to me that the only people who are actually saying one thing, the protesters in Cairo, interestingly, the protesters in Cairo and the Turkish prime minister, who today in parliament outright called on Mubarak to step down.
MATTHEWS: Well, let me go to Hisham on this question, as well. What do you see? Just bring it home to America for a minute here. As you watch it, Obama is trying to say, Leave. What is Mubarak really saying? Is he negotiating, or is this his fixed position? Where's he at on this?
HISHAM MELHEM, AL ARABIYA: I mean, if you listen to the speech in Arabic, Chris, what you get is a tone of indignation, petulance, as well as defiance. This man who still lives in denial. This is a man who still—if he sees a problem today, he sees it through the prism of security. He doesn't believe that his very legitimacy is being questioned or has been questioned for many years, and now it's been totally rejected by the Egyptian people almost universally.
And he's clinging to power and he's telling us and he's telling his own people, I'm not going to be another Bin Ali (ph). I live here. I fought for this country. And I'm going die here. He's asking for another eight months, during which all sorts of things happen. As we say in America, one month is an eternity in politics. In Egypt, eight months is too much for these people.
So what you have now is a situation in which only probably in the foreseeable future, the army will ease him out because the army should realize that they cannot alienate the United States because they do depend on your tax money and my tax money and—
MATTHEWS: What do you mean should? Are you saying you want the army to push him out, or are you saying you think they will?
MELHEM: No, I think, eventually, they will. Otherwise, this thing will prolong, and then you end up into a very messy situation where all sorts of variables could occur without nobody's anticipation. The Islamists will reassert themselves. You will have a chaotic situation. And you don't have central control. And now we have a leaderless—which is good, by the way—a leaderless, spontaneous outburst of anger and wrath against this corrupt pharaoh, in the eyes of these Egyptians. But then, you know, when these variables occur, it will be extremely difficult to contain them.
MATTHEWS: Let me go to Abderrahim.
It seems to me the United States has always had a different take on Egypt than Egypt has on itself, obviously. When Anwar Sadat was assassinated, we had tremendous emotions in this country. We loved this guy like he was almost like Winston Churchill or Lafayette, one of the few foreign leaders we ever loved. And that was Anwar Sadat.
And then there's something about his personality, his manner, and, of course, his behavior in terms much peacemaking that we loved about him. And then we realized the Egyptian people were not that emotional when this guy was gone.
Tell us about the disconnect between our view of Mubarak in the United States the last 30 years and the Egyptian sort of general view, without being too political, just the general view of Mubarak, who they see him as.
FOUKARA: Well, the Egyptians clearly—I mean, as these demonstrations have seen, there's a large, large, large segment of Egyptian society who see themselves as having put up with a lot of things from the Mubarak regime, socially, economically, and politically.
I think the message has been loud and clear. They want him to go. But, obviously, for the Obama administration, because President Mubarak has been such an asset to the United States in so many different ways including in terms of relations with Israel, and in terms of mediation between the Israelis and the Palestinians, they are obviously having a tough time trying to push him or to ease him out.
They also don't want to be seen by other leaders in the region as having—leaning too much on an ally—
MATTHEWS: Right.
FOUKARA: -- to pry him out of—out of his position.
But let me just quickly go back to the army. I was saying that everybody is having a double-speak. It seems to me from what I have seen is that the Egyptian army now also seem to be having a double-speak.
On the one hand, they say these are legitimate grievances by the
protesters. We're not going to attack you. But, at the same time, we see
pictures of President Mubarak surrounded by the generals. And I think it -
it—it also reflects to a certain extent the difficult position in which the army finds itself now. It wants him to go, but at the same time it doesn't want to move against the protesters.
MATTHEWS: Well, you do that, Hisham. See if you can report intuitively on what the army is thinking. How many days will they give him, for example?
MELHEM: I think it's a question of days, weeks at most, definitely not months. We are not going to see a replay of what happened in Iran when the shah fell. The United States cannot afford it. 2011 is—is different than the 1970s.
And, by the way, you're—I don't think you are going to see a Tiananmen Square moment here. This is not China. China is a—China is a world unto itself. Egypt depends on the outside world, particularly on the United States and the West. And, therefore, I think the army knows from where its bread is buttered.
Let's be blunt about this.
MATTHEWS: Yes.
MELHEM: And this is a—this is a two-way streak—street. Mubarak when he fights al Qaeda, when he tries to stand up to Iran, he's not doing a service or a favor for America, Chris. He's doing a service to himself.
In fact, let me tell you something. I think most of those people who are demonstrating against him, they're not only demonstrating because they want better opportunities and bread and butter and respect and they want to be treated without contempt. They believe this man presided over the decline and the decay of Egypt, which was once the trendsetter in the Arab world.
MATTHEWS: Yes.
MELHEM: The—the country had created the art and the literature that I, as a young man growing up in Beirut, I used to enjoy. Today, Egypt cannot even influence an event in tiny Gaza, which speaks volume about its diminishing stature.
MATTHEWS: Yes.
MELHEM: And he became the personification of that decay and that decline.
MATTHEWS: Well, I remember it, too, sir, from the outside. I remember Nasser.
Thank you very much, Abderrahim—Abderrahim Foukara and Hisham Melhem. Thank you, gentlemen, for that great information.
FOUKARA: Thank you.
MATTHEWS: Egypt has kept the peace with our ally Israel, we know, for three decades. Will the next Egyptian leader play any role like that?
When we return: what the Israelis are thinking, what they are worrying about tonight.
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MATTHEWS: Well, for three decades now, Egypt has been Israel's ally in the Arab—Arab world, as well as our own ally. So, with Mubarak promising to step aside by the end of the year, what happens to the Egyptian-Israeli relationship now, and how worried are the Israelis?
NBC's Michelle Kosinski is in Tel Aviv tonight. And, in Washington, we have got the NBC chief foreign affairs correspondent, Andrea Mitchell, standing by.
Michelle, do you have any idea what Bibi Netanyahu, the prime minister of Israel, is thinking tonight?
MICHELLE KOSINSKI, NBC CORRESPONDENT: Not tonight. In fact, it took days for him to say anything, with the Israeli press clamoring for some official statement on the situation, because it is so tenuous, it is so close. Israelis have been watching this a border away.
The older generation say—saying they are terrified of what could happen after this. And they felt this sort of longing for Mubarak to stay in power. Even though they didn't necessarily agree with the way he ran the country all of these years, they felt that he was at least a rock of stability in that peace relationship.
The younger generation, though, feeling like, hey, you know what? These are young people on the streets. They are just like us. All they want is freedom and more opportunities.
But I think Netanyahu put it best when he said yesterday, we know that this motivation in Tunisia first and then in Egypt didn't come from religious fundamentalism. It came from those same things that the young people are talking about very optimistically.
But this is exactly the type of situation where that harder line can take hold. Now, it seems everybody is looking at this with an inevitability, that there is going to be a role of the Muslim Brotherhood in this. The big unknown is how much.
You know, Chris, today, we sat down with the top leader of Hamas. And he told us he feels that the Muslim Brotherhood has never wanted to play the top role in Egypt. They just want to play a role. And Palestinians are celebrating this—
MATTHEWS: Right.
KOSINSKI: -- still, you know, without the end in sight exactly.
Israelis, though, knowing that there's going to be a change, they feel like, at least initially, it is going to be bad for that relationship.
MATTHEWS: OK. Thank you, Michelle Kosinski over in Tel Aviv.
Let's go to our expert here in Washington, Andrea Mitchell.
We always rely on you. I guess you have been thinking through this 24/7 since it began, because it's always in your head and heart, this whole question of peace in the Middle East. Is this only bad news?
ANDREA MITCHELL, NBC CHIEF FOREIGN AFFAIRS CORRESPONDENT: Not necessarily, but most likely.
And it was very interesting to see that Netanyahu's initial reactions earlier this week were very critical. He was critical of the U.S. for really pulling out the rug on Friday from Mubarak, because Mubarak was a strongman and a reliable partner for Israel and was critical to, of course, securing whatever security there is in Gaza on that border.
So, Israel was not happy and was very slow to move to recognize that what had happened in the streets, what is happening in the streets is inevitable. U.S. officials now are also really in—in a very difficult situation.
At this hour, as you know, the U.S. trying to figure out how to respond. The National Security Council meeting with the president, and people telling me that their dilemma is, how do you respond to something, when it's not enough, when he was told by Frank Wisner that your time is up, and he did not take the message? He's clinging—
MATTHEWS: Yes.
MITCHELL: -- by saying that he is going to stay on. And, Chris, that is simply not going to work. The people have moved beyond this.
MATTHEWS: Let's talk about American politics now.
I—I think most politicians at the front line have tried to avoid politicizing this. But—
MITCHELL: Yes.
MATTHEWS: -- Mike Huckabee said something today I think does make sense, and it's along the lines of what Bibi Netanyahu said. He is saying, we're not showing any sense of alliance with Mubarak in this very difficult situation.
Why are we not saying good things about him as we urge him to leave?
MITCHELL: Well, the—the problem is that the administration is trying to negotiate this very difficult balance. They don't want the people of Egypt to feel that—first of all, that we're trying to dictate some choice, because that would immediately backfire. Nor do they want to get behind the curve on history. Some said that they were last week.
And so they have to be sympathetic and with the people on the street, because that's clearly where the power now lies, and with the military, and so you know that there have been a lot of conversations with the army. They are very much impressed by the Egyptian army, that it has been—it has shown itself to be a professional army, in that it is aligning itself with the constitution and with the state, not with a specific—specific leader, not with Mubarak.
So it's showing that it has responded to the people. It has said, we're not going to take action against the people. And the army really can become the core of work with opposition groups.
MITCHELL: But for the first time, significantly, a top official said it's clear the Muslim Brotherhood has to be a part of this equation.
And that's what Israel doesn't want.
MATTHEWS: Well, I don't have to remind you of the American character you and I share. And we do not like seeing people treat their friends badly.
MITCHELL: Sure.
We treated Diem terribly. We let get killed, butchered, then killed, in Vietnam, even though he was our ally for all those years. We watched the shah become, as Henry Kissinger called him, a Flying Dutchman before he died.
MATTHEWS: And Americans do sense when we're being right with people. And my only last question to you is, do you think we're being right with Mubarak?
MITCHELL: At this point, yes, because this is the reality. He's a strongman, and now he can no longer be a strongman.
And we have to acknowledge that he was the first Arab leader to recognize the new Iraq. That was a very important step from a U.S. perspective.
MATTHEWS: Yes.
MITCHELL: But he's got to recognize that we have no choice.
MATTHEWS: OK. Thank you very much.
Sharp reporting, Andrea Mitchell, and analysis.
Up next: Here at home, Republicans are celebrating. Now, they don't usually like judges, but they like this fellow down in Florida because he has ruled against the health care reform. He's called it unconstitutional, a second federal judge to do that, and, by the way, the second Republican appointee to do that.
So, let's talk about judicial activism when we come back, from a different perspective than usual.
You're watching HARDBALL, only on MSNBC.
MICHELLE CARUSO-CABRERA, CNBC CORRESPONDENT: I'm Michelle Caruso-Cabrera with your CNBC "Market Wrap."
We had a second day of very solid gains. And that easily erased Friday's big sell-off. The Dow Jones industrial average surged 148 points to close above 12000 for the first time since June of 2008. The S&P 500 climbed 21 points, and the Nasdaq jumped 51.
Investors finding plenty of reasons to buy today despite the ongoing unrest in Egypt, like a virtual blizzard of better-than-expected profits from big names like Pfizer, UPS, farming giant Archer Daniels Midland, and also Chinese search engine Baidu.
U.S. auto sales jumping by about 18 percent in January. And that was led by even bigger gains for GM and Chrysler. On top of that, another very good month for U.S. manufacturing in January. In fact, the ISM index climbed more than expected. However, component prices are on the rise as well. That news combining with a weaker dollar pushing commodities sharply higher.
Finally, energy stocks still in the spotlight on lingering concerns about the stability of the Suez Canal.
That's it from CNBC. We're first in business worldwide—now back to
MATTHEWS: Welcome back to HARDBALL.
A Reagan-appointed judge ruled today—the other day that the entire Obama health care law is unconstitutional. He did it yesterday. A White House adviser called it an example of—it being an example of judicial activism.
So, now we got two federal judges appointed—upholding the law, and we have got two appointed by Republican presidents opposing it. So, we have got a partisan split in the court and it looks like the Supreme Court is going to have to decide this just in time, guess what, for next year's presidential election.
Joining me right now is Virginia Congressman Jim Moran and California Congresswoman Laura Richardson.
Congresswoman, I want to start with you on this.
You know, the American people have a hard time believing we have an independent judiciary, when you have got this even split. Hey, guess what? The two Democratic-appointed judges are with the president. Guess what?
The two Republican-appointed judges are against him.
Is this partisan judicial behavior on all sides?
REP. LAURA RICHARDSON (D), CALIFORNIA: Well, Chris, first of all, thanks for having me.
And the fact that you mentioned it's lo and behold right in Florida causes us to have question. Not only is this judicial activism. It's overreaching, and it doesn't even meet the mainstream test. Not to follow precedents by Supreme Court law and not to do a true analysis, to cut out an entire bill based upon one provision is way out of bounds, even for Republicans.
MATTHEWS: What did you make of the charge that you can't use the interstate Commerce Clause to cover all activity and non-activity; you can't punish a person with taxation for not buying health insurance, when there's no commerce there; the person is not buying anything? How can you say that they are included in commerce?
What do you think of that argument by the judge?
RICHARDSON: Well, I think it's pretty weak.
All you have to look at is, in 2009 alone, $43 billion, it cost many taxpayers to pay for people who hadn't paid for the insurance themselves. If that's not what commerce is, I don't know what you would call it.
We have a longstanding history of being able to utilize legislation based upon the Commerce Clause. And this is no exception. Come to my hospitals. We have got hospitals open—
MATTHEWS: I agree.
RICHARDSON: -- having to care for people because they haven't done the preventative care themselves.
MATTHEWS: Well, you have sold me.
I want to go back to Congressman Moran on that same question.
It seems to me, if a person is willing to walk around with a sign that says, if I'm in a traffic accident, and if I have a heart attack, if I have an appendicitis attack, leave me alone and let me die because I don't want to be part of interstate commerce—I mean, I know that's ludicrous. But what about her—what's your argument for why this is constitutional, if you have one?
REP. JIM MORAN (D), VIRGINIA: Well, clearly, we have determined that we're going to provide health care when needed, even to people who don't have insurance coverage. That means that all of us have to pay it, those of us who have insurance coverage. It's reflected in hospital bills, it's reflected in insurance premium, it's reflected in property taxes because many localities pick it up.
This is a conservative even partisan interpretation of an issue, and the proponents of repeal knew once they got Judge Hudson and once they got Judge Vinson what the outcome of their ruling was going to be. The problem, though, is the Supreme Court, because that's where it will be decided. And we've known since they appointed George Bush over Al Gore, despite the trend of the Florida vote counting that that at least four members of this Supreme Court are activist, conservative, even partisan.
Here you'll have Clarence Thomas' wife, one of the founders and leaders of the Tea Party movement. Judge Scalia is in conference with Michelle Obama, talking about the Tea Party movement.
MATTHEWS: Michele Bachmann.
MORAN: You got Judge Alito publicly disputing the president at the State of the Union. Even Judge Roberts has shown himself to be a conservative activist in many of his decisions.
It's going to be decided in a court that is divided and the only vote that really matters is Judge Kennedy's now.
MATTHEWS: Isn't that strange?
Congresswoman Laura Richardson of California, you're a member of the Congress now for a couple of terms now. Doesn't it appall the American people that once again, we're going to have a Supreme Court decision which seems like the only independent vote is that of Judge Kennedy?
RICHARDSON: Well, it's unfortunate because we would have all thought we have come much further. But I'm going to actually hold out for a little better hope. If you look at even President Reagan's solicitor general, Mr. Fried, had said that there was no hope of really basing his decision on any constitutional argument.
So, I think they are way off-base this time. We're going to hold true to Kennedy. He's going to look at the key points of what Supreme Court justices view, precedence and analysis. In this test, it doesn't hit on either bounds.
MATTHEWS: Well, I have a little faith as an observer like you two, I'm citizen observer. But I have a faith of—Judge Scalia has said in my presence he likes law. He does respect decisions made by Congress. He doesn't—he has a hard time with finding rights in the Constitution like the right of a woman to choose. But he doesn't have a problem with Congress having the right to pass law. So, maybe you have a chance here.
Let me read Judge Vinson's ruling to both of you, starting with Congressman Moran. This suggests a political intent here. It is difficult to imagine—let read this. "It is difficult to imagine that a nation which began, at least in part, as the result of opposition to a British mandate giving the East India Company a monopoly and imposing a nominal tax on all tea sold in America would have set out to create a government with the power to force information buy tea in the first place."
Well, he's certainly touching a hot rail there, Mr. Moran? Tea?
MORAN: Yes. I mean, that's subtle. It's clearly a nod to the Tea Party movement. That's what he attended.
The fascinating thing, though, is that if you were to throw out the individual mandate and keep the required coverage for pre-existing conditions, it will in effect become a public option, because you can't have one without the other. I don't know why they don't fully understand that.
What people will do is drop their coverage knowing that if they get sick or have an accident, insurance companies have to give them coverage. Well, every insurance company will go out of business just as every car insurance company would go out of business. And you'll have government financed health care.
So, you either got to throw out the whole bill or you have to tell them you can't have coverage for pre-existing conditions if we're going to reject the concept of an individual mandate.
MATTHEWS: Well, for the right-wing point of view, that would be a revolting development.
Thank you very much, Congressman Jim Moran of Virginia, Congresswoman Laura Richardson.
RICHARDSON: Thank you for having me.
MATTHEWS: Up next: the Tea Party has all the excitement on the right and mainstream Republicans are getting scared because the Tea Party is out for scalps. They're going around—well, I'm making a reference to the Boston Tea Party that they were just pretending.
They're going around apparently to unseat three long time Republican senators. Catch these names: Snowe of Maine, Lugar of Indiana, Hatch of Utah. Look out, they are coming to get you. That's ahead.
You're watching HARDBALL, only on MSNBC.
MATTHEWS: Well, the Democrats will be defending 23 of the 33 Senate seats up for grabs next year and for the fight of one of those seats arguably just has gotten a little tougher. That's because Montana Republican Congressman Denny Rehberg will announce he'll challenge first term Senator Jon Tester. What a race.
Tester won that state in 2006 with just 49 percent of the vote, and Rehberg is a popular figure statewide. He won his seat last November with 61 percent. That's a statewide seat.
Republicans only need four pickups to within control of the Senate to join control of the House. They are on a roll perhaps tonight on that one.
HARDBALL will be right back.
MATTHEWS: Welcome back to HARDBALL.
"The New York Times" reported over the weekend that Senators Olympia Snowe of Maine, Orrin Hatch of Utah and Richard Lugar of Indiana may all be challenged by the right, by the Tea Party right. Should the establishment GOP be afraid?
Well, John Feehery is a Republican consultant and was communications director for former speaker, Denny Hastert. And Mark Penn is a Democratic consultant who advised Bill and Hillary Clinton.
Gentlemen, thank you.
I'm looking at this strange behavior by Sal Russo. He was pretty strange on this show trying to defend Michele Bachmann which he couldn't do on her—well, lack of knowledge history which is pretty scary.
But here he is. He was interviewed by "The National Review Online" about whether the Tea Party would go after Orrin Hatch of Utah. He's a pretty conservative guy. Russo responded, "Yes. You know, Orrin is a Reagan conservative. As far as I'm concerned, that's as good as it gets."
But hours later, Sal Russo's boss, Amy Kramer, the chairman of the Tea Party Express e-mail "National Review," quote—to clarify, saying, quote, "What Mr. Russo was getting at is that we will continue to approach each race with a sense of the greater perspective and understand the Reagan principle that our 20 percent enemy is still 80 percent our friend. There is great excitement and energy amongst Utah Tea Party activists about the prospects for a constitutional conservative candidate to step forward and offer an alternative to Senator Hatch in 2012. If and when that should happen, we here at the Tea Party Express will evaluate those candidates."
Well, that's a step back from Orrin's OK from Sal Russo.
Is your party jittery to the point of doing sort of hot-footing this issue, John Feehery? Like in the old cowboy movies, are they dancing while they shoot at their feet here?
JOHN FEEHERY, REPUBLICAN STRATEGIST: I think anybody who's been in the Senate for quite a while ought to make sure that they get home and listen to their constituents, and listen to all aspects of the party.
MATTHEWS: Why are you treating Orrin Hatch like Mubarak?
FEEHERY: Well, I think that Orrin Hatch is a great senator. I think he's been here in Washington for a while. I think he's going to get reelected. I think he's going to win the primary.
But I think, like any good senator, he gets the wake-up call from the last election. He's going back and talking to his constituents.
I think Dick Lugar is doing the same thing. And Olympia Snowe is doing the same thing.
You're going to get back home and talk to your constituents and make sure that you are hearing what they're saying and make sure that your messages work with them.
MATTHEWS: So, the Muslim Brotherhood has a parallel role here with the Tea Party. They are the one that keep you honest and decide whether you've stayed too long, that you've got a "sell-by" date looming.
FEEHERY: You know, Chris, you were in Congress for a long time. I served in Congress for a while. I've seen as many times when members of Congress lose touch with their constituents.
MATTHEWS: So, the Tea Party is the constituency? That's the new constituency.
FEEHERY: No, no, no. I think you've got to make sure you have a majority coalition. It's not just about the Tea Party. It's about the Republican Party.
FEEHERY: I really believe that.
MATTHEWS: Mark, let me talk about these guys who are out there speaking for the people. They don't get elected. They are guys like Sal Russo and Glenn Beck, and these guys are out there saying they speak for the people. And I'm looking at this strange behavior by Bachmann lately, saying that the Founding Fathers got rid of—got rid of slavery.
Boy, a lot of African-American people come out to me and said, well, I was surprised by that news, very surprised. There's some craziness out there on the right and the fact that the war-hooping nut bags, some of them, are deciding who the senators should be, should make the Democrats feel happy like yourself, centrist Democrats, feel pretty because you're trying to groom the Democratic Party to the center, while the Republican Party is flaming off to the right.
MARK PENN, DEMOCRATIC STRATEGIST: Well, I think that's right. I mean, I think the Tea Party did significant damage. They can do significant damage to the Republican Party, particularly in small states like Utah, where an organizing difference could—organizing effort could make a huge difference in the outcome of a low turnout situation. I think that's what you saw in Delaware.
So, look, it could well happen. I think the bad news is that if the country is looking for bipartisanship, if it's looking for compromise, the Tea Party and their impact on the primaries may well hold back Republicans from doing the right thing—
MATTHEWS: Yes.
PENN: -- and make the country more divided. And that would be an unfortunate effect. But the electoral effect for Democrats long term is quite good, because the Tea Party represents only a minority of the country.
MATTHEWS: What do you—how does your party square this thing? I mean, John, you hang around with these people. Is—are people like Michele Bachmann and Glenn Beck, these people, are they—are they deciding who's kosher and who isn't? I'm looking at Bachmann going after - - who was, Bachmann went after Chaffetz, you know? Chaffetz went Bachmann because she went after somebody else.
FEEHERY: You know, Chris, there's always going to be discussions within the Republican Party. You always have folks who are a little bit more controversial than other folks. I do believe, though, that the Republicans are all moving in the right direction, which is they want to cut spending, and getting the fiscal house back in order. And no matter where you are in the caucus, everybody agrees on that.
I was up in Eric Cantor's office the other day, his top priority is cut spending, create jobs. So, I think that's where all the Republicans are. He'll have some folks say some things that are, you know, kind of cookie every once in a while, but you have that on the left, you have it on the right.
And I don't think—if you look at the Tea Party class, you know, there are 55 members who had previous political experience. These are really smart members of Congress and they're going to kind of do a good job for their constituents.
MATTHEWS: Do you think Sarah Palin would make a great president?
FEEHERY: No.
MATTHEWS: Well, you know, you're the only—I remember now, you're not elected, because all the elected Republicans are scared to say that.
FEEHERY: Well, I don't think she would make a great president. I wouldn't support her.
MATTHEWS: OK. Mark, isn't it a problem for these guys. You ask them a simple question like that, the elected Republicans. And they're all petrified of this woman. They're petrified of this former governor of Alaska.
What kind of situation is that for a political party?
PENN: Well, I think most Republicans kind of dance around the subject, so it was refreshing to hear somebody to say he wouldn't support her for president. Exactly, as you said, look, the Republicans fear the Tea Party in the primaries, because in the primaries, they can be destructive to even their long-term elected officials. And in the general election, last time, you saw the Republicans close ranks and support the Tea Party full tilt.
MATTHEWS: Mark, you're getting real smart or else I'm starting to agree with you on things. I've been reading you today. You're really good. Thank you, Mark Penn.
PENN: Thank you.
MATTHEWS: Moving the Democrats to where they have to be to win.
John Feehery trying to defend the indefensible.
When we return—
MATTHEWS: I'm just kidding. John, you're a good guy. I know you don't really think Palin is worth anything. Anyway, thank you.
Finish with why President Obama is doing the right thing over there with this Egyptian crisis. I'm going to show a little warmth towards Mubarak on the way out the door, though, here on MSNBC, we'll be right back.
MATTHEWS: "Let Me Finish" tonight with America and what we stand for. We Americans began with a universal declaration that all men are created equal. They are endowed by our creator with certain inalienable rights.
Do we think the people of Egypt deserve at least a shot at forming a democratic republic which respects human rights? Yes, that's the right answer. Do we have a role to play here? Yes, we give Egypt a couple billions a year, money that the current government needs and a new government might want.
We have other leverage to influence the actions of the Egyptian government, both that of President Mubarak and that of those who would succeed him. So, if we believe that the words of the Declaration of Independence mean what they say, we should certainly do what we can within reasonable limits to apply them to Egypt. That means telling Mubarak that 30 years of rule is a good run.
But if he wants our support in the transition, he should allow a transition to occur now and say so. It seems to me that President Obama is doing just the right thing here in peaceably protecting the people of Egypt on their desired road to democracy.
That's HARDBALL for now. Thanks for being with us.
More on politics ahead with Cenk Uyghur.
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Welcome to Kelowna, located in the Okanagan Valley, BC
Cradled within a glorious range of mountains; a sanctuary blessed with pristine lakes, pine forests, abundant gardens, orchards and vineyards, sandy beaches, and superb amenities.
A variety of accommodations offer myriad choices; lakeside resorts, hotels, quaint motels, luxurious vacation rentals, cozy B&B's, cabins, RV parks and campsites. When you're planning a holiday that is family friendly, romantic, or ideal for a group of friends, you'll find the perfect lodging in Kelowna.
As the largest city located on stunning Okanagan Lake, Kelowna is a recreational lakeside paradise with miles of beautiful parkland and several sandy beaches that provide wonderful opportunities for swimming, boating, waterskiing, windsurfing and fishing. Even Kelowna's mainstreet ends at a beach!
Soak it all in on one of many outdoor patios. Stroll along the lakefront boardwalk and explore the local treasures being sold by the artisans or kick off your shoes and enjoy a free concert in the park.
Kelowna is emerging as Canada's newest golf destination, offering a whopping 101,382 yards of golf heaven. From easy-going to ego-shattering there are 18 golf courses to choose from.
If you're a wine enthusiast, touring Kelowna is a must. There are more than 29 unique wineries offering tours and tastings for all palates.
Or take in the arts and culture, the heritage, the winter activities, the list goes on... and on... and on.
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Daniel Perret Stainless Steel Blue Dial Brown Leather Hand Wind Wrist Watch
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Crystal Type: Mineral
Dial Color: Blue
Numerals Type: Markers
Hour Hand Color: Silver Tone with Luminous & White Accent
Crown Type: Push Pull
Crown Material: Stainless Steel
Bracelet Material: Leather
Bracelet Width: 18 mm
Bracelet Color: Brown
Buckle Type: Buckle
Buckle Material: Stainless Steel
Total Circumference: will fit up to 7 1/2" wrist size
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As a pre-owned watch, this timepiece might have some normal wear/tear & scratches. If you have any questions or would like to see some additional pictures please don't hesitate to contact us!
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The Third Quadrilateral Biennial opened last week at the MMSU in Rijeka, Croatia, and it will remain on view until January 13, 2010. The Biennial emerged out of a cultural partnership between four participating countries - Croatia, Slovenia, Hungary and Italy. Artists from these countries are selected for exhibition in the Biennial. The focus for this year is new media art, and the organizers fittingly selected acclaimed new media art scholar and curator Christiane Paul as the Artistic Director for the Biennial. Paul took a moment to answer a few questions about the exhibition over email.
How did you get involved with the Quadrilateral Biennial?
I did a lecture tour in Slovenia and Croatia during the summer of 2008, and one of the stops was the Museum of Modern and Contemporary Art in Rijeka. Dan Oki, an artist with whom I had worked before, had introduced me to the museum curators. This ultimately led to the offer to oversee the Biennial as artistic director, together with the four curators I invited—Darko Fritz (Croatia); Nina Czegledy (Hungary); Elena Giulia Rossi (Italy); and Peter Tomaz Dobrila (Slovenia).
Works will be on display at the MMSU and at several other Rijeka venues, where they will be integrated into urban space. How were these other sites selected? How will these locations interact with the art itself?
Four projects in the exhibition are exhibited offsite or have an offsite component. In the case of Dalibor Martinis' Global Picture / Sensor of Human Condition the choice of site and integration into urban space happened quite naturally. Martinis' project uses the 3D logo of the Transadria company, a big globe sitting on top of a building in the harbor of Rijeka (5 minutes from the museum), which he equipped with LEDs. The globe changes its color according to the "global mood," which is determined by gathering daily data on the global economy, international relations, ecology, etc. and filtering this data to assess the state of "humanity" at any given moment. Museum visitors can browse through the project website and data in the gallery space. Ivan Marusic Klif's Telephoning 2 consists of a "stage" in the museum space and software that automatically dials the numbers of public phone booths around the country. The public spaces of the gallery and the city interact with each other when museum visitors talk to people who pick up the phone in the public booths. Other offsite spaces were chosen to enhance cooperation with organizations and venues in Rijeka. Carlo Zanni's cinematic project My Temporary Visiting Position from the Sunset Terrace Bar is screened at the Astronomical Center, located on top of a hill with a perfect view of the city—a site that resonates with the viewing position assumed in the project itself. Lorenzo Pizzanelli's work Marinetti alla Quarta, which reconstructs Filippo Tommaso Marinetti, the founder of Futurism, as a chatbot, is shown at the Peek&Poke; Retro Computer Club, which is a beautiful small space collecting old computers, calculators, and other media relics. Marinetti is represented as a virtual portrait embedded in a valise sitting on top of a pedestal, and both the project's form and its references to Futurism's celebration of technology as cultural factor make the venue a natural habitat for the work.
Four countries - Croatia, Slovenia, Hungary, and Italy - participate in the Quadrilateral Biennial. Do any of the projects included in the Biennial speak directly to the national relations between these countries? How do those projects engage the notion of a "cultural exchange"?
I wouldn't say that any of the projects explicitly comment on the national relations between the four countries of the Quadrilaterale, a cooperation formed in 2000 and aimed at bringing together countries in the same geopolitical and interest area and integrating them into "Euro-Atlantic structures." However, this was one of the issues we, the curators, tried to address in the concept for the show. We immediately saw a tension between the networking, connectivity, and interrelations enabled by new media and digital technologies and the inherent "national" premise of the Biennial. The qualities of new media are inherently multilateral (rather than quadrilateral) and tend to transcend traditional boundaries of nation states. On the other hand, one cannot deny that artistic practice is embedded in culturally specific contexts, and dependent on a local and national framework of institutions and organizations. We wanted to raise questions about the media-enabled crossovers that occur between and beyond notions of national relations. One could argue that the fact that projects from the four countries of the Quadrilaterale explore these issues constitutes a form of cultural exchange.
The Biennale proposes to "explore the different angles and intersections that emerge from the connective qualities of new media in relation to specific political, economical, and cultural contexts." I'm wondering if you could talk more about what is meant by the term "intersection" - as well as what intersections you hope to see come into place through the exhibition.
We chose the theme of "angles and intersections" for the Biennial since we wanted to explore the connections emerging from the quadrilateral (a mathematical construct) and the multilateral nature of new media. The works in the exhibition capture a number of intersections: between different media (such as cinema, photography, performance); between locations, time zones, the physical and the virtual world; between local and personal histories and politics; and natural and technological space.
A group of interactive or real-time videos (by Júlia Vécsei, Marko Kosnik, Helena Bulaja, and Carlo Zanni), for example, illustrates how digital technologies have affected the language of the moving image and creates crossovers between the cinematic, computational, and photographic. There also are connections between local personalities and histories that run through the projects. One of Eva and Franco Mattes' Synthetic Performances reenacts Marina Abramovic's and Ulay's famous 1977 performance Imponderabilia in the virtual world of Second Life. Abramovic, who was born in Belgrade, herself appears as a commentator in Helena Bulaja's interactive documentary, which captures the history of technological and social developments initiated by the inventor and electrical engineer Nikola Tesla (an ethnic Serb born in the territory of today's Croatia), an influential figure in the history of new media. Like Tesla, whose work contributed to the establishment of robotics, Marinetti—the focus of Pizzanelli's project—is credited in the robotics context for the humanoid automatons that appeared in his play La donna è mobile (and its later version Elettricità sessuale). There are many layers of intersections that emerge from the artworks and they hopefully provide an aesthetic reflection on the relationships between national alliances, geopolitical areas, globalization and artistic practice.


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VANCOUVER — The company proposing an oil pipeline across northern B.C. is defending its safety record, which has come under attack over its response to an oil spill in Michigan.
The president of Calgary-based Enbridge (TSX:ENB) says in a statement issued today the company has the largest and most complex liquids pipeline system in the world — a system it operates with a 99.999 per cent safety record.
tap here to see other videos from our team.
Enbridge boss calls pipeline safety record near perfect, but vows to improve Back to video
But Al Monaco says even that is not good enough and Enbridge strives for no spills, investing about $400 million last year alone in the safety of its vast pipeline network.
The company was rapped by the U.S. National Transportation Safety Board in its report into a 2010 spill into the Kalamazoo River in Michigan.
The report prompted the National Energy Board in Canada to announce it will increase safety audits on the company's Canadian operations in the coming months.
Enbridge has proposed a pipeline that would deliver crude from the Alberta oilsands to tankers on the B.C. coast. Environmental review hearings are underway and the federal government has set a Dec. 31, 2013 deadline for the panel's report on the Northern Gateway project.


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A rather nauseating statement from a Government Accountability Office report on foreclosures:
Because they generally focus on the areas with greatest risk to the institutions they supervise, federal banking regulators had not generally examined servicers' foreclosure practices, such as whether foreclosures are completed; however, given the ongoing mortgage crisis, they have recently placed greater emphasis on these areas.
You read that right. Bank regulators in the United States were not even looking at foreclosure practices before the media latched onto the foreclosure fraud outbreak. The Office of the Comptroller of the Currency and the Federal Reserve acknowledged this in hearings two weeks ago, but it's still harrowing to see the degree to which mortgage banking remains totally free of oversight, even after it drove the global economy off a cliff.
The rest of the report is about banks abandoning properties instead of proceeding with a foreclosure sale. Kind of sick-- throw a family out, then just abandon the house altogether, don't even bother to sell it. The GAO says it's not happening too much, but any sane businessperson would make sure that it never happens. A simple loan modification would cut everybody's losses here, but the banks can't be bothered with that. And nobody is bothering the banks about it.
You may recall that there was a tremendous legislative battle earlier this year over the creation of a new Consumer Financial Protection Agency. The bank lobby and regulators at the Fed, the OCC and yes, even the FDIC, all argued that we didn't need it, while essentially everybody else said we did. But the existing regulatory chiefs all made essentially the same argument against the CFPA: We have several regulators who oversee consumer protection, and they're all just great at it. Creating a new agency that focused only on consumer protection would be end up destabilizing the financial system, because regulating consumer protection without looking at bank safety and soundness would jeopardize bank capital levels.
This argument was absurd at the time, most obviously because the existing regulators were simply awful. They totally failed to restrain predatory mortgage lending for nearly a full decade precisely because they considered "safety and soundess" regulation to be their only job. Safety and soundness was construed as "bank profitability"—if a bank had lots of money, it was less likely to fail. In practice, that meant regulators would allow consumer protection violations so long as they made money for the bank. With the mortgage crisis, this consumer protection failure ultimately lead to a safety and soundness catastrophe, but that's not actually very common. Usually predatory lending is very profitable, which is why banks do it.
So what happened after all the top regulators went out in public and repeatedly screamed that we absolutely can't allow them to lose their consumer protection authority? They totally ignored consumer protection regulation. Look at the excuse that bank regulators fed to the GAO (emphasis mine):
Because they generally focus on the areas with greatest risk to the institutions they supervise, federal banking regulators had not generally examined servicers' foreclosure practices.
Translation: Even after consumer protection violations wrecked the largest banks in the country, we still don't look at consumer protection unless it actually hurts a bank's bottom line, right away, right now.
The amazing thing here is that the legal liabilities from these foreclosure abuses once again could be putting bank solvency on the line. Global economy to Elizabeth Warren: Help!
Also, the link above is to a summary of the GAO report. The full report is here.


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Koincidence is a poorly-understood process through which the use of ABS leads to situations of ridiculously exaggerated violence and warfare.
Although the incredible properties of ABS allow creations of almost limitless possibility, their very existence seems to warp the laws of causality and entropy in their immediate vicinities. ABS creations are surrounded by chains events so improbable or even impossible that they seem contrived by the universe's laziest satiric hack, expressly to arrange overblown situations of armed conflict and violent mayhem as efficiently as possible. Time travel, memory loss, evil twins, faked deaths, getting the same two cards while playing gold fish, etc - the tools of every modern soap opera and adventure serial are at the disposal of this mysterious force.


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Source: Aebn
This movie is going to be an awesome one for all of you out there who love amateur, homemade sex tapes and married couples having extracurricular fun!
Homegrown Video presents a collection of four scenes of swingers living out their interracial swinging fantasies called Adventures in Wife Sharing.
Thick and juicy ebony hotwife Delaney Cruz has a massively good time with two men. Her husband Jonte brought his friend Vance home so they could both worship her massive mammaries and fuck her mouth and pussy. Delaney keeps her garter belt and stockings on and pops her big tits out the top of her mesh lingerie. She especially loves getting fingercuffed with two big black dicks, and that cumshot on her enormous bosom will keep her skin soft and smooth!
Nikki Love has a horny friend named Phoenix Wild who's happy to help her satisfy her own sexual desires and that of her lucky husband, Stevie. The two BBWs share Stevie's big black cock in a scene with blindfolded interracial action and a creampie finish. This will give couples some good ideas!
Marley is a slim, long-haired brunette wife who thoroughly enjoys sucking and fucking Jonte's long, thick black cock while her husband films them. After a vigorous fuck in several positions, he shoots his load on her stomach.
And finally, two pairs of horny married couples swap partners for an orgy! Melanie Hicks, Onyx Rose, Mike, and Jake are all such good friends that it's no big deal for the wives to trade places. Each hotwife takes a load of jizz on her big ass.
Watch Adventures in Wife Sharing on AEBN today!


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It's time to call the gas industry's bluff
There's been a steep falloff in friendly chitchat around the local gas pumps, and no wonder. With diesel at $3.40 a gallon and gasoline only somewhat cheaper, it's common to see someone drop $100 on a tankfull.
A typical American family will spend more than $3,000 on liquid fuels this year, and another two grand on electricity and natural gas. Lodgepole pine is $250 a cord, which seems pricey, but is much cheaper than the profane price I'm paying for propane.
The hemorrhaging of family energy budgets is infusing billions into the ledgers of Shell, BP, Exxon, Anadarko, Williams, Chevron, and EnCana, the large multinationals that now dominate natural gas production in the Rockies. Next year, the combined global profits of those seven companies will approach $100 billion.
If there's a silver lining here, it's that some state governments' severance tax collections are also rising. Severance taxes are designed to capture some of the wealth that is lost when non-renewable natural resources are extracted from the earth. Wyoming and New Mexico, two states where gas drilling has boomed over the past decade, now boast billions of dollars in their severance tax funds.
But my "progressive" state of Colorado, the fastest-growing gas producer in the nation, we continue to play the rube when it comes to severance taxes. Coloradans are a smug bunch. We don't think of Wyoming as the state that makes energy extractors pay their fair share, we think of it as the Tetons, half a million antelope, and a bunch of rednecks. But if energy is an IQ test for Americans, we're the dumb ones.
Although Colorado's nominal severance tax rate is 5 percent, the state collects less than 2 percent, because we allow energy companies to deduct the county property taxes they pay from their severance tax bill, and because three-fourths of the state's wells pay no severance tax at all due to Colorado's "stripper well" exemption. This provision made sense when oil was $15 per barrel and natural gas was $1 per thousand cubic-feet. Since 1999, these prices have soared. Today, oil prices are above $90 and natural gas trades at $6.
By piggybacking the property tax and stripper-well exemptions together, oil companies have worked the Colorado tax code like a broken slot machine. The poster child is Weld County in the northeastern part of the state, where producers extracted $7 billion of oil and gas between 2002 and 2006. In three of those years, Colorado collected not one dollar in severance taxes in Weld County.
The upshot is that since 2002, Colorado has left $1.3 billion on the table, even as the state has struggled to meet its bligations for higher education, health care and roads. In Colorado, we aren't giving it away; we pay them to take it.
I have nothing against natural gas. It is the planet's finest fossil fuel. I admire the roughnecks who work grueling 12-hour shifts on the drilling rigs. From a geotechnical perspective, the wizardry being deployed in the Rockies is a marvel. My friend Charlie's job is to dowse an eight-foot-thick oil seam a mile underground, then thread a drilling bit along it, horizontally, for a mile. This makes heart surgery look like child play.
When it comes to politics, though, the petroleum industry is a playground bully. Recently, one industry-funded propaganda outfit, Americans for American Energy, accused eight mayors in western Colorado of aiding and abetting Osama bin Laden by opposing natural gas drilling on the Roan Plateau, a rare wilderness highland. Since 1990, the petroleum industry has drilled more than 150,000 wells in the Rockies and leased — in what historians may dub the Cheney Giveaway — 30 million acres of federal land. That's the equivalent of 15 Yellowstones, yet the industry's henchmen continue to whine about what they call unreasonable limits to access.
They also avoid any discussion of severance taxes. When Colorado Rep. Kathleen Curry recently proposed hiking our severance tax rate so that it would be equal to Wyoming's, oil and gas companies suggested they might leave the state.
This is a well-worn -- and empty -- bluff that Colorado legislators should call. The Rockies are the only place in North America where gas production is increasing. Colorado's gas production has increased fivefold since 1990, and adjusting our severance taxes wouldn't slow the rush a bit.
The current gas boom won't last forever, and we should not squander the opportunity to reap long-term benefit. Wise public policy recognizes that fossil fuels are nonrenewable, and that the citizens of Colorado and other states have a legitimate claim to a fair share of their state's mineral bounty. Legislators should also ensure that some portion of that wealth is saved for future generations, who are likely to look back at the current bonfire and wonder what we were thinking.
Randy Udall is a contributor to Writers on the Range, a service of High Country News (hcn.org). He lives in Carbondale, Colorado, where for 13 years he directed the Community Office for Resource Efficiency, a nonprofit organization that partners with local governments and utilities to promote efficient and renewable energy.


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Kayma wrote:Bowser. Dad points.
It's amazing how worth it was to introduce that little shit Bowser Jr, just so Bowser could become a dad.
Dad Bowser is like the best idea the series has ever had.
Moderators: Friday, LaserBeing
Kayma wrote:Bowser. Dad points.
Brentai wrote:It's still weird that he's like the only male parental role model in Nintendo's entire star system, unless you want to drag in unseen/untrustworthy weirdos like Ness's Dad or whatever.
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Atlanta artist Soulja Boy became the latest celebrity to fall victim to hackers this month when videos from his YouTube page were all deleted. 3 News reports that on top of the hacking of his YouTube page, Soulja Boy's Twitter, Facebook, and Instagram accounts were also targeted in the attack this week.
After reclaiming his Twitter account, Soulja Boy reached out to fans and asked for their help in recovering his other social media accounts. He also shared that the attacks will only force him to work harder.
"If any of my followers know anyone from Facebook, Instagram, and YouTube/Google let me know because all of my accounts are hacked. Thanks…This is only going to make me go harder, they deleted all my YouTube videos that's some real hater shit right there," said Soulja Boy in a series of Tweets.
As of now it's unclear who was responsible for the attacks on Soulja Boy's various accounts. It also appears that all of the rapper's YouTube videos have been restored.
Other celebrities whose personal information was compromised this month include Jay-Z, Beyonce, and actor Ashton Kutcher.
RELATED: Soulja Boy And Lil Scrappy Exchange Insults On Twitter


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Returns Policy
We hope you are pleased with your order, but in the event you wish to return your purchase, we will be happy to refund or exchange the new, unused merchandise within 30 days of the date shipped when accompanied by a copy of the packing slip (with return information completed) included with the shipment. Sale and clearance merchandise may be returned within 30 days of shipment.
If the goods are returned because they are defective or due to an error made by Portmeirion Group Designs LLC, we will replace the goods where possible or refund the purchase price in full, including taxes and shipping costs. However, if the goods are returned for any other reason, Portmeirion will only refund the purchase price paid for the goods excluding the original delivery costs. If a non-faulty product returned is not in fully resalable condition, we reserve the right to refuse a refund on the item. If you refuse to accept delivery of a shipment, please note the cost of the return freight will be deducted as a restocking fee from the refund applied to your credit card.
To return your purchase(s), please complete the return form on the order packing list and follow the instructions for return to us. Please ship your item in the original packaging, along with the form, to us at:
Portmeirion Group Designs LLC
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We recommend using UPS or FedEx as you are better able to track your shipment. If you need assistance in returning an item to us, as a courtesy, we will provide a UPS call tag so that UPS will come to you to pick-up the package. Please note, however, the cost of the UPS call tag will be deducted from any credit applied.
Please allow approximately 14 business days for us to process your return. Refunds will be processed in the same format in which payment was received. If you request a replacement, please note that replacements can only be shipped to the original shipping address.
Please note that items purchased from the Portmeirion website can only be returned directly to Portmeirion Group Designs LLC and not to subsidiaries, authorized retailers, or sales representatives.
Please note that Products which have been personalized to your specification cannot be returned.


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Bloomberg asks reporters if they want to ask him about what I was yelling to do so after the press conference --- none did.
Now as death toll rises will we get the criminal investigation John Liu requested after his 20 page audit?
Death toll rising 911 and 311 fail we were grossly over billed including "quality control" and consultants and in thus case lives as elderly left in darkness and cold-- not good fragile NYers may not survive..
Now a criminal investigation 911?
One term Cy no investigation St Vincent's Hospital crooks not good for Rudin acquisition pennies on the $?
Months before I yell down Bloomberg about 911 system not working properly.
Mayor Bloomberg Yelled Down CityTime 911 ECTP at Press Conference NYPD Intelligencehttp://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4pj_Mk2JOEQ&sns=tw via @youtube
Maybe now we will get a criminal investigation?
Lucky we haven't been hit with a terror attack like 9-11 because 2 billion 14 million dollars and our 911 system can't handle it and by the way 311 another tech titanic couldn't handle the calls. Ask Mike Bloomberg the combined cost of consultants, quality control, outsourcing on ECTP 911 Tech (corrupt), CityTime (corrupt), and 311 corrupt over the top spending on these three tech Tax Payer Titanics.
911 has blood history from City Island death, Bloomberg's Blizzard to Hurricane Sandy.
Seems like the Feds wire tapping wrong guy.
Begin forwarded message:
Suzannah B. Troy
Suzannah B. Troy after Hurricane Sandy NYC - YouTube
http://mayorbloombergkingofnewyork.blogspot.com/2012/10/suzannah-b-troy- yelled-down-bloomberg_30.html
911 Bloomberg post-Hurricane Sandy
9-11 Bloomberg post-Hurricane Sandy -- morning after by water
ps Isn't that NYPD Lt handsome? Better looking that Patrick Stewart and Daniel Day Lewis.


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Below are some guidelines for posting publicity on campus. If a student or student organization wishes to go beyond posting flyers or posters, they must consult a member of the Student Activities staff on the 2nd floor of the University Center for more information and approval. Every effort will be made to accommodate a special request, as long as the following principles are followed:
- publicity that contains obscene language or references to alcoholic beverages or illegal substances will not be approved,
- publicity may not be anonymous; the name of the sponsoring individual or group must be displayed as well as contact information such as an email address or phone number,
- a cleaning charge will be assessed if materials are not removed 24 hours after the event (e.g., painting windows, sidewalk chalking, helium balloons, etc.), and
- the Office of Student Activities reserves the right to discuss concerns with the individual or group prior to posting the material.
Some buildings on campus have special policies that are listed below.
Academic Buildings
To post publicity in academic buildings, the department secretaries in each of the buildings must grant approval.
Bistro and Willamette Store
Contact the managers individually about their posting policies
Upon approval from the Grounds Manager, outside publicity is permitted as long as nothing is attached to the foliage or outside of buildings. The placement of stakes in the ground must be approved ahead of time so as not to damage underground systems. Chalking is permitted on sidewalks only. Portable sandwich boards are available in the Office of Student Activities on a first-come, first-served basis. Portable barriers are available in the Grounds Department by contacting x6143.
Library Boards
The Office of Student Activities will post flyers and posters, space permitting.
Mail Center
Only registered student organizations can stuff mailboxes. A form is available in the Office of Student Activities or the Mail Center.
Montag Center
The Montag Center is a great place to spread the word about campus activities. Acceptable forms of advertisement include posters, window painting and reader board messages. For information and policies on publicity at the Montag Center, refer to willamette.edu/montag/.
Residence Halls
All publicity, with the exception of posting during ASWU elections, must be approved by Housing and Community Life.
For information on this policy, refer to the Student Handbook.
University Center
Flyers may be posted on designated bulletin boards on the 1st and 2nd floors.
- Banners may be hung outside on the UC railings. Poster paper is available in the Office of Student Activities for registered student organizations.
- Non-registered groups or individuals may purchase the same paper in the Willamette Store. Please tie the banner to the railing (string is available in Student Activities) and do not use tape.
- Banners may be hung inside the UC, but the space is limited so a sign-up is available at the UC Information Center. Use a 78" long piece of banner paper folded in half for a double-sided banner.
Updated July 2016


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Why handmade soap? Because your skin will thank you. Many commercial soap companies remove the glycerine from their soapmaking process and use it in their lotions. This leaves their soap with very little, if any, moisturizing properties. Here at The Soap Kitchen, we not only leave all the glycerine in our soaps, but we superfat, which means we add extra good-for-you oils like olive oil and unrefined shea butter to leave your skin clean and moisturized.
ingredients: saponified olive, organic certified sustainable palm, and coconut oils, shea butter, essential oils of lemongrass and ginger.
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Photographic Print behind glass.
This beautiful print mounted in a timber frame will bring style to any interior.
Proudly designed and made in Melbourne. Please allow 3-6 weeks manufacturing time from date of ordering until dispatch, as this product is made to order. Please keep in mind framed print manufacturing times can vary depending on time of year.
(W x H x D): 85 x 114 x 4 cm
As this is a larger item please contact the store directly for freight options. Click & Collect available for this item.
This item can be shipped Australia wide.


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Printed scores were once necessary for music listening. Until the 20th century, each musician playing a symphony would need his own notated sheet music in order to play a piece for every performance. Today, the bulk of music listening happens through recordings. Musicians only need to play a song correctly once in order for anybody to hear it anytime, anywhere.
But with the streamlined dissemination of digital music on the Internet, today's listeners need guidelines for how to consume music just as badly as musicians once needed scores to produce new music. There is simply too much recorded music for any one person to keep track. Accordingly, "music discovery services", which guide listeners through huge libraries of music, are beginning to emerge as a genuine growth industry.
Pandora, a leading music discovery service, famously began its Music Genome Project about a decade ago, a music classification method that numerically rates songs according to a long list of criteria and sorts songs by these "genetic" similarities. Pandora's website generates playlist suggestions based on a minimal amount of input from listeners. Ideally, Pandora automatically can create personally tailored playlists that a listener didn't have the knowledge or time to create.
Shortly before the Music Genome Project commenced, George Tzanetakis made Marsyas, an open-source toolkit for automatically classifying songs and entire libraries of music, among other applications. Pandora and Marsyas had similar aims - to intelligently sort music libraries to give listeners a way to find new artists and retrieve other qualitative information about music. Working at Princeton as a grad student with professor Perry Cook, who wanted to find a way of automatically sorting radio stations, Tzanetakis developed various library-browsing visualizations within Marsyas, including Genre Meter, which can respond live to sound sources and classify them (video demo.)
Pandora has taken off as a large-scale commercial venture, with more competitors like Spotify and Slacker in its wake. Tzanetakis' Marsyas has remained known mostly only by academics and computer scientists. Regardless, Tzanetakis' work addresses issues of music classification in a more radical and even prophetic way than Pandora: all of Marsyas' "genes" are completely determined by computer automation. Tzanetakis' contributions to the field of Music Information Retrieval (MIR, for short) have helped to push computers toward increasingly delicate interpretations of one of man's most elusive forms of expression. Marsyas is available for free download and even has a free user manual.
Though songs in the Pandora database are weighed and sorted by algorithms, a board of experts determines the value of each "gene". Recently, a New York Times reporter sat in with a group of Pandora's experts listening to songs and then opining about how high a song scored in criteria like "emotional delivery", "exoticism" and "riskiness"; as well as more concrete judgements on tempo, instrumentation and harmony.
By contrast, George Tzanetakis' approach to music classification is completely automated. It needs no panel of experts or crowdsourced participants to complete an intelligently made, intuitively browsable library of music. It works based entirely on the audio signals themselves. Given merely a library of digital song files, George Tzanetakis' automated classification techniques algorithmically organize songs according to a variety of criteria and present fun interactive ways to browse and compare music.


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Friedrichshafen is an ideal destination for holidays and leisure. Its fabulous location on the northern shores of Lake Constance, its wonderful climate and its idyllic surroundings provide boundless opportunities in, on or beside the water. And in the air as well – the town is the home of the Zeppelin and a dream destination for technology and aviation enthusiasts.
Friedrichshafen is a byword in Germany for perfect holidays: countless hotels, guesthouses and holiday homes offer welcoming accommodation, often in conjunction with a spa pampering, and with the option of walking, cycling, horse riding, flying or hot air ballooning. The wide range of water sports on offer include motor boating, sailing, diving, windsurfing, canoeing, waterskiing and wakeboarding. Lake Constance is also renowned as a great place to swim. And the weather plays a big part in the appeal: few other places in Germany have such a mild, sunny and almost mediterranean climate.
The sky's the limit for food and fun
Sightseeing flights on a Zeppelin and trips on passenger and pleasure cruisers are popular activities in Friedrichshafen. You can also survey the area from the new viewing tower at the harbour jetty: a winding stairway takes you up 22 metres to an observation platform where a stunning panorama of the town, lake and Swiss and Austrian Alps unfolds before you. It's the perfect spot to appreciate the full beauty of Lake Constance: the region is like one giant garden at the foot of the Alps, blessed with orchards, vineyards and conservation areas. A buzzing atmosphere and cosmopolitan flair make Friedrichshafen a great place to enjoy the finer things in life. Even a short stroll along the promenade, one of the longest and prettiest on the shores of the lake, rewards visitors with spectacular views. The wonderful scenery can also be admired from one of the many restaurants serving Swabian specialities, freshly caught fish and fine local wines.
Medieval abbeys and amazing airships
Nestled amid all this beautiful natural scenery is the Monastic Island of Reichenau , a UNESCO World Heritage site and a fine example of medieval abbey architecture. The Zeppelin Museum at the harbour train station features the world's largest collection on the history of airships, as well as an outstanding exhibition of art from the Middle Ages to the modern age. Another milestone in Friedrichafen's aeronautical history is represented by the Dornier Museum, which documents the history of the Dornier company across 5,000 square metres of exhibition space and in an adjoining park – an attraction as exciting as it is spectacular, just like so much else in this vibrant lakeside town.
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Temporary Chef de partie £10 – £13 + holiday, asap start
Do you already have a full-time / part-time job and looking to pick up hours ?, need something where the hours fit you ? or looking to change jobs and want something in between while you look ? then this could be the job for you !
Here at change we are currently looking to build a team of agency chef de partie's to work in the hospitality and catering industry across London . As an agency chef de partie you will have an amazing opportunity to see and work in some of London's top kitchens and establishments with the hospitality and catering industry and get a real insight into how other kitchens work.
As an agency chef de partie you will have the flexibility to work the hours you want to on the days you would like to whether it's you already have a full time job and want to gain some extra hours on the weekends and evening, just moved to London and want to see some different kitchens before settling or as so many do now become a full time agency chef de partie.
We offer competitive working rates ( £10 – £13 PER HR ) and work with large scale catering events to pubs, hotels and even Michelin star restaurants, based on your experience we always have something to suit you !
If this sounds interesting to you and you would like to know more send your CV across !
For this position you will have had 2 years experience in the hospitality and catering industry and be a confident chef de partie or higher. have your own knifes, uniform and no past criminal convictions and be eligible to work and stay in the UK
Contact: John Wells
Reference: JW/CASUAL/CDP
Job ID: 13302


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Chang watch: The chef has landed
We know you're all just sitting at your computers waiting for the latest Peter Chang update. Well, here it is: according to Chang's "consultant and translator," Gen Lee, the quixotic chef has found a place of his own somewhere in Short Pump, though it's not a done deal yet. Lee says the paperwork should be finalized this week. If all goes according to plan, the place should be open in about three or four months, says Lee. Stay tuned for further details.
7 comments
Nah. Headwaiter is Daisy.
um obviously not only charlottesville bc the articles that scared him away were in NY & DC magazines, & people in georgia were the ones flocking to a restaurant on the mistaken rumor that he'd moved there. way to keep up.
Only Charlottesville would stalk a Chinese Chef, what a bunch of limp greasy egg rolls you are
His spokesman is the General Lee? Wow. Is Rosco P. Coltrane his sous chef? Boss Hog his Sommelier? His headwaiter one of the Duke boys?
I think that would make the owner of Taste of China Boss Hogg.
No soup for you, Joe Cecil!