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Yakima fuel distributor violated oil spill prevention and response safety rules
Release Date: 08/20/2013
Contact Information: Suzanne Skadowski, EPA Public Affairs, 206-295-4829, firstname.lastname@example.com
(Seattle – August 20, 2013) Wondrack Distributing, Inc. violated federal oil spill prevention and response rules at its Yakima, Washington fuel distribution facility, according to a settlement with the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency.
EPA found multiple violations of Clean Water Act spill prevention rules and spill response requirements at the facility.
"Companies that store large amounts of fuel must be prepared to prevent and respond to fuel spills to protect people's health and the environment," said Jeff KenKnight, manager of EPA Region 10 wastewater permits compliance unit. "Companies must have comprehensive oil spill prevention and response plans in place and available to facility staff so they will be prepared if a spill occurs."
Facilities with the potential for oil spills, and more than 1,320 gallons of aboveground fuel storage capacity, must prevent discharges to waterways by using a detailed Spill Prevention, Control, and Countermeasures Plan.
EPA inspectors at the Wondrack facility noted that a spill prevention plan had not been fully implemented, nor was it adequate for the facility, and evidence of procedures, inspection, and training were not available, nor was a complete copy of the plan. EPA inspectors also found that secondary fuel containment on site had breaches from unknown piping and cracks in the walls.
Implementing a detailed spill prevention plan tailored to the facility is an important step in preventing a fuel or oil release and being prepared if a release occurs. A spill at the Wondrack facility could harm the Yakima River. The company agreed to pay a $27,522 penalty in its settlement with the EPA.
Spill Prevention, Control, and Countermeasures rules: https://www.epa.gov/emergencies/content/spcc/index.htm
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View selected historical press releases from 1970 to 1998 in the EPA History website.


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Reuters file
U.S. Air Force Chief of Staff General Norton Schwartz at the Pentagon, who recently retired. Schwartz was criticized by both sides for his handling of religion in the military.
Just days before retiring as Chief of Staff of the Air Force, Gen. Norton Schwartz issued a document designed to dictate the conduct of U.S. airmen worldwide — all violations enforceable by military law. For the first time, amid regulations on tattoo size and flag handling etiquette, it laid down the law on religious proselytizing by leaders: Don't do it.
Section 2.11 of the 27-page Air Force Instruction AFI 1-1 Standards of Conduct is the latest salvo in a battle over religious bias and Christian proselytizing in the military branch. It calls on officers and supervisors to "avoid the actual or apparent use of their position to promote their personal religious beliefs to their subordinates or to extend preferential treatment for any religion."
The document's section on religion echoes a memo Schwartz sent out to all Air Force leadership on religion last September, but adds the threat of penalty for violations.
"COMPLIANCE WITH THIS PUBLICATION IS MANDATORY," the memo says in bold, adding that "failure to adhere to the standards set out in this instruction can form the basis for adverse action under the Uniform Code of Military Justice (UCMJ)."
"It carries a lot of weight inasmuch as it's careful to point out that an individual who violates it can be subject to court martial," said Gary Solis, who teaches military law at Georgetown University. "So the things that are covered in the document, which are very wide ranging, open up violations to court martial prosecution, that is federal conviction should there be a conviction. So it carries significant weight."
What is harder to predict is how AFI 1-1 — called by an Air Force Press release "the capstone act" of Schwartz's 29-year career — will be interpreted, distributed and enforced where it applies to religion.
"It certainly is important and binding ... and it could lead to punishment. But then it could lead to punishment if you wear your hat backwards," said Elizabeth Hillman, professor of law at University of California Hastings College of Law and President of the National Institute of Military Justice. "It is still going to be up to individual commanding officers to decide what's OK and what's not. They have a great deal of discretion."
As in U.S. public institutions more broadly, there has been a long string of battles between those in the military who want to root out religious content and others, mainly fundamentalist Christians, who argue that to do so impinges on religious freedom.
Related: Outrage, calls for action over anti-Muslim materials in military training
Related: Marine werewolves transform into Crusaders, and back again
The conflicts have arisen over military leadership promoting Christian religious meetings through official channels, military courses incorporating Biblical material in coursework, officers trying to convert non-Christians and allegedly favoring "born again" Christians and using Christian doctrine and imagery in logos and official military materials and Christian prayer in official events.
The military has been sued for using Christian doctrine to recruit new members, and pressured to change logos and review course materials that incorporate Christian doctrine, and more recently, those that are anti-Islam.
In 2006, after complaints by non-Christians that they were being pressured by evangelicals to convert, the Air Force issued guidelines cautioning superiors from pressing their personal religious views on subordinates. But months later they eased the guidelines after Christian conservatives argued that the guidelines restricted freedom of religion.
In Aug. 2011, in a victory for trying to extricate religion from military business, the Air Force suspended a course called "Christian Just War Theory" — which had been required for missile officers at Vandenberg Air Force Base in California. The PowerPoint for the class drew heavily upon Bible passages and Christian imagery to teach morals and ethics of launching nuclear weapons. In the class students were taught based on a passage in the Book of Revelations that Jesus Christ is a "mighty warrior" who believed some wars to be just, according to Truthout.com which broke the story.
Military Religious Freedom Foundation
A public billboard in Colorado Springs contains the entirety of U.S. Air Force Chief of Staff Norton Schwartz's Sept. 1, 2011 directive on religious neutrality. The billboard was put up by the Military Religious Freedom Foundation to assure that it was widely disseminated.
Shortly after this revelation, Schwartz issued a memo using language almost identical to that used in AFI 1-1 calling on all Air Force leaders to "avoid the actual or apparent use of their position to promote their personal religious beliefs to their subordinates or to extend preferential treatment for any religion."
He went on to say that opportunities for worship, religious studies and prayer meetings can be promoted by chaplains, but not by commanders. And he instructed those who felt they were facing unfair bias on the basis of religion to contact a military attorney.
Political blowback
In response to the memo, and other moves, 66 members of Congress led by Randy Forbes, president of the Congressional Prayer Caucus, wrote a letter of protest to Defense Secretary Leon Panetta blaming Schwartz for an "alarming pattern of attacks on faith in the Air Force."
"We believe this statement exemplifies the troubling 'complete separation' approach that is creating a chilling effect down the chain of command as airmen attempt to comply," it said, according to a report in Air Force Times.
For those who advocate a "complete separation" of church and state, the Schwartz memo would have been a victory, except that some commanders refused to disseminate the memo, according to Mikey Weinstein, founder of the nonprofit Military Religious Freedom Foundation.
That omission prompted MRFF to receive "a literal torrent of complaints" from military members who Weinstein says are afraid to directly confront the pervasive Christian culture in the Air Force.
The organization invested in a large billboard down the street from the academy containing the text of the entire memo.
As for dissemination of AFI 1-1, the Air Force has a plan "to ensure all Air Force personnel have access to this Instruction," said Air Force spokesman Capt. Derek White.
White did not have the Aug. 7 instruction before speaking to NBC News on Aug. 20.
Forbes of the Congressional Prayer Caucus did not respond to a request for comment on the new regulations.
For Weinstein, it remains to be seen if AFI 1-1 marks a move in the right direction — and it depends on distribution and enforcement.
"It looks very nice," he said. "The problem is if you create a mandate that is complied with more frequently in the breech than in the conformance you create a problem 100 times worse than if you had not created the mandate in the first place ... It is looked at with scorn and derision."
Weinstein, who has been involved in dozens of battles to extricate religious materials from military settings, recently lambasted Schwartz for his "scandalously non-confrontational approach to the Christian extremist predators" in the Air Force.
"It was a transparent and likely guilt-ridden concession by Schwartz, yet it was both too little and too late," Weinstein wrote in an op-ed article. "With Schwartz's butt-covering, last second, 'midnight drive-by' delivery of AFI 1-1, we have no alternative left but to look to the new USAF Chief of Staff, Gen. Mark A. Welsh III, to show the all-too-rare backbone once required of all top leaders within the U.S. Military."
Eugene R. Fidell, who teaches military law at Yale Law School, said the document could make a difference in Air Force culture.
"It's one thing for a Chief of Staff of the Air Force to issue a letter that goes around," said Fidell. "It is another to put it in permanent form so the next chief won't take a different approach. I think for him to have done what he did ... I think it was appropriate and gutsy."
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In die Skriflig
On-line version ISSN 2305-0853
Print version ISSN 1018-6441
In Skriflig (Online) vol.47 n.1 Pretoria Jan. 2013
Bereavement healing ministry amongst Abaluyia: Towards a 'circle for pastoral concern' as a healing model
Die gebrek aan genesende prediking onder Abaluyia teenoor 'n 'sirkel van pastorale besorgdheid' as genesingsmodel
Benjamin Shikwati; Vhumani Magezi; Rantoa Letsosa
Department of Ecclesiastical Sciences, North-West University, South Africa
This article formulates a new integrated pastoral care approach to bereavement healing ministry in Africa, termed a circle for pastoral concern. In pursuit of this, the article highlights the pastoral challenge brought about by the occurrence of death and bereavement within the cultural and Christian intermix. Using the example of the Abaluyia of western Kenya, traditional cultural bereavement healing approaches are assessed against the backdrop of Christian influence on the understanding and response to death and bereavement healing and the resultant tension. The article juxtaposes the Abaluyia cultural concept of okhukura [to encircle with loving care] with the biblical koindnia [fellowship, communion] as springboard for building culturally sensitive and biblically sound Christian caring communities. It is hoped that the juxtaposition helps to establish and promote meaningful engagement between therapeutic traditional beliefs and practices, and the gospel. The gospel-culture engagement within a local church setting provides the context in which bereavement healing and individual growth after the death of a significant other takes place. The juxtaposition is necessitated by the rampant practice in African pluralistic societies where Christians consciously, or otherwise, lurch back to cultural approaches in their effort to provide or find healing when faced with death and bereavement. The 'circle for pastoral concern' model encourages inclusiveness by enlisting the means and talents of the community of believers, both ordained and lay. The principle of inclusion ensures that the load of pastoral care is shared and assumes a deeper response due to diversity of gifts and talents within the caring community.
'n Nuwe integrale benadering vir pastorale hulpverlening en berading tydens rousmart word voorgestel, naamlik 'n omsirkelingsmodel vir pastorale omgee-uitreiking met die oog op treurbediening binne 'n Afrika-konteks. Die vraagstuk van pastorale hulp en heling word behandel. Treurprosesse in Afrika vind binne die wisselwerkende verband tussen Christelike geloof en kultuurkonteks plaas. As voorbeeld van 'n dergelike interkulturele benadering, word die gebruike tydens rou en smartbelewing van die Abaluyia-groep in die westelike deel van Kenia ondersoek. Die Abaluyia-konsep van okhukura [om met liefdevolle sorg te omarm] word met die Bybelse konsep van koindnia [onderlinge ondersteunende gemeenskap] vergelyk. Hierdie verband kan waarskynlik met die vestiging van sinvolle treurgroepe binne kulturele gemeenskapsverbande help, terwyl die wisselwerkende verband tussen tradisionele heling binne Afrikaspiritualiteite en die Christelike geloof in ag geneem word. Binne die Christelike konteks is dit die plaaslike kerk wat 'n deurslaggewende rol in die verwerking van smart kan speel. Dit is ook hier waar die filter tussen 'n Christelike praktyk en ander kulturele praktyke plaasvind ten einde die verwerking van smart optimaal toe te pas. 'n Dergelike sirkelverband is noodsaaklik om te voorkom dat Christene terugkeer na onaanvaarbare kulturele praktyke van smartverwerking binne 'n pluralistiese samelewing. Die model wat voorgestel word, is inklusief en sluit die offisiele amp sowel as die amp van gelowiges in. 'n Inklusiewe benadering versprei die verantwoordelikheid van pastorale betrokkenheid en skep 'n omgee-gemeenskap waar die verskeidenheid van gawes en talente ge'inkorporeer word.
Introduction and background: Death and bereavement as pastoral challenges
Death and bereavement are serious pastoral challenges. Although death is an inescapable reality, it is still a source of great distress for the dying, their relatives and friends. It is hard to accept death as a fact of life (Van Lierop 1991:130). The ravages of death, in spite of how or when it occurs, are patently obvious. The pain of bereavement can be diminished by certain factors, but it is never absent. In the words of Manchester (2006:5): '[£]veryone has to deal with grief one way or another'. Grieving, whether normal or pathological, brings about the exigency for healing and restoration.
The Oxford Dictionary defines the verb bereave as 'deprive', 'rob', 'dispossess of', or 'leave destitute', which aptly describe the feelings of the bereaved. Bereavement is an objective realisation by a person of the loss by death of another who was significant in his or her life (Mbogori 2002:81). According to Miller and Jackson (1995:225) the emotional pain of bereavement begins from the time a loss is anticipated, such as the diagnosis of a terminal illness, and extends through the period of the actual loss. Moreover, the survivors often experience substantial morbidity and an awareness of their own mortality. As Alexander (1993:9) laments: 'Death makes us question the meaning of life itself.' This question of 'meaning' compounds the experience of bereavement and the process of healing. Death is thus a source of personal, interpersonal and social conflict. Clearly, bereavement affects people's well-being and thus cries out for healing.
As Louw (1998:444) observes: 'Healing is a comprehensive concept [which] indicates health, well-being and the optimal development of life functions within specific structures which focus on a form of integration.' According to Egnew (2005), healing is an intensely personal experience involving a reconciliation of the meaning an individual ascribes to distressing events with his perception of wholeness as a person. Although this definition was made in the context of western allopathic medicine, it helpfully goes beyond the traditional confines of the modern medical focus on diagnosis, treatment and prevention of disease. It emphasises the fact that healing does not only concern the physical and the psychological aspects of a person, but also their spiritual and social well-being. Arguing for integration rather than dualism in the processes of healing, De Gruchy (1989:43) befittingly defines health as 'that which enables us to be fully human in relation to ourselves, our society and our environment'. Mwaura (2000:78) explains that in African societies, health is conceived as more than physical well-being. It is also a state that entails mental, physical, spiritual, social and cosmic harmony. Having health evokes equilibrium in all these dimensions. It is thus associated with all that is positively valued in life as well as people's correct relationship with one another, their environment and the supernatural world. Health is understood more in a social than a biological sense.
The Bible uses various verbs to describe the concepts of health and healing. The Hebrew word shalom, commonly translated as 'peace', has a root meaning of wholeness, completeness and well-being. The Greek term therapeuo, which means to 'serve' or 'attend a person', usually indicates healing (Wilkinson 1980:4-33; Louw 1998:42-43).
In bereavement, healing is of course not understood as a goal in itself. The pain of bereavement cannot be likened to a wound or some illness that can 'heal'. Bereavement healing is a process by which the bereaved work through their traumatic experience, adapt to their changed status, and find or begin to ascribe new meaning to life as they come to terms with the loss of a significant other. Bereavement healing is often a life-long process. However, following the death of a significant other, the bereaved often actively or passively engage and / or accommodate various models in their pursuit for healing. Simfukwe (2006:1462) argues that each culture must respond to the reality of death in a way that enables the survivors to recover from the trauma of loss and live in hope.
The pursuit of bereavement healing is not limited to traditional cultures and medical practice. The stirrings for bereavement healing are often made the concern of the community of believers, especially pastors, to enhance coping. In its initial stages, this concern was embodied in the person and healing ministry of Jesus Christ. This foundational ministry was continued in Early Church by the apostles and subsequently the community of believers. Over the centuries, the instituted church has designed liturgies to bury the dead in a dignified way and developed the ministry of pastoral care which is conceived as a healing art (Hunter 1995:18; Louw 1998:1).
Louw (1998) further defines pastoral care in terms of pastoral hermeneutics which links the story of salvation to the story of humankind's misery and hope in order to address the human search for meaning and the quest for the ultimate meaning. He (Louw ibid:396) argues that the objective of pastoral care is 'to develop faith in order to establish a mature approach to life and to foster spirituality which enfleshes God's presence and will in everyday life'. Similarly, Crabb (1977:22) observes that the goal of true pastoral healing is to free people to better worship and serve God by helping them to become more like the Lord Jesus Christ, that is to promote Christian maturity. Therefore, as Oates (1976:1; cf. Tidball 1986:1) observes, the aim of the pastor must be 'to make grief an avenue to constructive growth rather than an occasion for destructive deterioration of the personality'.
Cognisant of the reality of death and bereavement, and the need for healing as well as the possible tension between Christian and traditional beliefs and practices, it is imperative to understand the space bereaved Christians amongst the Abaluyia find themselves in. Insight into this space will hopefully ensure a design of an appropriate and relevant pastoral care ministry that effectively fosters bereavement healing. This article therefore provides an overview of traditional cultural and Christian influence on healing - and the resultant tension. Secondly, it provides an overview of bereavement healing models, both cultural and Christian. Finally, it proposes a bereavement healing model that integrates cultural bereavement practices and biblical principles, termed a circle for pastoral concern.
A synoptic overview of cultural and Christian bereavement healing space pathology
The pain of bereavement by death is often exacerbated by an apparent conflict between Christian faith and traditional bereavement healing approaches or mourning rites within the Christian community. A concern derives from this conflict, because Christians faced with bereavement, often seek healing from their cultural beliefs and practices rather than be guided by biblical principles and the consequent pastoral healing ministry of the church. Due to the suspicion of cultural beliefs and practices within the church, bereaved Christians often feel guilty or resentful for being unduly judged in their struggle to discern appropriate responses to their painful experiences.
Bereaved Christians often suffer guilt. The guilt is not only experienced in relation to adopt cultural mourning patterns and practices, but also in failing to do so. In the latter case, believers are often blamed by relatives and friends for neglecting cultural ways. This inevitably causes feelings of guilt as a result of the oscillation between the realities of Christian practice and cultural beliefs and practices (Mbiti 1969:3; Magezi 2006:514). Alembi (2002:108) writes about the perceptions of the Abanyole (a sub-group of the Abaluyia) on death, observes that in the event of death, Christians seem to have 'a dual personality' that makes them suffer. The conflict presents a pastoral need for care and healing during bereavement.
The tension and guilt arising from engaging in or shunning cultural mourning beliefs and practices often hinders their therapeutic benefits. It also highlights the necessity of formulating a corrective approach that is cognisant of the traditional bereavement healing beliefs and practices, but subject to biblical injunctions in order to enhance healing. Louw (1998) aptly captures this need by pointing out that the challenge facing pastoral theology is to develop a theology that not only takes the gospel seriously, but also attempts to understand and interpret individuals' existence within their social context (Louw ibid:1). It is here postulated that a sympathetic assessment of cultural bereavement approaches, rooted in social and cultural order, is crucial in formulating a viable pastoral response. The basis for this sympathy is the conviction that pastoral healing entails a transformation of beliefs, values and perspectives through the gospel (Magezi 2006:509). Forde (1954:xvii) correctly points out that there is a need for a sympathetic appreciation of the attitudes and underlying beliefs that African peoples bring with them when they get under the influence of other organised religions such as Christianity. It is irresponsible not to do so and symptomatic of attitudinal challenges, which hinder meaningful and effective integration of Christianity and respective cultures.
The basic questions, however, are:
- How should one respond pastorally?
- What do we know about God and about his will and purpose for the human being in this situation?
The pastoral agenda is rightly informed by God's word, the Bible, and the quest to make it relevant and applicable in people's lives (Simcox 1960:2-3). Louw (1998:2) points out that pastoral theology seeks to interpret and understand the Christian truth in terms of the human experience of the world. It endeavours to bring about concrete and meaningful actions of faith in order to develop a model of human and contextual transformation, interpret God for contemporary situations, and formulate a theological theory for practice that expresses Christian faith as it addresses the human quest for meaning and identity. He further argues that the focus of this endeavour is to enable a critical dialogue between 'the truth', i.e. biblical text as the normative source, and the 'practice' in an attempt to transform society. In other words, the concern is to understand and discern God's will for the real world. This endeavour follows a 'hermeneutic circle' that seeks to connect the world of human action and the biblical teaching in order to bring about a transformative practice (Louw ibid:90; cf. Hendriks 2004:33; Heyns & Pieterse 1990:35-36).
Towards transformed cultural bereavement healing approaches: A case of the Abaluyia
Therapeutic cultural beliefs and practices
In many African societies, the mourning period is marked by elaborate beliefs and practices. Amongst the Abaluyia, the term for bereavement is okhufirwa drawn from the act of dying. The term amasika [tears], refers to the period of mourning when relatives and friends are expected to pay visits of sympathy and respect, and to mourn with the bereaved family. This period is marked by elaborate rituals and sacrifices that take nearly one year to complete. However, the mourning period is open. For instance, as long as a relative or friend has not paid the ceremonial visit after a death (okhutsia amasika), even if months or years have passed since the occurrence of death, the first visit is regarded as the ceremonial one (Appleby 1943:14, 31). The various cultural beliefs and practices are meant to honour the dead and bring about healing for the survivors. They include beliefs regarding:
- death, afterlife and bereavement
- rituals and sacrifices
- performances, eulogies and remembrances
- prescribed care and conduct of the bereaved.
Death as a gateway to life
In common with other African peoples, the Abaluyia believe that death is not the absolute end of existence (Awolalu 1976:275; Malusu 1978:9; Mbiti 1969:159; Shisanya 1996:186; Wabukala & LeMarquand 2001:354; Owuor 2006:9-10). Life, or consciousness in some form, continues beyond physical death (Anderson 1986:23). Consequently, death is perceived as a gateway to life with the ancestors, especially for the elderly and not a phenomenon to be dreaded. This belief does not by any means suggest that bereavement is not a cause of ill health. As Augsburger (1986:65) correctly observes: 'Death is common to all persons, and the dying process elicits review, grief, and separation anxiety in every culture.' However, in a constructive framework, the belief has therapeutic value to the bereaved.
Therapeutic rituals and sacrifices
The elaborate rituals, sacrifices and ceremonies related to death and bereavement also have therapeutic value. These practices are aimed at bringing consolation, healing and meaning following the death of a significant other. The therapeutic value of rituals is also not unique to the African people. As Reggy-Mamo (1999:8) observes, people in different places and over the generations have developed various rituals of working through the pain and suffering brought about by death. She further notes that in any aspect of human life where there is anxiety and stress, one can expect to find customs and beliefs whose function is to alleviate, or at least decrease, the degree of anxiety. Similar sentiments are shared by other writers, including Mbogori (2002:126), who holds that the purpose of customs and beliefs associated with bereavement is often to reach resolution or healing and to avoid the possibility of pathological grief. He suggests that the curative value of rites derives from social interaction, which brings people together to share in the grief.
In addition, there are prescribed sacrifices (emisango) made in order to avert further deaths or misfortune, to help the survivors cope and to give them hope for a future without the deceased. Sacrifices are often prescribed when a death occurs in circumstances that contravene the customary order or is considered a 'taboo death'. Taboo deaths include murder, suicide, often by hanging or drowning, and dying on a battlefield or in a foreign land. Special sacrifices and rituals are also prescribed following the death of a pregnant woman, a childless person or the unmarried. The rituals are intended to serve several socio-religious functions, such as permanently separating the deceased from survivors and re-establishing social solidarity by re-incorporating the mourners into the community (Wako 1985; Wabukala & LeMarquand 2001; Malusu 1978; Mbiti 1969; Magesa 1997).
Mbiti (1991:122) argues that by ritualising death, people dance it away, drive it away, and renew their own life after it has taken away one of their own.
Performances, eulogies and remembrances
The therapeutic value of singing, oral poetry and other forms of performances cannot be ignored, as they are often a part of ritual practices. Alembi (2002:103) acknowledges that because bereavement is characterised by deep feelings, performances are useful avenues to let out pent-up emotions that could easily be harmful to the health of the bereaved. Culturally, the bereaved are encouraged to reflect and express their pain through wailing, eulogies and remembrance. Mbogori (2002:54) observes that the feelings of being remembered, act as a protection to the psyche of the living against the threat of death. It renders death less threatening, for one continues to live in the memory of the community. These performances and occasions avail opportunities for emotional expression, benevolence and reconciliation - thus encouraging bereavement healing.
Conduct of and care for the survivors
The conduct of and care for the survivors also form a crucial part of bereavement healing approaches amongst the Abaluyia. It is not uncommon for the dying, especially the elderly, to invite members of their family to bid them farewell. After sitting at the deathbeds of many dying people, Elisabeth Kubler-Ross (1991:9; cf. Stott & Finlay 1984:73) observes that if the dying person's call is regarded, as it often is, the survivors value the opportunity of being with the person at his or her dying moments. Culturally, there are set communal systems of conduct and care for widows, widowers and orphans. Malusu (1978; cf. Kiriswa 2002:26) underscores the centrality of community in the bereavement healing process. He rightly mentions that the ceremonies concerning death, involve all members of the community. He Malusu (ibid:3) aptly captures the people's approach to the observances related to death arguing: 'It is the last drama of life, the last human act, the last music played for those who can never again join in the rhythmic dance.'
Amongst Abaluyia peoples, the battle of whether or not one will muster necessary resources for healing in bereavement is largely won or lost before the actual death occurs. This is because bereavement healing largely hinges on the observance by individuals and the community at large, of the essential therapeutic cultural values expressed in beliefs, rituals and ceremonies in their everyday life. As Mbogori (2002:77) explains, the relationships and tensions of the dying have to be worked through before one can achieve resolution of grief in facing bereavement of a significant other.
Cultural beliefs and practices as pathogenic
Notwithstanding their positive healing benefits, these cultural beliefs and practices present various shortcomings.
Personalistic view of sickness and death
Amongst the Abaluyia, as in other traditional Africa communities, sickness and death is viewed in personalistic terms, that is, attributed to an agent who may be human (a witch or sorcerer), non-human (a ghost, an ancestor, an evil spirit), or supernatural (a deity or other very powerful being). Sickness and death is thus often attributed to the breaking of taboos, offending God and/or ancestral spirits, witchcraft, sorcery, the evil eye, passion by an evil spirit, and a curse from parents or offended neighbours (Berinyuu 1988:49-50; Mwaura 2000:79; Ncube 2003:108; Mbiti 1969:200; Kiriswa 2002:24). For appropriate intervention, it is imperative to determine 'who' caused the illness or death and 'why' it was caused. The personalistic approach brings about ill health. Death is ultimately blamed on a human agent. Amongst the Abaluyia, for instance, God is nearly absent in the daily events of humankind, although, of course, his existence and sovereignty is recognised in daily prayers (Wagner 1954:28, 31; cf. Mbiti ibid:43, 61; Malusu 1978:17). God is not thought to have anything to do with the pain of daily life, otherwise blamed on some human agency (Malusu ibid: 7; cf. Mbiti ibid:156; Mwaura ibid:72; Magezi 2006:511). This personalistic interpretive demand for answers to 'who' is responsible for a death and 'why' it happened often fosters conflict within and amongst the bereaved.
Ancestral veneration and ritual sacrifices
The dead are believed to maintain more or less the same status they had in life. As elders, the ancestors retain their high status and roles. Their mediation is between themselves and the living family members. As such, their place in the family is not diminished by death. In fact, it is believed that their potency increases in death. Death is thus looked at as the gateway to an existence in which larger powers are available, usually for revenge (Friends Africa Mission [FAM] n.d.:6). As Appleby (1943:40, 152; cf. Wagner 1954:42; Elverson 1920:48) observes, the dead members of the clan are considered as truly present and considerably more powerful than the living. Although they may use their power to benefit the living, this power often seems to be shown in bringing illness or other bad fortune. This negative exercise of their power is reinforced by the popularly held idea that most misfortunes have a supernatural origin - either witchcraft or the spirit of the deceased. The resultant ambivalence necessitates ancestral veneration and appeasement. One ritual that persists amongst the Abaluyia, whether they are Christians or nonChristians, is the slaughtering of a bull or heifer following the death of a family member. Traditionally, the animal was offered as a sacrifice to the ancestors in order 'to facilitate the incorporation of the deceased into the ancestral world' (Shisanya 1996:189; cf. Malusu 1978:9). These cultural beliefs and practices are a source of strain for the bereaved, whether or not they believe in their assumed potency.
Neglected individuality
The Abaluyia peoples feel comforted by the knowledge that they are not alone in their bereavement. Death and bereavement are primarily communal affairs and, as such, taking care of the bereaved is the concern of the entire community (Malusu 1978:3; Magezi 2006:512; Kiriswa 2002:31). Practical and emotional communal help is invaluable in the process of bereavement healing. However, the priority of the community often means that individual considerations are neglected. Nwachuku (1992) points out that negative:
... traditional ritualistic processes and practices have become resistant to contemporary social changes as a result of habit, fear, or wanton insistence on known patterns for maintenance of tribal or ethnic identity, social cohesion, and the established status quo. (p. 57)
In view of these ambivalences, Magezi (2006:514; 2007:667; cf. Mbogori 2002:100, 114; Matsuda 1984:30; Malusu 1978:5; Mbiti 1969:2) argues that the 'community performs either a constructive or destructive role in the process of coping'. He aptly adds that communal priorities can put undue pressure on an individual or a group to indulge in inappropriate or retrogressive practices that may result in further ill health.
The practice of reciprocity
In their practice of hospitality and philanthropy, the Abaluyia uphold not only the concept of brotherhood, but also of reciprocity. For them, 'bereavement befalls all' (amasika nobwayi) and, as such, those who support others are assured of their own support when need arise. The principle of reciprocity is best captured in the proverb 'Omucheni wolashiacheniha shiomupilakhwo omukhasi ['Do not pick a fight with your wife for not properly hosting a visitor who has not hosted you'] (Wambunya 2005:14). Therefore, to claim that African people extended generosity or hospitality without attaching any conditions or without expecting reward (Mbiti 1969:1; Gathogo 2006:39; Sichula 2007:11) is perhaps to overly romanticise this cultural practice. Furthermore, acts of hospitality and benevolence are often motivated by the belief that the dead can see those who are kind or mean to their surviving relatives and reward or punish them accordingly.
Retrogressive cultural beliefs and practices
Some cultural beliefs and practices are observed to be overtly retrogressive and repressive. As such, they are a threat to the well-being of the bereaved. Edet (1992; cf. Shisanya 1996:190; Reggy-Mamo 1999:3ff.) particularly laments the plight of women in most African communities. She (Edet ibid) observes that in Africa:
... the death of a husband heralds a period of imprisonment and hostility to the wife or wives. This treatment may or may not be out of malice, but in all cases, women suffer and are subjected to rituals that are health hazards and heart-rending. (p. 25)
Amongst the Abaluyia, for instance okhwichera, a practice in which a surviving spouse sprawls over the deceased spouse in a simulation of the sexual act, is encouraged. It is believed to put the surviving spouse in good state with the deceased and to release his or her spirit so that it does not interfere with any future sexual union entered by the surviving spouse. As such, the gesture acts as a form of ritual cleansing.
Shisanya (1996:190; cf. Reggy-Mamo 1999:3ff.) singles out the cultural demand for the ritual of okhusaaba [washing hands], which is used to consummate marriage. However, if the husband dies before this ritual is observed, the widow is expected to ritually 'feed' the deceased before burial. These practices are demeaning and can adversely affect the physical, social and psychological well-being of the surviving spouse. For instance, some of the practices pose a real danger of the surviving spouse experiencing afterimages and distressing nightmares.
Similarly, the ritual of okhukhalaka amakhoola [cutting banana fibres], connected to wife inheritance (Wako 1985:36; 1954:45), exposes a surviving spouse to situations of sickness and contradicts biblical teachings on sexual morality and marriage. Shisanya (1996:192; cf. Mwaura 2000:96; Anglican Church of Kenya [ACK] 1993) laments that widows are often raped under the pretext of the required cultural widow inheritance ritual. She encourages widows to reject this ritual as a way of protecting themselves from health risks, such as HIV. Nwachuku (1992:71) also observes that the concept of widow inheritance, pushed to its extreme by human greed, leads to forced cohabitation of the widow with a select kinsman of the husband. If she refuses, she risks being ousted from the matrimonial compound, or her paternal family being forced to repay dowry in order to earn her independence. Furthermore, the woman is forced to forfeit custody of the children who belong to the husband in the patrilineal societies.
Also related to wife inheritance is the ritual of property inheritance and distribution. Shisanya (1996:192; cf. Wako 1985:34) observes that despite the good intention of the ritual distribution of the deceased's property amongst relatives, the practice has been greatly abused. Many widows lament the demand of the deceased's personal belongings like clothes, household property, flock, fowl, and the grabbing of the most valuable assets, like land. These acts of greed leave the disinherited widows and children, especially the daughters, economically handicapped and bereft. This is reinforced by the fact that land is inherited patrilineally from father to son or to other male relatives if the deceased had no son. Nwachuku (1992:61) argues that this is a form of enslavement of widows through financial and property disposition by the male relatives of the deceased. Post-burial ceremonies, like obukoko [return of the deceased's daughters to their paternal home] around the ritual fire (omuliro kwamachenga), often provide opportunities for acts of promiscuity. Such permissive behaviour often leads to unwanted pregnancies and infections.
Fatigue and stigmatisation
Fatigue and humiliation often result from various cultural performances. Fatigue results from lack of rest and sleep as the bereaved are expected to participate actively in various pre-burial and post-burial performances. Performances such as eshilemba [a dance in honour of a deceased warrior], which require prescribed cultural ritual cleanliness, can also be a source of humiliation. For instance, if a widow fails to meet the performers, she is suspected of infidelity. Other performances like okhuchesia [walk about] which purport to take the spirit of the dead to bid farewell to his neighbourhood and eshilemba in which the ancestors are thought to participate alongside the performers in confronting death, often instil fear of the dead and thus encourage ancestral veneration as they believe that such performances avert future misfortune and appease avenging spirits.
In addition, cultural stigma against spinsters, bachelors, physically or mentally challenged persons, family members of those who commit suicide and widows who are not inherited or choose not to enter second marriages, are often sources of angst for the bereaved (see Halperin 2005:108; Shisanya 1996:189; Malusu 1978:5-6).
Therefore, it is clear that in spite of the fact that some cultural belief and practices engender healing in bereavement, the described limitations can be a source of pathological grieving. As such, they require a biblical corrective and constructive framework that can make grief an avenue of constructive growth rather than an occasion for destructive deterioration of the personality (cf. Oates 1976:1).
Towards a biblical framework of bereavement healing
The church's support for the bereaved is primarily hinged on the biblical principles as well as church practice over the ages. As Magezi (2006:517) points out, pastoral healing utilises resources unique to the Christian faith. The approaches for bereavement healing deduced from the biblical analysis and traditionally adopted by the various groups within the church in corporate worship, proclamation and private devotion, include (see Louw 1998:367f.; Autton 1967:20; Magezi ibid:517):
- belief in the presence of the Triune God
- affirmation of life
- the comfort of the Holy Spirit
- edification from reading the Bible
- efficacy of prayer
- grace of the sacraments
- the hope of resurrection
- mutual help by the faith community.
Writing on the art of consolation, Autton (1967:19-20) identifies two basic principles in pastoral care, which can serve as guides for bereavement healing. First, the bereaved ought to be led to face the reality of death, thereby affording them an opportunity to mourn. Secondly, they ought to be led to the resources that the Christian faith offers at a time when they are able to appreciate it and so be helped by it. These biblical principles avail much comfort (paraklesis) for the bereaved when used sensitively and appropriately. They are basic in the formulation of an integrated pastoral model for bereavement healing.
Affirmation of life
Bereavement through death is a major theme in the human story. The discussions on death and the afterlife in various ancient cultures and in the Bible, not only point to the universality of grief, but also to the general attitudes towards these phenomena and the processes of bereavement and healing. The biblical example of what it means for the people of God to be bereaved is expressed in part in the beliefs and practices of the Jews (Old Testament) and perfectly in the life of Jesus Christ (New Testament).
In the Bible, death is appropriately understood in the context of life, which is a gift of God (Pickle 1988:7). As Anderson (1986:38) puts it: 'Life and death both belong to that existence which issues from God.' Nonetheless, Anderson further argues that the Bible has no clearly defined theology of death. Rather, he asserts, it presents two approaches to death - one drawn from the Hebrew tradition and the other from the Greek tradition. In the Greek tradition, death is a friend whilst in the Hebrew tradition, death is a natural limitation to human earthly existence (Anderson ibid:38; Pickle ibid:19). Pickle (ibid:12-13) observes that in the early experience of Israel, the focus on individual death was absent. As a result, the importance of the corporate personality of the family, the clan and the nation was primary. In this respect, the loss of an individual by death was not an overwhelming loss, because the group continued to survive. He also observes that, in his teaching, Jesus did not view death as an obstacle to faith in God (Pickle ibid:19).
The Bible speaks not only of bodily death which is common to all humans, but also of spiritual death which results from sin. Its focus, however, is on life and the living. The affirmation of the triumph of life over death represents the main line of thought in the Bible (Jacob 1962:803). It is emphasised, especially in the New Testament, that it is sin that gives death its sting. However, through Christ's death and resurrection, those who put their trust in him have no need to dread death. Instead, the believers look forward to the final defeat of death when, like Jesus, they will be resurrected to eternal life.
Hope of resurrection
There is a progressive understanding of death in the Bible. Two broad views dominate this understanding. On the one hand, death is the end of life. From this viewpoint, there is no hope after life except perhaps remembrance for the righteous whilst the wicked will never be remembered. On the other hand, the Bible teaches that there is life after death. This belief finds ultimate and concrete certainty in the life, teaching and redemptive work of Jesus.
Although dying and death is still an enemy to life and bereavement still hurts even though the sting of death has been removed, death has been swallowed up in victory through the death and resurrection of Jesus Christ (1 Cor 15:54-55, 57). The hope of eternal life has been made sure, because Jesus conquered death through his death on the cross and resurrection from the dead. Because of Jesus' achievement, believers have assurance of their own resurrection at the Parousia and a sure eschatological hope for eternal life. This hope is grounded in believers' faith in God, who has shown his faithfulness in the past by raising Jesus from the dead (cf. 1 Cor 15:3), and the promise regarding the future - that he will also raise those who die in Christ (1 Cor 6:14; 15:20; 2 Cor 4:14). For bereaved believers, as Autton (1967) affirms:
Sorrow there will be, for death means separation and loss, but joy there should be for the Redemption demands that the Alleluia of triumph shall be louder than the Amen of resignation. (p. 16)
Hope is the distinctive quality in Christian grieving. When Christians face death, their grief, though not diminished, is informed by the hope they hold based on the death and resurrection of Jesus Christ and the promise of their own resurrection at his return. The hope for resurrection is thus a central Christian paradigm in bereavement healing. As Carson (1978:72) observes, the hope of life beyond the grave is not only a comfort in time of bereavement - it is the final answer to all our suffering. This is the most abundant consolation for the Christians in their bereavement.
In spite of the sure hope of resurrection, however, it is important to note that the Bible does not deny the existence of death or minimise the anguish of bereavement. On the contrary, Jesus set an example in acknowledging the pain caused by death. Jesus identified with and showed wholesale, compassionate love in his encounter with the bereaved. He taught his followers to mourn with those who mourn, wept at the post-burial gathering following the death of his friend Lazarus (Jn 11:35) and was filled with compassion on witnessing a widow's pain on a funeral procession of her only son in the town of Nain (Lk 7:11-17). Jesus reveals a compassionate God. When faced with death and bereavement, Jesus not only offered words of solace and comfort, but he also revealed his divine authority over death. His example and sacrifice provides the resources for Christian exercise of pastoral care for bereavement healing.
Fellowship and mutual help of believers
A loving and serving Christian fellowship (koinonia) exists for mutual encouragement, comfort, support and healing. The believers are enabled by the Holy Spirit, who indwells them as the Comforter to typify their compassionate heavenly Father.
Words of healing
There is wisdom in reading the Bible or hearing it clearly explained, for there are promises for life and words of healing in it. Reading the Bible brings an awareness of divine involvement in the welfare of the people concerned and transforms their culture to conform to the word of God. It was noted that there exists some wrong uses of the Bible that believers must shun. For instance, the Bible is handled as though it is a magical talisman alongside traditional magical objects. This misuse was noted in cases where a Bible is put in the grave during burial or placed on the grave daily following burial. In other cases, the survivors put the Bible under their pillows before sleep as protection against evil powers or bad dreams involving the deceased. These erroneous practices, though rampant amongst some African Independent Churches, can also be seen amongst some Christians in the mainline churches.
Efficacy of prayer
Prayer is an important pastoral bereavement healing resource. Prayer is a fruit of a believer's trust in God. It is an acknowledgement that God is compassionate in his character, present through his Spirit and listening (Ps 145:18). Although God can grant the desires of the believers without them asking (Mt 6:8), he has chosen prayer as an ordinary means of communication between him and the believer (Mt 7:7, 8). Through prayer, Christians not only ask from God, but they also find an opportunity for confession, thanksgiving and praise. In prayer, the bereaved find power for healing and wholeness.
However, it is important to remember that prayers are not gimmicks or quick fixes and should not be used as though they were. Prayers may not be used for manipulation or as excuse for human responsibility. In addition, the rampant traditional image of God amongst the Abaluyia as only transcendent and thus not directly involved in human affairs, is limiting and contrary to the biblical teaching. There is also no teaching or example in the Bible to pray for or to the departed (Church of England [CE] 1859:336). Prayer is for the encouragement of the living.
Grace of the sacraments
Traditional teaching of the church indicates that sacraments ordained by God are a means of his grace in the sacraments. Therefore, the believers draw comfort from the sacraments in The question that can be posed, however, is whether there can be a model that integrates the dimensions of the cultural approaches and biblical resources indicated above.
Towards an integrated pastoral approach to bereavement healing: A 'circle for pastoral concern' model
Crabb (1977:47) suggests several models of integration and adopts what he terms as Spoiling the Egyptians. This model involves a careful screening of meta-theories to determine their compatibility with biblical presuppositions. Consequently, Crabb (ibid:49-50) proposes certain conditions for 'a truly evangelical integration'. Firstly, he notes that meta-theories or the concepts drawn from social studies, such as cultural anthropology or naturalistic psychology, must come under the authority of Scripture. The essential content of Scripture must not be compromised. Secondly, the Bible must be affirmed as God's revelation to humankind and be upheld as inspired and inerrant in its propositional form. Thirdly, the Scripture must guide and control the thinking process in the integration process. It must have priority over contrary non-biblical opinion. The scriptural functional control is more critical where the subject matter under discussion greatly overlaps with biblical content. Finally, the integrationist must have a level of competence in both the meta-theoretical study area and biblical hermeneutical studies (theology). The desired competence must not preclude the work of the Spirit and the profit of fellowship in a Bible-believing local church. Crabb (ibid:28) argues that the overall goal for the desire to change is to please the Lord. Crabb's model of integration informs the present process of integration. The goal of the integrated model sought, is not limited to heal in bereavement per se, but it also aims to enable the bereaved to look beyond their suffering with hope and to deepen their trust in God.
The church acknowledges that the pain of bereavement by death is real and often makes other hurts seem petite. Generally, as Pickle (1988:3) affirms, the ministry of the church to the bereaved is plausible. He commends the churches' response in the event of death and bereavement with what he terms a supportive presence of its members, especially at the burial ritual. However, he rightly decries the practice where only a few churches provide continuing supportive care to the bereaved after the burial of a significant other. His observation is strikingly similar to the experience of bereaved Christians amongst the Abaluyia. The factors advanced to explain this deficiency include dependence on a single leader, the pastor, to care and counsel the bereaved. Faced with the devastating realities of the effects of death and the enormity of the number of the bereaved, pastors are often in danger of burnout or stress. The 'circle for pastoral concern' model departs from this 'super pastor' syndrome towards embracing the community of believers as the mainstay of care and healing. It draws from the centrality of community in bereavement healing. The model seeks to integrate therapeutic cultural beliefs and practices in bereavement healing ministry. The basis for the integration is the conviction that biblically based healing entails a transformation of beliefs, values and perspectives through the gospel (Magezi 2006:509; cf. Forde 1954:xvii).
Amongst the Abaluyia, as in other African communities, the occurrence of death affects the whole community. The bereaved are immediately surrounded by a caring extended family (community). For the Abaluyia, this rapid response is captured in the concept and practice of okhukura [to encircle with loving care, to protect or shield from harm]. The carers form a virtual ring or circle around the bereaved. The circle of carers often includes members of the community who have experienced similar pain and suffering (Kiriswa 2002:59; Nouwen 1972:82-83). It is within this circle of carers (ingara ya abakuri) that bereavement healing occurs. In the cultural setting, the circle of core carers engendered healing largely through the observance of cultural beliefs and practices. Transformed by the gospel, this sociocultural organisational system and philosophy of care amongst the Abaluyia resonates with the centrality of mutual help and communal participation in the church, underscored in the biblical concept of Koivcovia [communion by intimate participation].
The noun koindnia is derived from the Greek verb koindnos, which means 'to be a sharer, a companion, one who is a partaker, a participant in communion'. True koindnia is therefore demonstrated in genuine intimate care for one another by meeting others' needs and bearing their burdens. It is a contribution for the benefit or relief of one (Green 1794:103; Thayer 1977:352). Service (diakonia) is inseparable from the concepts of okhukura and koindnia (cf. Kidha 2011:59). This service is demonstrated in genuine care for each other. Like the cultural circle of carers, the 'circle for pastoral concern' seeks to bring about healing, but by the use of biblical resources available to the believers integrated with or sympathetic to transformed cultural beliefs and practices. Unlike the cultural circle of carers, emphasis is on the spiritual family of believers rather than biological affiliations of family or clan members. In this respect, the term circle is preferred rather than family, because the latter heavily connotes blood relation. Default understanding of 'family' is often assumed to refer to biological relations. For believers, on the contrary, the 'circle' consists of those who, by grace, have come to the saving knowledge of Christ within their local community as well as the universal fellowship (koindnia) of faith.
Traditional philosophy and culture of the Abaluyia embrace both hierarchical and 'circular' organisational aspects. In the present formulation, the 'circular' organisational aspect is preferred, not only because it points to a pastoral approach that avoids the dominant hierarchical pyramid form of ecclesiastical and institutional organisation often favoured by some missionaries, but also due to its rich symbolism. Helpfully, the concept and symbolism of a circle is dominant amongst the Abaluyia as well as many other African cultures. For instance, a circle is the shape of the sun which the traditional Abaluyia face in their daily morning prayers. It represents the creative life-giving power of God. The circle also dominates the traditional architectural designs. For instance, it is the shape of the Abaluyia's traditional houses. At the centre of these house an isiro [centre pole] was erected which is a symbol of stability. In addition, the elders' court usually sat in a circle as a symbol of cohesion and harmony.
The circle engenders an inclusive identity. All those who have put their faith in Jesus Christ, whose worldview has been changed to conform to that of Christ, are included and their role recognised. With this symbolism in mind, a circle of concerned believers is to be formed around the bereaved as an indication of interest in their plight as opposed to apathy and indifference. Each believer is individually and corporately engaged in the ministry of healing through prayer, reading of the Bible, fellowship, compassion, hospitality, counselling, communion, forgiveness and reconciliation. The individuality of the carer and those cared for is not only respected, but also informed through interaction with others within the circle. All the biblical means of healing reach optimum efficacy as they are continually appropriated to the local cultural milieu.
It is important to note that the concern shown to the bereaved is pastoral and, as such, it derives from God who forms its basis and gives it meaning. In this respect, the image of God as the Shepherd informs the attitude and manner of care carried out by members of the circle of carers. The core of the 'circle' is the sacred space of the triune God from whom everything issues. Amongst the Abaluyia, God (Wele Khakaba) is the giver of life and all that human beings need. The Abaluyia acknowledge that 'Nyasaye niye oufwisinjia omubasu' ['only God causes the sun to shine']. However, God is not just a transcendental Creator of the universe; God is also immanently relational. He is Emmanuel, God with us, ultimately made known in Jesus Christ. The relationship between humankind and God that was marred by sin, has been restored through the sacrificial death and resurrection of Jesus Christ. This relationship will be fully realised at the Parousia when the Kingdom of God will have finally been established and its greatest enemy, death, conquered. In the meantime, the believer has the benefit of God's presence in the Holy Spirit, the Comforter. Therefore, in their bereavement, believers can draw encouragement from their relationship with God and the knowledge of his presence with them. In view of this relationship, the bereaved can make a cry of trust to the One who hears. God does not forsake the bereaved, but he is concerned for their comfort and healing. He is a father to the fatherless, husband to the widows, sets the lonely in families (Ps 68:5-6) and expects believers to 'look after orphans and widows in their distress' (Ja 1:27). This understanding of God and his character fosters shalom [felicity and wholeness].
The 'circle for pastoral concern' is to be characterised by sincere love - love for God and neighbour. It is composed of believers called to show loving care - not only to those within the circle of faith, but also to aliens and even enemies. God, in his providence, enables others to be conduits of his relief and grace in stressful times. Love for and communion with fellow believers characterise the believer's transformed life. It is within this circle of loving concern for and fellowship with other believers that deeds of compassion, prayer, hospitality, pastoral visitation and presence, Bible study, teaching, caring, forgiveness and reconciliation for the encouragement of the bereaved happens.
As already noted, in the Abaluyia's traditional setting the circle of carers is mainly made up of members of the bereaved person's extended family, related to them by blood. Those who have stepped into a living relationship with Jesus Christ and desire to live under his lordship are at once members of the fellowship of believers (koinonia) as well as members within their cultural settings. Thus, the 'circle for pastoral concern' is composed of all whose sins have been forgiven and whose life has been transformed to conform to Christ above all things, but who are living within and are sensitive to their cultural world. The non-believer is drawn to the circle by the example of the believers and deliberate evangelism on the part of the believers. For the Abaluyia, the community is the context in which death is encountered, the meaning of it is understood and healing is appropriated. Armed with this understanding, the believers engage in their world with a view to bring it to submission to Christ. It is important to note that Jesus did not condemn the Jews for mourning the way they did, but joined with them, for instance to comfort Mary and Martha following the death of their brother Lazarus. However, Jesus sought to correct the misconceptions in the Jews' view of death, resurrection and the afterlife. Jesus' example prompts the believer to live a life that is honouring to God within their cultural milieu. The believer is enabled to live in such a way by the Holy Spirit, who is the encourager and enabler. The circle of believing helpers draws from and is guided by the example of Jesus as they engage their culture.
The greatest example drawn from Jesus and promised to those who put their trust in him is resurrection from death. Believers have hope in their resurrection to life with him. Hinged on his resurrection from the dead, those who have put their trust in him can be confident of their own resurrection. The believers also have confidence that those who have died in him are equal heirs of the Kingdom of God.
The term circle also implies belonging and engagement with others - a relationship. The bereaved are not deserted, but rather engaged through loving and caring concern. The community of believers (koinonia) is the context of grace, and the members are the dispensers of the gifts of grace they have received from God through the enabling of the Holy Spirit. As God is present with each one of them, so the members are present with each other. The believer is individually and corporately engaged with the pastoral concern for those in need. This loving and serving concern which purposefully exists for mutual encouragement and comfort, engenders healing. The dispensation of the gifts of grace work out through the members by being present in order to encourage, care for, support, build up, heal, host, serve, listen to, talk with and share in the bereaved's grief. Jesus Christ became man so that human beings can relate with him and learn from him. Jesus is the perfect example for the believers as they pastorally engage or become actively concerned with the ministry of healing.
To achieve the full measure of the joy of membership in the koindnia, a radical disengagement with chants, deeds, performances and rituals that are contrary to the teaching of the true head of the 'circle', the Lord Jesus, is required. His perfect will has been fully revealed in the Bible. Contrary beliefs and practices, such as veneration of the dead or the fear of ancestral spirits or other powers, are defeated by the power of the Holy Spirit in accordance with the revealed word. The carers are also endowed with a variety of talents to encourage, heal, restore, rebuke, correct, teach, enable and serve one another.
The envisioned 'circle' also implies porous boundaries or limits. There is a core circle of carers and another porous concentric circle, which embrace other members of the congregation who may include professional service providers and carers (see Figure 1). Carers step into these circles of pastoral concern as they respond to the scriptural petition to 'mourn with those who mourn' (Rm 12:15). This petition entails to not only identify with the bereaved, but also to be willing to service those in need. The carers themselves are beneficiaries of unmerited grace and desire to love and to serve others following the example of Jesus Christ. As members of the body of Christ, the believers find their relevance and meaning within the body. In other words, to step into the circle of faith, is to be in a sphere of security in Christ. In their grief, believers are not isolated, but comforted by the assurance of belonging to the circle of the pastorally concerned.
Finally, the 'circle for pastoral concern' is both outward-looking and eschatological. Its members desire that whatever happens within it would bring glory to God and form a basis for maturity and witness. Their commitment to and new nature in Christ exerts influence on the present life. When they are seen to sincerely love and care for one another, the world will know that they belong to Christ. Believers are indebted to gospel witness which works permanent change in the lives of those who trust in Christ (Rm 1:16; Phlm 6). Therefore, a time of bereavement presents a unique opportunity for believers to be witnesses to the transforming power of the gospel as well as the sure hope in Christ as they await his return and look forward to life with him where there shall be no more mourning for death will have finally been defeated.
This article has considered biblical and cultural approaches to bereavement healing with a view of drawing principles for an integrated pastoral care model. A number of biblical resources are highlighted whilst therapeutic cultural beliefs and practices are assessed in the light of biblical norms. The interaction between cultural approaches that do not contravene the Bible and biblical resources for bereavement healing, inform the design of a 'circle for pastoral concern' as an integrated model for new practice. This integrated model of bereavement healing puts the gospel at the centre of the Abaluyia cultural world without compromising the gospel or overlooking their cultural beliefs and practices. It recognises that bereaved Christians mourn within their context and seek healing as people whose lives and culture is transformed by the gospel of Christ. This transforming relationship assures hope, trust and faithfulness to Christ and service to one another. Through the enabling of the Holy Spirit, the bereaved believer can live as they seek healing and maturity in Christ.
Competing Interests
The authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationship(s) that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.
Authors' Contributions
All authors equally contributed to the authoring the article.
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Vhumani Magezi
11 Hoffman Street, North-West Universit
Potchefstroom 2520, South Africa
Received: 26 Sept. 2012
Accepted: 19 Aug. 2013
Published: 04 Oct. 2013
Republished: 08 Oct. 2013


text:
A closeup of the "Pluto Switch," a mystery hardware device that landed on the edge of Iowa this past winter. Images: networking-forum.com
Photos of the mystery computing device appeared on the web in late February. Taken with a smartphone, they were a bit washed out and a little blurry in places, but you could easily read the name printed on the long, thin piece of hardware. "Pluto Switch," the label said.
The images were posted by two men who said the device had unexpectedly turned up at a branch office in the tiny farmland town of Shelby, Iowa — population: 641 — and they were hoping someone could tell them what it was.
Clearly, these two men were familiar with the ins and outs of computer networking, and clearly, this was a networking switch, a way of shuttling data between machines. But they'd never heard of the Pluto Switch, and it was littered with networking ports they'd never seen before. "Any ideas?" they asked. "The writing on the back is Finnish."
According to posts they made to an obscure web discussion forum dedicated to networking hardware — networking-forum.com — they couldn't actually get the thing to work. But they turned up a few clues indicating who the device belonged to, and eventually, after putting two and two together, they said they'd located the owner and sent the switch back.
It belonged, they said, to Google.
At first, Google didn't respond to their phone calls, the men said, and when it did, it wouldn't explain the switch. But apparently, the company offered a reward for its return. "Finally got a hold of a Google network engineer, so the switches are heading home. He wouldn't tell me what the connector type was so that's still a mystery," one of the men told the forum. "The engineer was cool and is going to send us some shirts the public can't buy."
Google calls itself one of the world's largest hardware makers. For the past 10 years, the web giant has designed much of the gear driving the massive data centers that underpin its web empire, but it treats the particulars of this hardware operation as the most important of trade secrets. That's why the Pluto Switch is so intriguing.
The mystery switch may provide a small window into the networking hardware that drives the Googlenet — and indicate where the rest of the web is going. In recent years, Google's efforts to redesign data center hardware have nudged other web giants in a similar direction, with Amazon, Facebook, and even Microsoft exploring custom-built data center gear. When a web empire reaches a certain size, you see, it needs gear that's much cheaper and more efficient than the hardware typically offered by big-name sellers such as Cisco, HP, and Dell.
Google declined to comment on the switch. But according to J.R. Rivers — an ex-Google engineer who helped design Google's first networking switches in 2005 — the Pluto Switch seems to run Google software, and it uses hardware you don't typically find on standard networking switches. Though he has no way of knowing whether it was designed by Google itself, he says it bears all the signs of gear that was custom built for a massive online operation.
"I'd venture to bet that this is home-grown data center gear," he told Wired, after reviewing the photos.
Certainly, all signs point to Google, and at the very least, the photos highlight why Google has gone to such great lengths to build its own data center hardware. According to Rivers, the switch is a significantly streamlined version of what you might buy on the open market. "The big difference," he says, "is that this switch has forgone the standard physical layer for something less expensive." Even those mystery networking ports are a way of cutting costs.
A glimpse of the network traffic generated by the Pluto Switch, thanks to an analysis tool called Wireshark
Pluto Lands In Shelby
The two men who posted the photos said they worked for a company that's headquartered in Wisconsin but runs a distribution center in Shelby, Iowa, about 30 miles from a data center Google operates in another Iowa town called Council Bluffs. Apparently, the switches were delivered to the distribution center in late December or January, several weeks before the photos were posted.
"My guess is the carrier unloaded them by mistake," said one of the two men, who seemed to be computer gurus working at the company's HQ. "About a month later, they were shipped up to me at the corporate offices in Wisconsin. We've been trying to figure out what they were for the last few weeks."
When they posted the first photo, they already had one pretty good clue on their hands. A vendor code used by the switch, they said, was registered to Google. But they didn't seem to realize that Google designed its own switches. Eventually, others on the forum pointed them in the right direction, and the clues kept coming.
'They said that the switches had been returned to Google and that Google had asked them to attempt to remove the thread.'
— Steve Spangle
At one point, someone else on the forum offered to buy the switches. But then he had second thoughts. "It's very likely that these really are Google's and I'm sure they want them back," he said. "Apple's lost then sold iPhone ordeal with Gizmodo comes to mind."
At first, the two men couldn't get into the switch "console," the interface that would provide more info about the device. It pumped out nothing but gibberish. But when they finally got it working, others on the forum were confident the mystery was solved. The console identified the hardware board inside the device as a "Google Planet8541 Pluto Edge Switch."
The identity of the two men has now been scrubbed from the forum. According to Steve Spangle, the owner of networking-forum.com, they requested anonymity after talking to Google. "[They] asked me to delete the thread," Spangle tells Wired. "They said that the switches had been returned to Google and that Google had asked them to attempt to remove the thread. Instead, I scrubbed their usernames from all posts, replacing them with myself as the post author."
The men who posted the photos may work for a company called Menard's, a retail outfit headquartered in Eau Claire, Wisconsin that runs a distribution center in Shelby. But an employee at the distribution center said that Menard's was not the company in question, and we were unable to reach the CIO's office in Wisconsin. A company spokesperson did not provide answers to our questions.
Spangle says that he has not been directly contacted by Google about the posts, but that he would remove the thread if Google asked him.
As we published this story, the photos, a data dump from the console, and other information about the switch were still available on the forum. All this provides a rather detailed picture of the Pluto Switch. And it may point to much more.
Networking ports on the Pluto Switch were unlike any the forum had seen.
'I Know Who Made This … Just by Looking at It'
When we showed the photos to Andrew Feldman — the founder of SeaMicro, a new-age server outfit now owned by chip designer AMD — he said he knows the engineer who built it. "I know who made this … just by looking at it," he told us over the phone. "I know the engineer. I'm looking at it, and I know an engineer's work."
He wouldn't say who the engineer was, and he didn't link the switch back to Google. But Feldman has a history with Google. He once worked for Force10 Networks, a company he says sold hundreds of millions of dollars in networking equipment to Google — before Google started designing its own gear.
When we showed the photos to Google, the company said they were old. "I don't think we have much to say on this front," a Google spokesperson told us. "These forum posts are from over 7 months ago."
'I know who made this just by looking at it. I know the engineer. I'm looking at it and I know an engineer's work.'
— Andrew Feldman
Nowadays, Google designs most of the hardware that drives its web services, including servers and the data center facilities themselves, and it sees this custom hardware work is a competitive advantage over all the other big-name websites struggling to instantly accommodate requests from millions of users across the globe. That's why it treats the hardware as a trade secret.
Earlier this year, after years of rumors, Google revealed that it designs specialized networking hardware for moving data between its data centers — hardware that uses a new protocol for managing networking gear called OpenFlow — but the company provided few details about the hardware itself. And it's still tight-lipped about the networking hardware used to move data inside its computing facilities. As recently as June, Urs Hölzle — the man who oversees the Googlenet — declined to discuss the matter.
But the information posted to the forum indicates that the Pluto Switch is at least akin to devices Google uses inside its data centers. An "edge switch" is a device that connects servers inside a data center to a larger network. These are also called "top-of-rack" switches, as they typically sit at the top of a rack of servers.
Ex-Google engineer J.R. Rivers — who now runs a networking outfit called Cumulus Networks — says this appears to be an older switch, something that has been used for about three years or so. And he questions whether Google would put label like "Pluto Switch" on its custom-designed gear. But in all likelihood, this is a device that belongs to Google, and as described in the forum, it's representative of the company's overall hardware philosophy.
With its custom hardware, Google aims to improve the operation of its data centers, but it also seeks to reduce costs. Because it operates at such an enormous scale — the company now runs its services across as many as three dozen data centers across the globe — it can save vast amounts of money by reducing power consumption and stripping hardware to its bare essentials.
According to Rivers, the Pluto Switch is an example of this sort of streamlining. He points out that the "physical layer" that transports data across the device is a stripped-down version of what you'd see in a typical switch. It still uses optical fiber lines to move data, but it relies on a much less expensive collection of hardware.
Those networking ports on the Pluto had many people on the forum scratching their heads. "That must have come from outer space (as the name also implies)," said one poster on the forum, responding to the photos. But Andrew Feldman says they're a way of cutting costs. "This is a different type of connector, because connectors are extremely expensive," he told us. "They're designed to take a modified cable. My guess is they're making the cable as well."
A look inside the Pluto Switch, where a Broadcom "Scorpion" chip drives the device's 10 gigabit connections
Where the World Is Going
The Pluto Switch was built for a network that can theoretically handle 10 gigabits of data a second, a big step up from the 1 gigabit networks that still dominate the data center landscape. According to Rivers, it offers 20 ports for 10-gigabit speeds and four others for 1 gigabit.
Other information posted to the forum, Rivers says, indicates that the switches use a central 10-gigabit chip known as Scorpion, a processor manufactured by Broadcom. Broadcom now offers a more advanced 10-gigabit chip known as the Trident.
Google was at the forefront of the move to 10-gigabit Ethernet networks, and the technology is now starting to spread across the industry. Facebook just recently moved to 10-gigabit Ethernet inside its new data center in western North Carolina.
The question is whether the Facebooks and the Amazons will also follow Google's efforts to significantly cut the cost of its networking gear. But they're already moving in that direction.
In designing its own gear, Google also reduced costs by removing the middleman. Rather than purchase switches from big-name hardware sellers such as Cisco and HP, it took its custom designs to manufacturers in Asia — the same manufacturers who build hardware for the Ciscos and the HPs. In recent months, other web giants have followed suit, looking to buy their own dirt-cheap gear directly from Asian manufacturers.
They've yet to go as far as Google. Odds are, they're just buying commodity gear from Asia rather than coming to manufacturers with their own designs. But this may change. They too need ways of cutting big costs across their data center networks — and Facebook is already designing all sorts of other hardware for the data center.
The other web giants may not have access to a Pluto Switch. But you can bet they're looking at something an awful lot like it.
( via wired.com )


text:
Indian Summer Tomatoes! (and what to do with them…)
I'm back. Or at least I'm trying. Life got in the way these past two months…though I can't quite pin it down to one thing. There were house guests, school starting again, typical work stresses, trying to actually have a vacation, last-minute chaperoning of an outdoor ed trip, and life in general.
As I was looking through all the photos that have accumulated over the last two months…a significant portion of the dishes include tomatoes. Let's review, shall we!
A lovely typical caprese with fresh tomatoes, basil from the garden, peppery and buttery olive oil, sea salt, fresh black pepper and of course fresh mozzarella and a drizzle of balsamic vinegar!
Then there was the tomato and zucchini herb tart with gruyere…
We can't forget the late summer farmer's market heirloom tomatoes…
…and the burrata, oversized buttered croutons and herbed vinaigrette that took these tomatoes from summer treat to inspirational dish!
Although only garnished with tomatoes…this dish seemed to be in line with the others…
Zucchini, onion and pasilla pepper omelet with goat cheese and herbs!
I sit currently near an open window with blue skies and plenty of sunshine, which means is slightly hard to imagine that the rest of the country is slowly slipping past the height of fall and right into that season the follows autumn (and must not be named yet). With a radio report of record October snows in the east…I promise, I'll try to get my fall on out here in SoCal! I feel the pull of seasons, but when it's still 80° outside, it's hard to consciously turn the oven on and roast things, or make soups, or even bake. The nights are becoming increasingly cool…I even brought out a down comforter for the bed…as lows are in the high 40's. (don't laugh)
I've got a few more posts to come and the motivation and inspiration to get back into the kitchen is creeping back! How is your fall going? Anybody else still enjoying the last few tomatoes of summer?