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If you're joining a wine club, make it Palate Club
Palate Club's bold innovation in making use of artificial intelligence has made it a sommelier and a data scientist at the same time. It is changing the face of wine clubs for the better—good news for the wine retail industry, as direct-to-consumer sales reached a staggering $3.2 billion in 2019.
"A touch of new wood on the nose." "Honeysuckle fruit with hazelnut overtones." "Luscious and classy finish." "Pure gold, with no hint of amber." "A fine rose bouquet." "Velvety with a firm backbone but ripe tannins."
These are some tasting notes encountered when drinking wine, and especially when one is serious about how it hits the senses and taste buds. There's just something about the nectar of the gods that makes every drinker want to be a poet, or, if verbosity is not a strength, to keep asking for one more glass, one more tipple, one more for the road.
For the love of wine
Excellent wine is, of course, a staple in many cultures for centuries. Made from the fermentation of grapes, winemaking can be traced back to ancient China and Iran in Asia, and Greece, Armenia, and France in Europe. Wine pottery and other artifacts have also been found in Egypt, India, and Italy.
Much has been written about how wine has colonized the world, and how it is deeply woven in our identity. From celebrations to burial ceremonies, from trading to cooking activities, from gifts of honor to symbols of religion—vintages have traveled from place to place witnessing history.
Meanwhile, American viticulture, specifically California, didn't flourish until much later. Thomas Pinney, who wrote A History of Wine in America, said: "Few things can have been more eagerly tried and more thoroughly frustrated in American history than the enterprise of growing European varieties of grapes for the making of wine. Not until it was recognized that only the native grape varieties could succeed against the endemic diseases and harsh climate of North America did winemaking have a chance in the eastern part of the country."
He continues: "By the beginning of the 20th century, the growing of grapes and the making of wine across the United States was a proven and important economic activity."
A captivated audience
As of February 2019, there are about 10,000 wineries in the U.S., 4,425 of which are in California, making it the leading state in wine production at 85%. There are about 240 million adult Americans who drink wine, with each person consuming 11 liters per year.
Suffice to say, wine is a beverage of choice for the U.S. market, whose value was at $70.5 billion in 2018 alone. The total wine market volume amounts to 408 million cases, with 105 million cases (26%) imported from other countries.
It is also notable that when it comes to wine retail, direct-to-consumer (DtC) sales reached a staggering $3.2 billion in 2019. Napa County, in particular, shipped $1.5 billion worth of wines at an average price of $69.39 per bottle, increasing its sales by 3.4% compared to 2018. Sonoma County's shipment climbed by 5.8% in volume as well. Andrew Adams, editor of the Wine Analytics Report, says, that the DtC channel "remains the most dynamic and promising sector of the wine business."
No wonder wine clubs have become extremely popular amidst vineyard trips and cellar tours. Some emerging groups are Israeli Wine Lovers who adhere to everything kosher, Out in the Vineyard for those who identify as LGBTQ+, and Black Girl Wine Society for women of color. Haus, on the other hand, is a startup that concentrates on aperitifs, and recently got $4.5 million in funding.
A personal wine algorithm
Pushing the boundaries though is Palate Club, whose serious commitment to using artificial intelligence rivals that of its devotion to wine. Based in San Francisco, this wine club personalizes the customer's first delivery right away based on their preferences. It then sends the bottles with the labels disguised to initiate a true blind tasting without bias, and future shipments are further customized according to taste.
Palate Club's bold innovation is that it is a wine concierge and a data scientist at the same time, using a formula of over 200 wine traits to build an accurate palate profile. Just as an algorithm is used by the likes of Spotify and YouTube to match music or videos that the user might like based on their history, so is the company making use of statistics supported by experts to pair wines for its customers—"telling you what you like and why you actually like it."
The company's wine app learns over time—the more one rates bottles, the more Palate Club gets smarter at explaining the user's palate and predicting what wine to ship. This solves the vacuum left wide open by other wine clubs and online sellers that promote the same labels, or worse, sell mass-market bottles that never even really taste good.
Embracing change
Per the 2019 State of the Wine Industry Report, an average winery gets 36% of its DtC sales from wine clubs. Danny Brager, senior vice president of Nielsen's Beverage Alcohol Practice, is very much aware of consumers' behavior when it comes to DtC: "As more consumers choose to purchase more of their goods online in general, we expect the DtC shipment channel to also increase in size and popularity due to its convenience and broad selection of available wines."
Silicon Valley Bank Wine Division founder Rob McMillan also said, "The U.S. wine business is hitting a ceiling in its ability to grow because of a few fundamental challenges the industry hasn't fully embraced or addressed. In an increasingly digital world, what industry would insist that its consumers first physically come to its place of business to buy its wares?"
There is no doubt that wineries today are facing a challenge in terms of how to move forward and grow with a new generation of wine drinkers. Oenophiles still exist—they just moved online.
In fact, they prefer the convenience of having bottles delivered to their doorstep, something that Palate Club wants to emphasize, that is, the familiar relationship between the company and the consumer, without the interference of a middleman that will usually add more dollars to the process. Through the app, one can get "the personalized suggestions of a wine expert and the quality of artisan winemakers"—plus discover the easy process if you want to buy wine online.
Why join a wine club
Wine is like "a time travel machine in a bottle"—nothing can beat the pleasure of tasting Bandol during summer in Provence or Sassicaia from revolutionary Tuscany. But for a wine enthusiast who can't often jet set, a wine club is a way to discover new bottles selected by master sommeliers.
Keeping in mind that these wine subscription services also have a price range, and that more or less expensive doesn't necessarily mean better, this is also an opportunity to taste limited releases or find new favorites.
Moreover, it is an occasion to educate oneself and learn more about the type of grapes and terroir for a particular wine, how the texture feels in the mouth, and how the finish—that moment when the flavor just melts away from the tongue—can be spectacular.
(Featured image by Skitterphoto via Pexels)
DISCLAIMER: This article was written by a third party contributor and does not reflect the opinion of Born2Invest, its management, staff or its associates. Please review our disclaimer for more information.
This article may include forward-looking statements. These forward-looking statements generally are identified by the words "believe," "project," "estimate," "become," "plan," "will," and similar expressions. These forward-looking statements involve known and unknown risks as well as uncertainties, including those discussed in the following cautionary statements and elsewhere in this article and on this site. Although the Company may believe that its expectations are based on reasonable assumptions, the actual results that the Company may achieve may differ materially from any forward-looking statements, which reflect the opinions of the management of the Company only as of the date hereof. Additionally, please make sure to read these important disclosures.
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No fumbles are good, but some are particularly bad. And boy did Washington have a bad one on Sunday.
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A debut album should stand as a bold statement of intent. Some bands absolutely nail the formula that they will rigidly stick to for their illustrious careers like Slayer did with Show No Mercy (Metal Blade Records). For others, it can be the start of a journey that is a mystery yet to unfold as they explore their own sounds and find comfort in their own abilities, see Undertow (Zoo Entertainment) by Prog Metal maestros, Tool. With their first full-length and self-titled effort (Sharptone), where do Holding Absence sit? Continue reading
Tag Archives: Marigold
Caligula's Horse – Bloom
In recent years Australia has given a burgeoning and genuinely exciting scene of metal, particularly those of a progressive nature. From the likes of Karnivool to recent genre alchemists Ne Obliviscaris, such bands are not only making waves on the wider radar but are doing so with inventive, compelling and brilliant flavor. Similarly Brisbane originated Caligula's Horse have made a mark, with two well received albums, a characterised brand of emotive progressive metal and the eventual signing to prog label titans InsideOut. Not too shabby really.
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PhD Studentship in electron spectroscopy
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Country: Switzerland
Application Deadline: 2011-Jun-03


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Media Release #: 1788 - Robbery, Unknown Suspect - West Chester, Chester County, PA
The West Chester Police Department continues their investigation into a robbery that occurred as the victim was leaving Walgreens, located at 300 North Bradford Ave., West Chester, Chester County, PA.
On Sunday, March 30, 2014, at 7:45 p.m., a female was attacked leaving the Walgreens Store. The unknown suspect attacked the victim and took her wallet containing cash and credit cards. The female victim did attempt to fight off her attacker and did strike the suspect numerous times. The West Chester Police Department is asking for anyone that was in the area and witnessed the attack/robbery to contact the West Chester Criminal Division.
The unknown suspect was seen leaving a store and his picture was captured. The unknown suspect is either a White or Hispanic male in his 30's, shorter than 5'8" with a large fit build. Black hair with an unbraided ponytail and no facial hair. The unknown suspect was wearing dark clothing.
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All information is accurate as of Release Date.
CRIMEWATCH® and the Eye Design are registered trademarks of CRIMEWATCH Technologies, Inc. © 2020 CRIMEWATCH Technologies, Inc.
To follow Pennsylvania Crime Stoppers, click the button below.
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|Reviews for Clockwork
| Guest chapter 2 . 3/11/2019
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Despite everything, Belarus is still the most stable of the former Soviet Union.
Lukashenko, who has been in power since 1994, has never divided economic power among "oligarchs" – as also happened with Putin – but has transferred the entire State economic apparatus into the new political system led by him.
This is the real divide between Belarus and the Russian Federation, where also Putin has his "oligarchs" of reference, to whom he must somehow report and refer his policy line.
Still today, for example, BelAZ, the company that produces transport and excavation equipment in Belarus, controls about 30% of the entire world market. It also has many openings in Western markets. It is not at all true that Belarus has a "post-Soviet relic" economy.
In October 2019 Belarus also obtained a 500 million dollar loan from the China Development Bank, which was alternative to equivalent financing from Russia that never arrived.
The primary geopolitical fact is that the Ukrainian crisis was interpreted – even correctly – by Lukashenko himself as a real "Russian failure" and, since then, Belarus has progressively reduced its economic and hence political dependence on Russia.
Meanwhile China was considering a new route, outside Ukraine, for its Belt & Road Initiative to Europe. Two coinciding interests, including the desire to reduce the Russian power in the region.
Since then Belarus has been using its special relations with China to deal with the EU and, in some respects, with Russia itself.
In 2018 alone, bilateral Belarus-China trade increased by 17.1% to a total of 3-5 billion U.S. dollars.
In April 2019, during Lukashenko's visit to Beijing, Belarus accepted a 100 million euro loan from China (again with the China Development Bank) to support its Central Bank's reserves.
The Chinese Eximportbank also granted 67.5 million Euros to Belarusian railways.
President Xi Jinping called Belarus "the pearl of the Belt & Road Initiative". It is a great miraculous substitute for Ukraine, now unusable for Chinese projects.
Furthermore, Lukashenko's regime offers significant tax breaks to investors from both Europe and the "Eurasian Economic Union", i.e. the small "Belt & Road Initiative" led by the Russian Federation.
Before 2014 China bet all its cards on Ukraine. Now, after the Western Russian "masterpieces" on the territory of that country, China is easily turning towards Belarus.
In the midst of the Ukrainian crisis, the Belarusian ruling class also thought that Russia was threatening its territory with military exercises and was strongly suspicious of Russia's demand to open a military base on its territory.
Hence the simple and peaceful relationship between Belarus and Russia exists only in mainstream Western newspapers.
Russia prefers to have China in Belarus rather than any other ally, so it has a wait-and-see attitude, at least for the time being.
Moreover, thanks to its role in the Belt&Road Initiative, Belarus has now every interest in strengthening all ties also with the EU – which, however, is not in Russia's interest.
On the military level, during the series of mass demonstrations, Lukashenko announced some operations on the Polish and Lithuanian borders. He also announced that Belarus would "never become a sanitary zone between East and West" and therefore not even a buffer zone between Europe and the Russian Federation.
A very clear signal for NATO, but also for Putin.
The revolt against Lukashenko is based on sound reasons: a) the severe inefficacy of the regime in responding to the Covid-19 pandemic; b) the social media's efficacy in organizing demonstrations, which is a very clear sign of some Western "interference"; c) the regime's attacks against opponents and the police's harshness during the election campaign and afterwards, which inevitably catalysed the response; d) the regime's prohibition to make ex-post electoral statistics; e) the arrests of bloggers, candidates, influencers and "militants" – another factor that triggered people's anger.
The protesters used not the Internet, which had been blocked by Lukashenko, but NEXTA, a Telegram service that has 1.5 million subscribers in Belarus and was able to bypass the web blocks imposed by the regime.
NEXTA operates from a very small office in Warsaw – which is a clearly significant sign. It uses anonymous material and strangely – but not too much – it has no advertising, but is well financed by "anonymous" entities.
On August 17, NEXTA also "ordered" the demonstrators to march to a prison in Minsk and then told the doctors and journalists participating in the revolt to interview and provide first aid and care to prisoners. In search of torture evidence, above all.
It seems that the connection between Lukashenko's intelligence services and the media against the regime is very close. Confidential information is quickly circulating on the web networks of the uprising.
Again on August 17, Belarus and the Russian Federation announced the start of joint military exercises at various locations.
The Russian forces were supposed to be stationed near Vitebsk, while Belarusian ones in Grodno on the Polish border.
Clearly all this is happening with China's tacit support and probably with some economic support from China, which certainly does not want a confrontation with the EU, but not even Belarus' autonomy from both Europe and, in other ways, from Russia.
Lukashenko could ask for Russia's help within the CSCE, but he would certainly avoid also a direct confrontation with NATO at any cost.
There is also the issue of fertilizers, which is no small matter. Belarus exports large quantities of potash it extracts mainly from the Soligorsk mine, which are worth approximately 3 billion U.S. dollars per year. The ownership of the mine, however, is public and, according to Western investors, this "blocks" a market of 29 billion U.S. dollars per year.
The great Yeltsin-style "liberalization" looms large over Belarus and, in some sectors, it could be the deal of the century. This is one of the reasons for the ambiguity of the local intelligence services.
Too much not to create political and economic disturbance.
The Belarusian KGB has also estimated that about 1.8 billion U.S. dollars have been "donated" to Belarusian bureaucrats and journalists to "liberalize" the Belarusian economy.
With the inevitable and subsequent spreading of corruption, which is endemic in all countries with centralized economies. But the same holds true also for the liberal ones having a "free-trade " economy.
This is the reason why Russia is trying to send to power Viktor Lukashenko, the son of the leader and man of "Gorbatchevian" background.
The British Embassy in Warsaw is supposed to lead and orient the opposition's operations on the ground in Belarus, while Germany, Austria and even Poland are more attentive to the autonomy of Belarus which could also serve NATO in the future and just as a buffer towards the Russian Federation.
Other important bloggers are Siarhei Tsikhaunoski, who organized a Youtube channel called Strana dlya zhizhni, ("Country for Life") and many others, such as RB Golovnogo Mozga, Maja Krajna Belarus, Narodny Reportor – all small-scale homespun structures, with dark funding, which, however, have become the primary and most reliable information source for most Belarusians.
An important role was also played by Radio Free Europe/Belarus and BelSat, both operating from Warsaw.
It should be recalled, however, that in early August 2020 – hence just before elections – Lukashenko accused Russia of coup plotting, although without ever clearly pronouncing its name.
Again in early August, Belarus asked to have exercises made for reservists on the Russian border, starting on August 11.
During the election campaign for his sixth term, Lukashenko also accused "external forces" that "go beyond colour revolutions". He could not have been clearer.
Moreover, Lukashenko will most likely remain in power despite demonstrations.
A colour non-revolution against a country that has no particular inclination towards Russia – despite the recent requests for help and the relocation of Russian "hybrid warfare" operators on the borders between Russia and Belarus – has no history. Not even in Westerners' hyper-simplified minds.
Furthermore, in case of a Western invasion of Belarus, China could move its divisions, which are not military but economic, and would all be against the EU.
Lukashenko won with 80.23% of votes. No rigged election can go that far and reach such a result. The Belarusian security forces have so far imprisoned as many as 3,000 protest leaders.
Apart from the vote rigging, which is very likely, the Belarusian intelligence services estimate that support for Lukashenko is around 48% of the population, while the rest are said to be positioning themselves between the current uprising and a veiled opposition to the regime.
The rebellion against the Belarusian regime is a mix of demonstrations against Lukashenko's mild response to the Covid-19 pandemic and people's response against his repression of the anti-regime candidates.
Nevertheless – and this could be a real game-changer – Lukashenko noted that many members of his security services actively and sympathetically followed the riots on social media, while many Belarusian military took part in demonstrations in favour of Tsikhanouskaya, the main opposition candidate, in Brest on August 2.
Since then Lukashenko has engaged in propaganda against "external influences", especially the Russian ones (reading between the lines).
In fact, on July 29 last, the Belarusian intelligence services arrested as many as 33 operators of the Russian military contractor company Wagner, which Belarus said had arrived on site to "investigate into the protests".
The United States, Russia and Ukraine are currently the bêtes noires of Lukashenko's propaganda and they are the three powers that, in his opinion, would like to "eliminate him before the election".
Hence there are two possible options for Russia, which wants to control the rebellious Belarus: supporting Lukashenko while weakening him, by penetrating the security structures and the economy, or setting up a new regime.
Putin prefers the first option, i.e. support for Lukashenko, because this could stop the military mechanism of the post-Soviet Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) or create dangerous repercussions on the Kremlin's "hybrid" operations in Belarus.
If Russia takes Belarus, its pressure on the EU will be sensitive and very dangerous, and if Russia freezes Lukashenko's regime, this will be a very strong foot on Poland and Lithuania, capable of counterbalancing the U.S. autonomous military operations in those countries, all against Russia.
The economy is another factor to be considered. Russia sells oil to Belarus 20% less than the market price, and cyclically Russia threatens to "adjust" tariffs.
As currently, when Russia has refused to continue oil negotiations until 2021.
Belarus, however, has bought 80,000 tons of Arabian Light from Saudi Arabia, after previously buying oil also from the United States and Norway.
With specific reference to natural gas, GAZPROM said it will renegotiate the price with Belarus only after it pays its 165 million dollar debt for the gas already supplied.
Nevertheless, Lukashenko has also accused Russia and Poland of "interfering in the upcoming presidential election" and this is likely to be true for both countries. This is the "pro-independence" key to Belarus' current geopolitics.
Poland does not want combined threats from Belarus in relation to Russia, and indeed it does not want Belarus to become the corridor for a hybrid or non-hybrid invasion of the Polish territory by Russia. The latter, however, does not want Belarus to play its cards with the EU and become a NATO's potential instrument of penetration of the post-Soviet space.
It is also likely that opposition candidates such as Babariko, a Gazprombank man, have been sponsored by Russia. A first taste for next elections.
Putin, however, does not want to intervene in Belarus.
So far protests have posed no geopolitical danger to Russia and the leaders of the uprising have not asked to join NATO or the EU.
Putin has therefore two options: a) he can strongly support Lukashenko, but Russia does not want to enter another point of crisis since it already has enough of them.
Moreover, Russia has never hidden its coldness towards Lukashenko's regime and there are countless contrasts and small annoyances and nuisances between the two countries.
With a Belarusian KGB divided between the new oligarchs, to whom the regime has never allowed to expand their power, and a pro-Western modernization of the system, in view of future affairs, i.e. the dismantling of the Belarusian public system.
Or (b) Putin can enter into the Belarusian chaos, but he will do so if and only if he seriously perceives a heavy Western involvement.
Another option for Putin may be c) to replace Lukashenko with someone else, his son or a homo novus.
There is also the option of a possible cooperation between Russia and the EU to solve the Belarusian issue. For the time being this is supposed to be the option preferred by Vladimir Putin, although rumours are rife of Russian forces entering Belarus.
With new elections, but also without a new Constitution – as Lukashenko wishes – and possibly with pro-Russian candidates capable of winning and, above all, gaining the votes of the mass opposition to the current regime in Belarus.
This is therefore China's "protection" for Belarus, as well as Lukashenko's game between Russia and the EU to avoid being incorporated into the Russian system, for which, however, Belarus' geostrategic role is essential.
Eastern Europe
Latvia becomes a victim of the East-West confrontation
The foreign policy of Latvia has been providing a surprising case of balancing policy between economic wisdom and political situation for some decades. Being the EU and NATO member state, Latvia managed to fulfill its commitments and at the same time Riga maintained fruitful relationship in the economic sphere with neighbouring countries – Russia and Belarus. And this despite the fact that these two countries are seen by the European Union and the Alliance as opponents rather than friends.
But cooling of the EU and NATO's relations with Russia made such a balance impossible and forced Latvia to take such political decisions that totally harmed its economy. Thus, Latvia has gradually become a victim of the East-West confrontation.
Only one of the negative results of this confrontation is dramatic reduction of transit cargo. Russia's cargo volume has fallen sharply.
Russia's decision to build its own ports and divert traffic to them has become a direct consequence of the EU economic sanctions imposed against Russia.
In October, the largest decrease in Latvian ports was for coal transported to the main coal terminal on the Russian Island in Riga. Of the planned average of 118 wagons, only 39 were received per day.
The more so, in October, the Russian side did not coordinate 94% of the requested amount of coal cargo – customers wanted to receive more than 4,800 coal wagons to Latvian ports, but got only 279. In November, 100% of the requested amount was not agreed, which means a complete stop of coal cargo delivery. And it is clear that gradually less and less cargo will pass through Latvia and maybe not at all because of the destructive foreign policies toward relations with Russia.
On the one hand, Latvian authorities understand that the country needs Russian cargoes. Latvian Minister of Transport Tālis Linkaits points out: "It is the need of the Latvian state to ensure the operation of the infrastructure of "Latvijas dzelzceļš". And we are interested in every ton of cargo that could come through Latvia or to Latvia." On the other hand, during the annual Rīga Conference which took place in November Latvian Prime Minister Krišjānis Kariņš and NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg both emphasized that Russia remains a threat. "Russia remains a great big problem," Kariņš said. Latvia as well as other Baltic States deployed NATO troops on its territory and thereby endangering good neighborly relations with Russia and regional security in general. Russia has taken measures to build up its military capabilities as well.
Former President of Latvia Valdis Zatlers says: "Prayers will not help. This is Russian policy."
Foreign Minister Edgars Rinkevichs admitted: "I don't understand what we sometimes have in Latvia, that it is somehow difficult for us to drive in the middle of the road – to be proportionate, to be principled in matters of principle, to be practical, but not to carry from one ditch to another."
So, Latvia maneuvers between politics and the desire not to lose important partner. Russia in its turn does not hide its intention and is not going to play along. If Latvia's political views prevent it from developing fruitful partnership with neighbour states, this is Latvia's choice. Latvia's economy today is hostage to its foreign policy.
Latvia's failure in cooperation with Russia reflects the bleak economic prospects if Russia ceases to see the region as a territory of special economic importance. In recent years, Moscow has already made it clear that it considers the gain in the struggle for the region too small to participate in it.
The situation resembles an old Latin proverb: "Between two stools, one falls to the ground." Latvia is almost on the ground.
Eastern Europe
The State of Civil Society in Belarus and Armenia: Challenges and Opportunities
A vibrant civil society has long been thought to be a crucial instrument for political change in countries in transition and a key component of a democratic society.
While civic activism was critical to the 2018 "Velvet Revolution" in Armenia, and posesformidable challenges to Aleksander Lukashenko's authoritarian rule in Belarus, a question remains as to whether or not civil societies have the capacities to evolve into powerful agents of democracy in the two post-Soviet countries.
The two countries share much in come in terms of their communist past and close alliances with Russia, vividly manifested in their being members of the Russia-dominated Eurasian Economic Union and CSTO. Moreover, the post-Soviet transition of both countries has been marred by a series of authoritarian malpractices, ranging from centralization and personalization of power to extensive crackdown on civil liberties and political freedoms
In both countries civil society organizations have been characterized by their organizational weakness, and marginality in terms of their social base, financial assets and influence over policy making.
Controlling the mass media and civil society has been crucial for Europe's 'last dictator' Alexander Lukashenko's rule. As a result, freedom of association has been extremely limited in Belarus, where the registration of groups remains entirely arbitrary, while the foreign funding to NGOs is treated as interference in the country's domestic affairs. Only a few human rights groups continue to operate, amid huge harassment by the government. Alarmingly, in 2018, the Criminal Code of Belarus introduced the prospect of large fines for unregistered or liquidated organizations, thus aiming to curbtheir activism.
Moreover, the lack of a vibrant civil society has led to a situation where Belarusians have huge misconceptions about civil society organizations and do not tend to use the available resources within civil society and human rights organizations to defend their rights
The situation in Belarus turned upside down in the wake of 2020 presidential elections, that unleashed a huge wave of civic activism: hundreds of thousands of Belarusians raising their voices and taking to the streets.
The anti-government protests following the 2020 presidential elections show that the Belarusian opposition and civil society have the potential to challenge the status quo meticulously preserved by Lukashenko.
Nevertheless, it would be misleading to treat the successful actions by protesters or even civil society representatives per se as s shift in a robust or "emerging" civil society. The question remains as to if protests are organized by well-established and institutionalized organizations, or do groups emerge spontaneously out of the protests themselves?
By contrast, the Armenian civil society organizations enjoy considerable freedom and face less harassment by the government. While civil society played a critical role in the "Velvet Revolution," the absence of an umbrella organization or clearly reform-oriented movement in Armenia, seems to leave the fate of the societal coalition that brought Nikol Pashinyan to power uncertain. Not surprisingly, the societal coalition started to break into pieces as Armenia endured tremendous setbacks in the war against Azerbaijan in November 2020. Overall, the demonstrations leading the revolution showed the "Velvet Revolution was a one-time fairy tale, rather than a feature of a vibrant civil society. Meanwhile, civil society organizations and activists need to move beyond the victory in the street and pursue victory in town halls and elections, with the growing realization that the "Velvet Revolution" now needs to be in people's minds and behavior rather than in downtown Yerevan .
Despite the growing number of civil society organizations (there are more than 4,000 registered civil society organizations, mainly non-governmental organizations (NGO), absolute majority of them are inactive with little to no potential to represent certain interest groups. NGOs are especially weak in terms of their social base, funding and heavily depend on foreign donors.
Arguably, the Russian oversize influence over Belarus and Armenia has been one of the core challenges to a vibrant civil society advancement in both countries. Of all the Eastern Partnership countries, Armenia and Belarus is by far the most vulnerable to Russian influence. This reflects its structural dependence on Russia in the economic, energy, security, geopolitical, as well as socio-cultural spheres, particularly in case of Belarus.
Belarus displays a series of characteristics that allow Russia to have a strong impact on civil society. These include a weak national identity, issues around language, the prevalence of Russian information in the media, exposure to Russian information warfare, as well as the presence in Belarus of Russian government-organized NGOs (GONGOs) and the Russian Orthodox Church.
Notably, within its strategy of promoting Eurasian integration within the Eurasian Economic Union and beyond, Russian propaganda would frequently target Armenian NGOs by framing those which are Western-funded ones as threats to Armenian-Russian relations. Such claims would be followed by the calls for 'neutralizing' them through information campaigns and other methods, including through the legislature. Not surprisingly, the 2017 amendments to existing NGO legislation in Armenia, with imposed restrictions on their activities, would be largely viewed as a direct result of the mounting pressure emanating from Russia.
Boosting CSOs Actorness
Studies show that the path to a vibrant and consolidated civil society has two main dimensions. The first dimension boils down to the changes in the nature of civil society relations with the state and society and its potential and ability to induce reform, or what is often referred to as "change on the outside". This has much to do with increasing their impact on public policy and practice, not least through engaging more with their constituencies and improving their interaction with public institutions and actors. It has not been uncommon for post-Soviet societies to treat civic associations as threat to the power and stability of the state together with the conviction that the state bears the responsibility for the wellbeing of the society.
Moreover, the CSOs' tendency to prioritize relations with Western donors over engagement with citizens would result in their treatment as donor-driven, rather than community-oriented organizations. Meanwhile, greater engagement and effective communication with various social groups is critical to breaking down the public misconceptions about CSOs and their activities.
Thus, the "change on the outside" is instrumental in dissolving the apathy of the wider public leading to their shift from spectators to actors.
A major impediment to civil society in both countries is prevailing post-Soviet "informality" in the form of behavioral practices, such as considerable tolerance towards informal governance, the use of informal networks and connections in exchanges of favors, phone justice, corruption, etc. The latter has long condemned both countries to a vicious circle of underdevelopment and bad governance. Even though it would be an oversimplification to contend that graft is a way of life it takes a long time for deep rooted behavioral practices to change. Therefore, both governments, as well as CSOs have a crucial role in eradicating the informality and culture of corruption in both societies, not least through promoting liberal values and good governance practices.
The second critical dimension is "change on the inside", related to the nature of civil society per se: such as the way it is organized and operates. This in turn has a great deal to do with the development of adequate institutional and professional capacity in civil society organizations and networks as a vital tool for influencing policy making. The institutional development at the organizational level includes building organizational capacities for governance, decision-making, and conflict management, as well as clarifying organizational identity, values and strategy of impact.
The latter is of crucial relevance as a lot of CSOs in both countries were established in response to certain needs or funding priorities with no predefined mission, strategic plans and organization structure. That said, they were doomed to failure in terms of addressing the specific needs of their constituencies.
Overall, these changes and reforms are vital to the advancement of a vibrant civil society that can become an agent of democracy in both countries.
Eastern Europe
Can economic cooperation contribute to sustainable peace in Karabakh?
A major step has taken towards the Karabakh conflict on November 10, 2020. The century-old conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia has undoubtedly, entered a different phase with the signing of a trilateral statement by Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Russia. Before this, in late September, Azerbaijan has launched a successful counter-offensive to implement the UN Security Council Resolutions (822, 853, 874, 884) through liberating its territories that were under Armenian occupation for almost 30 years. As a result of the military campaign, Azerbaijan was able to get back the majority of the strategic points in Karabakh including the historic city of Shusha.
While the protests broke out in the Armenian capital Yerevan, when PM Pashinyan publicly declared that he was obliged to sign the agreement to prevent its army from a total collapse, the Azerbaijani side enjoyed the victory by massive celebrations in Baku. The President of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev signed the statement on a live broadcast, and right after, addressed the nation and familiarized the Azerbaijani public with the context. As the details revealed by President Aliyev, it became obvious that the agreement was the capitulation of the Armenian side.
Afterward, the consequence of the "44-day war" was described as "a defeat both on the battlefield and in the diplomatic arena" by the Armenian President Armen Sarkissian. Namely, the agreement comprised the unconditional withdrawal of the Armenian troops from the occupied territories within a definite schedule, the return of all refugees, and the deployment of the Russian peacekeepers in the several points of Karabakh. Furthermore, the cardinal element of the statement is that there was not a word about the status of Nagorno-Karabakh. Apparently, the overwhelming military advantage of Azerbaijan induced the Armenian government to come to the negotiation table and finalize its illegal military presence within the boundaries of a neighboring sovereign state.
The agreement further articulates the opening of all communications, restoration of economic and transport links. Due to the stipulated economic notions, the statement possesses a significant role for lasting and sustainable peace. In this context, if Armenia would ensure adherence to the principles of the trilateral statement, the possible economic consequences will encapsulate in two dimensions: regional and global.
The regional dimension or local basis encompasses joint initiatives and shall include Georgia as well. For instance, the "South Caucasus Economic Union" could emerge to build high-quality cross-border infrastructure, to establish intraregional supply chains, and to form stronger financial links. The project rationale derives from the recognition that the development of an integrated South Caucasus, which can guarantee peace and spur growth in all fields, requires multiple, cohesive, and long-term efforts. Thus, the fundamental prerequisite for Armenia is to terminate all the hostilities with neighboring countries.
In the mutually assured peace environment, Azerbaijan and Armenia would strongly benefit from enormous savings on conflict-related fiscal expenditures. Military expenditures could be lessened by 2% of annual GDP in both countries to a reasonable level as in the countries at peace. Besides, Azerbaijan could eventually save expenditures for supporting refugees amounting to 0.4% of annual GDP, thus diminishing total expenditure by 2.4% of GDP yearly. Armenia could save annual expenditures of 0.9% of GDP for supporting the local economy in Nagorno-Karabakh and 0.1% of GDP in interest payments, thus saving 3% of GDP every year. Such massive fiscal savings would enable both countries to avert the budget-related issues and at the same time substantially increase spending in social spheres by eliminating any budgetary pressures.
In the global dimension, South Caucasus is capable of creating opportunities for sustainable growth. The ongoing conflict was generating an elevated extent of risks, which were constituting several constraints for the capital flow to the region. Since an opportunity has emerged to settle the conflict thoroughly regarding the trilateral statement, the effect that it would create in the future on ratings, risk premiums on bonds, loans and equity, investment, and finally, economic growth are likely to be very positive.
The South Caucasus region, acting as a link between the Middle East, China, Russia, and Europe, has immense strategic significance. Previously opened the Baku-Tbilisi-Kars railway, today serves as the shortest way to deliver Chinese goods to Turkey and reduces delivery time to Western Europe. This project was developed within a larger Trans-Caspian International Transit Route, as part of the Belt & Road Initiative.
Within the scope of the agreement, Azerbaijan gained a corridor that links the mainland to the exclave Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic through the Zangazur region of Armenia. The new corridor seems to be a more efficient alternative from distance and timing aspects. Thus, the agreement can be characterized as pivotal since it will not only stimulate the regional development credibly, it will transform the region into a hub of the international supply chain system, as well.
Undoubtedly, the foremost economic issue will be compensation as Armenia officially approved itself as the aggressor state in this conflict with the sign of PM Pashinyan on November 10. According to the United Nations, the overall damage to the Azerbaijani economy has estimated to be around $53.5 billion in 1994. Recently, President Ilham Aliyev stated that foreign experts are going to be invited for the up-to-datecalculations of the total damage as the result of the occupation.
After a longstanding negotiation process, the situation has been exacerbated, and inevitably, processes oriented to the military theatre. This trilateral statement can forestall the risks of resumption of the military operations in this phase. Here, strengthening the capacity to manage the conflict and promote peace through regional economic integration, trade facilitation initiatives, and other policy measures will be on the agenda. There is a plethora of similar practices in the world so that it might lead to a feasible solution.
The Karabakh conflict was making South Caucasus one of the most explosive regions in Eurasia. Nevertheless, from this moment, the focus shall be on the peacemaking process as it yields considerable economic benefits. As mentioned, the flow of investments to the region will tremendously increase, whereby the states in South Caucasus will be able to maximize their economic potentials. For Armenia, it is time to act on facts and realities rather than dreams. So, it should renounce territorial claims and start to rational cooperation with neighbors for a better future.
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U.S. House not expected to meet sooner than April 20, Hoyer says
House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer (D-MD) walks out from the House Speaker Nancy Pelosi office on Capitol Hill in Washington, U.S., March 13, 2020. REUTERS/Yuri Gripas
WASHINGTON (Reuters) – The U.S. House of Representatives is not expected to meet again in regular session sooner than Monday April 20, House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer, a Democrat, advised members on Monday.
"Members are further advised that if the House is required to take action on critical legislation related to the coronavirus response or other legislative priorities, members will be given sufficient notice to return to Washington, DC," said the advisory from Hoyer's office.
Reporting by Susan Cornwell; Editing by Chris Reese


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Humans are called the superior creation of God, but after what happened in Kerala, I doubt we have to rethink this statement. In a shocking incident, an elephant was allegedly fed a pineapple stuffed with firecrackers in Kerala's Palakkad district and eventually died a painful death standing in a river.
It was found later that the elephant was pregnant. The wild elephant had left the forest of Silent Valley, meandering into a nearby village in search of food. According to forest officials', farmers put fireworks inside food and plant it on the edges of their fields to keep wild boars away.
This incident happened on May 27. But the news came to light when a forest officer Mohan Krishnan, a member of the team who attempted to rescue the animal, posted on Facebook. He narrated the heartbreaking tragedy in his Facebook post. He described how the elephant chose to remain calm and did not disturb any villagers, though she was suffering from excruciating pain. Instead, she went to the Velliyar River trying to cool her mouth and trunk that was badly injured by the explosives.
Her jaw was broken and she was unable to eat. The fifteen-year-old elephant died in a standing position in the river with its trunk in water. The post has since become viral with more than 1200 shares. People expressed shock and anguish at the tragedy.
When the sad incident came to the knowledge of forest officials, they brought along them, two kumki elephants Surendran and Neelakantan to bring the injured pachyderm to shore from the Velliyar River. But to the utter disappointment of the forest department elephant was not alive to be brought to shore. She died in the water.
Postmortem reports revealed the 15-year-old elephant died of asphyxia where water had gone into its lungs and trachea. She might have drunk a huge amount to bring some relief to her mouth.
What a tragedy, a fetus died in the womb of its mother because of the most inhumane treatment meted out to her by the so-called superior creation of God- Human. This voiceless, passive creature of God is killed by one amongst us. Protectors have turned to destroyers
This is not one single incident, in April also, another wild elephant died in Pathanapuram in similar circumstances. But the recent incident is more tragic as in another 22 months it would have delivered a baby elephant.
So, we see this is not a single incident; there are many more incidents happening around us and some of these go unreported. It's time for us to think about where we stand as humans? Where are our values of compassion, love, sharing, empathy, rationality?
We should stop compromising with these values and treat the weaker ones with love and compassion, bring back the human qualities of the past that we were bestowed with. The authorities should nab the culprits at the earliest and stricter action and punishment should be given to them who committed this heinous crime.
Of late news stories have reported that the incident has actually taken place in Palakkad district and not in Malappuram district as cited in earlier reports. Malappuram is a minority district and it is said that politicians are trying to add communal color by targeting Malappuram. Now the fact remains that this has been the most inhuman, tragic animal brutality, so keeping political agendas away, the need of the hour is to nab the real culprits and set an example to the society by punishing them for their cruelty.


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Maybe you should suggest that your salesperson get on the ball and earn that fat commission on a full-price sale by keeping track of what's going on with your car. :headbonk:I hate having to call people to track my car.
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Shawn Brandow1,414 Points
The filepath is not working at all for me. Always a 404 page.
When I put in the file path Read More it doesn't work. My folder path is: root/articles/2020/article.html so I really don't understand. I'm always getting a 404 error.
Ryan Groom17,661 Points
Shawn Brandow what folder is the file that you are you writing your code in?
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Chris KomaroffCourses Plus Student 13,667 Points
You probably need to enter enter the complete url "root/articles/2020/article.html". Or whatever the full URL is for this page.


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Watch Trapped Online
- IMDB Rating: 8.3/10 from 63 votes
- Release: January 2014 /
- Genre: Horror
- Director: Drew Stewart,
- Stars: Alistair McKenzie, Angela Raimondi, Arron Kinser, Aryanne Padilha, Cat Miller, David Marc, Jose Diaz, Kristina Mani, Michael Eck, Theo Crisell, Toya Nash
- Synopsis: On Laura's 27th birthday, her and six friends are trapped into a closet by a psycho killer. It turns out they're part of a twisted game, where fans watch the murders live over an internet webcast.
Watch Trapped Online TvEpisodes : Multiple Embeds try the others if one doesnt work.
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Building a children's rocking horse is a rewarding project in many ways, but making this horse is not a project for a beginning woodworker. When your Rocking Horse is complete please give instructions to your young children riders.
When your steed is complete I would love to see a picture of your work or even better a picture of your horse and rider. Of course if your rocking horse budget is only about a 20th of the parents who splurge on the real deal, you can get this very hip wooden version for under $100. Sure this Day of the Dead rocking horse is a little macabre, but not every girl loves pink ponies. Modern design is all about less is more, and it doesn't get any more minimal than the Bobbel Rocking Sculpture made from aluminum tubes. If you thought hard wooden seats were uncomfortable, check out this insane stainless steel rocking horse—which of course is just a piece of artwork and not meant for use.
Sometimes as parents we get a little bit jealous of our kids' toys—they make it look so fun! If you thought the Day of the Dead rocking horse looked macabre, take a look at this rocking horse skeleton. If you can't hack your own bespoke Vespa rocking chair, this wooden scooter by Present Time is probably the next best thing. Rocking chair meets rocking horse in this best-of-both-worlds design from modern furniture maker Offi. How to Make Coconut Chia Pudding7 delicious common weeds you probably never knew you could eat! Over the years since our childhood toy makers, custom builders and designers have improved on simple toys like the humble rocking horse. Assembling the motorcycle rocking chair is not difficult if you follow the instructions well.
The Rocking Vespa Scooter not only looks like a real Vespa Scooter, but features working lights and horn. This custom motorcycle rocking horse includes an engine and headlamp so your toddler can really vroom! But rather than squeezing your butt onto a tiny rocker and making a fool of yourself, hope on the jumbo Lullaboo Rocking horse and play with your kids.
This custom Winged Dragon Rocking horse is hand-crafted and made to order and your child can choose their favorite color dragon. If you have 2k to drop on a rocker, your toddler can pretend to ride through the streets of Italy while the other kids pretend to be in a smelly barn.
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Operation Finale movie review: A film about a high-stakes secret operation is curiously lacking in dread
Although it deals with a fantastic subject, boasts of a superb cast, and makes an honest attempt to tell a remarkable story, Operation Finale ends up delivering a rather uninspired two hours
castOscar Isaac, Ben Kingsley, Mélanie Laurent
directorChris Weitz
Director Chris Weitz's latest film — Operation Finale — opens with a sharply written scene. It's Christmas eve, somewhere in Austria. Disguised as military officers, a team of Israeli Nazi hunter spies call upon a former officer of the SS who is currently in hiding, and shoot him down on his lawn, only to realise that he was not the man they were looking for. It is this opening sequence that sets the tone for the rest of the film — reminding us that in war, both victor and vanquished suffer collateral damage. It reminds us that no matter whose blood is shed, it is always shed at a cost.
The film centres around a dangerous extraction attempt by a team of Mossad secret agents, who travel all the way from Jerusalem to Buenos Aires, upon receiving a tip that the notorious Nazi war criminal Adolf Eichmann (Ben Kingsley) is hiding there as a commoner. The team itself is led by agent Peter Malkin (Oscar Isaac), who has been out of action for some time after the debacle in Austria. Malkin is also fighting his own demons — the haunting memories of a sister and her three beautiful children who were intercepted in the middle of the woods by Nazi soldiers and brutally tortured and killed. Eichmann, known as the architect of 'The Final Solution', planned and implemented the successful transportation and subsequent systematic execution of over six million Jews during World War II. Malkin and his team's job is to locate, capture and successfully extract Eichmann from Buenos Aires — all without raising the suspicion of the Argentinian government, which is known to turn down formal extradition requests — so that he can be brought to the courts in Jerusalem to stand trial for his crimes during the war.
While the first half of the 120-minute film is set up brilliantly and due time is devoted to portraying how a chance encounter between a young man and a girl leads to the startling discovery of the fact that Eichmann is hiding in Argentina, the second is spent in Malkin trying to talk Eichmann into signing a declaration that he is willing to come to Jerusalem of his own accord. Notwithstanding the fact that Malkin is shown to do this while constantly fighting back a seething urge to avenge the merciless deaths of his sister and her children, it is the events of this second half whose credibility comes under serious doubt. I, for one, found it extremely difficult to believe that the most notorious, ruthless, cold blooded and level-headed Nazi leader would sign his own death wish so easily, merely because Malkin is a smooth talker and has appealed to his humanity. Irrespective of the historical accuracy of the events around this voluntary signature, I found this part of the film rather insipid.
There are several moments in the film which will remind you of other famous films. A spirited speech by Israeli Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion seems remarkably close to an emotional scene involving another Israeli Prime Minister Gold Meir in Steven Spielberg's Munich. The scenes where Ben Kingsley's character Eichmann is held in captivity in a safehouse will remind you of yet another Ben Kingsley film — Roman Polanski's Death and the Maiden — in which an unstable and disturbed middle-aged woman holds a house guest (Kingsley) hostage in her seaside cottage. That is not to say that the said sequences in Operation Finale are plagiarised — no, not by any stretch of imagination. But the way they have been constructed and mounted comes across as an inspiration from the films referred to. Despite such glorious inspirations, one of the biggest problems with the film is that it tends to oversimplify the entire operation. There is hardly any sense of dread, of a clandestine operative team's true intentions being discovered in the heart of a foreign land.
What really works in the film are the chilling depictions of the crimes against the Jews during the war. These scenes are bound to make your blood boil, and to be honest, when you see the architect of it all playing a charming and honourable gentleman trying to be nice to the people of a more liberated generation, it does feel a little fake. The vicious villain's charm of courtesy and general sense of likeability is a trump card that has been played once too often, and in Operation Finale, it seems to have been played a little too early and with a bit of overconfidence, to boot. The result is a slightly artificial Kingsley, who never quite comes across as the devil incarnate. I would rather he would have been depicted as a cautious, calculating mind manipulator, whose intelligence preceded his courtesy.
Oscar Isaac too is brilliant, but only in parts. His relationships with his widowed mother and an estranged colleague and team member (Melanie Laurent, in a shockingly underutilised role) are both beautifully captured. But that's about all I could say about him. In fact, it is some of the non-lead actors who shine in the film — chief among them being Michael Aronov as the team's skilled interrogator, secret agent Zvi Aharoni.
Overall, I was a bit underwhelmed by Operation Finale. Although it deals with a fantastic subject, boasts of a superb cast, and makes an honest attempt to tell a remarkable story, it ends up delivering a rather uninspired two hours. A good one-time watch, at best.
Operation Finale is currently streaming on Netflix. Watch the trailer here:
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Hillbilly Elegy, which debuts on Netflix on 24 November, has been panned by critics as 'exploitative and crass' and 'a rich person's idea of what it is like to be a poor person.'
Steve Carell's Space Force renewed for second season by Netflix
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Middle Class Melodies movie review: Anand Devarakonda fits the bill in a tale that's all heft and heart
Middle Class Melodies is a heartwarming drama, and it treats its world and characters with a great amount of verve and emotional heft, while never losing its touch with humour.


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The Ten Best Horror Movies You Haven't Seen | October means Halloween, and Halloween means horror, and horror? Well that means some damn good movies. I presume many of you are searching for a good horror flick to curl up with this month, and while I will advise you to first consult my 10 Best Horror Films of Decade list, I thought I'd compile a new one made up of films that aren't quite as widely known. Yes, I love The Ring, The Orphanage and The Descent, but there are smaller, more niche movies that are deserving of your attention, and really, once you've been scared or grossed out once, it's not quite the same if you watch the same film again. Here are some new titles that some of you may have seen, but I predict most of you will have not. 10. If you're not in love with Amber Heard yet, watch Drive Angry, Zombieland or better yet, All the Boys Love Mandy Lane. It's a fairly straightforward slasher film, but with a few clever twists thrown in, it stands out over similar films. 9. 8. 7. 6. 5. 4. 3. 2. 1. Bonus: Tucker and Dale vs.
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Incredible Wildlife Photography | Peachy Green Wildlife — By Stephanie on January 11, 2010 at 10:58 am Canada goose protects her young Ever have one of those moments when you think to yourself, "Boy, I wish I had my camera?!" These high-speed images are treasures that tell stories we rarely get to see – let alone capture – in stunning detail. Bringing home the bugs.... If you oohed and ahhed over the first couple of pictures, you might have to prepare yourself for the next image…. open wide! All in one bite? The best wildlife photography is often expressed through the unexpected. Hey! What is more adorable than a curious monkey – particularly one that wonders what all the photography fuss is about? Among cute animal photographs, you've gotta agree… this one tops the charts! Ready for my close-up! Looks like a Chorus Line is coming to a desert near you! Synchronized stretching This gazelle is probably thinking that grooming is for the birds! A little more to the left, please Stunning pictures of animals are often captured in high-speed.


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All gutters have an identical job description. But they do not share the same profile. Most of them resemble the form of the letter "K" while the others look like tubes split in half.… Continue Reading
Overflowing Gutters: Faults and Fixes
After no gutters, overflowing gutters are the worst. These defective fixtures may even be more hazardous since they could harm someone.… Continue Reading
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Unclean gutters can only be ignored for so long. Gutter cleaning is a non-negotiable property maintenance duty. However, many of us want to put off this messy and stressful chore as long as possible. Sooner or later, your procrastination is going to haunt you and give you headaches that could have been avoided if you take this task more seriously…. Continue Reading