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Medal of Honor: Warfighter has topped the UK All Format Gaming Chart in its debut week, ending a four week run of success for fellow EA published title, FIFA 13.
Following last Friday's October 26 Medal of Honor: Warfighter UK release date, the first-person shooter has claimed the top spot in the UK sales chart for the week ending October 27, seeing off stiff competition from fellow new releases Forza Horizon and Professor Layton and the Miracle Mask.
Available for Xbox 360, Sony PS3 and PC gamers, Medal of Honor: Warfighter, the 14th addition to the Model of Honor franchise, has stormed to the top of each individual format's sales charts as well as taking top marks in the overall All Format chart.
With repeated chart topper and leading football sim FIFA 13 suffering its first defeat of the season, seeing a 17 per cent decrease in sales to end the week in second spot, Microsoft's Xbox 360 exclusive Forza Horizon has claimed the final podium position during its opening week on sale. Both dropping two places to make way for the new entries, Activision's Skylanders has slumped from second to fourth in the UK All Format Gaming Chart whilst Dishonored ends the week in fifth.
In yet another week of high profile releases that will see the October 31 Assassin's Creed 3 UK release date backed up by Friday's November 2 Need for Speed: Hot Pursuit launch, Just Dance 4 has claimed sixth position with the success of the latest dance number seeing preceding rival Dance Central 2 capitalise on the boogy-based gaming interest to re-enter the charts.
Whilst new entries make up the week's seventh and eighth spots in the form of Professor Layton and the Miracle Mask and Moshi Monsters: Moshlings Theme Park Black Lantern Mind Candy respectively, the gaming chart's top ten is rounded out by more recognisable titles. With Doom 3: BFG notching up ninth in the weekly sales chart, Resident Evil 6 has taken the honour of completing the top ten.
What was your top game of the past seven days be it console locked, app based or of the more traditional board variety? Let us know via the Trusted Reviews Twitter and Facebook feeds or through the comments boxes below.


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Teacher resources and professional development across the curriculum
Teacher professional development and classroom resources across the curriculum
7: Planning for Assessment
Action Research Project
The following four-step process will help you plan a small action research project to explore your questions about assessment, implement action plans for designing performance assessments and providing feedback to students, and collect information to assess your instructional innovations. Before you begin this section, you can go to About Action Research for an introduction to the process of designing and conducting action research projects. If you are taking this workshop for credit, you will need to complete one action research project from any one of the eight workshop sessions as an assignment.
If you would like to focus on assessment for your action research project, use the following questions and examples to help frame your thinking and shape your project.
I. Thinking
II. Acting
III. Reflecting
IV. RethinkingNote: The final step of the action research project is to reevaluate your teaching practice based on your research data. Because it takes time to complete an action research project, it may not be possible to do this step during the course of this workshop. However, if you are taking this workshop for credit, you will need to complete one action research project during or after the course of the workshop to submit as an assignment.
Next > Reflect on Your Learning
|7: Planning for Assessment >
Introduction | Before You Watch | Analyze the Video
Examine the Topic | Put It Into Practice | Action Research Project | Reflect on Your Learning
Resources | Library Videos Chart | Printouts | Assignments
Foreign Languages Workshop Home | © | About This Workshop | Glossary | Site Map
© Annenberg Foundation 2017. All rights reserved. Legal Policy

subset: commoncrawl


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Privacy Policy
Harrys of London ("Harrys of London", "we", "our", "us") is committed to protecting the privacy of our visitors ("you", "your", "yours") and meeting the requirements of applicable data protection legislation. When you shop on(the "Website"), which we own and maintain, we require information to process your order, ensure safe and secure delivery, and to make your visit to the Website a more enjoyable shopping experience.
This policy, together with our Terms of Conditions and our Cookie Policy, sets out the basis on which any personal data we collect from you (or which you provide to us) will be processed. Please read the following carefully to understand our practices regarding your personal data and how it will be handled.
For the purpose of the Data Protection Act 1998, the data controller is Harrys of London Ltd, registered at Atlantic Court, 77 Kings Road, London, SW3 4NX, United Kingdom.
Data usage
When you order from the Website, we will ask for your name, e-mail address, delivery address, telephone number, credit or debit card number, registered address of the credit or debit card (referred to on site as the "billing address"), credit or debit card details and a contact phone number for the registered address of the credit or debit card. This information is used to ensure that your order is fulfilled as quickly and efficiently as possible.
We reserve the right to pass your contact details (name, address and telephone number only) to our couriers in the event they need to contact you regarding your delivery. We also reserve the right to pass your details to recognised credit checking agencies and/or credit card companies to assess your credit authorisation.
We may also obtain and use information about you as a result of authentication or identity checks (including your IP address). We do not sell, trade or rent your personal information to anyone.
Any data we do collect is used by us to help make the shopping experience enjoyable and improve any future shopping experiences you have with us. We will also utilise any data we collect in order to send you details of any services or offers which we think might be of interest to you. We may contact you by email, telephone or post with marketing information, but we will cease to do so if you inform us that would not like to receive such information.
We reserve the right to pass on your data:
a. within the 'group' and in the instance of a business sale/acquisition;
b. where it is our duty to disclose in order to comply with any legal obligation;
c. for the purposes of fraud protection and credit risk reduction
Finally, we may also collect anonymised details about visitors to the Website for the purposes of aggregate statistics or reporting purposes. However, no single individual will be identifiable from the anonymised details we collect for these purposes.
Data storage
Your data may also be transferred to and stored outside the European Economic Area ("EEA"). The information may be processed by staff who work for us or for one of our suppliers, group companies or franchisees. Such staff may be engaged in, among other things, the fulfillment of your order, the processing of your payment details and the provision of support services.
By submitting your personal data, you agree to its transfer, storing or processing. We will take all steps reasonably necessary to ensure that your data is treated securely and in accordance with this privacy policy.
All information you provide to us is stored on our secure servers. Any payment transactions will be encrypted using Secure Socket Layer (SSL) technology. Where we have given you (or where you have chosen) a password that enables you to access certain parts of our Website, you are responsible for keeping this password confidential. We ask you not to share a password with anyone.
Unfortunately, the transmission of information via the Internet is not completely secure. Although we will do our best to protect your personal data we cannot guarantee the security of your data transmitted to the Website and any transmission is at your own risk. Once we have received your information, we will use strict procedures and security features to try to prevent unauthorised access.
By using our Website, you consent to the collection and use of this information by us, and also acknowledge and agree that we shall not be held responsible for any unauthorised use, distribution, damage or destruction of personal data, except to the extent that we are required to accept such responsibility by the Data Protection Act 1998.
Third party sites
This privacy policy only covers this website. While we carefully select the websites to which we link to, we are not responsible for the privacy practices or the content of these websites. You should always carefully read the privacy policy of any website you visit.
Your rights
You are entitled to ask us to update any information that we hold in relation to you, at any time, without charge.
You are also entitled to ask us to remove your details from any list used for marketing correspondence.
If you would like to exercise either of these rights, you can contact our customer service team via email, alternatively you can contact us in writing at: Harrys of London Ltd , Atlantic Court, 77 Kings Road, London, SW3 4NX, United Kingdom.
Cookie policy
What are cookies?
Cookies are small data files that are temporarily stored on your computer. They enable us to track your current shopping experience, save the contents of your shopping bag and gather valuable statistical information on our website usage which allows us to constantly improve our service to you. Cookies do not typically identify you as an individual, just the device you are using.
Why do we use them?
Cookies are very versatile in what they do, not only do they enable efficient navigation across the website, they remember things such as individual preferences, usernames and passwords. For us, they give us a view of how well the website is doing, so that we can know what can be improved or changed to ensure a better user experience.
What type of information do we collect using cookies?
The cookies we use come in three different forms:
- Necessary: There are some cookies that are strictly necessary to the functionality of our website. These enable us to provide a website that is responsive and secure. Without these cookies the Website would not be able to do what you want it to do and whilst we want you to understand them, we are not obliged to ask for your permission to use them, as they are essential in order for you to receive the service you require from our website.
- Performance related: These cookies collect anonymous information about the pages you visit on our site. We use these cookies to collect information about how visitors use the Website. For example, the pages visitors go to most often, and if they get error messages on those pages. These performance cookies don't collect information that identifies you as an individual – all information they collect is aggregated and anonymous. The information gathered is only used to improve how the Website works.
- Functionality: These cookies are used to make visiting our site as simple and quick for you as possible. They collate information on items such as your password, your location, currency and whatever changes you may make to the areas of the site that you can customise. This ensures a more personal experience and means you do not have to re-enter certain information every time you visit the site. Should you wish to manage your cookies or require more information on their usage, you can find expanded information and links here. Alternatively, please contact us should you wish to see the full list of cookies we use on our Website.
Can you refuse/block our cookies?
You can disable and/or delete all types of cookies by using your browser settings. Cookies are generally easy to disable and/or delete but how you do so varies from browser to browser. The "help" function within your browser should tell you how to do it. Please note that should you disable or delete any cookies related to the Website, you may not be able to use the Website correctly.
Please note that this privacy policy is subject to change and we might at any given time decide to update it. If this is the case then all updates and changes will be made visible on this page.


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California Closets, serving Huntsville, Alabama
With an eye for both style and function, California Closets provides innovative custom closets and personalized storage systems to Huntsville residents. Our high-quality storage systems are designed to fit perfectly into a specific area of your home, optimizing organization and space giving you time to focus on what matters most.
We believe that the home is a place for comfort and connection, and all of our products are created to enhance those experiences. Whether you just moved to the Huntsville area and you're looking to make your first home truly your own, or you're downsizing from the suburbs to more compact city living, we will work with you to create a custom system that matches your exact needs.View More On This Location
Process and Customer Service
The expert Huntsville team will guide you through every step of the California Closets process, from assessing your needs during a complimentary in-home consultation, choosing the materials and accessories that fit your aesthetic, to the installation of your custom storage system into its designated space in your home.
From start to finish the entire experience and project was handled properly. Complete experts in their field; highest caliber professionals across the board. We. Are. Thrilled. Recommend!!!!!!!!!!
I'm usually very busy but the consultant kept in touch with me on updates improvements or any other changes. The installation went well without a problem and they are beautiful!!! My husband and I love our master closet and pantry. We can't believe how much we can fit and still have room. I can't wait to fix my garage so California Closets can help me organizes it. Thank you for a great job!


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The Legendary Don Bateman, Still Saving Lives
Thea Feyereisen
Thea Feyereisen is an Engineering Fellow in the Flight Safety Systems group of Honeywell's Aerospace Advanced Technology organization. She is an innovation leader in the areas of synthetic vision, safety, navigation and situation awareness display design and cross-cultural user interface. She is the technical lead of Honeywell's Synthetic Vision and Interactive Moving Map Display research projects and leads a cross-cultural flight deck program with Honeywell's China Air Traffic Management research lab. Previously she has led programs for NASA-funded High Speed Research and Aviation Weather Information Network. Ms. Feyereisen represents Honeywell on the FAA Commercial Aviation Safety Team for Airplane State Awareness and is on the leadership team for the RTCA committee on Synthetic and Enhanced Vision. Thea is a pilot and flight instructor and prior to joining Honeywell 20 years ago, logged flight time as a bush pilot in Alaska. She is co-inventor on over 25 patents and has a Masters in Aeronautical Science Human Factors from Embry-Riddle Aeronautical University.Contact Information


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Lots of people try to overcome bugs making use of retailer-acquired substances, simply to shed the fight in the long term. If you're having problems with pests, a pest management services can get rid of the concern completely. They are just a few of why you ought to go along with an expert as an alternative to try to deal with an attack by yourself. termites san antonio
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SABIAN is all about designing and creating cymbals and sounds that are right for you.
SABIAN was founded in 1981, when Robert Zildjian - one of the world's great names in cymbal making came to the conclusion that drummers needed a better choice of cymbals. Unsatisfied with the quality, the sound and the very relevance of the cymbals being manufactured at the time, he opened SABIAN in the small eastern Canadian village of Meductic, New Brunswick.
Since that time the SABIAN Vault has become a global center for cymbal and sound innovation. And that same SABIAN innovation has resulted in an unprecedented level of choice from the most diverse offering of cymbal design ever available. As a result, modern drummers and percussionists can choose from models that range from vintage to modern, from dark to bright, from traditional to downright eclectic.
Visit Sabian.com to discover the vast range of cymbals and percussion instruments available to you - be sure to listen to sound clips and watch performance video. You will quickly agree that SABIAN innovation is all about creating new sounds that matter to musicians. Like the dark, tonal complexity of an Artisan Ride or the quick, trashy response of an O-Zone Crash. X-Treme Crashes produce raw glassiness, while X-Plosion Crashes delivers with raw power. And these are but a few models. There are hundreds of others, both traditional and innovative, producing vintage and modern sounds for drummers and percussionists from all genres.
Today, with offices and depots around the globe, and distribution into approximately 120 countries, SABIAN is exactly what Bob Zildjian and his family envisioned back in 1981. But it's really only the beginning. As musical styles and tastes are continually evolving, so is the art of cymbal making. And no company is better positioned to meet the demand for innovative sounds from artists around the globe. Ask any employee why SABIAN exists, the answer is obvious: "Because Sound Matters!"
Music is all about giving, about making people happy. At SABIAN we strive to please on many levels by being involved in activities and events that are meaningful to us and others.
The SABIAN/PASIC Scholarship is your opportunity to win a trip of a lifetime to the Percussive Arts Society International Convention (PASIC). There you will see the latest in percussion products, experience performances by great players from around the world, meet new friends and make new contacts.
Check out the Scholarship History
Apply Now:
English Application
French Application
The late great session drummer Larrie Londin was a man who liked to share with others. That sharing continues through the PAS/SABIAN Larrie Londin Memorial Scholarship.Apply Today!
SABIAN is located alongside the St. John River, in the forests of New Brunswick, eastern Canada. This is a very wild and green area, so it is only natural that we not only take pride in our cymbal making, but also our record for recycling and ensuring our presence has an absolutely minimal impact on our surroundings.


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358 - Aya Kakeda
Regular price $88.00
Red Envelopes are 3.5 inches x 6.5 inches unless combined with other envelopes (eg. triptych) or other materials are added.
In addition to the Red Envelope, a mystery gift from the artist is also included.
Please note: All sales are final. This piece is a part of our annual Red Envelope Show. Pieces from the show will not ship or be ready for pick up until early February.
**Some mystery gifts from the artists may cause a slight imperfection on the red envelope.


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Rule 3-5. Certiorari To Complete The Record.
(a) Authorization for writ of certiorari. When jurisdiction is conferred by filing, within the time allowed for appeal, a dated and certified copy of the order or judgment appealed from, the Clerk may, upon authorization by the Court, issue a writ of certiorari to the clerk of the circuit court, the reporter, or any other person charged with the duty of preparing the record on appeal, directing that any omissions or errors in the record be corrected.
(b) Contents of writ. The writ shall order that the record be completed and certified within thirty days, and the explanation for any default in complying with the writ must be made on the return within the time directed. This procedure may be used in appeals of civil, criminal, and administrative agency or commission cases.


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Winning last year�s Newport Pig Cooking Contest was hard enough. Defending that top spot may be even harder.
NEWPORT � Winning last year�s Newport Pig Cooking Contest was hard enough. Defending that top spot may be even harder.
�It�s hard and you know everyone out there is capable of winning,� said Chris Garner, the 2013 winner of the event.
Garner is returning to the Newport Town Park this weekend to fire up the grill as his team and nearly 80 others compete in the largest whole-hog cooking contest in the United States.
Winners of the Newport Pig Cooking take home a trophy and small check but mostly, Garner said, it�s bragging rights to win the big event that�s grown into a top barbecue cook-off as well as a major community event in his hometown.
�We won the state championship in 2007, but winning at home really means a lot,� Garner said.
This marks the 36th year of the pig cooking contest, and while the cook-off is the heart of the event, a band of volunteers continues to turn the park off Howard Boulevard into family-friendly weekend of food, live music, arts and crafts vendors, rides and children�s activities.
�We�ve tried to keep it very family-oriented,� said President Jim Bristle.
Opening ceremonies are at 6 p.m. Friday, with rides and crafts opening at 6:30 p.m. and a performance by the Fantastic Shakers from 7 to 10 p.m.
The meeting of chief cooks is at 7 p.m. and the pigs are delivered to each team after the meeting. Cooking continues throughout the night, and the highlight of the cook-off is the judging Saturday morning. Entertainment continues throughout the day Saturday.
Once the judging is complete, the barbecue is chopped and readied to be served to the public.
Serving lines open at 11 a.m. and barbecue plates sell for $7.
More than 6,000 plates were sold last year, and all proceeds from the event go back into the community through grants to various nonprofit organizations.
�All the money stays in our community, and it means a lot to be a part of that,� Garner said.
To date, the Newport Pig Cooking has raised more than $800,000 for community groups.
This year�s event is dedicated to long-time mayor Derryl Garner, who is one of the founders of the event. He retired from his mayoral duties last year after 36 years of service with the town.
�He�s been there all 36 years of the pig cooking,� Bristle said.
After a long, cold winter, Bristle said they are looking forward to celebrating spring.
Newport resident Charlie Meeks has been cooking in the event since around 1989 and he and other family members will be returning again this year.
He won in 2007 and took second in 2013. He�s out for first this year but knows it could be any of them. No matter how tasty the meat or crispy the skin, there�s one ingredient out of their hands.
�You got to have a little luck,� Meeks said.
For more information, go online to newportpigcooking.com.
Jannette Pippin is a reporter for the Jacksonville Daily News.


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North Carolina, 10/2009
In which we make our escape to North Carolina in early October. We start with a trip to Bristol, TN to visit some friends, followed up with chasing waterfalls around Asheville, NC, and finish up visiting with family in Durham, NC. Good times!Read More
11 / 161


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Meadow Bridge Entertainment Reviews
Meadow Bridge Drive-In
(Not rated yet)
Added: 5 year ago
Industry: Entertainment
Industry: Entertainment
Hwy 20,
|Write a Review
United States Entertainment - Recent Activity
Staging Dimensions, Inc. Reviews
On my interview I was told that this was a great place to work. They promised a great work life balance with competitive wages. I receive neither and his was th...
Open Jar Institute Reviews
Open Jar was one of the best weeks of my life! I learned more than I ever dreamed of; about auditioning in New York, how to mentally and physically prepare, abo...
THE DVD FOR DOGS: The Ultimate Dog Sitter DVD Reviews
I can't believe I paid $25 for this DVD. It is so poorly done. An off camera voice constantly says "good dog" no matter what animals (deer, birds, goats, etc....


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Shore Soup: Serving Comfort and Social Justice to the Rockaways
"I live right by the water. I could see the storm surge and the boardwalk get dislodged," Robyn Hillman-Harrigan told me as she explained the origins of the Rockaway Rescue Alliance's Shore Soup Project. "The destruction was everywhere, there were smashed cars everywhere, you really couldn't drive anywhere because there was mud and sand in the streets. We had done this business [Shore Fruit] and we already had this mobile vending cart, and this ability to make food and put it in the cart and ride around and offer it to people. And that's what we did the day after the storm."
The Rockaways were one of the areas hardest hit by Hurricane Sandy in New York City, subject to crushing waters that flooded homes, carried away whole buildings, and provoked one particularly devastating fire. Seven months later, the devastation lingers. The boardwalk, one of the community's few public gathering spaces, is still gone. By Robyn's estimations, it won't return for a year yet. But the concrete supports remain, haunting the beach like ghastly apparitions.
In the wake of the hurricane, volunteerism was high in the community. After being holed up in their homes for 24 hours, residents swarmed the streets to check up on neighbors. People were cold and wet, without gas or electricity, some with no homes and nowhere to go.
Robyn Hillman-Harrigan and Lillian Gerson, co-founders of the mobile boardwalk vendor Shore Fruit, realized something needed to be done immediately. They began by offering hot beverages, and started delivering meals to people with their Shore Fruit tricycle. A station was set up on Beach 59th Street, near the New York City Housing Authority (NYCHA) buildings, from which they would reheat and distribute meals. But Robyn felt there was a more effective way to reach those in need. On day six, they pulled back and set up a kitchen, bought delivery bags and takeout containers. They cooked out of Robyn's kitchen for six weeks, then were able to use Rockaway Taco's kitchen for five weeks.
Cut off from their gas and electricity supply, Robyn's impromptu organization ran their operation with propane gas burners and a generator donated by 596 Acres. All of their kitchen gear—including commercial prep tables, immersion blenders, and knives—was donated. In those first days, a friend upstate collected produce from small farmers, who donated out of their own pockets, until GrowNYC stepped in. Their commitment to helping food distribution hubs like the Rockaway Rescue Alliance allowed Shore Soup to continue their efforts for months. But the group was adamant about feeding people more than just survival rations.
"We wanted to give them healthy food. Slow cooking, really beautiful soups. Beans and rice, to make things that are really warm and filling. People were really cold, in shock, scared, and confused. Trying to figure out how they were going to deal with losing their house, having water in their building or being on a high floor without power," Robyn said. "We knew we couldn't solve all of those problems, but what we could do is just give them something that would give them a little bit of encouragement. That would help them get through the day and let them know people were thinking about them."
With Shore Fruit, Robyn and Lillian worked to provide a healthy, organic alternative in their fruit kebabs to a neighborhood saturated with processed and packaged foods. Shore Soup preserved that philosophy, shifting the focus to nutritious soups as a form of relief. When we first met, Robyn talked about the lack of access to organic produce in Rockaway, and getting people to savor beet and black bean soup.
"It is about re-exposing people to acorn squash and parsnips, even vegetables they don't see that often. Realizing these are good, these taste good, these are good for me," Robyn said.
The Shore Soup initiative, which provided the community with 600 to 1,000 meals a day, lasted from the day after Sandy until roughly two weeks ago. (The service will continue to be available for homebound people.) In the time since the hurricane, the Rescue Alliance has served 50,000 meals. After months of serving meals, Robyn saw her opportunity to take the time that they never had to plan their next move: establishing a permanent space and "building something in the community for the community."
Their vision? The Rockaway Shore Relief Restaurant, a pay-as-you-can restaurant that will employ local youth and create a much needed community space. The pay-as-you-can model strips away some of the perceived indignity of a soup kitchen; it doesn't rely on what Robyn calls the false dichotomy of the benevolent savior and needy victim.
"The thing is, it's been a clear feeling since the storm that there's a little bit of space for change now," she told me. "With all this volunteerism, people start opening their minds up to sharing and the idea that we're all part of one community. If we can harness that and create a space where people can still come and volunteer and support a social good as well as a good restaurant, it's a positive. It becomes an institution."
Starting a not-for-profit business meant they needed their capital upfront. To that end, Robyn created a Kickstarter campaign. After raising half their necessary funds ($12,500) in the first week, the campaign has since surpassed their goal of $25,000 by over $3,000 in the nine days since I first met Robyn. Their idea, it appears, has resonated with people. Three donations of $5,000 have come in, including two from an executive at Red Hook's Cumberland Packaging and one from an Italian citizen. In his message, the Italian benefactor cited "progressive cafes" in Italy, where customers buy two coffees, one for themselves and another for a future customer. Many others have sustained the drive with smaller sums.
For Robyn, the Rockaway Shore Relief Restaurant is an extension of what she and Lillian were trying to accomplish with Shore Fruit. At the moment, the plan remains to begin with a food truck and then transition into a permanent space. (If enough funds are raised the food truck phase will be skipped.) Once it opens, the restaurant will also serve as a space for community groups to do workshops. While they intend to employ local youths, volunteers will still be needed. Robyn hopes the chefs who have helped out will continue to do so. Many, she tells me, have expressed their desire to stay involved.
In terms of what they can accomplish, Robyn sees no limits. Rockaway Shore Relief is now working with the Queens Library to run health classes,and is working with a legal group to offer legal sessions. Keeping in line with their holistic approach, the group has established the neighborhood's first CSA, which will run from June through November, and are looking to partner with Grow NYC to start a farmers market.
But the restaurant is as much about feeding individuals as it is about the community, one that is hurting and has long been neglected.
"I knew I always wanted to do something involved with social justice," she told me, "and I saw it as a combination of my various interests ... You don't need a lot of money or infrastructure if you want to feed a lot of people. You just need a lot of intention."
The Rockaway SHORE Relief Restaurant's Kickstarter campaign will run through May 4th. To donate or learn more about the project, visit their page here.
All products linked here have been independently selected by our editors. We may earn a commission on purchases, as described in our affiliate policy.


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Popular pvc boneca of Good Quality and at Affordable Prices You can Buy on AliExpress.
We believe in helping you find the product that is right for you. AliExpress carries wide variety of products, so you can find just what you're looking for – and maybe something you never even imagined along the way. If you are interested in pvc boneca, AliExpress has found 180 related results, so you can compare and shop! Try finding the one that is right for you by choosing the price range, brand, or specifications that meet your needs.
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Find your connection strings
Database-driven applications, such as WordPress, use connection strings to connect to your hosting account's database.
- Log in to your GoDaddy account.
- Click Web Hosting.
- Next to the hosting account you want to use, click Manage.
- In the Databases section of the Hosting Control Panel, click the MySQL or SQL Server icon.
- From your list of databases, click Actions next to the database you want to use, and then click Details.
- Click Code Sample.
For other information to use in your database connection strings, see Viewing Your Database Details with Shared Hosting Accounts.


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Certified Genius Once Considered Random Internet 'Asshole'
Another reason to be careful who you call an idiot on the internet: he might be hailed as a genius someday, making you look like the real fool.
Maneesh Agrawala was just awarded a $500,000 MacArthur Foundation award, widely known as a "Genius Grant." But when the distinguished computer scientist and graphics expert was a mere Stanford undergrad, asking about rock music and videogames on the Usenet discussion system, he was once considered a pest.
A moronic "asshole," to be precise, who spoiled movies because he was ignorant of the etiquette on rec.arts.movies:
Well, who's the asshole now, email@example.com?? The MacArthur Foundation Genius Grant: it's the ultimate internet comeback. Even better than a Golden Globes speech!
(Full version of the posts below, WITH SPOILERS.)
(We're warning you, dear reader/commenter, as a hedge, just in case we don't get a MacArthur Foundation Genius Grant and are thus left defenseless against your heckling.)


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10 units
3000 level
Course handbook
Examines the origins and development of the related genres of myth and fairytale in the Western literary tradition. Attention is firstly given to the relevant texts of the Greeks and Romans. This block of study is then augmented by the study of the genre in later works of the Renaissance through to the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
Not currently offered.
This Course was last offered in Semester 1 - 2018.
Learning outcomes
On successful completion of the course students will be able to:
1. Gain knowledge of the genres of myth and fairytale in the Western literary tradition;
2. Compare and contrast each text with the aim of interpreting the discriminating elements of each, particularly within chronological and cultural contexts
3. Analyse various topics within each text. Topics may include: representations of gender, social and class environments, belief systems
4. Interpret the texts (at appropriate times) as original works that have been subsequently reinterpreted within genres such as children's literature and films
5. Develop an understanding of the impact of early literature on later Western cultural and social traditions;
6. Practise and demonstrate oral and written communications skills at advanced undergraduate level at 4 seminars;
7. Practise and demonstrate research skills at advanced undergraduate level at 4 seminars and in the major essay.
The course is based on a close reading and analysis of literary texts with the primary aim of establishing internal themes, narrative structure and related topics with the secondary aim being to examine the aforementioned elements within several of the works. Students will study a series of texts, which may vary from year to year and which may include some or all of the following: Homer's Odyssey, Ovid's Metamorphoses, Apuleius' Golden Ass, Shakespearean drama, works of the Brothers Grimm and Oscar Wilde, as well as twentieth-century works.
Assumed knowledge
AHIS1070 or other Ancient History or English courses at 1000 level
Assessment items
Written Assignment: 4 seminar papers *
Essay: Major Essay *
* This assessment has a compulsory requirement.
Compulsory Requirements
In order to pass this course, each student must complete ALL of the following compulsory requirements:
Course Assessment Requirements:
- Essay: Attempt / Submission Requirement - Students must attempt/submit this assessment item to pass the course.
- Written Assignment: Attempt / Submission Requirement - Students must attempt/submit this assessment item to pass the course.


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BAGHDAD (AP) — Bombings and shootings killed 14people in areas around the Iraqi capital on Monday, authorities said.
Police officials say gunmen sprayed an army checkpoint with bullets in Latifyah town, about 30 kilometers (20 miles) south of Baghdad, killing two soldiers and wounding five others.
A mortar attack also killed one person and wounded seven others in Youssifiyah town, just south of Baghdad.
Also, two police officers were killed while trying to defuse a bomb in Jurf al-Sakhar, about 30 miles (50 kilometers) south of Baghdad.
Police said gunmen in a speeding car opened fire randomly on pedestrians in Madain town just southeast of Baghdad, killing two people.
At night, police said a roadside bomb explosion hit a military convoy near Tarmiyah town, 50 kilometers (30 miles) north of Baghdad, killing three soldiers and wounding five others.
Later on, a car bomb blast in a commercial street killed four people and wounded 17 others in Baghdad northeastern district of Shaab, said police.
Medical official confirmed the causalities. All spoke on condition of anonymity as they were not authorized to release information.
Violence has surged in Iraq recently. According to the United Nations, 8,868 people were killed in Iraq last year — the country's highest death toll since the peak of sectarian bloodletting in 2007 and 2008.


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by Volker Boch
Marais claims victory on the run
Stuart Marais from South Africa had a solid swim, had one of the fastest bike splits on the challenging course and outran the pro field over the final kilometers at the beach of Pescara.
Defending champion Horst Reichel was forced to withdraw from the race, leaving another German, Johannes Moldan, too push the pace early. The swim was fast, with 25 athletes coming out of the water within two minutes. Jonathan Ciavattella (ITA) led the field into the transition after 15:11, only seconds ahead of Manuel Küng.
Italian Domenico Passuello took the lead early on the bike, but it was Moldan who took control for the second half of the ride. Moldan dismounted his bike five seconds in front of Passuello, while Marais was 2:25 behind.
The first nine km of the run belonged to Moldan before Marais made his decisive move and surged towards the front. Marais passed Passuello and Moldan at 10 km and went on to claim his first IRONMAN 70.3 victory in 3:48:49, with Victor del Corral Morales finishing second in 3:49:53, thanks to a race-best run of 1:11:39. Molins finished of the podium, stopping the clock at 3:51:26.
Pedersen to hot to handle
In the women's race the crowd was allowed to watch a wire-to-wire win by the unstoppable Camilla Pedersen. Two weeks after her impressive comeback to the IRONMAN race series at IRONMAN 70.3 Barcelona, the Danish star demonstrated a brilliant performance from start to the finish. Pedersen had the fastest best swim (17:04), bike (2:29:33) and a solid run (1:26:35) on her way to victory.
Pedersen established a gap of 11:03 lead at the conclusion of the bike on Emma Bilham (SUI) and finished in 4:19:04. Behind Pedersen reigning IRONMAN European champion, Martina Dogana (ITA), took second on her home turf, thanks to a race-best run of the day (1:24:17) and final time of 4:29:33. Bilham completed the podium with a finishing time of 4:31:54.
Top 5 Men
1. Stuart Marais (RSA) 03:48:49
2. Victor Morales (ESP) 3:49:53
3. Albert Molins (ESP) P3:51:26
4. Johannes Moldan (GER) 3:52:00
5. Victor Debil-Caux (FRA) 3:54:00
Top 5 Women
1. Camilla Pedersen (DEN) 4:19:04
2. Martina Dogana (ITA) 4:29:33
3. Emma Bilham (SUI) 4:31:54
4. Michaela Renner-Schneck (DEU) 4:33:29
5. Jennifer Duffy, Jennifer (IRL) 4:43:01


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Conservationists working to release and maintain populations of the California condor (Gymnogyps californianus) in the wild in Baja California, Mexico have confirmed the existence of a young condor chick that hatched and fledged in the wild. The young chick, is the first of its kind to be reared in the wild in Mexico for almost 80 years, and marks a significant step in the recovery of this species. The chick is believed to have been hatched at a very remote nest site in the spring of 2012 but had not been seen before by researchers.
"We thought that the pair had produced a chick because they were very protective of the area last spring," said Michael Wallace, recovery specialist for San Diego Zoo Global's Institute for Conservation Research. "The nest area was impossible for us to access and until yesterday the chick was essentially a phantom, an individual that we thought was out there but whose existence had not been proven."
The chick was seen at a feeding site managed by conservationists working with COSTASALVAJE, a conservation group working with San Diego Zoo Global to manage the endangered species in the area.
"It was incredible to see this youngster come into the feeding site with its parents." Said Juan Vargas, conservation specialist for COSTASALVAJE. "We are all so excited to see this chick and know that condors are reproducing again in Mexico."
California condor chicks typically stay with their parents for an extended period of time. Youngsters do not leave the nest until they are fully feathered, or "fledged", and continue to remain with adults until they are over a year in age.
The California Condor Recovery Program is implemented by the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, zoos in the U.S. and Mexico, and U.S., Mexican government agencies, including SEMARNET, CONANP and INE, and the non-profit organization COSTASALVAJE. Current funding support is provided by USFWS, IUCN Save Our Species Fund, Marisla Foundation and San Diego Zoo Global.
Although listed by the federal government as an endangered species in 1967, the California condor population continued to decline, reaching a critical low of less than two dozen birds. In 1982, the condor breeding program was successfully established at the San Diego Zoo Safari Park and Los Angeles Zoo. Today, two additional breeding centers are assisting with the recovery of the species at The Peregrine Fund's World Center for Birds of Prey and the Oregon Zoo. In addition, condors are part of an education programme that allows guests at the San Diego Zoo, San Diego Zoo Safari Park, Santa Barbara Zoo and Mexico City's Chapultepec Zoo to see North America's largest bird up close.
COSTASALVAjE is an international conservation team that conserves coastal and marine ecosystems and wildlife that has been partnering with the San Diego Zoo to facilitate the success of the condor reintroduction program in Mexico since 2008.
The San Diego Zoo Global Wildlife Conservancy is dedicated to bringing endangered species back from the brink of extinction. The Conservancy makes possible the wildlife conservation efforts (representing both plants and animals) of the San Diego Zoo, San Diego Zoo Safari Park, San Diego Zoo Institute for Conservation Research, and international field programs in more than 35 countries. The important conservation and science work of these entities is supported in part by The Foundation of the Zoological Society of San Diego.


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News in Review, now in its 24th season, is our current-events series non-pareil. Some highlights of this popular series are available in your base subscription to Curio.ca or on DVD, including our Best of News in Review collections: Bullying, Native Studies, Canadian History, Business and Law.
You can also subscribe to News in Review as a specialty channel on Curio.ca, for full acess to our 23 years of archives and our latest 2013-14 editions.


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Doing fieldwork, public programs, and scholarly projects on expressive culture in Creole and other cultural settings in urban New Orleans and nearby French Louisiana over the last three decades suggests to me that creolization is part of the cultural continuity of community life and recreation of the social order—especially in the face of social and economic pressures or natural and unnatural catastrophes.1 In a broader sense this perspective views the relationship between the conservation and transformation of cultures we find symbolized in expressive forms as a potentially universal creative process. The results of continuous co-mingling and adaptation of traditions to one another may produce continuities from past to present and ultimately future cultural arrangements where national or global outcomes may vie with local needs.
|Nick Spitzer, Dorgenois Street, Gentilly neighborhood, New Orleans, Louisiana, 2005.
The etymological roots of the term "creole" in the Latin criar (to beget or create) point to a focus on creativity consistent with the language of cultural creolization. This approach allows us to make explicit the relations of cultural continuity and creativity in ethnographic work that attempts to describe and interpret the conjoining of multiple sources in new cultural identities and expressions, or to describe the mediation of complex identities through participation in unified creole processes and symbols of performance.
The natural and unnatural 2005 catastrophe of Hurricane Katrina and its post-storm flooding caused by engineering malfeasance in New Orleans offers a practical and compelling illustration of the role of cultural creolization as a framework in materially and socially rebuilding the city and affected areas of the region. It's an area that includes communities identified as Creole, but, perhaps more importantly, it is a place where recovery in cultural terms can be described in the creative, transformative, and sometimes improvisatory terms of cultural creolization that extend beyond particular Creole communities.
Katrina and Intangible Culture
Hurricane Katrina caused over 1.2 million people to flee greater New Orleans, where levees failed to protect both urban and outlying areas. I have elsewhere described the cultural catastrophe that ensued as people evacuated their densely settled neighborhoods, many of which were covered by floodwaters.2 Among these evacuees were the very musicians, traditional chefs, building artisans, ritual-festival celebrants of Carnival, and members of social aide and pleasure clubs who contribute to the core public cultural expressions for which New Orleans is famous. In the months and years that have followed the storm, flooding, and evacuation, much attention has gone to how these carriers of intangible culture in family and neighborhood networks made such an impact on the shared citywide vernacular culture. These consist of a series of overlapped cultural layers that include creolized forms such as traditional and brass band jazz played at second lines and clubs; Carnival celebrations such as the Mardi Gras Indians, African American and Creole Bone Men, and Baby Doll parade societies, the Zulu parade, White working-class walking societies, and Uptown elite float parades; Creole cottages and shotgun houses with their French, West African, and Caribbean sources; and neighborhood restaurants and family cooks such as Lil Dizzy's (Creole and soul food) or Mandina's (soul, Italian, Cajun mixed menu and recipes) that prepare local Creole and creolized traditional food, respectively.
|Nick Spitzer, Second line of funeral procession, New Orleans, Louisiana, 2005.
Creole culture and creolized forms of culture have served as agents of return and recovery in New Orleans. In the face of federal, state, and local government indifference and/or incompetence in responses to the disaster, local expressive forms, creative new uses of them, and realigned lateral relationships between African Americans, Afro Creoles and Whites in varied downtown and uptown neighborhoods all testify to the primacy of non-institutional forces at work in the recovery. On All Saints Day 2005, a jazz funeral was held for all those lost in the floods citywide. The sacred second line parade, which revealed what bands or portions thereof had returned to the city, made use of a form that conjoins the Catholic and broadly Christian funeral tradition of suggesting hope in a triumphant passage to the "gloryland" with West African ritual/festival processions. These generally include a somber procession to the cemetery by a "first line" of mourners and funeral officials, followed by an uproarious "second line" of neighborhood celebrants. The second line is broadly understood as having Senegambian sources for celebratory processions and is not unlike forms across the Caribbean that combine European formalities with African Diaspora improvisations. Roger Abrahams, for example, describes the elegant speakers at a "tea meeting" and the rough, mocking commentary on them by the "rude boys."3 This carefree and sometimes unruly bunch is related to those who dance and drink behind the jazz funeral band after the body is "cut loose" at a New Orleans cemetery (though the entire procession, like the tea meeting, retains some formalized and "respectable" behavior).
The jazz funeral—normally a family and smaller neighborhood-specific creolized ritual-celebratory form—was expanded to stand for the mourning and hope, seriousness, and performative play associated with the present and future of the entire city/region. The return of particular family funerals around this time was also taken as a sign of "life" in the neighborhoods of New Orleans. As time passed and more people returned, such sacred second lines could again "walk through the streets of the city," in the words of a locally popular hymn. In so assembling, participants could see who had returned and what the condition was of churches, clubs, stores, homes, public housing, and the neighborhoods in which the marches took place. They could assess the "health" of the beloved music scene based on what brass band might be available in whole or part to musically lead the jazz funeral and its second line.
This symbolic expansion of returning performers also occurred with weekly secular second-line processions sponsored by a wide network of local social aid and pleasure clubs. For example, the return of specific parades such as the Tremé Sidewalk Steppers in spring 2007, two years after the deluge, was taken as a sign of recovery for the city as a whole.4 Leaders of other clubs joining in with the Tremé second line took pains to suggest that they were marching not only for themselves but for the city as a whole—a place where new social configurations were already in play, which was brought out in my interview with a leader of a social club:
Buckner: I'm Edward Buckner and I'm president of the Original Big 7 Social Aid and Pleasure Club. The crowd has changed. It's very diverse now at the parades in this town, you know. It's white and blacks alike. We all love the parades and we get along together very well. . . . The blacks would be at the parades and the whites would be in the clubs with the bands. So eventually the whites came out the clubs and decided to join the blacks on the street. And now we been havin' this great, you know, intellectual thing that's goin' on with the race, that we really getting along and we find out we all like the same things.
NS: How do you think the parade scene, the second lines, can help the city come back?
Buckner: Well we are a strong part of the culture. Actually, you look at the Indians and the second lines and we are the culture that go all year round. We are the culture that don't stop. We don't want to take nothin' from Bourbon St. but, you know, when you talking 'bout partyin' in the street, dancin' in the street . . . this is dancin' in the street. You can't help but enjoy this.5
Leidy Cook, Tremé Sidewalk Steppers, New Orleans, Louisiana, 2010.
At the same time, Rebirth Brass Band leader and tuba player Philip Frazier sang the praises of the second line and its bands as instruments of the recovery, he also expressed concern about how many people were back participating in the clubs:
|Leidy Cook, Silence is Violence Peace Walk, New Orleans, Louisiana, 2010.
Last year there wasn't that many parades. They only had a couple. This year more clubs done came back and you know we got people travelin' all the way back from who be in Houston, and Arkansas, and Atlanta comin' back down just to parade, 'cause they love it so much. The only problem, the only thing I worry about, we have the bands growin,' but the social aid and pleasure clubs, I haven't really been seein' any young people. That's the scary thing. You know we gotta get young people back involved with the social aid and pleasure clubs. Cause this been goin' on for years, years and years. We can't let that culture die, no matter what.6
The social aide and pleasure club model of mutual assistance, public entertainment, and cultural celebration has been invoked by a wide range of organizations from non-governmental organizations (NGOs) like the resettlement agency Sweet Home New Orleans and the anti-crime group Silence Is Violence to nightclubs such as the Mother-in-Law Lounge and Tipitina's, all of which have encouraged the return of the population and improvement of quality of life in the city by enlisting musicians, music, and traditional creolized festival forms to do so.
Signifiers of Return
No cyclical festive event defines New Orleans' expressive culture more completely both locally and globally than Carnival or Mardi Gras. There was great concern that the annual celebration prior to Ash Wednesday and the forty days of Lent would not be enacted in 2006, the initial year after the deluge. Beyond the pragmatic realities that Mardi Gras in a badly wounded city would add to local economy and tax revenue even in a scaled-back form, the social and cultural counter-argument was made that Carnival was an essential rehearsal of return necessary for New Orleans civic life.7 As a powerful and often satirical mingling of classes and cultures in public feasting, float parades, walking societies, krewe balls, and more, Fat Tuesday offered the first chance for a large public of those who had fled to Atlanta or Dallas, Baton Rouge, or Birmingham the chance to come back, view the conditions in the city, and participate in the event that is a primary part of natives' sense of place through public performance and spectacle.
|Nick Spitzer, Mardi Gras Indian, New Orleans, Louisiana, 2004.
The smaller traditional groups in Carnival, such as the Mardi Gras Indians, especially found themselves given greater local and national press attention than ever before as they appeared on the front page of both the New York Times and the New Orleans Times-Picayune on and after Mardi Gras day 2006.8 In so doing, the "Indians," one of Carnival's most creolized groups—uniting European, African Caribbean, and Native American structures, aesthetics, performances, costumes, and images—became a kind of report on the health of the city as a whole via their widening recognition both in the press and in the streets. In so doing, the status of Mardi Gras Indian tribes was temporarily elevated in a social order that increasingly was looking to such creolized cultural symbols and performances as evidence of recovery—a return to festive normalcy.
New Orleans music, especially traditional jazz, brass bands, and all manner of rhythm and blues, soul, and funk music, also stands for the city as a year-round signifier to America and the world of the city's cultural sources and resources. In addressing the role that musicians have played, I have opined that after Katrina the players often became "model citizens," in so far as they were viewed as heroic carriers of the endangered intangible culture. They had become workers (at play) on behalf of the neighborhoods, nightclubs, and second-line parades in need of performers and performance to again become vibrant symbols of the community.9
I interviewed the Creole pianist, producer, and songwriter Allen Toussaint—nationally known for his rhythm and blues and soul recordings. He had early on become a major spokesperson for the cultural recovery during the dark days of September 2005, during his evacuation to New York City. The locally revered musician noted that the "spirit didn't drown," as he enumerated the loss of his Gentilly neighborhood home and its contents, then under eight feet of water: a Steinway grand piano, all his sheet music, and personal recording archives. The logical extension of his thinking, we agreed, was that there was no water line on music, or the soul. He could still perform, record, and produce music. It was a simple but profound realization about how intangible culture can survive, even thrive, under adversity and be recreated to greatness under new, heightened conditions—a kind of vernacular humanities that creolized Catholic teachings with experience and phenomenological knowledge of music.
|Guillaume Laurent, Allen Toussaint at Jazz à Juan, Juan-les-Pins, France, 2009.
Allen Toussaint's repertoire blossomed as he remade his upbeat social anthem from the 1970s, "Yes We Can Can" (originally written for local body shop man and singer Lee Dorsey of "Sittin' in Ya-Ya" fame, and later made a hit by the Pointer Sisters in 1973). Toussaint sang with the most muscular and funky voicing he had mustered in over twenty years. "Yes We Can Can" was the first track on the Our New Orleans 2005: A Benefit Album CD that raised over a million dollars for Habitat for Humanity's efforts to create new housing—a "Musicians Village" in the city.10 It instantly became the soundtrack of recovery, blaring from radios as hammers rang, saws cut, and backhoes cleared throughout the city. At the same time, Toussaint's minor key and slow tempo on another song on the CD, "Tipitina and Me"—a variation on his mentor Professor Longhair's jaunty "Tipitina"—presented a darkly luminous mood that carried the listener from funereal to hopeful thoughts about the city's "resurrection," as Toussaint called it in 2005. Toussaint as a piano professor nouveau of the next generation demonstrated his authority in the role with a repertoire diversity that showed cultural creolization in the Afro-urban pop music with a 1970s-era message of inclusiveness and tolerance that prefigured the then soon-to-be President Obama's message of hope ("Yes We Can"). Was Toussaint's use of "Can Can" the kind of intensifier often used in creole languages? He also invoked the nineteenth-century New Orleans Creole classicist, French Jewish composer/performer Louis Moreau Gottschalk, in his haunting rendition of "Tipitina and Me." If "Can Can" was uplifting for recovery workers, then "Tipitina and Me" captured the night mood with candles burning before the power and the neon lights and club life had returned.
Toussaint then joined forces with Elvis Costello, the eclectic British rocker and lover of New Orleans music, on the CD River in Reverse, one of the first recordings made in New Orleans after Katrina in December 2005—the studio session of thematic songs about the disaster was emblematic of the nascent return of musical infrastructure. In 2009, Toussaint continued his solo efforts with a new recording of old New Orleans jazz modernist classics under the title of Thelonious Monk's The Bright Mississippi. In his commentary on the recording, Toussaint returned to Christian metaphors for the city's triumph over misfortune, but he replaced "resurrection" with a sense of the birth of new creative possibilities: "Spiritually Katrina was a baptism as far as I'm concerned. Many wonderful things came out of Katrina and are still going on and will be going on forever. That is quite a jolt in life to have to flex new muscles in every way, physically and spiritually. So I find Katrina to be much more of a blessing than a curse. Not only for myself, but for many that may not recognize it that way."11
Beyond the recovery and revaluation of artists, the question was raised whether New Orleans jazz as a whole would again be heard regularly in the recently submerged city. Traditional jazz emerged at the end of the nineteenth century—a period of huge repression for people of color. It was a brutal social transition for Creoles and African Americans—who were jazz's primary early creators and players—as the hope of post–Civil War Reconstruction faded into the Jim Crow era. Writer Ralph Ellison later suggested that jazz's birth and growth was a "freedom statement," "Constitution," and "Bill of Rights" for African Americans. In New Orleans, Creoles, African Americans, and some Euro-Americans (especially Italians) have long played the music.12 Early jazz had mostly European instrumentation (excepting the African-descended banjo and in some sense the use of drums even in manufactured kit configurations), a musical and social connection to US military and Catholic saints' day parades, and African/Caribbean/American-inflected performance practices, rhythms, scales, harmonies, and associated street dance forms. Early New Orleans jazz has long been distinguished more by style (heterophony and group improvisation) rather than repertoire—the latter may include parlor and popular songs, hymns, blues, and marches.
|Derek Bridges, Dr. Michael White plays the jazz funeral for Doc Paulin, New Orleans, Louisiana, 2007.
Over a century after its emergence, the post-deluge question was, will New Orleans traditional jazz—with all its creolized aspects and neighborhood base of performance—survive in a depopulated city of destroyed neighborhoods? One answer in the affirmative was from clarinetist and musical activist Dr. Michael White. White famously lost to the floodwaters an important personal collection: thousands of books and rare recordings, original sheet music and correspondence from now deceased musicians, historic photographs and antique instruments that belonged to legendary artists such as King Oliver and Sidney Bechet. In an intensely creative several years after the catastrophe, the mild-mannered humanities professor composed nearly forty new tunes in traditional jazz style!13 It was an unprecedented act in the recent history of the music. Michael White also returned to a vigorous schedule of teaching at Xavier University (the only black Catholic university in North America), playing locally with the new brass band stylists he had previously eschewed as not traditional enough, and touring nationally and globally. All of which—along with other notable musicians—brought new attention in national and international press to New Orleans' cultural revival as a sign of larger material, social, and economic recovery.
The same report of a huge new creativity and musical output would include a spectrum of players and institutions. The New Orleans Jazz and Heritage Festival—its racetrack grounds badly damaged—was, like Mardi Gras itself, able to mount an event in 2006. It was produced with huge support from the public, musicians, and politicians who felt that the sprawling—sometimes chaotic, sometimes controversial—commercial celebration of the culture could not be allowed to cease for economic, public relations, and, ultimately, emotional and spiritual needs of the citizenry.
Soul queen Irma Thomas made a new choice: to sing the blues (previously not appropriate to her image as an urbane progressive soul singer) and to update classic blues woman Bessie Smith's own tale of flooding, "Backwater Blues," from the 1927 inundations. Likewise, Creole pianist and sometime carpenter Eddie Bo (Edwin Bocage), in his late seventies, reawakened his building skills to repair homes of family and friends while working on new recordings such as his improvised, creolized version of "When the Saints Go Marching In," taking the old familiar sometimes clichéd song to another level by creating it anew in improvised words and music. At the end of the session recorded in October 2005, Eddie Bo addressed his own and the broader New Orleans public's need to return, live in, and rebuild the cityscape by memorably concluding, "I want to be in that number."14
|Nick Spitzer, Eddie Bo, New Orleans, Louisiana, 2005.
A sixth-generation Creole craftsman from Algiers Point, Bo also readily suggested that his work as a carpenter was as creative as making music:
Bocage: We, as Bocage youngsters, had to learn to do, the craftsman, when he was five. All the males had to learn how to start off and build. . . . And I think we also had the shipbuilders and . . . engineers in the family. So they taught us what might be of interest to us, and what might help us out as far as having another skill other than what you choose. If you tend to choose something else, you would always be able to fall back on that.
NS: And what skills did you learn as a builder?
Bocage: Bricklaying and carpentry was basically what my dad did, so I had to learn to do it too.
NS: Did you like that work when you did it?
Bocage: Oh yes. I love it as much as the music.
NS: Really?
Bocage: Yes, indeed. I love to stand back and look at what I put together. And you know, because I know it is constructed properly. I know that and then there is always new techniques and try to learn around everybody I go around.15
Creole Craftsmen
In a city famed for its music and (now partly destroyed) built environs, the linkage of creativity between work and play among Creole craftsmen—many of whom had been part of multiple-generation families of building artisans since the antebellum times of their gens de couleur libres ancestors—was a powerful addition to the discourse of recovery and rebuilding. Music could temporarily reassemble the artist families and their audiences of natives and visitors alike; however, the question of rebuilding the old infrastructure of nineteenth- and early twentieth-century wood and masonry houses as well as dealing with shattered brick subdivisions and moldy sheet-rocked (not old Creole plaster) interiors remains to this day. Still, in a city recognized for a bon vivant attitude, the efforts of Creole and other building artisans revealed a work ethic that could aid the recovery of New Orleans.
The late Earl Barthé was a renowned sixth-generation, self-identified Creole of color plasterer from the Seventh Ward Gentilly neighborhood. A leader in the Creole Fiesta and later a National Heritage Fellow recipient in 2005, Barthé's ornamental plaster was created with a sense of musicality. Earl compared the work to his favorite performances, noting that he was just as happy listening to his sister Débria (now deceased), an opera singer performing Carmen, as playing the records of Muddy Waters or Ray Charles on the job. Barthé said that Carmen had the "plastering beat" and went a step further in the analogy of musical style to, particularly, the Creole plasterer's craft: "You run the mold and then you place the dentils, those little square things that are cast and placed in the mold. It all has to be in tune. When you run your arch, you gotta put your corbel on the bottom. That's like the big bass. It looks like a bass. So the musicians as I spoke about like Milford Dolliole and Tio with Chocolate Milk, which is a funk band—and there were many others that were good plasterers and musicians—they had that musical touch. They'd be singing the songs of Muddy Waters . . . and be placing dentils and ornaments into this cornice."16
Neil Alexander, Earl Barthé, New Orleans, 2002. © Neil Alexander/neilphoto.com
Earl Barthé was dubbed the "Jelly Roll Morton of plastering," owing to his similar features, loquacious style, and love of music as a metaphor for his work. His "articular" plaster medallions were featured in the museum exhibit and catalog Raised to the Trade": Creole Building Arts of New Orleans.17 Barthé and family took refuge from Katrina in Cypress, Texas, and returned months later to repair their heavily damaged home, their workshop, and the homes of their many clients. In a 2007 interview Barthé expressed longing for the cooperative social order of Creole workers he knew as a youth, in hopes that such reciprocal labor could be applied to the recovery: "The Creoles would build each other's houses. So they would have the cement masons to do the foundation. Bricklayers, carpenters to do the framing, roofers, and plasterers and painters would come in and finish up. And they would say, 'We're going to start your house this week'—so they would lay the foundation and frame it."18
|Neil Alexander, Large plaster medallion in a New Orleans shotgun house, New Orleans, Louisiana, 2002. What some in the trade refer to as a "Cadillac finish," this decorative element normally found in a grand home or hotel lobby is installed here by the artisan in his own residence. © Neil Alexander/neilphoto.com
The late Earl Barthé's social dream and work aesthetics, along with the late Eddie Bo's approach as Creole craftsman, are slowly being put into practice across the cityscape by a wide array of non-profit organizations and private developers, following the collaborative model to varying degrees and through a renewed focus on continuity in the building arts as taught informally in family businesses and institutionally at specialty elementary schools and community colleges. The cooperative labor ideal has been enacted through college, church, and community assistance networks nationwide that sponsor "voluntourism" for visitors who work on building or repairing homes. Outside artists, scholars, students, and professionals have also contributed to the collective rebuilding effort as part of the city's "brain gain" in a fulfillment of the traditional "social aid" side of the original social aid and pleasure clubs. The "pleasure" aspect of a culturally based lifestyle imbued with music, food, Carnival, and joie de vivre is, of course, also available. Owing in part to the West African/Mediterranean/Caribbean aspects of New Orleans society, these enjoyments and entertainments—like the historic linkage of music and the building arts—are seen as related to concerns for the future of the social order. The hope of many New Orleans craftsmen and others is to more fully enact a collaborative rebuilding, at a WPA (Works Progress Administration) level not seen since the 1930s, wherein young apprentice builders learn the trades while building sweat equity and gaining knowledge of finance and entrepreneurship so that learning the skills and assisting others can translate into a livelihood that repopulates the city with skilled homeowners in the neighborhoods they helped rebuild and will ultimately stabilize by their presence.
Culture as Recovery
In the difficult days that followed the floods of 2005, there were many calls to move New Orleans upriver by earth scientists, social scientists, politicians, and others.19 There may have been good science behind urging historic city dwellers to leave problematic natural environs for a rural location one hundred miles north in Morganza, Louisiana, but it was amateur social policy that ignored the deep symbolic associations of place, culture, and community in peoples' lives. There was also the dilemma, faced by governments, NGOs, foundations, and private investors, that the material infrastructure of New Orleans was already in terrible shape prior to the deluge—with collapsing and abandoned buildings, poor roads, dilapidated public schools, and, of course, a haphazard and permeable levee system surrounding a partly below sea level "bowl" of a city, located on a rapidly eroding coast line. The focus of much disaster recovery anywhere is on infrastructure, but in New Orleans the case was made that as a kind of Venice of the vernacular with a whole lot less water in it than that other great city of the arts, a focus had to be as much on restoring the intangible culture by encouraging the return of the citizenry—the carriers of the culture.
Humorously, some said that intangible culture was anything without a waterline on it. To this I would add that it was always hard to find a native New Orleanian, a new settler, or a tourist to the Crescent City who stayed or moved here because he or she thought the infrastructure was especially attractive.20 The comedian Harry Shearer added, in multiple media appearances, that after Katrina, "New Orleans broken is far better than other places fixed."
What made the city worth enduring chronically broken infrastructure, often retrograde policing, weak and illicit governance, and subpar public schools was the creative and "easy" lifestyle associated with enduring creolized cultural vernaculars of the cityscape—a legacy of dominantly a French/Spanish West African society, later leavened with immigrants from the American South, Germany, Ireland, and Italy, among many other sources. New Orleans, as a cultural and social order created from these diversities in a provincial location of geographic and climatic difficulty, of religious difference from the rest of the United States, in a former slave society with all its post-colonial problems, was now more than ever relying on the power of the expressive cultural continuities that set the city apart from the South and that made it more kindred to the Caribbean. The advantage of looking at the city this way geographically has recently been reaffirmed by archaeologist Shannon Dawdy's anthropological history, Building the Devil's Empire: French Colonial New Orleans.21 Dawdy shows the emergent eighteenth-century polyglot port city that developed its own "rogue colonialism" as part of a kind of organic and creative economic and cultural creolization process. Rogue colonialism reconfigures and conjoins the many cultural streams into the urban social landscape in a manner more adaptive and appropriate than conventionally understood metropole-periphery relationships of governance, economy, and society based in formal institutions of colonial powers (here, France, then Spain, and, I add, America and the Confederacy) usually allow for. I have referred to New Orleans as being "south of the South."22 The relative worldliness of the city is noted in terms of its location on the northern rim of the Caribbean culture area. Andres Duany, the new urbanist architect and planner, confronted the city's infamous disorder and corruption: "And then I realized . . . that New Orleans was not an American city. It was a Caribbean city. Once you recalibrate, it becomes the best governed, cleanest, most efficient, and best-educated city in the Caribbean. New Orleans is actually the Geneva of the Caribbean."23
New Orleans' community-centric Creole and creolized cultural expressions have moved increasingly to the center of local public discourse in the years after the floods. Partly this was possible because much deeply traditional life had long remained in the city, and also because the tradition writ large has been one of explicit improvisation—be it musical, in cuisine, in the built environs, or in Carnival aesthetics. An initial recovery suggestion was that the city—with its largely intact and distinctive eighteenth- and nineteenth-century high-ground landscape and its continuing Latinate laissez-faire attitudes—was well pre-adapted to further develop a gaming economy as a kind of historic competitor to Las Vegas. Public ridicule and social awareness in a far less complacent post-catastrophe city quickly deflated such speculation. Beyond the previously dominant focus on preserving the past in material terms, the question of the cultural future had become central in New Orleans' public discourse.
Although concerns for authenticity are not fashionable in some academic circles, the new civic discussion often asked how the city could remain "authentic," meaning historic and connected to its cultural legacies, compared to the rest of the United States. The focus, however, was on linking the cultural past to an "authentic future."24 At its most realized, the idea is that cultural expression in the streets and clubs would remain on an intimate local scale defined as the creative zone where creolized culture met a need for continuity, neighborhood-based culture, the arts, and economic sustainability—all founded on local diversity and new economic approaches to creative "industries," cultural tourism, environmental services, public education, and urban planning alongside more traditional areas such as shipping, petrochemical industries, finance, and medicine.
Culture as the primary agent of return to and recovery of New Orleans has been central to the mission of NGOs like Sweet Home New Orleans that early on emphasized the resettlement of the musicians, ritual/festival participants, chefs, and building artisans who made the city distinctive and attractive. While infrastructure in the form of schools, housing, medical facilities, highways, and drainage is essential, a public narrative emerged, claiming that, without cultural continuity linking the past to the future, there is little point in developing infrastructure for its own sake. There had to be a sense of possibility for a cultural future to justify the efforts to rebuild and reinvest.
While a social justice perspective argues for careful planning and infrastructure development to improve the quality of life for the population, in New Orleans it is arguably the laterally connected, intimate, creative, and creolized "way of life," in the words of jazz saxophonist and Mardi Gras Indian Donald Harrison, that has kept the city afloat through this perilous passage.25 This way of thinking liberates the notion of infrastructure to serve as a human need in society that supports a way of life, but it does not embody or create that society. Rather, it is mainly the agency of creative tension between continuity and transformation of culture that generates the livable future on the terms I have outlined.
In this way, New Orleans has begun to emerge as a national model in recessionary times for cities that build on the instrumental and expressive aspects of their vernacular culture to move beyond devalued landscapes and neighborhoods, high unemployment, and a general distrust of national economic institutions based in Wall Street or Washington. While few urban centers have the Creole cultural inheritance of New Orleans, many cities with historic cultural influences and new immigrants are creolized at the community level in certain ways. Some are just beginning to look deeply at the resources and applications that are available in this way of thinking. New Orleans' civic and cultural leaders increasingly sense the role that the city could play in shaping a national discourse about cultures that are distinct and shared at the local level via expressive forms, with their artistic proponents leading the way.
However, New Orleans has not historically been a place for resident intellectuals bent on describing how the rest of America could learn from the city's creole cultural processes of tradition and improvisation as a way to better understand potential for viewing creative freedom in terms that reconcile the pluribus and unum in localities nationwide. The New Orleans tendency instead has been to simply perform the culture's traditions of creativity here or on the road, and so draw adherents, be they tourists and music fans, architects and foodies, scholars and policy wonks, or globalization theorists and chairpersons of federal agencies devoted to the arts and humanities.
|Thomas Helbig, Cedric Watson, Rudolstadt, Germany, 2010.
One attempt to nationally present the idea of New Orleans Creoles—specifically, a jazz banjo player from New Orleans named Don Vappie as an ultimate, socially adaptable, yet culturally grounded American—was a PBS film called American Creole.26 The documentary was planned in antediluvian days to show Vappie and his large kin network functioning effectively in an array of occupations (including professional musicians in New York and Los Angeles) and communities nationwide. Post-Katrina flood waves redirected the project toward how a creative Creole like Vappie could use the cultural expression of jazz and his family ties to help people return to and rebuild New Orleans from the musician community outward.
On the larger question of re-understanding American vernacular culture, other artists, like the well-known blues singer Taj Mahal and the rising young Louisiana Creole fiddler Cedric Watson, have independently suggested that the United States might best be understood as a "Creole nation."27 In a Creole nation one imagines that culture is viewed as a creative creolizing process where group identities show both continuity, synthesis, and differential change, rather than the more linear culturally centric or islanded multicultural conceptions of diverse social orders. These particular artists that gave a voice to such observations are from backgrounds that reflect Creole cultural contact and transformation: Taj Mahal is of African American and British West Indian parentage; Cedric Watson claims Louisiana Creole, Mexican Spanish, Native American, and African American cultural forebears. They are connected to Creole societies of the Caribbean and the Gulf of Mexico, and both are aware of the creolization in their personal identities and musical expressions.
From a more critical point of view some scholars, especially anthropologists, have debated the utility and appropriateness of even using "creolization" as a way to universally describe and interpret the processes of continuity and creativity in cultural identities, expressions, ecologies, economies, and related realms.28 A key concern raised in the discussion is that specific Creole societies often recreate either the insular and intolerant hierarchies of the former colonial metropole in the provincial setting or, as they evolve into settled ethnic communities, find ways to exclude those who do not fit into the reified mix of genealogy and cultural markers used to maintain those ethnic boundaries. Examples from New Orleans and other Louisiana Creole communities are not uncommon, and Viranjini Munasinghe describes the plight of marginalized East Indians in the colonially derived West Indies Creole communities.29
Still, we are bound by our comparative and ethnographic traditions to find ways to describe and interpret how cultural communities in the present maintain links to varied pasts—often multiple Old Worlds—and creatively address the present and future in transformations that allow for recognizable linkages between times and places. In this light, cultural creolization is a useful way to address traditional creativity in many forms, variations, and places in the world. The people called Creoles who have made that process explicit in their identity and aesthetic expressions of their culture will continue to discuss, argue, and sometimes disagree about group boundaries; and those feeling excluded from Creole groups may add to the discontent.
|Erin Nekervis, Rebirth Brass Band, New Orleans, Louisiana, 2010.
The question of "Who is a Creole?" will likely remain, but what has emerged as more broadly significant is that cultural creolization as a means of describing tradition, creativity, and continuity from past and present into the future of human communities is a hopeful and engaged human discourse when compared to the alternative: global monoculture and assimilation within nation-states.
New Orleans is distinctive within the United States with its Carnival, music, cuisine, and building artisanship, but shares these expressions broadly with Creole societies of the Caribbean through parallel development in the New World, African European plantation colonial sphere as well as long-term intraregional migrations. The city has long been a kind of Creole hearth of creativity and symbolic soul for America and anywhere in the world where creolization as a vernacular process creatively connecting the past to the future of community-based culture has not been made explicit. As Rebirth Brass Band leader Philip Frazier says, "Without New Orleans, there is no America."30
- 1. Creole expressive culture in French Louisiana—the rural parishes south and east of New Orleans to the Texas boarder—was the jumping-off point for discussion of the local and global aspects of cultural creolization in the original 1997 "Monde Créole" presentation to the meetings of the American Folklore Society in Lafayette, Louisiana, and now reprinted in Creolization as Cultural Creativity. This epilogue offers the counterpoint and complement of post-Katrina New Orleans, its own urban Creole communities, and, more broadly writ, the impact of creolized tradition and creativity on the general populace of the city/region.
- 2. Nick Spitzer, "Rebuilding the Land of Dreams with Music," in Rebuilding Urban Places After Disaster: Lessons from Hurricane Katrina, eds. Eugenie Ladner Birch and Susan M. Wachter (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006), 305-328.
- 3. Roger D. Abrahams, The Man-of-Words in the West Indies:Performance and the Emergence of Creole Culture (Johns Hopkins University Press, 1983).
- 4. Nick Spitzer, American Routes: Songs and Stories from the Road [Audio CD/CD-Rom] (Highbridge Company, 2008).
- 5. Interview with Edward Buckner was broadcast August 22, 2007, on American Routes. See: Nick Spitzer, American Routes: Songs and Stories from the Road [Audio CD/CD-Rom] (Highbridge Company, 2008).
- 6. Audio clip of Philip Frazier courtesy Matt Sakakeeny, who edited the Tremé second-line segment for American Routes, broadcast August 22, 2007, on American Routes. See: Nick Spitzer, American Routes: Songs and Stories from the Road [Audio CD/CD-Rom] (Highbridge Company, 2008).
- 7. Roger D. Abrahams, Nick Spitzer, John Szwed, and Robert Farris Thompson, Blues for New Orleans: Mardi Gras and America's Creole Soul (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006).
- 8. Jon Pareles, "Mardi Gras Dawns With Some Traditions in Jeopardy," The New York Times, February 28, 2006. http://www.nytimes.com/2006/02/28/arts/music/28pare.html.
- 9. Nick Spitzer, "Rebuilding the Land of Dreams with Music," in Eugenie Ladner Birch and Susan M. Wachter, eds., Rebuilding Urban Places After Disaster: Lessons from Hurricane Katrina. (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006), 305-328.
- 10. Various Artists, Our New Orleans: A Benefit Album (Nonesuch Records, 2005).
- 11. Interview with Allen Toussaint that aired August 2009 on American Routes.
- 12. Personal communication, Robert O'Meally, 2004.
- 13. The CD containing some of these is the 2008 Blue Crescent on Basin Street Records: New Orleans. White had previously made much of this connection to elder jazz musicians whom he had learned from (on records or in person), been advised by, or played with, musicians such as George Lewis, Danny Barker, and Doc Paulin. He referred to these and other players of traditional jazz as now "dancing in the sky" and made a recording of the same name also on Basin Street Records prior to the floods of 2005.
- 14. Edwin Bocage, as quoted in Various Artists, Our New Orleans: A Benefit Album (Nonesuch Records, 2005).
- 15. Interview was broadcast November 2, 2005, on American Routes.
- 16. Earl Barthé, as quoted in Nick Spitzer, "The Aesthetics of Work and Play in Creole New Orleans," in John Ethan Hankins and Steven Maclansky, eds., Raised to the Trade: Creole Building Arts of New Orleans (New Orleans: New Orleans Museum of Art, 2002), 123.
- 17. Jonn Ethan Hankins and Steven Maklansky, eds., Raised to the Trade: Creole Building Arts of New Orleans (New Orleans: New Orleans Museum of Art, 2002)
- 18. Kate Ellis, Stephen Smith, and Nick Spitzer, Routes to Recovery, American Radioworks, 2007.
- 19. For one good example, see: Robert Giegengack and Kenneth R. Foster, "Physical Constraints on Reconstructing New Orleans," in Eugenie L. Birch and Susan M. Wachter, eds., Rebuilding Urban Places After Disaster: Lessons From Hurricane Katrina (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006), 13-33.
- 20. I must admit, though, that we probably will never know exactly how many people left New Orleans before Katrina or never returned after it because of the city's weak infrastructure, limited economic opportunities, or racial and class barriers.
- 21. Shannon Lee Dawdy, Building the Devil's Empire: French Colonial New Orleans (University of Chicago Press, 2009).
- 22. Nicholas R. Spitzer, "The Creole State: An Introduction to Louisiana Traditional Culture," Louisiana's Living Traditions, 1985.
- 23. Quoted in Wayne Curtis, "Houses of the Future," The Atlantic, November 2009. http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2009/11/houses-of-the-future/7708/
- 24. Nick Spitzer, "Rebuilding the Land of Dreams with Music," in Eugenie Ladner Birch and Susan M. Wachter, eds., Rebuilding Urban Places After Disaster: Lessons from Hurricane Katrina (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006), 308.
- 25. Harrison's remark was made at the Penn Institute for Urban Research Seminar, Arts in the City: Can the Arts Revive Our City and the Nation's Economy? Philadelphia, March 2, 2010. I distinguish "way of life," as an organic cultural attribute, from "quality of life," which more often is a kind of add-on or enumerative set of features favored by advocates of economic development based in "creative economy"—most prominently Richard Florida, who ironically has New Orleans low on his quality-of-life rankings compared to many cities with far less organic "way of life" depth.
- 26. American Creole: New Orleans Reunion, DVD, Documentary directed by Michelle Benoit and Glen Pitre, Louisiana Public Broadcasting. 2006.
- 27. Interviews from Nick Spitzer, American Routes, 2003 and 2010.
- 28. Viranjini Munasinghe, "Theorizing World Culture through the New World: East Indians and Creolization," American Ethnologist 33, no. 4 (November 2006): 549-562. For a discussion of Viranjini Munasinghe's article see American Ethnologist 33, no. 4 (November 2006): 563-592.
- 29. Viranjini Munasinghe, "Theorizing World Culture through the New World: East Indians and Creolization," American Ethnologist 33, no. 4 (November 2006): 549-562.
- 30. Quoted in Nick Spitzer, "Rebuilding the Land of Dreams with Music," in Eugenie Ladner Birch and Susan M. Wachter, eds., Rebuilding Urban Places After Disaster: Lessons from Hurricane Katrina (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006), 326.