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Project Gutenberg's A Short History of the Great War, by A. F. Pollard
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Title: A Short History of the Great War
Author: A. F. Pollard
Release Date: December, 2004 [EBook #7189]
This file was first posted on March 26, 2003
Last Updated: May 7, 2013
Language: English
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M.A., Litt.D.
The manuscript of this book, except the last chapter, was finished on 21 May 1919, and the revision of the last chapter was completed in October. It may be some relief to a public, distracted by the apologetic deluge which has followed on the peace, to find how little the broad and familiar outlines of the war have thereby been affected.
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On 28 June 1914 the Archduke Francis Ferdinand, heir-presumptive to the Hapsburg throne, was shot in the streets of Serajevo, the capital of the Austrian province of Bosnia. Redeemed by the Russo-Turkish war of 1876-7 from Ottoman rule, Bosnia had by the Congress of Berlin in 1878 been entrusted to Austrian administration; but in 1908, fearing lest a Turkey rejuvenated by the Young Turk revolution should seek to revive its claims on Bosnia, the Austrian Government annexed on its own authority a province confided to its care by a European mandate. This arbitrary act was only challenged on paper at the time; but the striking success of Serbia in the Balkan wars of 1912-13 brought out the dangers and defects of Austrian policy. For the Serbs were kin to the great majority of the Bosnian people and to millions of other South Slavs who were subject to the Austrian crown and discontented with its repressive government; and the growing prestige of Serbia bred hopes and feelings of Slav nationality on both sides of the Hapsburg frontier. The would-be and the real assassins of the Archduke, while technically Austrian subjects, were Slavs by birth, and the murder brought to a head the antagonism between a race becoming conscious of its possibilities and a government determined to repress them. The crime gave a moral advantage to the oppressor, but the guilt has yet to be apportioned, and instigation may have come from secret sources within the Hapsburg empire; for the Archduke was hated by dominant cliques on account of his alleged pro-Slav sympathies and his suspected intention of admitting his future Slav subjects to a share in political power.
For some weeks after the murder it bade fair to pass without a European crisis, for the public was unaware of what happened at a secret conclave held at Potsdam on 5 July. It was there decided that Germany should support to the uttermost whatever claims Austria might think fit to make on Serbia for redress, and she was encouraged to put them so high as either to ensure the domination of the Balkans by the Central Empires through Serbian submission, or to provoke a war by which alone the German militarists thought that German aims could be achieved. That was the purport of the demands presented to Serbia on 23 July: acceptance would have reduced her to a dependence less formal but little less real than that of Bosnia, while the delay in presenting the demands was used to complete the preparations for war which rejection would provoke. It was not, however, against Serbia that the German moves were planned. She could be left to Austria, while Germany dealt with the Powers which would certainly be involved by the attack on Serbian independence.
The great Power immediately concerned was Russia, which had long aspired to an outlet into European waters not blocked by winter ice or controlled by Baltic States. For that and for the less interested reasons of religion and racial sympathy she had fought scores of campaigns against the Turks which culminated in the liberation of most of the Balkans in 1878; and she could not stand idle while the fruits of her age-long efforts were gathered by the Central Empires and she herself was cut off from the Mediterranean by an obstacle more fatal than Turkish dominion in the form of a Teutonic corridor from Berlin to Baghdad. Serbia, too, Orthodox in religion and Slav in race, was more closely bound to Russia than was any other Balkan State; and an attack on Serbia was a deadly affront to the Russian Empire. It was not intended as anything else. Russia was slowly recovering from her defeat in the Russo-Japanese war of 1904-5 and from the revolutionary outbreaks which had followed; and there was little doubt that sooner or later she would seek compensation for the rebuffs she had suffered from the mailed fist during her impotence. Conscience made Germany sensitive to the Slav peril, and her militarist philosophy taught her that the best defence was to get her blow in first. Her diplomacy in July was directed towards combining this advantage with the appearance, needed to bemuse her people and the world at large, of acting in self-defence.
But Russia was the object of Germany's diplomatic activity rather than of her military preparations. It was thought that Russia could not mobilize in less than six weeks or strike effectively in less than two or three months, and that that interval would suffice for the crushing of France, who was bound by treaty to intervene if Russia were attacked. The German mobilization was therefore directed first against France, defence against Russia being left to second-line German troops and to an Austrian offensive. The defeat of France was not, however, regarded by Germans as a mere incident in a war against Russia; for it was a cardinal point in the programme of the militarists, whose mind was indiscreetly revealed by Bernhardi, that France must be so completely crushed that she could never again cross Germany's path. To Frenchmen the war appeared to be mainly a continuation of the national duel which had been waged since the sixteenth century. To Great Britain it appeared, on the other hand, as the forcible culmination of a new rivalry for colonial empire and the dominion of the seas. But these were in truth but local aspects of a comprehensive German ambition expressed in the antithesis Weltmacht oder Niedergang. Bismarck had made the German Empire and raised it to the first place as a European Power. Europe, it was discovered, was a small portion of the globe; and Bismarck's successful methods were now to be used on a wider scale to raise Germany to a similar predominance in the world. The Serbian plot was merely the lever to set the whole machinery working, and German activities all the world over from Belgrade and Petrograd to Constantinople, Ulster, and Mexico were parts in a comprehensive piece.
But while the German sword was pointed everywhere, its hilt was in Berlin. Prussia supplied the mind which conceived the policy and controlled its execution; and in the circumstances of the Prussian Government must be sought the mainspring of the war. The cause of the war was not the Serbian imbroglio nor even German rivalry with Russia, France, or Britain. These were the occasions of its outbreak and extension; but national rivalries always exist and occasions for war are never wanting. They only result in war when one of the parties to the dispute wants to break the peace; and the Prussian will-to-war was due to the domestic situation of a Prussian government which had been made by the sword and had realized before 1914 that it could not be maintained without a further use of the sword. That government was the work of Bismarck, who had been called to power in 1863 to save the Hohenzollerns from subjection to Parliament and had found in the Danish and Austrian wars of 1864 and 1866 the means of solving the constitutional issue at Berlin. The cannon of Kniggratz proved more convincing than Liberal arguments; and the methods of blood and iron, by which Bismarck, Moltke, and Roon conquered Denmark, Austria, and France and annexed to Prussia the greater part of German soil, impressed upon Germany a constitution in which the rule of the sword was merely concealed behind a skilfully emasculated parliamentary system. The Reichstag with its universal suffrage was the scabbard of the Prussian sword, and it was because the sword could not do the work required of it while it lay in the scabbard that it was drawn in 1914.
Since 1871 the object of every Prussian Government had been to reconcile the German people to the veiled rule of the sword by exhibiting results which, it was contended, could not otherwise have been secured. Historians dwelt on the failure of the German Parliament at Frankfurt to promote a national unity which was left for Prussian arms to achieve, and philosophers deduced from that example a comprehensive creed of might. More material arguments were provided for the man in business and in the street by the skilful activities of the Government in promoting trade, industry, and social welfare; and the wealth, which would in any case have accrued from the removal of the tariff-walls and other barriers between the thirty-nine independent States of Germany, was credited to the particular method of war by which the unification had been accomplished. No State had hitherto made such economic progress as did the German Empire in the generation after Metz and Sedan, and the success of their rulers led most of the German people to place implicit reliance on the testimony those rulers bore to the virtue of their means. The means did not, however, commend themselves to the rest of the world with equal conviction; and an increasing aversion to the mailed fist on the part of other countries led to what Germans called the hostile encirclement of their Fatherland. Gradually it became clearer that Prussian autocracy could not reproduce in the sphere of world-ambitions the success which had attended it in Germany unless it could reduce the world to the same submission by the use of similar arguments.
But still the Prussian Government was driven towards imperialistic expansion by the ever-increasing force of public opinion and popular discontent. It could only purchase renewed leases of autocratic power at home, with its perquisites for those who wielded and supported autocracy, by feeding the minds of the people with diplomatic triumphs and their bodies with new markets for commercial and industrial expansion; and the incidents of military domination grew ever more irksome to the populace. The middle classes were fairly content, and the parties which represented them in the Reichstag offered no real opposition to Prussian ideas of government. But the Social Democrats were more radical in their principles and were regarded by Prussian statesmen as open enemies of the Prussian State. Rather than submit to social democracy Prussians avowed their intention of making war, and war abroad would serve their turn a great deal better than civil strife. The hour was rapidly advancing two years before the war broke out. The German rebuff over Agadir in 1911 was followed by a general election in 1912 at which the Social Democrats polled nearly a third of the votes and secured by far the largest representation of any party in the Reichstag. In 1913, after a particularly violent expression of militarism called
the Zabern incident, the Reichstag summoned up courage for the first time in its history to pass a vote of censure on the Government. The ground was slipping from under the feet of Prussian militarism; it must either fortify its position by fresh victories or take the risk of revolution. It preferred the chances of European war, and found in the Serbian incident a means of provoking a war the blame for which could be laid at others' doors.
The German Kaiser played but a secondary part in these transactions. It is true that the German constitution placed in his hands the command of the German Army and Navy and the control of foreign policy; but no paper or parchment could give him the intellect to direct the course of human affairs. He had indeed dismissed Bismarck in 1890, but dropping the pilot did not qualify him to guide the ship of state, and he was himself in 1906 compelled to submit to the guidance of his ministers. The shallow waters of his mind spread over too vast a sphere of activity to attain any depth, and he had the foibles of Frederick the Great without his courage or his capacity. His barbaric love of pomp betrayed the poverty of his spirit and exhibited a monarchy reduced from power to a pageant. He was not without his generous impulses or exalted sentiments, and there was no section of the British public, from Mr. Ramsay Macdonald to Mr. Rudyard Kipling and the
Daily Mail, to which one or other of his guises had not commended itself; it pleased him to pose as the guardian of the peace of Europe, the champion of civilization against the Boxers, and of society against red revolution. But vanity lay at the root of all these manifestations, and he took himself not less seriously as an arbiter of letters, art, and religion than as a divinely appointed ruler of the State. The many parts he played were signs of versatile emotion rather than of power; and his significance in history is that he was the crest of a wave, its superficial froth and foam without its massive strength. A little man in a great position, he was powerless to ride the whirlwind or direct the storm, and he figured largely in the public eye because he vented through an imperial megaphone the fleeting catchwords of the vulgar mind.
After Agadir he had often been called a coward behind his back, and it was whispered that his throne would be in danger if that surrender were repeated. He had merited these reproaches because no one had done more than he to inflate the arrogance of his people, and his eldest son took the lead in exasperating public opinion behind the scenes. The militarists, with considerable backing from financial and commercial groups, were bent on war, and war appeals to the men in the streets of all but the weakest countries. The mass of the people had not made up their mind for a war that was not defensive; but modern governments have ample means for tuning public opinion, and with a people so accustomed as the Germans to accept the truth from above, their rulers would have little difficulty, when once they had agreed upon war, in representing it as one of defence. It is, however, impossible to say when, if ever, the rulers of Germany agreed to attack; and to the last the Imperial Chancellor, Bethmann-Hollweg, struggled to delay if not to avert the breach. But he gradually lost his grip on the Kaiser. The decisive factor in the Emperor's mind may have been the rout in 1912-13 of the Turks, on whom Germany had staked her credit in return for control of the Berlin-Baghdad route; for the free Balkan confederation, which loomed on the horizon, would bar for ever German expansion towards the East. The Balkan States themselves provided the German opportunity; the Treaty of Bukarest in 1913 entrenched discord in their hearts and reopened a path for German ambition and intrigue. Austria, not without the usual instigation, proposed to Italy a joint attack upon Serbia; the offer was not accepted, but by the winter of 1913-14 the Kaiser had gone over to the party which had resolved upon war and was seeking an occasion to palliate the cause.
The immeasurable distance between the cause and the occasion was shown by the fact that Belgium was the first to suffer in an Austro-Serbian dispute; and the universal character of the issue was foreshadowed by the breach of its neutrality. Germany would not have planned for two years past an offensive through that inoffensive, unconcerned, and distant country, had the cause of the war been a murder at Serajevo. The cause was a comprehensive determination on the German part to settle international issues by the sword, and it involved the destinies of civilization. The blow was aimed directly or indirectly at the whole world, and Germany's only prospect of success lay in the chance that most of the world would fail to perceive its implications or delay too long its effective intervention. It was the defect of her self-idolatry and concentration that she could not develop an international mind or fathom the mentality of other peoples. She could not conceive how England would act on a
scrap of paper, and never dreamt of American participation. But she saw that Russia and France would inevitably and immediately be involved in war by the attempt at armed dictation in the Balkans, and that the issue would decide the fate of Europe. The war would therefore be European and could only be won by the defeat of France and Russia. Serbia would be merely the scene of local and unimportant operations, and, Russia being the slower to move, the bulk of the German forces were concentrated on the Rhine for the purpose of overwhelming France.
The condition of French politics was one of the temptations which led the Prussian militarists to embark upon the hazard. France had had her troubles with militarism, and its excesses over the Dreyfus case had produced a reaction from which both the army command and its political ally the Church had suffered. A wave of national secularism carried a law against ecclesiastical associations which drove religious orders from France, and international Socialism found vent in a pacifist agitation against the terms of military service. A rapid succession of unstable ministries, which the group system in French parliamentary politics encouraged, militated against sound and continuous administration; and in April 1914 a series of revelations in the Senate had thrown an unpleasant light upon the efficiency of the army organization. On military grounds alone there was much to be said for the German calculation that in six weeks the French armies could be crushed and Paris reached. But the Germans paid the French the compliment of believing that this success could not be achieved before Russia made her weight felt, unless the Germans broke the international guarantees on which the French relied, and sought in Belgium an easier and less protected line of advance than through the Vosges.
For that crime public opinion was not prepared either in France or England, but it had for two years at least been the settled policy of the German military staff, and it had even been foretold in England a year before that the German attack would proceed by way of Lige and Namur. There had also been military
conversations between Belgian and British officers with regard to possible British assistance in the event of Germany's violation of Belgian neutrality. But the Belgian Ministry was naturally reluctant to proceed far on that assumption, which might have been treated as an insult by an honest or dishonest German Government; and it was impossible for England to press its assistance upon a neutralized State which could not even discuss it without casting a slur upon the honour of its most powerful neighbour. Nor was England bound by treaty to defend the neutrality of Belgium. She had been so bound by a treaty concluded during the Franco-Prussian War; but that treaty expired in the following year, and the treaty of 1839, which regulated the international situation of Belgium, merely bound the five great signatory Powers not to violate Belgian neutrality without obliging them individually or collectively to resist its violation. It was not in fact regarded in 1839 as conceivable that any of the Great Powers would ever violate so solemn a pledge, and there was some complacent satisfaction that by thus neutralizing a land which had for centuries been the cockpit of Europe, the Powers had laid the foundations of permanent peace. But the bond of international morality was loosened during the next half-century, and in the eighties even English newspapers argued in favour of a German right-of-way through Belgium for the purposes of war with France. It does not appear that the treaty was ever regarded as a serious obstacle by the German military staff; for neither treaties nor morality belong to the curricula of military science which had concluded that encirclement was the only way to defeat a modern army, and that through Belgium alone could the French defence be encircled. The Chancellor admitted that technically Germany was wrong, and promised full reparation after the war. But he was never forgiven the admission, even by German jurists, who argued that treaties were only binding rebus sic stantibus, while the conditions in which they were signed remained substantially the same; and Germans had long cast covetous eyes on the Congo State, the possession of which, they contended, was inconsistent with Belgium's legal immunity from attack in Europe.
The opposition of Bethmann-Hollweg and the German foreign office was accordingly brushed aside, and the army made all preparations for an invasion of France through Belgium. The diplomatists would have made a stouter resistance had they anticipated the attitude England was to adopt. But the German ambassador in London, Prince Lichnowsky, failed to convince his Government that there was anything to fear from the British Empire. Mr. Lloyd George has claimed it as one of the advantages we derive from the British press that it misleads public opinion abroad, and a study of
The Times, the only British newspaper that carries much weight in foreign countries, may well have persuaded the German Government in 1914 that eight years of Liberal administration were not likely to have provided England with the means, or left it the spirit, to challenge the might of Germany. She was known to have entered into no binding alliance with France or Russia; the peace had never in all their history been broken between the two great Protestant Powers; and, while there had been serious naval and colonial rivalry and some diplomatic friction, relations in 1913-14 seemed to have entered calmer waters. Germany had been well satisfied with the efforts and sacrifices England had made to prevent the Balkan crisis from developing into a European war; and Lichnowsky was successfully negotiating treaties which gave Germany unexpected advantages with regard to the Baghdad railway and African colonization. On the eve of war the English were hailed as cousins in Berlin, and the earliest draft of the German official apology, intended for American consumption, spoke of Great Britain and Germany labouring shoulder to shoulder to preserve the peace against Russian aggression. The anger of the Kaiser, the agitation of the Chancellor, and the fury of the populace when England declared war showed that Germany had no present intention of adding the British Empire to her list of enemies and little fear that it would intervene unless it were attacked. Any anxiety she may have felt was soothed by the studied assumption that England's desire, if any, to intervene would be effectively checked by her domestic situation. Agents from Ulster were buying munitions to fight Home Rule with official connivance in Germany, and it was confidently expected that war would shake a ramshackle British Empire to its foundations; there would be rebellions in Ireland, India, and South Africa, and the self-governing Dominions would at least refuse to participate in Great Britain's European adventures. In such circumstances
the flannelled fool at the wicket and the muddied oaf at the goal might be trusted to hug his island security and stick to his idle sports; and the most windy and patriotic of popular British weeklies was at the end of July placarding the streets of London with the imprecation
To hell with Servia.
The object of German diplomacy was to avoid offence to British susceptibilities, and the first requisite was to keep behind the scenes. The Kaiser went off on a yachting cruise to Norway, where, however, he was kept in constant touch with affairs, while Austria on 23 July presented her ultimatum to the Serbian Government. The terms amounted to a demand for the virtual surrender of Serbian independence, and were in fact intended to be rejected. Serbia, however, acting on Russian and other advice, accepted them all except two, which she asked should be referred to the Hague Tribunal. Austria refused on the ground that the dispute was not of a justiciable nature; and the meagre five days' grace having expired on the 28th, Austrian troops crossed the Save and occupied Belgrade, the Serbians withdrawing without resistance. Meanwhile feverish activity agitated the chancelleries of Europe. The terms of the ultimatum had been discussed by the British Cabinet on Friday the 24th, and the British Fleet, which had been reviewed at Spithead on the previous Saturday, was, instead of dispersing at Portland, kept together, and then, on the 29th, dispatched to its war stations in the North Sea. Simultaneously the German High Seas Fleet withdrew on the 26th to Kiel and Wilhelmshaven. Russia replied to the Austrian invasion of Serbia by mobilizing her southern command and extending the mobilization, as the hand of Germany became more apparent, to her northern armies. Sir Edward Grey made unceasing efforts to avert the clash of arms by peaceable negotiation, and proposed a conference of the four Great Powers not immediately concerned in the dispute--Germany, France, Italy, and Great Britain. Germany, knowing that she would stand alone in the conference, declined. The dispute, she pretended, was merely a local affair between Austria and Serbia, in which no other Power had the right to intervene. But she refused to localize the dispute to the extent of regarding it as a Balkan conflict between the interests of Austria and Russia. Austria was less unyielding when it became evident that Russia would draw the sword rather than acquiesce in Serbia's subjection, and on the 30th it seemed that the way had been opened for a settlement by direct negotiation between Vienna and Petrograd. At that moment Germany threw off the diplomatic disguise of being a pacific second to her Austrian friend, and cut the web of argument by an ultimatum to Russia on the 31st. Fear lest the diplomatists should baulk them of their war had already led the German militarists to publish in their press the unauthorized news of a complete German mobilization, and on 1-2 August German armies crossed the frontiers. It was not till some days later that war was declared between Austria and any of the Allies; the war from first to last was made in Germany.
Throughout that week-end the British Cabinet remained in anxious conclave. The Unionist leaders early assured it of their support in any measures they might think fit to take to vindicate Great Britain's honour and obligations; but they could not relieve it of its own responsibility, and the question did not seem as easy to answer as it has done since the conduct of Germany and the nature of her ambitions have been revealed. A purely Balkan conflict did not appear to be an issue on which to stake the fortunes of the British Empire. We were not even bound to intervene in a trial of strength between the Central Empires and Russia and France, for on 1 August Italy decided that the action of the Central Empires was aggressive and that therefore she was not required by the Triple Alliance to participate. There had in the past been a tendency on the part of France to use both the Russian alliance and English friendship for purposes in Morocco and elsewhere which had not been quite relished in England; and intervention in continental wars between two balanced alliances would have found few friends but for recent German chauvinism. It might well seem that in the absence of definite obligations and after having exhausted all means of averting war, Great Britain was entitled to maintain an attitude of benevolent neutrality, reserving her efforts for a later period when better prepared she might intervene with greater effect between the exhausted belligerents.
Such arguments, if they were used, were swept aside by indignation at Germany's conduct. Doubts might exist of the purely defensive intentions of France and Russia; each State had its ultra-patriots who had done their best to give away their country's case; and if Russia was suspect of Panslavist ambition, France was accused of building up a colonial empire in North Africa in order to throw millions of coloured troops into the scale for the recovery of Alsace-Lorraine. But no such charge could be brought against Belgium. She had no interest and no intention but to live in peace with her neighbours, and that peace had been guaranteed her by international contract. If such a title to peace was insecure there could be no security for the world and nothing but subservience for little nations. The public sense which for a century had been accustomed to welcome national independence wherever it raised its head--in Greece, the Balkans, Italy, Hungary, Poland, the South American Republics--revolted at its denial to Belgium in the interest of German military aggression; and censure of the breach of international contract was converted to passion by the wrong wantonly done to a weak and peaceful by a mighty and ambitious Power. Great Britain was not literally bound to intervene; but if ever there was a moral obligation on a country, it lay upon her now, and the instant meeting of that obligation implied an instinctive recognition of the character of the war that was to be fought. Mixed and confused though the national issues might be in various quarters, the war, so far as concerned the two Powers who were to be mainly instrumental in its winning, was a civil war of mankind to determine the principle upon which international relations should repose.
That issue was not for every one to see, and there were many to whom the struggle was merely national rivalry in which the interests of England happened to coincide with those of France and in which we should have intervened just the same without any question of Belgium's neutrality. Whether it might have been so can never be determined. But it is certain that no such struggle would have enlisted the united sympathies and whole-hearted devotion of the British realms, still less those of the United States, and in it we might well have been defeated. From that division and possible defeat we and the world were saved by Germany's decision that military advantage outweighed moral considerations. The invasion of Belgium and Luxemburg united the British Empire on the question of intervention. Three ministers alone out of more than forty--Lord Morley, Mr. John Burns, and Mr. C. P. Trevelyan--dissented from the Cabinet's decision, and the minority in the nation was of still more slender proportions. Parliament supported the Ministry without a division when on 4 August England declared war.
Had we counted the cost? the German Chancellor asked our ambassador in Berlin on the eve of the declaration. The cost would not have affected our decision, but it was certainly not anticipated, and the Entente was ill-prepared to cope with the strength displayed by Germany. The British Navy was, indeed, as ready as the German Army, and the command of the sea passed automatically into our hands when the German Fleet withdrew from the North Sea on 26 July. But for that circumstance not a single division could have been sent across the sea, and the war would have been over in a few months. Nor was the British Army unprepared for the task that had been allotted to it in anticipation. It was the judgment not only of our own but of Allied Staffs that an expeditionary force of six divisions would suffice to balance German superiority in the West; and that force, consisting of better material better trained than any other army in the field, was in its place in the line of battle hundreds of miles from its base within three weeks of the declaration of war. The real miscalculation was of the respective strength of France and Germany, and no one had foreseen that it would ultimately require three times the force that France could put in the field to liberate French soil from the German invader. The National Service League would have provided us with a large army; but even its proposals were vitiated by their assumption that these forces were needed to do the navy's work of home-defence, and by the absence of provision for munitions, without which sending masses of men into battle was sending them to useless slaughter. Time was needed to remedy these miscalculations, but time was provided by our command of the sea, about which there had been no misjudgment and no lack of pre-vision. We made our mistakes before, and during the war, but neither Mr. Asquith's Governments nor that of his successor need fear comparison with those of our Allies or our enemies on that account; and it is merely a modest foible of the people, which has hardly lost a war for nearly four hundred years, to ascribe its escape to fortune, and to envy the prescience and the science which have lightened the path of its enemies to destruction.
Germany began the war on the Western front before it was declared, and on 1-2 August German cavalry crossed the French frontier between Luxemburg and Switzerland at three points in the direction of Longwy, Lunville, and Belfort. But these were only feints designed to prolong the delusion that Germany would attack on the only front legitimately open to warfare and to delay the reconstruction of the French defence required to meet the real offensive. The reasons for German strategy were conclusive to the General Staff, and they were frankly explained by Bethmann-Hollweg to the British ambassador. There was no time to lose if France was to be defeated before an effective Russian move, and time would be lost by a frontal attack. The best railways and roads from Berlin to Paris ran through Belgium; the Vosges protected more than half of the French frontier south of Luxemburg, Belfort defended the narrow gap between them and Switzerland, and even the wider thirty miles' gap between the northern slopes of the Vosges and Luxemburg was too narrow for the deployment of Germany's strength; the way was also barred by the elaborate fortifications of Verdun, Toul, and Nancy. Strategy pointed conclusively to the Belgian route, and its advantages were clinched by the fact that France was relying on the illusory scrap of paper. Her dispositions assumed an attack in Lorraine, and her northern fortifications round Lille, Maubeuge, and Hirson were feeble compared with those of Belfort, Toul, and Verdun. Given a rapid and easy march through Belgium, the German armies would turn the left flank of the French defence and cut it off from the capital. Hence the resistance of Belgium had a great military importance apart from its moral value. To its lasting honour the Belgian Government had scorned the German proposal for connivance even in the attractive form which would have limited the German use of Belgian territory to the eastern bank of the Meuse.
Haste and contempt for the Belgian Army, whose imperfect organization was due to a natural reliance on the neutrality which Germany had guaranteed, accounted for the first derangement of German plans. The invasion began towards Vis, near the Dutch frontier where the direct road from Aix to Brussels crosses the Meuse, but the main advance-guard followed the trunk railway from Berlin to Paris via Venders and Lige. It was, however, inadequately mobilized and equipped, and was only intended to clear away an opposition which was not expected to be serious. The Belgians fought more stubbornly than was anticipated; and aided by Brialmont's fortification of Lige, although his plans for defence were not properly executed, they held up the Germans for two days in front of the city. It was entered on 7 August, but its fall did not give the Germans the free passage they wanted; for the forts on the heights to the north commanded the railway, and the Germans contented themselves with bringing up their transport and 11 2 in. howitzers. Brialmont had not foreseen the explosive force of modern shells, and two days' bombardment on the 13th-15th reduced the remaining forts, in spite of their construction underground, to a mass of shell-holes with a handful of wounded or unconscious survivors. The last to be reduced was Fort Loncin, whose gallant commander, General Leman, was found poisoned and half-dead from suffocation. He had succeeded in delaying the German advance for a momentous week.
No more could be done with the forces at his disposal, and the German masses of infantry were pouring across the Meuse at Vis, towards Lige by Verviers, up the right bank of the Meuse towards Namur, and farther south through the Ardennes. The German cavalry which spread over the country east and north-east of Brussels and was sometimes repulsed by the Belgians, was merely a screen, which defective air-work failed to penetrate, and the frequent engagements were merely the brushes of outposts. Within a week from the fall of Fort Loncin half of Belgium was overrun and the real menace revealed. Belgium was powerless before the avalanche, and its only hope lay in France. But the French Army was still mobilizing on its northern front, and its incursions into Alsace and Lorraine did nothing to relieve the pressure. The Belgians had to fall back towards Antwerp, uncovering Brussels, which was occupied by the Germans on the 20th and mulcted in a preliminary levy of eight million pounds, and leaving to the fortifications of Namur the task of barring the German advance to the northern frontiers of France. Namur proved a broken reed. The troops which paraded through Brussels with impressive pomp and regularity were only a detail of the extreme right wing of the invading force; the mass was advancing along the north bank of the Meuse and overrunning the whole of Belgium south and east of the river. On the 15th an attempt to seize Dinant and the river crossing above Namur was repulsed by French artillery; but there was apparently no cavalry to follow up this success, and the Germans were allowed to bring up their heavy howitzers for the bombardment of Namur without disturbance. It began on the 20th, and, unsupported by the Allied assistance for which they looked, the Belgians were panic-stricken; on the 23rd the city and most of the forts were in German hands though two resisted until the 26th. The Germans had not, as at Lige, wasted their infantry in premature attacks, and with little loss to them, a fortress reputed impregnable had been captured, the greater part of the southern Belgian Army destroyed, and the provisional plan of French defence frustrated. The fall of Namur was the first resounding success of the Germans in the war.
Its loss was not redeemed by the French offensive in Alsace and Lorraine. On 7 August a weak French force advanced through the Belfort gap and, finding still weaker forces to oppose it, proceeded to occupy Altkirch and Mulhouse, while a proclamation by General Joffre announced the approaching liberation of the provinces torn from France in 1870. It was a feeble and ill-conceived effort to snatch a political advantage out of a forbidding military situation. German reinforcements swept up from Colmar and Neu Breisach, and on the both


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How Can My Child Get More Sleep?
Do you know how much sleep we really need? What about how much sleep your child needs? Sleep needs vary with age, but generally speaking, young children need around 11 to 12 hours each night, teens need between 8.5 and 9.25 hours and the average adult needs only between seven and nine hours per night. Of course, getting your child to enjoy the recommended hours of sleep each evening is often difficult.
Our expert, Dr. Jodi Mindell, tells us how your children can get more sleep.
What is the number one reason children don't sleep enough?
Many children are going to bed too late to enjoy a full night's rest. Research shows that children who go to bed after 9:00 p.m. take longer to fall asleep, wake more often at night and get less overall sleep. Parents should be aware of how much sleep their child needs and establish an appropriate bedtime.
Why do you think sleep feels like such a battle for so many families?
Often parents do not set clear rules surrounding sleep and bedtime.
Why don't kids act tired or want to go to sleep?
That is a very good question! We have to consider that kids do not want to miss out on anything. They also tend to perceive sleep as a chore rather than the luxury that it is.
Adults have two peaks of alertness during the day (morning and early evening) - is this true for children as well? Does this affect when they nap?
Yes, this is true. We often call that second peak the "forbidden zone." It typically occurs in the evening. Parents often perceive that their child is not tired when they reach this peak. Instead their child may be overtired. Setting bedtimes before this peak is best.
What are some common misconceptions about children's sleep?
A common misconception is that children need less sleep than they actually do. Many children are not getting the sleep they need, and it is our job as parents to make sure that children receive not only the quantity of sleep that they require, but quality sleep as well.
Another misconception is that sleep is hard to change. A few simple changes can make a huge difference in how well a child sleeps. These changes include going to bed early, having a consistent bedtime routine, avoiding all caffeine, and helping set the ideal bedroom environment for your child.
Our Expert
Dr. Mindell is Professor of Psychology at Saint Joseph's University in Philadelphia and is a clinical psychologist specializing in pediatric sleep medicine.

subset: commoncrawl


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Take Charge of Your Life and Make 2019 Be Your Best Year Ever! Learn the Fundamentals of Creating a Successful Business.
Amazon Selling Machine
While you can find terrific resources online about family history, it takes someone to patiently piece it all together—that's where you come in as the family history writer. Do your research carefully, put it together in a snappy-looking package, be patient in answering customers' questions, and you could grow this business nicely.
Just because you don't have the hustle and bustle of the big city breathing down your neck, doesn't mean small town residents don't have aches and pains and plenty of stress. If you're a people person that likes working with their hands and meeting new people, this could be a great career and business idea for a small town. Massage therapy does, however, require a significant amount of training, so it's not a business you're going to be able to open in the next few weeks unless you are already a licensed massage therapist. There are, however, a variety of schools and programs you can enroll in to become licensed. Once your training is complete, being a massage therapist allows you to set your own hours, work when and where you like, and develop a strong repeat customer base.
This article is Part 1 of a 2-part series focusing on selling a business. Sales of business are strong! In recent years, privately owned business account for almost 70% of these transactions. Most business owners do not have prior experience selling …
If you love to cook, take the "Blondie" route and start a home catering business. Catering is a business that's perfectly designed to reward those who plan well, and it can often fit perfectly into weekends, which could work great if you are trying to build a business outside of normal working hours.
Below is a list of almost every non-phone work at home job I've reviewed here, with two links for each listing. One link will take you to the review of that company, and the other will take you directly to the page you need to sign up.
ClickWorker is an online platform where you can get paid for writing, translating, researching and collecting data. To get started create an account, fill out your profile, complete a qualification assessment, then bid on jobs. Payments are made by SEPA bank account transfers, and via PayPal once your account reaches $1.00, and your tax information has been completed. ClickWorker's clients include Groupon, Tennis Point, Honda, PayPal among others.
Box subscription services are popping up everywhere in the food, beauty and even pet product sectors, ready to deliver goods right to your door each month. One of the consumer perks is the idea that these subscription boxes are carefully curated just for them based on their likes and interests, and each month, the boxes' contents are a surprise.
A photographer, for example, can service a local event while selling prints online through their Instagram account. Coupling your service-based business with physical products can give you another source of income that isn't directly tied to your time.
One of my friends took over her father's dry cleaning business that over a lifetime he had built into a dozen stores. This is really hard work. Every item has to be handled many times. Customers can be demanding. And it is competitive. But if you are willing to work hard, you can make a very solid income.
Digital products like music, courses, and templates are unique on this list of ideas. Unlike the others, they're not tangible products. There aren't recurring manufacturing or shipping costs to worry about so your margins can remain high.
There are many ways to gain a competitive edge over other businesses in your industry: you could have a better product, a more efficient manufacturing or distribution process, a more convenient location, better customer service, or a better understanding of the changing marketplace.
This is one of the most-clever businesses I have seen! Here you get to have your own art gallery with no overhead! You arrange with a restaurant or bar to host your pop up art gallery at no expense to you. The venue benefits from selling food or drinks and the publicity your event will bring. The paintings or other art you obtain on consignment so you don't lay out any cash for that either. Then you arrange the promotion. They key to this business is building your email list and social media contacts so that are able to build up a regular clientele without having to own a storefront or spend money for advertising.
Be willing to evolve. If you come to find that your initial marketing plan just isn't working, it's time to do some more research and reevaluate your approach. Don't just keep pouring time and money into a strategy that isn't getting results.
A lot of business people are good at producing their product or delivering their service, but less good about keeping careful accounting records. That's where you come in. You may visit a small business every week or two, pay bills, send out invoices and keep accounting records.
All you need to start your own cleaning business is a stockpile of cleaning supplies and access to clients, which you can gain through word of mouth, flyers or classified ads if you don't want to set up your own website.
If you don't mind parading yourself around in public places as a side business idea, and enjoy a little attention, then working as a human billboard can pay a surprising amount of dividends. Renting out your beard, for example can earn you as much as $5 a day while having a brand logo tattooed on your shaven head for five years could pay as much as $7,000—though this type of earning opportunity is admittedly rare. This business idea is definitely not for the faint of heart, and is a little extreme for me, but nonetheless it's been done as a side hustle for many people. You can start by holding a placard or wearing a sandwich board. If you think this is a good side business idea, you can go all the way and turn it into a full on small business idea with enough hard work—plus you won't have to deal with all the issues other more complex businesses have to constantly think about (like reducing churn).
The holidays do bring cheer, but when winter comes, so does the snow. Thick, traffic-hindering piles of it. Snow can be fun for a while but somebody has to get rid of it for our lifestyles to continue onward. Make extra money with this side business idea from home by offering snow and ice removal services.
Referrals and showcasing your work in an online gallery are two keys to gaining new clients. If you don't have a lot of experience in photography but still want to pursue this business idea, try working as an assistant to a professional photographer to build up your resume.
If your business will have employees, you will, at minimum, need to purchase workers' compensation and unemployment insurance. You may also need other types of coverage depending on your location and industry, but most small businesses are advised to purchase general liability (GL) insurance, or a business owner's policy. GL covers property damage, bodily injury, and personal injury to yourself or a third party.
Home buyers today are getting increasingly used to seeing vacant homes set up with staged furniture. And if you are choosing furniture specifically for the purpose of making a house look great, you can both increase the likelihood that the house will sell quickly, and that it will sell for a higher price. Stage some rooms in your own house, take pictures, and then get customers by networking with real estate brokers.
Driving for one of the two globally expanding app-centric taxi alternative services, Uber or Lyft can still be a fairly lucrative way to earn money as a side business idea on nights and weekends—working only when you want. But before you dive head first into this side business idea, do your homework and calculate the costs of extra gas, mileage, tires, wear & tear and usage on your vehicle—it's not a guaranteed business idea that'll turn a huge profit every weekend.
There is a huge market and a big opportunity selling promotional material. Your best market will be mid to larger sized businesses, who are willing to spend some money to both promote their business to their customers or to use promotional items as incentives and rewards for their employees. Basically, you are reselling the product lines for other companies. I would suggest you have a good diversity of lines to increase your chances of getting your foot in the door, to increase your chances of holding your prospects' attention and to increase your income. T-shirts, pens, hats, jackets: there are all kinds of promotional items you can sell.
I agree that you must choose a business that your passionate about so you never feel your working rather just doing your hobby. Always start at the minimum amount of capital, buy used machines etc. some town offers some subsidies to to increase jobs in their town. Check your town's websites – good luck!
While this is a long list of business ideas—I have carefully pruned it for you. I started out with an initial list that was more than twice as long…and ruthlessly chopped off the weaker business ideas that I didn't want you to consider starting.
Secure start-up costs. Most businesses require capital to start. Money is typically required to purchase supplies and equipment, as well as keep the business operational for the period before your business becomes profitable. The first place to look for financing is yourself.[1].
Override state default rules: each state has laws that automatically govern LLCs in that state unless an operating agreement says otherwise. However, these default rules do not always fit your situation. Therefore, you should write an operating agreement that sets your specific rules for the inner workings of your LLC. [21]
There are all kinds of directions this business can go! You could sell hats to retailers, you could sell them online, you could sell them to event planners to liven up their parties. You could eventually even open a hats-only store!
Yes, you can compete with the Starbucks and Dunkin Donuts of the world! However, these chains have raised the bar, so your coffee or tea must be not just good, but awesome! Your ambiance better be good too. Your location needs to be good as well. Plus, you need to be distinctive. One way to stand out is to compliment your world class beverages with some fabulous foods. So yes, you can compete, but you've gotta be firing on all cylinders in this competitive space!
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It also might surprise you that though there are far fewer bookstores around these days, sales at bookstores that have weathered the storm are up five percent. Though it is partially due to less competition, it is also that the opportunity to reinvent bookstores for the 21st century has proved lucrative.
This is very competitive. Just a few feet away from me in the co-share space I am working in currently, several young people started an Internet based food service, but gave up after a few months. But there is a huge demand for food delivery both from restaurants and grocery stores, and you just might be able to make a go of it!
Healthy Hands Cooking provides stay-at-home moms with a passion for nutrition and kids, the chance to make a healthy income while making a difference in kids' lives. Keep 100% of your income, empower kids in your community with vital, healthy living skills, and LOVE WHAT YOU DO!
You should also consider home owners' associations in your neighborhood and consider the potential impact of your business on neighbors, especially if the business will increase traffic or noise in the neighborhood.
When you think of your neighborhood coffee shop and bar, you might not think of the same establishment. But if your town is small enough, and clientele scarce, merging these two business ideas might be just what the mayor ordered.
Now that you've got the legal and financial aspects of your business taken care of, it's time to think about creating a brand. There are a number of things that affect your brand image, but two major factors are your business logo and website.
Another way to hold onto your competitive edge is to stay proactive. If you know that your business is going to face challenges or encroachment by a competitor, don't wait to react — plan ahead and you'll stay ahead.
A job search should be pretty simple. To acquire a job, the employers looking to hire someone like you have to know you exist, be aware of your skills and know how to contact you. But in reality we all know it's not that simple especially when it comes to work from home job searches. Learn how to make this process simple.
As you may know the big job sites are not specialized in work at home jobs. The at home jobs listed there are usually mixed in with regular jobs and the thousands of home based business opportunities which tend to require a fee.
I would only recommend trading a collectible that you really love! If you are dealing with your favorite collectible, the work will be more enjoyable, it will be easier to increase your expertise, and you will be much more likely to be successful. The online options today allow you to specialize much more deeply than in the past because you can reach a global market. So, within your favorite collectible space, find a particular niche or two and focus sharply on it.
Large corporations often contract smaller companies to provide phone and online customer service, and these smaller companies specifically hire home workers. Typically you'll spend the day on the phone in front of your computer and will answer calls or respond to questions online.
Choose a registered agent. In addition to filing the articles of incorporation, you will also need to choose someone to be the LLC's "registered agent" for service of process. In most states, the registered agent can be either a domestic entity or a foreign entity that is registered to do business in the state or an individual resident of the state. Typically, one of the partners of the LLC will act as the agent .
#3 – Arise is a renowned company that contracts work at home customer service agents in the U.S. Their pay depends on the kind of client you are assigned to work with, but usually, ranges from $10-$20 per hour. The great thing about this job is flexibility. You can work as much as you want.
This is basically an employment temp service, but you may be "leasing out" employees for longer stints of time. The advantage to the customer is that they don't have to get involved in sourcing, screening and qualifying candidates, and importantly, they are not responsible for employment taxes, withholding and reporting. To succeed at this business, you need a strong ability to sell your services and place employees. This can be a "messy" business with employees coming and going, tax filing requirements, and customers to please. However, the upside is unlimited, some employee leasing firms have grown into mammoth enterprises!
Once you've established yourself in any number of freelance verticals online, spending your time focusing just on doing inside sales (booking freelance contracts with high-value clients) and then subcontracting your work out to other freelancers can help significantly grow your client list, and revenue generating possibilities with this business idea.
If you have a good eye for detail work and a lot of patience, homemade jewelry can be quite profitable. As with other items on this list, there are many opportunities to sell such items through local gift shops, craft fairs, or sites like Etsy.
Userlytics hires people to provide feedback on websites, applications, prototypes, concepts and more. To apply, register for an account, and then wait for an invite to complete an assignment. Once you've completed your assignment, you'll be paid $10 per task via PayPal.


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The Live Stream is Over
That's another live event in the can! The recorded version of this stream should be made available soon.
That's another live event in the can! The recorded version of this stream should be made available soon.
In this live stream we'll continue to work on the basic movement mechanics of the tank to include rotating the turret, rotating the tank and adding audio effects to make it more lively. This will all be completed using the Bolt Visual Scripting system in Unity 2018.3.
Login with your CG Cookie Citizen Account to ask a question.Start your Free Trial
No questions asked yet. Why not be the first?
thank you ^^
Yeah kind of. They have different lighting and material setups.
oh so they are like separate render engines?
Ok everyone, if there's no other questions I'll end the stream. Sorry for the hiccups. Will continue this series next week!
I'm not using either in this case. Both have unique setups when it comes to materials and lighting which can be confusing. So I kept the default 3d option.
and which one are we using?
all the fancy videos you see Unity put out are made with a modified version of HDRP
light weight is meant for mobile and lower end platforms. HDRP is meant for higher end. LWRP might be good for VR for example, but HDRP would be ideal for real time rendering.
and whihc one are we using,if any
what is the difference between unity light weigh pipeline and HDRP?
Alright, I was just wondering since I never saw them before :D
it's all part of Bolt, but Unity is working on their own visual scripting system.
Quick question, do these macros come with the Bolt addon or are they standard in Unity?
If I can resolve the stream issues, it'll be 1PST next Wednesday. So an hour later than usual. If you all would prefer a different time let me know.
Thank you everyone who joined the stream, really appreciate it. If you have any questions or comments let me know. I'll keep chat open for a few more minutes.
Next week same time or maybe sooner?
I'll have to troubleshoot what is going on with this stream dropping so much, must be something new causing issues.
Technical difficulties happens
Alright everyone, I apologize. Looks like it finally had enough and isn't coming up. So I'm going to end the stream here.


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A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z All
Djerdj, Igor, Department of Chemistry, J. J. Strossmayer University of Osijek (Croatia)
Dudin 1, Alexander A.
Fide 1, Serap
GencalpIrizalp, Simge, ManisaCelal Bayar University (Turkey)
Ghoneim, (Dr.) A I, Department of Physics, Faculty of Science, Tanta University, Tanta, Gharbia, Egypt. (Egypt)
Gintautas, Skripkiunas
Haskul, Mehmet, email@example.com
Hassaan, (Dr.) Ahmed, Center for Nanotechnology (CNT), School of Engineering and Applied Sciences, Nile University, Sheikh Zayed, Giza, Egypt. (Egypt)
Jana, Sukhendu, Center for Advanced Research in Renewable Energy and Sensor Technology, Meghnad Saha Institute of Technology, Kolkata- 700150, India. Centre of Excellence for Green Energy and Sensor System, Indian Institute of Engineering Science and Technology, Shibpur
Jen, Tien Chien
Ji, Wei
Ji, Wenyuan
Joshi, Aparna M, K.D. Joshi Rubber Industries Pvt. Ltd. A-83-85, H Block, MIDC, Pimpri, Pune 411018, India
Kannapu 1,2,3, Hari Prasad Reddy, 1 Catalysis, Indian Institute of Chemical Technology, Hyderabad-500007, India 2 Department of Chemical Engineering, Hanyang University, Seoul 133-791, Republic of Korea 3 Research Institute of Industrial Science, Hanyang University, Seoul 133-791, Repu
Karaismailoglu 1, Seyma
Katmıs 1, Aslı
Khaniki2, Hossein Bakhshi, 2 School of Mechanical Engineering, Iran University of Science and Technology, Tehran, Iran
Kumar 2, Ajit
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- May 9, 1927 - November 27, 2018
- Tampa, Florida
of Theresa's Passing
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My deepest sympathy, praying for strength for all of you in this difficult time.
Posted by: Gerri Applegate - Deland, FL Nov 29, 2018
Our thoughts and prayers are with you, Diane, and your family.
Posted by: Donna and Mark Scardino - Tampa, FL Nov 29, 2018
Wishing you peace to bring comfort, and courage to face the days ahead and loving memories to forever hold in your heart.
Posted by: Randall & Robin Green - Tampa, FL Nov 29, 2018
I first met Mrs Sabel December 4 1981 when Herman hired me to work for the family business and I have been with them ever since. Mrs Sabel has been nothing but fabulous for me and my family through all the years. Very caring, helpful,strong and upbeat. A beautiful woman who set the example of working hard, staying respectful, stand by your family and friends and your heritage, effusive with her emotions, someone you could always count on and all
Posted by: Tony Losito - Clearwater, FL Nov 29, 2018


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GOP newcomer Steve Watkins bucks polls to keep Kansas' 2nd District red
In a tight race that tested the highs and lows of supporters emotions, Steve Watkins, a political newcomer, bucked the polls and a challenge from veteran Democrat Paul Davis Tuesday to keep Kansas' 2nd Congressional District under Republican control for another two years.
As early results came in, Democrats thought that Davis was on the way to a win. But Watkins's eventual victory, by a slim 2 percentage points (48 to 46) took some of the edge off of a difficult night nationally for House Republicans, who lost control of the chamber to the Democrats.
Watkins keeps the seat in the Republican column, where it has been since Lynn Jenkins defeated Democrat Nancy Boyda in 2008. Polling had suggested that Davis was pulling away from Watkins as Tuesday approached. But Republicans turned out for Watkins in a district that's largely rural and conservative, stretching across 25 eastern Kansas counties from the Nebraska to the Oklahoma border.
Tuesday's win caps a surprising ascendancy for Watkins, 42, a political novice who emerged from a crowded Republican primary on the strength of a campaign funded in large part by himself and his family.
The West Point graduate and Army captain ran on a deeply conservative platform of deregulation, gun rights and limited immigration, among other planks.
Watkins fought not only Davis but many within his own party who questioned his conservative bona fides. His campaign was also dogged by revelations that he exaggerated his role with a security contractor, first brought to light in an investigation by The Star and McClatchy D.C., as well as a report that contained allegations of sexual misconduct.
But Watkins persevered, and told reporters in his victory speech that his outsider status helped him win.
"Tens of thousands of Kansans have rallied behind my campaign to usher in a new era of political leadership — tonight, their voices were heard," Watkins said, flanked by his family. "This victory is not mine, the seat is not mine. It belongs to the people of eastern Kansas."
For Davis, 46, once a Democratic mainstay in the Kansas Legislature, it was a second high-profile defeat since losing to Sam Brownback in his bid for Kansas Governor in 2014.
"Unfortunately we lost a very close race here," Davis said in conceding shortly after 11 p.m.. He offered his sincere congratulations to Watkins.
"Steve has served his country and I wish him the very best in the days ahead," Davis said. But then he inspired the crowd.
"I also want to thank our new governor," Davis said, referring to the win by Democrat Laura Kelly, who defeated Kansas Sec. of State Kris Kobach to win the Kansas governorship. "We have something to celebrate tonight."
Davis also said his defeat would mark the end of his political career.
"It is time for me to turn a page in the next chapter of my life," he said.
Through most of the night, more than 300 Democratic supporters in Lawrence had been all but giddy as news rolled in that the party had made gains in Kansas and nationwide. The crowd, packed into Maceli's Banquet Hall & Catering, erupted at the news that Kelly had defeated Kobach.
Cheers were even louder when television news reported Davis leading Watkins 50.9 percent to 43.9 percent with 32 percent of votes counted.
Davis, typecast as a "liberal lawyer from Lawrence" in his 2014 bid for governor, staked out moderate positions this year, saying he wouldn't support Nancy Pelosi for House Speaker if Democrats took control of the House.
But it wasn't enough. By 10 p.m., the Kansas Secretary of State's office showed Watkins and Davis in a dead heat at 47 percent each.
Meantime, it was an odd scene in Topeka at the Capitol Plaza Hotel where a Republican crowd had anticipated a victory for Kobach over Kelly.
As it became apparent that Kobach would lose, the crowd dissipated, and a smattering of Watkins supporters hung around. Watkins himself was at his home in Topeka, watching with his family and supporters. When the numbers improved, he headed for the hotel.
Kelly Arnold, chairman of the Kansas GOP Party, said Watkins' race was one of the high profile Kansas races for Republicans that he felt good about ahead of Election Day.
"This one I had high hopes of winning," Arnold said, noting that Trump had won the District easily in 2016. "He is somebody who is going to have a new perspective on Washington D.C.


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Agents Summary
This older style cottage has recently been decorated throughout with a neutral colour scheme to compliment the already bright and airy feel. Inside, there is an entrance porch, a through lounge/diner, modern kitchen with integrated and free standing appliances to remain, two good size bedrooms and a first floor bathroom. Outside, there is a lawned garden to rear and on road permit parking to front and the surround road's.
Area information
Within walking distance of the trendy Moulsham Street area with an assortment of local restaurants, bars and convenience shopping facilities, you will find here the popular Moulsham Tap serving real ale plus the near by contemporary New London restaurant and lounge serving al-a-carte and vegan menu's. The City centre is a 0.6 mile walk where residents have the choice of three shopping complexes to include the vibrant Bond Street area where you can enjoy river fronted restaurants, designer outlets, a John Lewis store and Everyman cinema.Lounge
12' 10" x 10' 10" (3.91m x 3.30m) Bay window to front, radiator, coved ceiling, through to;Dining area
9' 11" x 11' 2" (3.02m x 3.40m) Window to rear, radiator, coved ceiling.Inner Hall
Stairs to first floor with cupboard under housing the boiler, through to;Kitchen
11' 1" x 6' 9" (3.38m x 2.06m) Modern kitchen: Stainless steel sink unit set in to wooden work surfaces, range or base level units with freestanding washing machine and cooker to remain, matching eye level units over, integrated fridge and freezer, vertical radiator, coved ceiling, uPVC double glazed window to side, stable style door to side.Landing
Doors leading to all rooms, radiator, loft access, coved ceiling.Bedroom 1
10' 11" x 11' 1" (3.33m x 3.38m) Window to front, radiator, coved ceiling.Bedroom 2
7' 9" x 10' 0" (2.36m x 3.05m) Window to rear, radiator, coved ceiling.Bathroom
Panelled bath with mixer tap and shower over, low level w.c, wash hand basin with mixer tap, tiled floor, heated towel rail, double glazed uPVC opaque window to rear.Rear Garden
To the immediate rear of the property there is a right of way leading across the neighbours property providing side access to front for residents, lawned garden, decorative blooma plumb slate area, timber shed to remain, enclosed by fencing.Front Garden
To the front of the property there is a small garden area with blooma plumb slate chippings, path leading to the entrance door.
11 Duke Street
01245 253 377


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Usaquén Park
58 locals recommend ·
Tips from locals
One of the best spots in Bogotá to go for a drink or for a nice meal. 10 mins away on a cab.
Great historical place, whit a the best restaurants in the city. And lovely flee market on sunday.
This park on sundays offers lots of things to buy from local sellers at great prices! Plus, the experience is amazing!


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Annual reports
The Victoria Law Foundation produces an annual report each year that is tabled in the Victorian Parliament.
Our 2017/18 annual report was tabled in Parliament on 19 December 2018.
Read our Annual Report 2017/18 to find out how we have improved access to legal information for thousands of Victorians.
Our strategic plan
The work of Victoria Law Foundation is directed by our overarching strategic plan.
Our business plan
The annual activities of Victoria Law Foundation are set out in our yearly business plan.
The Board
The board of the foundation is appointed under the Victoria Law Foundation Act 2009 (VIC).


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The Boston-bred music mastermind known as Clinton Sparks is kicking off the new year with his biggest single release to date. Pairing Sparks with the one and only Riff Raff, "Stay With You Tonight" is a rock-driven party anthem about hooking up and having a good time. It's the latest single to surface off Clinton's […]
clinton sparks
Required Listening: Clinton Sparks Featuring Riff Raff – "Stay With You Tonight"
January 7th, 2014 James Shotwell
Sammy Adams Unleashes "Fall Back," New Pre-Album Mixtape Out Tuesday
August 14th, 2012 James Shotwell
Boston's Boy Sammy Adams is up to his party-hop ways once again with a brand new track that proves he remembers where he came from. Taking to Twitter on Monday, Adams announced a pre-album entitled OKCOOL to be released Tuesday morning in celebration of Sammy's birthday week (and to get fans excited for his forthcoming […]


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Strawberry represents Japan
Japan is to said to have the highest consumption ratio of raw strawberries in the world.
Very common to celebrate Valentin's Day with Strawberries in Japan because of its Shape (like Heart) and color (like Rose)
Amaou Strawberries
from Fukuoka prefecture
Well-rounded, large-sized with shiny red pulp color and very sweet juice.
Certified by the Guinness Book of Records as the world's heaviest strawberry
Tochiotome Strawberries
from Tochigi prefecture
Clean Shape and beautiful color, sweet and fragrant
Tochige prefecture is Japan's number one producer of strawberries


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The reflection of perfection
Just outside of Ohakune, there is a wāhi tapu, a sacred lake called Rotokura.
Within that lake resides the answers for all our children and mokopuna who whakapapa to this special place.
Puna – the glimmering, pristine birth-waters; the pool of wonder.
Moko – the imprint, the legacy of generations beyond.
When we return home to the land of Ngāti Rangi, a visit to Rotokura from where you can look up to the majesty of Koro Ruapehu, reminds our children of their special connections that link them intimately with an ancestry that gives them a sense of belonging.
It is the gift of identity that I wish for all our mokopuna – to understand the line between humanity and divinity; a clarity that stretches from today to infinity.
Our tamariki, our mokopuna, are the fulfilment of our most sacred desires. They are born from places of purity, the waters of healing and nourishment.
Wouldn't it be a great day that whenever our mokopuna look deep into the waters of Rotokura (or whatever waters are sacred to them) they will see in that reflection looking back at them: the reflection of perfection.
Kaitiaki Training
Like so many of us, Te Putahitanga o Te Waipounamu has been tormented with the media reporting, the speculation, the naming and blaming that has been associated with the context of children in care. A young baby at risk of being uplifted from hospital in the middle of the night; a six year old child uplifted at 7am on a school day - her foster family being given 48 hours by text to prepare themselves. Questions around how does the state agency charged with the care of children live up to the aspiration of 'Oranga Tamariki'.
For all of us in the Whānau Ora space, we seek solutions, strategies, responses to reinforce the wonder of our whānau and our capacity to care.
Over this week, we have been holding hui in Motueka and Whakatū in partnership with Te Roopu Āwhina and Tui Kereru, as part of an information roadshow on care.
The series of hui at Te Āwhina Marae and Victory Community Centre included:
Kaitiaki wānanga of caregivers of tamariki, or potential caregivers
The process for iwi / Whānau Ora entities who want to apply to be considered for what is called 'section 396' status: - the approval process by which providers and entities can grant 'caregiver' status to whānau members who want to apply.
There is also a noho wānanga occurring to assist whānau members into the process of becoming approved caregivers, to be held 21-23 June. Contact firstname.lastname@example.com if you are interested in attending.
Flourishing Whānau
One of the working groups I am on looks into the issues for the 'children's workforce' – that is all those who are representative of, or involved with issues impacting on children in education, social services, health and our wider communities.
We were asked this week, what would we look like at our best? For the sub-group I was on, we thought about the concept of flourishing whānau being protected and cared for under an umbrella of hope that consisted of four panels.
Restoration; returning to the power of the village; the collective call to care for our children
Relationships which are effective, meaningful, collaborative.
Repatriation, : ensuring our mokopuna are reconnected to their whānau context.
Resourcing: that as much funding goes into supporting parents to be awesome as it does to keep the frontline workers trained, culturally competent and with an attitude of belief in the potential of whānau to take care of their own.
It is about changing the narrative of whānau – to keep our children safe within the loving embrace of whānau; to find solutions within whakapapa; to be healed by the connections to the land.
Tipu Ora Graduations : A Flourishing Whānau Ora workforce
One of the priorities we have consistently advocated for, is that the talents and tenacity of our Whānau Ora Navigators are recognised through quality professional development opportunities.
Research with Maori in Hurunui and Kaikoura districts
Lotteries funded research will be completed by the end of June 2019 and seeks to understand the challenges and strengths of Māori as they relate to psychosocial wellbeing in the post-disaster context. Of interest will be identifying areas of unmet need among local Māori.
The research findings will help provide an equity lens for planning, funding and service provision for Māori. It will add to the knowledge and evidence base of Māori wellbeing and what matters most to Māori living in Kaikoura. The research findings will be shared with mana whenua, local and regional stakeholders (such as Kaikoura District Council, Te Pūtahitanga o Te Wai Pounamu, Te Ahi Wairua o Kaikoura and CDHB) and will be publicly available. It will help inform providers of services, funders of those services and other supports as well as potential health promotion efforts.
Congratulations to FUSH in Ōtautahi
We want to acknowledge FUSH in being nominated for the prestigious Te Waitī Award for Te Reo and Tikanga as part of the Matariki Awards. FUSH UKA is the first application that we have ever submitted from one of our Whānau Ora entities across Te Waipounamu, that has made it through to being shortlisted as a finalist. In this capacity, they are breaking new ground – not only for Whānau Ora of course, but also for the passion and momentum of the FUSH phenomenon in full flush!
It was wonderful to hear from the whānau Matthews as they prepare for the awards on Māori Television at the end of June.
"As we head up to Auckland later this month for the 2019 Matariki Awards, we carry the hopes and aspirations of all of our Te Pūtahitanga whānau and we are proud to showcase what Whānau Ora can look like from a Fush point of view. Success for Fush is success for Māori, is success for Whānau Ora, is success for Te Pūtahitanga. Kotahi anō te hiringa i kake ai a Tāne ki te Toi O Ngā Rangi, ko te hiringa i te mahara".
Nā mātou iti nei
Nā te whānau Matthews me te whānau whānui o Fush.
Fush is also very proud to announce that their own, Anton Matthews, along with some pretty awesome local legends from around Te Waipounamu, has been asked to be an ambassador for the Canterbury Road Trauma Awards to be held later this year! The Canterbury Road Trauma Awards recognise the often unsung heroes involved in post crash care and recovery, road safety and community service.
And Congratulations to the Co-Lab!
We are delighted to learn that one year further funding has been granted to the
Ōtautahi Co-lab for Whānau-Centred Facilitation.
This is an investment opportunity that Te Putahitanga o Te Waipounamu has supported, to enable increased access to and engagement with services and support to strengthen whānau functioning. Participating entities include Te Rūnanga o Ngā Maata Waka; Te Whare Hauora, Te Puna Oranga and He Waka Tapu.
One of the more recent events was a hauora day at Koukourārata Marae on May 12. The day was well attended with approximately 100 attendees, 30 of whom whakapapa to the marae. On the agenda was the Brainwaves Trust; Awesome Whānau; Te Whare Hauora and Te Manawa Taki o te Reo. The day provided opportunities for new connections to be made for whānau, with each other, with kura and with providers. Activities such as bouncy castle, face painting, races and treasure hunt were engaged in by the tamariki. One of the rangatahi who attended summarised the day: 'Just a perfect day, everything was perfect'. You can't get better than that! Best of all the marae has invited Te Whare Hauora to return to offer another whanau day to further strengthen whānau.
Path Planning was provided to all the kaimahi and was facilitated by a Whanau Ora Navigator based at Te Putahitanga o Te Waipounamu, Kahutane Whaanga.
What's Coming Up
Hei Whakapiki Mauri hui 2019
The annual Hei Whakapiki Mauri hui is being held at Arowhenua Marae 21-23 June.
Date: 3pm, Friday 21 June to 2pm on Sunday 23 June 2019 Time: Powhiri begins 3pm on Friday 21 June Location: Te Hapa o Niu Tireni, 39 Huirapa St, Temuka
The Royal Commission of Inquiry into Abuse in Care Preliminary Hearing, 25 June 2019
The Royal Commission of Inquiry into Abuse in Care is holding a Preliminary hearing on 25 June at the Environment Court in Auckland. It will be live-streamed, with NZ Sign Language and captions, on the website between 10.00am-12.00pm on 25 June. If you require additional information please visit https://www.abuseinstatecare.royalcommission.govt.nz/ or telephone 0800 222 727.
The purpose of this Preliminary hearing is to share information about the Inquiry's scope and focus and the methods we will use to deliver our work programme.
National Strategy to Eliminate Family Violence, Sexual Violence and Violence toward Whānau
Joint Venture agencies are working together to develop a National Strategy to Eliminate Family Violence, Sexual Violence and Violence toward Whānau.
More information on the Joint Venture can be found here<https://www.justice.govt.nz/justice-sector-policy/key-initiatives/reducing-family-and-sexual-violence/work-programme/>.
The only hui being held in Te Waipounamu occurs next Tuesday 18th June in Christchurch at Wilding Park Indoor TENNIS Centre, 111 Woodham Road, Avonside Christchurch; 10am-2.30pm.
This is an opportunity to contribute to the strategic direction for the elimination of family violence, sexual violence and violence toward whānau in Aotearoa. The questions that will be asked at the workshop include:
What does effective regional leadership and governance look like for family violence and sexual violence?
Where is it working well? What makes it work? What are the barriers?
How can government support the right enabling conditions for strong regional leadership?
If you can't make the meeting, send your thoughts on to firstname.lastname@example.com and we will ensure your thoughts are raised.