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Jeong Bong Kim & D J Human1
Department of Old Testament Studies. University of Pretoria
This article argues that nagid indicates divinely sanctioned leader of Israel in 1 Samuel 9:1-10:16 and 11:1-11. The use of nagid is intricately interplayed with that of melek in the context of 1 Samuel 8-12. In the Saul tradition (1 Sm 9:1-10:16; 11:1-11) nagid signifies the leadership of Saul as a divinely sanctioned kingship, unlike in the context of the Deuteronomistic History (DH). The royal ideology of the ancient Near East (ANE) provides an ideological background of the kingship of Saul.
The role and status of a nagid are far from obvious (Ishda 1999:57; cf Flanagan 1981:67-68). The relation between melek and nagid is also unclear. Thus, the focus of the brief discussion is rather to perceive the striking word play in the different layers of traditions.
The discussion, first of all, requires a brief explication of the role and status of nagid, since it shows the complicated process of its practical use. The term frequently refers to a king in Samuel and Kings (Saul [1 Sm 9:16; 10:1], David [1 Sm 13:14; 25:30; 2 Sm 5:2; 6:21; 7:8], Solomon [1 Ki1:35], Jeroboam [1 Ki 14:7], Baasha [1 Ki 16:2], and Hezekiah [2 Ki 20:5]. Exceptions come from Ezekiel and Daniel for a king of Tyre [Ezk 28:2], the king as anointed one [Dn 9:25, 26], and a general indication of a king [Dn 11:22]), whereas in Chronicles, Job, and Proverbs it is connected with religious and general leaders such as an army chief, an official of a palace, and a leader of a tribe. Two categorizations can be applied to the term: a religious leader and a secular leader. For the religious role of nagid see 2 Chr 31:13 (Azariah in the time of Hezekiah); 2 Chr 35:8 (Jehiel in the time of Josiah); Jr 20:1 (Pashhur, the chief official in the Temple in the time in power of Zedekiah). For a secular leader as nagid, refer to 1 Chr 13:1 (a military leader in the time of David); 1 Chr 27:16 (a leader of the tribes of Israel for Solomon); 2 Chr 11:11 (a military leader as well as official in Rehoboam); 2 Chr 19:11 (Zebadiah, the leader of the tribe of Judah in Jehoshaphat); 2 Chr 28:7 (Azrikam, the leader of the palace of Ahaz); 2 Chr 32:21 (foreign officers); Job 31:37 (a general leader); Is 55:5 (a leader of the inhabitants). In Pr 28:16 it is associated with a general ruler in the comparison of the righteous and the wicked of verse 1 in the same chapter. Thus, scholars proposed various understandings of the term, as referring to the 'king-designate' (Ahlström 1993:431; McCarter 1980b:178-179), the 'crown prince' (Paul 2005:363; Mettinger 1976:151-184), 'commander' (Cross 1973:220-221), and king (Carlson 1964:52).
The majority of scholars prefer to interpret nagid as the king-designate (Edelman 1991:30-31; 1984:207; Eslinger 1985:60-61). Why then did Samuel anoint Saul as "designate" who should prove his ability as "designate" of Yahweh to the people? In other words, the choice of Yahweh would be incomplete until the choice will be proven as successful. Why then was the divinely chosen Saul to be rejected by Yahweh, once his ability had been publicly proven? Theologically there exists an inconsistency in the idea of nagid.
Rather, Saul was anointed as nagid on the request of the people. Saul was Yahweh's positive answer to the kingship. There is no reason for the anointed designate of Yahweh to be tested by the people. It is illogical to have a stage that tests the kingship by the people who urgently asked Samuel to appoint a king over them. If testing was necessary, it was not for the people but for the conviction of the prophet. If the account of 1 Samuel 11 was designed as a test for Saul's kingship, Saul proved his qualified kingship. On the other hand, if 1 Samuel 13 was a test for the benefit of the prophet, the testing was behind schedule, for Saul supervised the army as king of Israel in the battle. If Saul was king in 1 Samuel 13, he did not deserve to be criticized by Samuel (1 Sm 13:13, 14). This discussion brings up the next argument for deliberation in the light of the royal ideology in the ANE. The ancient Near Eastern context will provide the cross-cultural historical context of the kingship.
A fundamental attribute of the royal ideology in the ANE was implicated in the relationship between the king and the divine. A general term for king in the Old Testament is melek. The term suggests a correlation with the Akkadian maliku (counsellor). On the other hand, śarru, king in Akkadian, denotes an official in Hebrew, sar (see Mettinger 1976:296). In the pre-monarchic period, the term appears once: Melchizedek, king of Salem, a Canaanite city. Melchizedek, king of Salem does mean he was the king of a city state. In Gn 14:8 this term melek strongly implies a priestly king. In Psalm 110:4 the tradition of Melchizedek refers to the Davidic king. In Judges the term also appears in "Abimelek." Unlike the previous cases, the implication of melek in Judges is a military warrior who could deliver the people from their enemies. The most striking term to indicate a king is nagid for Saul in establishing the monarchy. It was a highly provocative moment, since the people specifically asked Samuel for a melek, not a nagid. Strangely enough, Samuel anointed him as nagid. The two different terms pose a critical question as to the use in its own context. Furthermore, the moment when the monarchy in Israel was established it was seemingly involved with a certain confrontational socio-political conflict which had a religious stimulus.
In ancient Egypt, the king was deified as the son of gods or himself god. On the other hand, the kings of ancient Mesopotamia generally were the earthly agents of the gods. In a similar manner, the deification of the kings as sons of the gods appeared in Canaan. The evidence for the deification of the kings in the ANE mainly comes from records of royal ascensions (cf Rice 2003:96-100; Hornung 1997:284), royal inscriptions (cf Wilson 1958:262), and monumental architecture (Rice 2003:72; Laato 1997:244-269; cf David 1986:23). Idealization of the king was highlighted during the ceremony of his ascension, particularly in Egypt. In other cases, the king stressed his divine origin in royal inscriptions of his glorious victories over enemies. He constructed temples for his gods to show his divine allegiance and qualification as a divinely sanctioned king. In all the cases the kings of the ANE strongly emphasized their divine origin in cultic settings, although they were sometimes heavily involved in political and economical situations. Important for the discussion are the titles or epithets of kings in the ANE. Those titles and epithets display well refined political and religious ideologies about kingship.]]> The royal ideology of the ANE is an essential part of the organization and the dynamics of the whole ANE social system (Whitelam 1992:40-48), since a kingdom is destined to have a king (see Kempt 1983:19). The primary focus of the royal ideology is to promulgate the kingship as the centre of the whole society. Ostensibly the kingship would provide the apex point to combine all the social organization and dynamics. In Sumer temples were the fundamental social organizations as the "gods' households." However, once established as a strong political kingdom in Mesopotamia, the palace took over the socio-political hegemony from the temples (see Leick 2003:75-82). Thus, particularly the royal ideology provides a religious, social, and political foundation for the kingship to justify and to legitimatise the king's rule over his potential political enemies, as well as, against social threats (cf Pollock 1999:173; Whitelam 1989:121).
In the ANE, religion served as fundamental for forming the royal ideology (cf Postgate 1992:260). A religion and the kingship were indispensable in the ANE. No kingship had been sustained without the support of its religion. However, the relationship between the kingship and the religion tended to be flexible or even contestable, since each institution was dissimilar (cf Whitelam 1992:40-48; Chaney 1986). Titles and epithets of the kings evince the specific case of the religious aspects in the royal ideology. Generally in the ANE, all the kings had multiple titles or epithets that depicted an essential mode and the nature of the kingship in the ANE. Therefore, the titles and epithets will be the focus of the section.
2.1 Egypt
The divine nature of the gods would provide the most conspicuous concept of the king in the ancient Egypt (Rice 2003b; Smith 1997:83; Hornung 1990:283; Liverani 1990:125-38; Montet 1964:32-34; see also Baines 1998:23-24). Egyptians, above all, saw the king as a being to be worshipped. Concurrently, they also had the concept that the king represented them as priest before the gods in the cults (Morkot 2005:152; Hornung 1990:283). The idea of the deification of the king revealed that the king is either a god among gods or the priest of priests.
The dualistic idea of the king possibly denotes part of the typical worldview of the Egyptians. Rice (2003:95) noted that the two natures could not be separated in the king, since "for the one there was always the other, in king, gods, nature and the ways of men". The dualistic concept is well represented in the Middle and the New kingdom in Egypt, that the king was the only one on the earth to enforce the divine cosmological order (Smith 1997:83; Liverani 1990:125-38).
The king was appointed by the sun god to sustain ma'at, (order, harmony, rightness) against the threats of isfet ("disorder, chaos, evil") (Smith 1997:83; Assmann 1990:174-236). The Egyptians considered the traditional foreign enemies of Egypt to be the most dangerous force threatening ma'at (Smith 1997:83; Ritner 1993:115). The king was thought to be the only authority to defeat the enemies and to keep their divinely order. The king represented himself as the base of order, harmony, and rightness (Atwell 2004:16-17). He was seen as a mighty warrior. The Egyptian report about the victory of Ramses III (1194-1163 BCE; see also Matthews & Benjamin 2006:151) against the Sea peoples is an example of the Near Eastern royal ideology of the complete annihilation of enemies.
I extended all the frontiers of Egypt and overthrew those who attacked them from their lands. I slew the Denyen in their island, while the Tjeker and the Philistines were made ashes. The Sherden and the Weshesh of the Sea were made nonexistent, captured all together and brought in captivity to Egypt like the sands of the shore. I settled them in strongholds, bound in my name. Their military classes were as numerous as hundred-thousands. I assigned portions for them all with clothing and provisions from the treasuries and granaries every year.
(Wilson 1958:262)
In the report, the expressions for total destruction are recognizable, such as made ashes, made nonexistent, and like the sands of the shore. The expressions are surely metaphorical rather than historical in recording events of the past. Ramses III was boosted and glorified in the report as the perfect victor against his enemies. The report functioned to solidify the military leadership of Ramses III that ostensibly played an essential role in the kingship of ancient Egypt. His total victory of the enemies and the total destruction of the enemies secured his kingship; that is the main intention of the Egyptian royal ideology (Ahlström 1993:296-298). The royal victory idealised the king as the mighty warrior, who preserved the divine order by destroying the enemies.]]> The dualistic nature of the king already appeared in the idealizing of the king at his birth. Since the fourth Dynasty, or occasionally in the Twelfth and Eighteenth Dynasties, the divine name Re or Amun were connected to the names of the kings (Hornung 1990:284). The kings were also regarded "neter nefer, the perfect god" and "neter aa, the great god" for some periods (Montet 1964:32). The epithets signify that the kings are an "exceptional being[s]", (Montet, 1964:32) deified from birth to death. The concept of the divine birth appeared specifically during the Old Kingdom (Montet 1964:34).
As a result of the deification of the king, his death was seen as entering eternity. His tomb was idealised as "a house for eternity", with furniture and commodities for eternal life (David 1986:22). The pyramids are the best examples of the belief in divinely death (Rice 2003:172-188; David 1986:22-23). The pyramids symbolized the legitimacy of the kingship and the kingdom (Rice 2003:72; cf David 1986:23). The divinized king through his death became a divine being, a god to his successor and the kingdom. Therefore the successor king and his subjects performed the funerary cult. The funerary cult turned into the most significant religious practice during the Old Kingdom (Shirai 2005:149). In turn, the royal funerary cults served to keep the social and economic stability in the kingdom (Shirai 2005:149-159; Malek 2000:105-108; Kemp 1983:85-96). They provided the cohesion among certain upper class groups (Shirai 2005:159). An example of the concept of the king's eternity comes from Sinuhe R, 6-12:
The god was lifted up into heaven and there united with the solar disc; the divine body was assimilated into that which had created it. The court was plunged in silence and hearts were sad; the great double remained closed; the courtiers bowed their heads and the Patu lamented.
(Montet 1964:38)
As seen in Sinuhe R, 6-12, the return of the king to heaven is innate, since he came from heaven. In the traditional and official myth only the king represents the gods and is god himself.
The public deification of the king was ritualised at his coronation ceremony. At the coronation ritual, five titles propagated the deification of the king (Hornung 1997:284). They symbolised the essential characteristics of the royal ideology. The royal titles were: Horus, Two Ladies, Golden Horus, Dual King, and Son of Re (Baines 1998:20). The meaning of the five royal titles is explained by the titles of Shoshenq I:
]]> The nature of the king was described in the titles. As the incarnated god, he appeared to unite the Two Lands, signifying the Egyptian beliefs, the dualistic order of Universe (Rice 2003:95). The king was the only one who united "a whole only in combination" (Hornung 1997:285). The dualistic idea possibly came from prehistoric times as seen in the incarnated Horus, the traditional god, the "falcon-shaped sky god."
Horus: Mighty Bull, Beloved of Re, whom he caused to appear in order to unite the Two Lands; Two Ladies: Who Appears with the Double Crown like Horus Son of Isis, who propitiated the gods with ma'at (order); Golden Horus: Powerful of Strength, who smites the Nine Bows, great of victories in all lands; Dual King, Lord of the Two Lands, possessor of strength of arm: Hedjkheperre-satepnare (= The White One of the coming into being of Re, whom Re chose); Son of Re, of his body: Shoshenq, beloved of Amun.
(Baines 1998:20)
Baines (1998:19) explained the titles as follows:
Horus: the king as a specific manifestation of the principal deity of early times; Two Ladies: manifestation of, and protected by, the tutelary goddesses of the two halves of the country; Golden Horus: meaning uncertain, in late times related to Horus defeating his enemy Seth; Dual King (nyswt byty) the "throne name" and first cartouche name adopted at ascension, expressing the king's relation with the sun god Re; Son of Re: second cartouche name, which is the incumbent's birth name, placed after a title that expresses the king's dependence on and tutelage by the sun god; in two periods followed by the 'dynastic' name Ramesses or Ptolemy.
The titles shed a light on understanding the identity of the king and his relationship with his deity.
According to Baines (1998:24), the titles are the result of a complicated and rhetorical process of accumulation. Baines (1998:23) pointed out that "In themselves, titularies do not say much about relations between the king and his subjects, a reticence that is characteristic of core Egyptian ideology, in which humanity plays rather little part." Baines (1998:24) concluded that titles themselves cannot guarantee the identity of the Egyptian kings as gods with a special existence, and who are different from other people. Baines conceives of a rhetorical connotation of the titles, rather than historical facts.
But the titles do have religious significance to signify the special relation between the king and his god. For instance, Amenophis IV (from 1378 to 1352 BCE) later changed his name to Akhenaten (Agreeable to Aten) as the result of his religious reforms (cf Redford 1984). It kept his coronation name, Neferkheperura (The transformations of Ra are perfect) with the epithet wa-n-ra (unique one of Ra'), but changed his title, his Horus name from 'Mighty bull, tall of feathers' to "Mighty bull beloved of the Aten", and his Two Ladies name from "He who uplifts his diadems in Southern Heliopois" to "He who uplifts the name of the Aten" (Grimal 1992:228). At the ascension of a king there were many officials and people involved in the ritual acted as a sacral drama (Rice 2003:96-100). Those titles ostensibly uncover the religious significance of the king as well as his duties and responsibilities. The king is the universal conqueror, subduer of foreign lands, the creator of laws, the bringer of peace and prosperity, the Temple builder, and the divine being (Morkot 2005:154-155).
The royal ideology included royal knowledge. The king is the exceptional being who knows the divines, since he is a god himself as well as the priest of the gods. Knowing the gods is the privilege of the king alone. Thus, king signifies that he is the only earthly figure who had knowledge of the divines.
In analogy, the elite group in the Egyptian society would idealise the king, since they could control knowledge in general (Rice 2003:72). Morkot (2005:151, 165) suggested that the constraints of literacy and schooling are most critical factors for the elite group. The king is the head of the elite group. He had divine knowledge that caused him to know eveything. Morkot (2005:155) summarised it: "Egyptian elite society was about the control of knowledge. To know is to be able to control, and the pharaoh's divine power was based upon his knowledge of the gods, their secret names and their actions." An example comes from the Treaties on the King as Sun-Priest: He [the king] knows their [the gods] appearance and incarnations; He knows the place where they stand; He knows the words spoken by [god X]; He knows how Ra is born and his metamorphoses in the flood, etcetera (Morkot 2005:155).
The king has the prime access to the gods to acquire the divine knowledge about the gods and earthly matters with its divine origin. The king is distinguished as the priest who regularly goes to the divines.]]> The king in Egypt is the absolute being who could bring well-being to the people by conquering chaos, especially the enemies, by combining social circumstances for order, by bringing unity in the society, and by conveying divine knowledge to govern society perfectly.
2.2 Mesopotamia
The royal ideology in Mesopotamia saw the king rather as representative of the divine order on earth, especially in most of the later times. The focus of the royal ideology promulgated a divinely sanctioned kingship (Leick 2003:80; Pollock 1999:191; Van de Mieroop 1997:119-120). In idealising the kingship the temples, at certain times, functioned as the major institutions (Van de Mieroop 1997:120). The royal ideology shifted from its religious-economic purpose to a political-economic one. Political power in Mesopotamia was a complex nature (Postgate 1992:260). The aim of the royal ideology shifted from time to time. For instance, there were in Sumer diverse terms applied to rulers, such as ensi(ak), en in Uruk, sanga in Umma, Isin, and lugal. Lambert (1998:56) suggested the meanings of the names of the city ruler's position as follows: nam-ita, literally, "lord of the mace"; ensi, meaning "lord of the si"; en, meaning either "lord" or "high priest"; lugal, meaning literally, "big man".
The ruler had the authority in his city, with its patron god, temple, and its economic properties such as land, flocks, herds, and buildings. Sumer, as a city-state, had its own temple(s) for its god. At that time the basic responsibility of the city ruler was to keep its gods' properties (Lambert 1998:55). The ruler had three fundamental roles as the agent of the gods: He was the political leader, as high priest he was the cultic leader, and as warrior he was the military leader. Although there are debates on the meaning of en, it is generally agreed that it denotes a high priest (Lamber 1998:55). Other titles appeared to emphasize the king's expansionistic policies, such as "the strong king" (meaning the legitimate king); "the legitimate king" (in reality, a usurper), and "the king of the four corners (of heaven and earth)" (Nemet-Nejat 2002:217).
Another concept of the kingship refers to wealth and protection. Sargon, the first Semitic king, brought about revolutionary concept of the kingship with the building of his capitol Akkad. The precise date of the reign of Sargon and Naram-Sin is still in debate. According to Millard (2002:104), two possible dates are generally proposed: Sargon's reign at 2340-2284 BCE and Naram-Sin at 2260-2223 BCE, but he suggested that later dates for Sargon at 2296-2240 and Naram-Sin at 2213-2176 BCE are preferable. Nevertheless, Sargon's construction of the capitol caused a social and economic upheaval in Mesopotamia, since the palace economy and standing army accompanied the building of the capitol. As a result, the change of the social system affected the relationship between the kingship and the temples, since, until then, the hegemony of religion and economy belonged to the temples. The appearance of a central governed kingship changed the basic social-economic system. The building of the capitol symbolized the beginning of the gradual take over of the hegemony from the temples, which was a complicated process (Crawford 2004:21; cf Van de Mieroop 1997:120). In particular, it is possible to perceive the idea of "might and power" from Sargon's titles lugal and arru during the Akkadian interlude.
In Mesopotamia the term "shepherd" demonstrates the basic role of the king (Lambert 1998:57; Van de Mieroop 1997:119). It is a metaphoric description to denote the fundamental role of the king to bring wealth, based on agriculture, and protection from the enemies. The Mesopotamians believed that wealth and protection come from the gods through the divine sanction of the kingship (cf Lambert 1998:55). See for example the divinely sanctioned kingship in the following quotation:
In former days, in far-off years when
[The heavens] were grieved and the earth groaned at evening time, the gods
To mankind, they became appeased and granted them abundance ]]> To guide the land and establish the peoples they appointed a king.
[.] To rule the black-headed, the many peoples.
(The Tamarisk and the Palmtree, lines 1-5, Lambert 1960:155)
It was the conviction that the kingship proved that the gods of the specific king was the most powerful and successful god or goddess politically and economically (Pollock 1999:191).
Sometimes the kingship demonstrated the contrastive context of power. The different performances of power, according to Leick (2003:79-80), showed in the founders of new dynasties. For instance, Hammurabi, an Amorite king, was a chieftain who handled all political and social factors in the state, even trivia (see Van de Mieroop 1997:119; Gadd 1973:184-7). The authority of the king was adversely affected by unfortunate political and economical situations. On the other hand, the kingship of Nebuchadnezzar II denoted his absolute sovereignty over the kingdom. The kingship is the main factor in controlling prosperity in economics, and order in politics.
The royal family line played an important role in the royal ideology in Mesopotamia. The heredity of the noble family line can be seen in Summerian lineage of Nebuchadnezzar I (1123-1103 BCE): "Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, who supervises all cult centres, and confirms the offerings, distant scion of kingship, seed preserved from before the flood, offspring of Enmeduranki, king of Sippar ." (Lambert 1998:62; 1974:432, 435)
In the Sumerian list of kings, Nebuchadnezzar I stressed his noble ancestral line which went back to ancient times (Lambert 1998:62; 1974:432, 435; Foster 1995:197). Although the idea did not appear consistently throughout the whole era of Babylon, it was alive until the Late Babylonian dynasty (626-539 BCE). Laato (1997:244-269) pointed out five themes from Assyrian Babylonian inscriptions: Genealogy, legitimation of the king, the dedication of a building project, a prayer of the king or an expression of hope, and blessings and curses. He argued that the idea of an eternal hereditary dynasty is even presupposed in later Assyrian and Babylonian inscriptions. The concept was well known in Assyria (Lambert 1998:66-69). The noble lineage was one of the essential constitutions to legitimise kingship in Mesopotamia (Nemet-Nejat 2002:218).
Although there are certain inconsistent trends in the kingship of Mesopotamia, its royal ideology played a major role to legitimise the kingship as representative of the divine order in economic and political matters. Only divinely sanctioned kingship could bring wealth and protection to the kingdom and its people. The "Legend of Naram-Sin" is a good example of the devastating of the land and the army of Naram-Sin who failed to listen to unfavorable omens. Initially Naram-Sin was a successful warrior king. In the end he turned out to be a hapless monarch (Foster 1995:171). Finally, the idea of an eternal hereditary dynasty came into the divinely sanctioned kingship.
2.3 Canaan
An essential idea of the royal ideology in Canaan is given from Ugarit. It showed a close relationship between kingship and priesthood (Day 1998:74-75). The idea of priestly kingship is well attested in various sources (KAI 13. 1, 2; KTU 1.14). One of the best examples is the story of Keret (KTU 1.14). The focus of the story is to emphasise the special relationship between the ancestor of the ruling king and the patron god El of Ugarit during the Late Bronze Age (Wyatt 2002:177; Merrill 1968:5-17). Although the literary genre of the story is in debatable, whether it is myth, legend, epic, poem or story, the text relates to the earthly king, Keret of Khabur on the River of Khabur (Wyatt 2002:177; cf Hadley 2000:41). The translation of KTU 1.14 is as follows:]]>
The loss of Keret's family is described; the king goes to bed weeping. El appears to him in a vision, offering him wealth Keret protests that it is sons that he wants, not wealth. He is told to offer sacrifice, then muster his army to march against King Pabil of Udum, who will try to buy him off, but whose daughter Hurriy he must demand in marriage, Keret awakes from sleep, offers sacrifices as instructed, musters a vast army, and sets off for Udum. On the way he comes to a sanctuary of Athirat, and vows that if his enterprise is successful, he will offer the goddess twice his bride's weight in silver, and three times in gold. The army travels on and arrives at Udum. The city is besieged. After a week Pabil sues for peace, offering Keret wealth. His embassy arrives. Keret rejects wealth, and demands Hurriy in marriage. The embassy returns
(Wyatt 2002:178)
Keret is in deep despair of losing his family. In a vision El appears as a comforter to promise wealth, and demands a sacrifice from him. Keret, however, wishes to restore his family with sons through marriage to Hurriy rather than acquire wealth. Keret fulfils the command of El and succeeded to marry Hurriy. The story suggests that El communicated directly with Keret but wanted a sacrifice from him, a task that belongs to a priest. In the text, the relationship between kingship and priesthood is highlighted as the privilege of the king in Ugarit.
In Ugarit the concept of the king as a son of god and god himself is part of the royal ideology. In the Ugaritic king list (KTU 1.104) the divine determinative 'il is seen before each deceased king's name. Thus, a critical question arises, why is the divine determinative used only for a deceased king? Does the determinative mean that it only indicates deceased kings? Or, is there any special meaning to the divination of ancestor kings in Ugarit? Generally two opinions are proposed: either divine denomination or a technical term to connote a dead king.
Schmidt (1994:19, 67-71) contended that the marker is simply denoting the godly custodian of the king. Likewise Lewis (1989:47-52) said that the divine determinative did not guarantee the divination of the deceased kings. It is better to understand it as an expression to honour kings upon death, just as during their life time. He argued that there is no evidence of raising the deceased kings to the divine level in the cult of El or Baal. On the other hand, Day (1998:82) alleged that the king was both a god, and the son of the god El. He contended that 'il connoted a god. Day (1998:82) argued that the king in Ugarit was deified, not only upon his death, but also in his life time (cf Healey 1984:245-54). His evidence comes from KTU2 1.16.I.10-23:
Is then Keret the son of El, the progeny of Lat(dot under t)ipan and the Holy One? We rejoice in your life, our father, we exulted (in) your immortality Shall you then die, father, as men How can it be said (that) Keret is the son of El, the progeny of Latipan and the Holy One? Subsequently, Keret's daughter, Thitmanat, laments her father in largely identical words.
Yassib glorified his father, although the expression is rather rhetoric than historical. He aims to take over the kingship from his father. Yassib saw that his sick father was incapable of obliging the kingship (cf Hadley 2000:41). The idea of the deification of the living king in Ugarit should be treated with caution, although the deification of the deceased kings in Ugarit has a strong indication (Pardee 1988:168-169). Wyatt (2002:399) said that the literary context of the story of Keret is divine kingship, thus at least the determinative signifies divinised kings.
The royal ideology of Ugarit can be seen in the obligation of the kings as it appears in the story of Keret. As Yassib appealed to his father Keret, he reminded Keret of what he failed to accomplish as king, a well meaning and righteousness for the poor and the weak (Day 1998:86):]]>
While bandits raid you turn (your) back,
And you entertain feuding rivals.
You have been brought down by your failing power.
You do not judge the cause of the importunate.
You do not banish the extortioners of the poor,
You do not feed the orphan before your face
(nor) the widow behind your back.
(KTU21.16.VI.43-50; cf 1.16.VI.30-34)
Inefficiency in providing righteousness and well-being for the people was the most compelling charge against the kingship because in the Canaanite context the king was the symbol of righteousness and well-being to the peoples.]]> In short, the story of Keret characterises certain aspects of the kingship of Canaan, first of all, in the idealised relationship between the king and the god in terms of a priestly king. Second, he was a son of god as well as god himself. Last, the king stood as an accomplisher of well-being and righteousness for the people.
2.4 Royal ideology of ancient Israel in the context of the ANE
Several ideas about the kingship of the ANE shed light on the understanding of the kingship in Israel. The religious aspect of the royal ideology upholds the divine origin of the kingship. Specifically, the concept of the king as a deified god and the son of the god are attested in Egypt, Canaan and Mesopotamia. In Egypt and Canaan, the king was deified in his lifetime and after his death. In Mesopotamia, the king was the representative of the gods to fulfil the divine order. In Israel, according to Psalm 2:7, the king was regarded as the son of God "You are my son, today I have begotten you." [2] The context of the psalm implies that the king is the adopted son of God and not his naturally born son. The concept of the "son of God" by adoption departs from the Egyptian and Canaanite concept. Day (1998:82) argued that the concept of the son of God by adoption originated from the Canaanites. But he disregarded the context of the idea in the monarchy of Israel. Zenger (2005:204-205) understood that the idea of adoption in Psalm 2 is one of examples of "Egyptian (and Canaanite) models." Thus, the concept of the "son of God" by adoption is seemingly invented by the Israelites and not from the context of the ANE (Moenikes 1999:619-21). It is generally and scholarly agreed that the setting of Ps 2 is the monarchic period (Craigie 2004:64). Some placed the date of the psalm in the reign of Manasseh (Terrien 2003:87). This designation shows that Yahwism may have been established as the national religion as the concept of the son of god was designated to indicate the adopted son of God in ancient Israel. The idea of the "son of God" in the ANE is syncretistic. Although Israel used a term from Egypt and Canaan, she employed it metaphorically that it denotes the divine choice of the king (Polish 1989:11). Specifically it highlights the Davidic kingship.
As far as the responsibilities of the king are concerned, in the ANE he must guarantee the well-being of his people, their wealth and protection. He could bring divine order as implied in the titles of the Egyptian king such as "Two Ladies", "Golden Horus", and "Dual King". The Mesopotamian king also represented the gods to provide wealth and protection to the people as their shepherd. The Canaanite Keret was charged as a failed king to bring righteousness and well-being. In Israel the Davidic kings are described with the metaphor of a shepherd to propagate the legitimacy of their kingship (2 Sm 5:2; cf Ps 23). The legitimacy of the Davidic kingship is pinpointed in Psalm 72 where the king appears as one who brings righteousness (1 Ki 10:9; Jr 22:3; see also Walton 2006:283) and peace. Zenger (2005:205) contended that Ps 72 reveals "this "mixture" of Egyptian and ancient Near Eastern royal ideology and its "actualization" through the integration of Neo-Assyrian concepts of the king." It is also true that most of the concepts of kingship of Israel show similarities with regard to those of the ANE (Walton 2006:284).
In the ANE the king was the representative of the god as his priest. In Mesopotamia the king was ensi, the priest. In Canaan, various sources evince the idea as attested in KAI, 13.1,2. A similar idea is founded in Israel. The so-called Royal Psalms describe the earthly king and kingship (Ps 2; 18; 20; 21; 45; 72; 89; 101; 110; 132; 144:1-11; see also Mettinger 1976:100). A general theme of these psalms is the king as a warrior and leader of the people. Psalm 110 implies a close relationship between kingship and priesthood (Grabbe 1995:26-27, see Emerton [1990:45-71] and Day [1998:72-90], as against Rowley [1967:485] and Gammie [1971:365-96]). Serious challenges against the priestly kingship came from the issue of the identity of Salem that was challenged as a Canaanite city, called Salem rather than the Jebusite city, Jerusalem. Further, the challenges also contended that the recipient was the Zadokite priest, not the Davidic king. Day (1988:73-74), however, strongly refuted the opinion, believing the contention can not be sustained in that the focus of the psalm is of a king rather than a priest. In Psalm 76:2 the city, Salem, indicated Jerusalem. Day believed that the royal ideology in connection with the Canaanite Melchizedek appeared after David's conquered Jerusalem. In the psalm, the Davidic king refers to Melchizedek, the priestly king of El-Elyon (Gn 14:18). The Davidic king is designated in the Temple. If the psalm is attributed to David, he is the symbol of the ideal kingship in Israel that unites the priesthood of Yahweh with the kingship. Indications can be seen in 1 Samuel 13:9-10 (Saul); 2 Samuel 6:13, 17-18, 24:25 (David); 1 Kings 3:4, 15 (Solomon) and 1 Kings 12:33 (Jeroboam). Thus, as seen in Psalm 110, the kingship of Israel does not only function in the political sphere but also in the cultic sphere. However, there is a difference between the close relationship of the kingship and the priesthood in Israel, and that relationship in the ANE. The prime purpose of the royal ideology in the ANE was to promulgate the divine origin of the kingship as a deified king or god himself or as the only representative of the gods.
In Israel there is a different understanding of the royal ideology distinct from the ANE. McKenzie (1966:175) contended that David is idealised as "the type of king-messiah": the charismatic leader powered by the "spirit of God". The essential issue of the royal ideology about the origin of the kingship in Israel is whether a king is a charismatic leader divinely empowered to fulfil the will of God against the enemies. In the royal ideology, Israel did not understand their king as the only one who kept order by defeating their enemies. Unlike the Egyptian idea that their traditional enemies were dangerous powers that intimidated the order in Egypt, Israel saw Yahweh as the One who kept order and defeated their enemies (Ex 15; cf Maré 2006:712-722). The king was only the agent of Yahweh, empowered by his Spirit. Yahweh even used a foreign king as his tool to restore his order amongst the nations, as seen in Isaiah 45:1: "Thus says the LORD to his anointed, to Cyrus, whose right hand I have grasped to subdue nations before him and strip kings of their robes, to open doors before him and the gates shall not be closed."
The focal point of the royal ideology in Israel was not on the king but on Yahweh. The king of Israel was a chosen son of God as he knew to keep the will of God. The king of Israel only executed the divine will as he was empowered by the "spirit of Yahweh" (cf Edelman 1991:34). Therefore the king should know what the divine will is, and needs divine sanction for its execution on matters (Edelman 1991:34; see 1 Sm 28:6; 30:8; 2 Sm 5:23-24). As seen in the story of David, the critical factor that established his kingship is his knowledge of the will of God through the prophets (cf 1 Chr 29:29), Samuel (cf 1 Sm 16:13; 19:18-24), Gad (1 Sm 22:5; 2 Sm 24:11; cf 1 Chr 21:9), and Nathan (2 Sm 7:4; 12:1; cf 1 Chr 17:3). His knowledge of God's will is promulgated as the royal knowledge against the Saulide kingship, mainly in 1 Samuel 13-2 Samuel 1 (cf Lasine 2001:79-82).
Many scholars discussed the ideology in 1 Samuel 8-12 in the context of the Davidic ideology (McCarter 1980a: 489-504; cf Edelman 2000:67-84; Frick 1994:79-92; Liverani 1992:474-77; Ishida 1977:54). One of strong contentions comes from Ishida (1977:54). He argued that initially Samuel was positive and endorsed Saul's kingship, since he hoped to reestablish his authority through the kingship. Samuel's insistence faded on account of the request of the people and the elders for a strong monarchy. The request of the people meant that the political leadership usurped the religious authority of Samuel (Ishida 1977:39). Ishida argued that a strong political motivation played a critical role in the appearance of the monarchy. The political motivation also symbolises the departure from the old religious system towards politics in Israel. Thus, the new monarchy brought a new religious system in Israel. To Samuel, according to Ishida, the request of the people and the elders signified idolatry (Ahlström 1993:371-390). A different perspective on the biblical text comes from Coote (2006:37). To him, the DH is royal literature that displays the royal sovereignty over states that intentionally propagated a certain social organization. The idea of the twelve tribes reveals the role of social organization under the state sovereignty. Coote (2006:40-47) proposed twelve characteristics of the tribes:
tribal structures and identities are fluid; ]]> kinship levels ... also tend to be elastic;
the ambiguity of kinship levels relates directly to the blurring of the boundaries of kinship functions;
though territoriality might well be a reflex of endogamy, it is not intrinsic to kinship as a political metaphor;
tribal organization and identity tend to be more sharply defined in the higher levels of organization;
tribal organization took shape not only in relation to other tribes, but also, and especially, in relation to regional powers or states;
tribal designations and relations took shape in the interface of tribe and monarchic court;
ethnicity does not automatically relate to tribalism in the modern period and there is no reason to think it did in antiquity;
politics explains descent sooner than descent politics;
tribalism has no necessary connection with pastoralism or pastoral nomadism;
evolutionary views of social development have no place in the description of social change in Palestine from the thirteenth to the fifth centuries BCE; ]]> to adopt an instrumentalist approach to Israelite tribalism is not to deny the social reality of tribes.
The intricate interplay in the use of melek and nagid has been noticed in the context of 1 Samuel 8-12. In 1 Samuel 8:5 the elders requested a king (מלך) and the Lord commanded Samuel to appoint a king (מלך) on their demand (1 Sm 8:22). As a result, Samuel chose Saul as king over Israel by casting the lot (1 Sm 10:20-24). The people acclaimed Saul as the king (1 Sm 10:24). They confirmed Saul as the king who governs them (וימלכו) after defeating Nahash, the Ammonite, under his leadership (1 Sm 11:15). The role of melek, as seen above, is that it indicated him as the one to rule the people and to protect them.
The term nagid appears mainly in the prophetic tradition of Saul (1 Sm 9:1-10:16). In 1 Samuel 9:16 the Lord commanded Samuel to anoint a man from the land of Benjamin as nagid. In 1 Samuel 10:1 Samuel anointed Saul as nagid. Within the tradition, the use of nagid is distinguished from melek. The major purpose of the tradition is to provide divine legitimacy for Saul's leadership which turned into kingship (cf 1 Sm 11:15). What then is the specific role of nagid in terms of the kingship? (cf Ishida 1977:50. n.127). A remarkable example comes from 2 Samuel 5:1-2: "For some time, while Saul was king over us, it was you who led out Israel and brought it in. The LORD said to you: It is you who shall be shepherd of my people Israel, you who shall be ruler (nagid) over Israel."
The biblical passage tells that all the tribes of Israel confessed the divine legitimacy of David's leadership over Israel. Their acknowledgment was emphasized by the terms shepherd and nagid (cf also 1 Chr 11:2). What was their intention to call David their shepherd and nagid, since he had already been anointed as king of Judah in 2 Samuel 2:4?
David's acknowledgment by the people of Israel (2 Sm 5:2) emphasised his superseding role over Saul. The emphasis is that, while Saul was king, David played an authentic role as king over the people. Thus, the term shepherd and nagid were used identical with melek (cf Ezk 34:2).
In acknowledging the role of shepherd and nagid in terms of melek, it is legitimate to see the representation of David the shepherd as a rhetorical device as well (1 Sm 16:11; 17:34). In fact, David was anointed by Samuel while he was still a shepherd (1 Sm 16:11-13). What the people needed from David as shepherd-king was protection and well-being. By having no king Israel is deserted, without a shepherd to protect and take care of them. Van Hecke (2005:200-217) contended from comparative studies of Egyptian and Mesopotamian literature that the metaphor of shepherd is mainly to emphasise the responsibility of a king to protect and take care of his people as well as to take care of a Temple. The implication of the metaphor to legitimate the supremacy over his people is less convincing. Conclusively, he said that "If personal or socio-political crises occurred, the pastoral metaphor was questioned and reversed, resulting in novel and, at times, iconoclastic metaphorical expressions" (Van Hecke 2005:217). Israel formally requested the protection of David. When the people of Israel endorsed David as their shepherd (cf Ezk 34:23) and nagid, all the elders of Israel made a covenant with David, anointing him as king of Israel.
The metaphor of the people as the flock, pastured by a shepherd and ruled by a nagid, is similarly used for the relationship between Israel and Yahweh (Ps 80:1; Mi 7:14; Ezk 34:12). For instance, in Psalm 23:1 the psalmist confessed his sufficiency because of Yahweh's pasturing of him. "The LORD is my shepherd, I shall not want."
The striking point of his confession referred to his commitment to the house of Yahweh in Psalm 23:6. The psalmist overtly connected the metaphor of the shepherd with the Temple of Jerusalem.
The prophets of Israel clarified that pasturing was a commission of Yahweh to the kings of Israel (cf Ezk 34:2; Zch 11:16-17). Particularly, in Ezekiel 34:8 the shepherd is depicted as the representative of Yahweh, since Israel is the sheep of Yahweh:]]>
As I live, says the Lord GOD, because my sheep have become a prey, and my sheep have become food for all the wild animals, since there was no shepherd; and because my shepherds have not searched for my sheep, but the shepherds have fed themselves, and have not fed my sheep.
The understanding that shepherd signified the agent of Yahweh can be seen in Isaiah 44:28. Yahweh called Cyrus, king of Persia, to be his shepherd:
"Yahweh who says of Cyrus, He is my shepherd, and he shall carry out all my purpose; and who says of Jerusalem, it shall be rebuilt, and of the Temple, Your foundation shall be laid."
The passage indicated the close connection between the shepherd and his religious duty. Cyrus, as king of Persia, was appointed as the shepherd of Yahweh to rebuild His Temple in Jerusalem. The designation of the shepherd of Yahweh points to his royal role rather than to his royal title (Goldingay 2005:259).
As discussed above, it can be surmised that the term shepherd referred to religious commitment, with Yahweh pasturing the people of Israel. In this context, the role of nagid could be understood as the one who is anointed to protect and to take care of the people of Yahweh. His commission as a leader emphasized his role as the representative of Yahweh to the people.
This discussion clarified the use of nagid in the establishment of the kingship of Israel was also associated with religion as a common ideological factor together with the royal ideology as understood in the ANE (cf Ahlström 1993:430). In a similar manner, Flanagan (1981:66) also contended that the period of Saul and David was a chiefdom characterized by religious roles: "As we would expect in chiefdoms, the religious functions mentioned in the biblical narratives also indicate that Saul's and David's reigns were theocracies. Both individuals were anointed by Samuel; both performed cultic rites; both used priests and prophets. In short, religion was used by both [Saul, David] to legitimate their authority and to help maintain social control." In social scientifical terms, the initial stage of Saul's leadership was closer to the chieftaincy (cf Miller & Hayes 2006:135-136; Hackett 1998:200-201; Matthews & Moyer 1997:97), since Israel consisted of loosely connected self governed tribes. The social transformation from a tribal league to a monarchy cannot be understood in terms of the single exterior factor, namely the Philistines. The kingship originated from a complex of various social and political circumstances (Meyers 1998:225; Frick 1986:18-19). The dynamic behind the multiple social factors was religion, as confirmed by the royal ideology of the ANE with its emphasis on divine sanction for kings.
In analogy nagid is synonymous to melek. However, the original connotation of nagid was different from melek (see Ishida 1999:58, n 9). Murray (1998) provocatively contended the different political orientations of nagid and melek. Murray (1998:247-280) particularly examined the case of David as melek (king) and nagid (leader). He contended that David pursued to be melek, not nagid that Yahweh originally intended for him to be. Murray (1998:304-305) suggested that melek was a politically centred term, whereas nagid was a religious centred one.]]> It was used to idealise the leadership as divinely sanctioned, particularly in the tradition of Saul (1 Sm 9:1-10:16; cf 1 Sm 11:1-11). As in royal titles of the ANE, it is probable to conjecture that nagid idealised the leadership of a king in its royal ideology. Analogously the term implicated that nagid in Israel was the political representative of Yahweh, supported by a prophetic group (1 Sm 10:1, 5-7). Thus, the term designated the combination of the political and religious ideologies in kingship. However, conjecturally once the term had won the recognition of divine sanction for the leadership of Saul as well as of David, its connotation began to give way to melek during the reign of Solomon, particularly after the construction of the Temple in Jerusalem. The Temple itself provided the divine sanction of the Davidic monarch as protector and keeper of the people. It is noticeable that most of the uses of nagid as a political and a religious leader come from Chronicles whose author/editor supported the reform of Josiah (2 Chr 34:1-33). The observation opens a probable conjecture that the term, nagid, in terms of royal ideology in the ANE, was forsaken unnecessary after the centralisation of the Temple in the reform of Josiah (2 Ki 23). Later it began to indicate any religious and political leader who served a king. Social-politically the meaning of nagid was closer to that of a chieftain (Miller & Hayes 2006:135-136; Liverani 2005:88-89; Flanagan 1981:65-67), but religio-politically it was strongly connected with the king who was divinely sanctioned (Ahlström 1993:430), particularly by the spirit of Yahweh. In summary, in the light of the ancient Near East, an intention of the term nagid was to emphasise a religious legitimacy of the kingship, particularly in the building of the kingship while melek was a general term for a king in the Deuteronomistic History.
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1This article is slightly revised from part of chapter 2 and 3 of a thesis for the PhD degree submitted in 2008 to the Faculty of Theology, University of Pretoria, completed under the supervision of Prof Dr D J Human in the Department of Old Testament Studies.
2 Unless specified, all the English translation comes from NRS.


text:
by Michael Caruso
Philadelphia's Piffaro, the Renaissance Band, will join forces with Chicago's King's Noyse, the nation's foremost Renaissance string ensemble, and soprano Ellen Hargis for a concert of 16th century Italian music 8 p.m. Friday, March 11, in the Presbyterian Church of Chestnut Hill, 8855 Germantown Ave. The program is entitled "New Waves in Ferrara: Two Bands, Fresh Sounds." A pre-concert discussion called "Playing Down Low" will be given by David Douglass of King's Noyse.
"Violin bands were the new upstarts in 16th century northern Italy, and many of the pieces were considered avant-garde and led to the beginning of the baroque style," Piffaro co-director Robert Wiemken has explained. The baroque fashion held sway from approximately 1600 (Claudio Monteverdi was its early master) until the middle decades of the 18th century and Haydn's development of the classical style.
"King's Noyse often plays from memory or improvises on standardized bass lines," Wiemken added. "It's very similar to the jamming of contemporary jazz or even country music groups playing over their bass lines, rhythms, and harmonic progressions, taking off from a standard tune. That was the style back in the 16th century.
The 2010-11 season is Piffaro's 25th, and the ensemble is celebrating the cross-country and cosmopolitan connections it has built over the quarter century of its existence. "King's Noyse and Ellen Hargis are some of the best," pointed out Joan Kimball, Piffaro's founder and co-director. "And David Douglass is an incredible speaker, especially on the subject of string-playing techniques of the era; he's an expert. We're hoping to attract a lot of young players, amateurs and professionals, joining us for his pre-concert discussion. He has so much to share."
Tickets range from $40 for preferred seating, $35 for general admission, and $15 for students, plus a senior discount for $35 preferred and $25 general. Visit www.piffaro.com or call 215-235-8469.
St. Paul's Episcopal Church, 22 East Chestnut Hill Ave. in Chestnut Hill, will present a voice recital featuring two of its staff singers 4 p.m. Saturday, March 19. Soprano Rebecca Siler and tenor Jeffrey Dinsmore, professional members of the parish's choir, will sing music by Robert Schumann, Debussy, Rachmaninoff and Mozart. They will also present the world premier of a new song cycle by Benjamin C.S. Boyle, who will accompany the singers in this performance. A freewill offering will be taken for the benefit of St. Paul's Music Fund. Sunday services at St. Paul's Episcopal Church are scheduled at 8, 9 and 10:30 a.m. For more information, call 215-2442-2055 or visit www.stpaulschestnuthill.org.
AVA's 'JUBILATE!'
The Academy of Vocal Arts will present "Jubilate!," a concert of sacred music and oratorio masterpieces, March 13 and 15. Organizing and conducting soloists from AVA, the New Jersey MasterChorale and the AVA Opera Orchestra will be Philadelphia native Antony Lofton. Alongside working as a vocal coach and conductor at AVA, America's only full-scholarship post-graduate school focusing exclusively on the training of professional singers, the Germantown resident is also the music director of St. Paul's Episcopal Church in Elkins Park.
Explaining the genesis of "Jubilate!" Lofton said that the annual concert gives AVA students the chance to learn and perform with full orchestra selections from the sacred and oratorio repertoire that they will be called upon to sing once they've graduated from the center city Philadelphia school, rounding out their careers in opera. "I'm always happy to hear from our graduates," Lofton mentioned, "that they've just performed one of the pieces they sang in "Jubilate!" when they were here at AVA as a student."
Lofton explained that he chooses the repertoire for "Jubilate!" just as he would choose the program for an opera gala. "I pick both familiar works as well as some that are less well known. Naturally I look to Rossini, Mozart, Bach and Handel. But I also strive to broaden their repertoire with some less familiar music. And I also pick songs for which I need to provide the orchestration."
Choosing the singers to take part in "Jubilate!" isn't problematic, Lofton assured, because AVA's student body offers a balance between voice types and ranges. But there is an inherent problem with scheduling that he must always consider. The concert is always scheduled in the late winter or early spring, so it often falls between performances of fully-staged operas. AVA students in their third and fourth years of study frequently begin auditioning for roles in professional operatic productions. And quite often, they're cast in performances all over the country and even the world, making it difficult or even impossible for Lofton to include them in "Jubilate!"
"Jubilate!" will be performed 7 p.m. Sunday, March 13, in the Episcopal Church of the Holy Trinity on Rittenhouse Square and 7:30 p.m. Tuesday, March 15 in the Haverford School's Centennial Hall on the Main Line. Tickets are $35 for adults, $30 for seniors and $15 for students. Call 215-735-1685 or visit www.avaopera.org.

subset: commoncrawl


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Raechelle Mascarenhas earned her Bachelors in Economics at St. Xavier's College (Mumbai, India), Masters in Economics at University of Mumbai and Ph.D. in Political Economy Policy (Dept. of Economics) at the University of Southern California. She has previously taught at Whitman College and Rhodes College. Professor Mascarenhas teaches courses related to the Economics of Developing Countries especially related to South Asia, the role of the Government in the economy and Microeconomics at the Principles and Intermediate levels. Her research interests include Political Economy of Development on issues related to foreign aid and remittances.
- Econ 230: Economic Statistics
- Econ 347: Public Finance
Office Hours
Tuesday & Thursday from 10:00-11:30 am
Monday & Wednesday by appointment (please email)
Recent Publications/ Working Papers:
- "Remittances and Terrorism: A Global Analysis" with Todd Sandler (Forthcoming, Defense and Peace Economics Journal)
- "Aiding Dissent: Disaggregated Aid and Political Mobilization in Developing Countries" with Tavishi Bhasin (Working Paper)
- "Do Donors Cooperatively Fund Foreign Aid?" with Todd Sandler (Review of International Organizations, Volume 1, Number 4, Pg. 337-357, December 2006)
- "Donors' Mechanisms for Financing International and National Public Goods: Loans or Grants?" with Todd Sandler (The World Economy, Volume 28, Issue 8, Pg. 1095-1117, August 2005)


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|Sat 16 Feb 2013, 4:00pm–7:00pm
Eventfinda tickets no longer on sale
Tickets Selling Fast! This show shaping up to be a HOT cosmic event!
Door sales as from 3pm on the day (subject to availability) We recommend you purchase online here to secure your seat!
Newsflash - hip hop dance performance to kick start this forum - spectacular audio visual light show - be moved by world acclaimed Blair Styra (first speaker) - be stirred by International psychic medium Sue Nicholson (from TV Sensing Murder) - and be entertained by renowned intuitive musician Jeffree Clarkson!
Join Bascha, your host, for an unforgettable show that will inspire you with messages for happiness, success and abundance for 2013 and beyond.
Included in ticket price:
Full show
Entry to the after event
Complimentary glass of 'Cosmos fruit punch'
Small 'Lightworkers Forum gift'
This interactive forum has been created to connect, inspire and empower all those drawn to Conscious Living during these fast changing times.
Invited guest speakers and performers for COSMOS 2013:
Sue Nicholson
Sue is a gifted psychic medium who has been connecting with the spirit world since she was a child.
Spend an exciting and uplifting evening full of laughter and intrigue as Sue helps you to understand the spirit world.
Have your questions ready for Sue and her Guides!
Sue as been working full-time as a psychic medium for the past 21 years. She appears on the TV2 show Sensing Murder and is a frequent guest on TV1's Good Morning
Blair Styra:
For 22 years Blair Styra has been the channel for a spirit entity known as Tabaash. Since the age of six he was aware that there was what he called "The Something More" but it wasn't until his early twenties that he embraced the 'GOD part of him' and so began his conscious spiritual journey. This led to his discovery as a channel for spirit, and as he developed this he eventually became connected with a spirit called Tabaash Their work together has taken them around New Zealand and overseas. Blair sees his work as being an emissary for Gods power, to help people embrace their own God nature.
At Cosmos 2013, Tabaash will be speaking about the 'Convergence and Separation of the Selves' and also taking us on a powerful musical guided meditation to assist with positive integration and balance as we move into the year 2013.
Jeffree Clarkson:
Jeffree Clarkson's blissful music can touch the heart in a powerful way. Being present in the healing sound of his beautiful music creates a profound experience of inner peace and connection, at deep and personal level. Since 1985 when Jeffree released his first album "Butterfly", his music has been a favorite for meditators and healers worldwide. Now, with a further ten albums in his catalogue, Jeffree releases his latest meditation masterpiece "One in the Field".
Bascha Meier:
Bascha Meier works both in New Zealand and internationally as a seminar facilitator, energy medium and in the Healing Arts for over 20 years.
She is fulfilling her passion to bring people together through the Lightworkers Forums which started in 2010 and are steadily growing in popularity
Special guest performers include Cassandra Stark (traditional maori welcome & closure) and Jobke de Kimpe who will lead the spiral formation.
All ticket holders are invited to join the Forum's unique Networking 'n' nibbles after the event close, which will be held in the foyer area. Bring your cards, flyers to place on the networking display table.
Mix and mingle with each other and with the guest speakers, enjoy your glass of Cosmos Fruit Punch!
This collective energy is uplifting and allows for a memorable evening.
Those interested in participating in this unique Networking 'n' nibbles after-event, please bring with you a plate of finger food, covered with gladwrap to keep fresh.
Please use recyclable cardboard or paper plates and hand over your shared food to the assistants in the foyer area of the Little Theatre prior to event start.
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ORLANDO, Fla. – In a 2-1 ruling, the U.S. Court of Appeals denied SeaWorld's appeal of citations issued by the Occupational Safety and Health Administration following the death of trainer Dawn Brancheau in Orlando.
[READ: Opinion from U.S. Court of Appeals]
Months after the killer whale Tilikum drowned Brancheau in February 2010, OSHA cited the company for endangering the safety of its killer whale trainers. In June 2012, an administrative law judge upheld the citation and ordered SeaWorld to pay a $7,000 fine. The judge also sided with OSHA's recommendation that SeaWorld keep its trainers behind barriers or a safe distance away when working with killer whales.
SeaWorld appealed that ruling, but the court ruled Friday that the company's petition for review was denied. It wasn't immediately known if SeaWorld would now petition the U.S. Supreme Court.
OSHA believes the best way for SeaWorld to protect its employees is to keep them behind barriers or a safe distance away from its killer whales.
"There will still be human interactions and performances with killer whales," the jusitces wrote. "The remedy will simply require that they continue with increased safety measures."
In written briefs filed ahead of November's hearing, attorneys for both sides focused on the "General Duty Clause" of the Occupational Safety Health Act, which requires employers to provide a place of employment "free from recognized hazards" that are likely to cause death of physical harm.
OSHA lawyers said SeaWorld violated the General Duty Clause by exposing trainers to the recognized hazards of working in close contact with killer whales. OSHA cites SeaWorld's own internal reports documenting around 100 incidents of killer whale aggression, including "biting, hitting, lunging toward, pulling on, pinning, dragging, and aggressively swimming over SeaWorld trainers." The agency believes those incident reports establish a pattern of unpredictable and dangerous working conditions.
[VIEW: SeaWorld brief | Secretary of Labor brief | SeaWorld rebuttal brief]
OSHA argues SeaWorld's attempts to reduce the risk have failed, leading to multiple injuries and the deaths of two trainers (Besides Brancheau, OSHA includes the death of Alexis Martinez, a trainer employed by a marine park in Spain who was killed by a SeaWorld-owned orca two months earlier.).
SeaWorld acknowledged in written legal briefs that there is a risk working with killer whales, but the company believes it has adequately minimized that risk through a comprehensive animal training program and other safety protocols. SeaWorld's attorney argues that the OSH Act does not require an employer to provide a risk-free workplace, but rather reduce significant risks. As for those incident reports detailing aggressive whale behavior, SeaWorld asserts the documents "do not show recognition of ongoing hazards. Instead they show resolution of potential problems."
SeaWorld says having close contact with killer whales is integral to their business of attracting, inspiring and educating audiences, while also being necessary to provide the whales with proper veterinary care.
Oral arguments weren't at the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit, where SeaWorld's appeal was filed. Instead, for the first time ever, the chief judge decided to move the proceedings to an auditorium at Georgetown University Law Center so students can witness the debate.
In their written briefs, SeaWorld argued that OSHA's general duty clause is unconstitutionally vague and violates employers' due process rights by not providing notice of prohibited working conditions. OSHA contends that SeaWorld's prior knowledge of killer whale aggression towards employees causing injury and death is adequate warning.
SeaWorld released a statement on Friday following OSHA ruling, which read:
"We are obviously disappointed with today's decision from the U.S. Court of Appeals.Following the tragic death of Dawn Brancheau in 2010, we voluntarily deployed several new safety measures, including removing trainers from the water during shows. In so noting in its opinion, the Court acknowledged that there will still be human interactions and performances with killer whales and, according to the Court, the decision simply requires that we continue with increased safety measures during our shows.
SeaWorld remains committed to providing a safe workplace for employees, healthy environments for the animals in our care, and inspirational and educational experiences with killer whales for our guests. We are still reviewing the opinion and no decision has been made on whether we will appeal."


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I've always wanted to have Paperwhites on my table for Christmas and I remember this like two days before December 25th and then it is too late. You have to be on your game and get them started around Thanksgiving.
I happen to be all over it this year.
And by all over it, I mean I was in Home Depot for the nine billionth time last weekend picking up something for the never-ending kitchen remodel and I walked right past a Paperwhite display and threw a pack of bulbs in the cart.
According to my research and the instructions on the packaging, you plant these in a pot and it's called "forcing Paperwhites". I think this is pretty rude, I don't like to force anyone to do anything.
I mean, these bulbs look pretty helpless.
The Paperwhites do not like to grow in dirt, just rocks. Forcefully. I bought a bag of rocks also at Home Depot: $4.
The bulbs are already growing in the package, so we had a one on one and I suggested to them that they grow in a bowl. It's cool, Paperwhites, nobody's gonna hurt anybody.
We're gonna be like three little Fonzies here.
Except then I decided that it looked better with four little Fonzies.
I am hoping that these bowls are deep enough, I guess I'm going to find out. The instructions said I should fill in with enough rocks to hold the bulbs in place and leave their noses showing. I think I pretty much nailed it. And I ran out of rocks.
I added water just below the base of the bulbs. You want to make sure it stays at this level and the water shouldn't touch the bulbs because they could rot. Action shot, revel in it.
I'm moving them to a cool, dark room and then a few weeks, I can move them to a sunny windowsill with the hopes they will flower.
These little bastards better not let me down.
Team Paperwhites.


text:
For those whose first foray into Tamriel came this year with The Elder Scrolls V: Skyrim, the series' maker will offer the preceding entry, The Elder Scrolls IV: Oblivion combined with another outstanding role-playing game, Fallout 3. The combo will be $29.99 on Xbox 360, $19.99 on PC in March.
What about PS3? Bethesda Game Studios' Pete Hines told Joystiq that they aren't allowed to release the combo for that console yet. "We will continue to work to try to change that," he said. "but at present it is still not approved. We would like to release a PS3 version a well."
Fallout 3 and Oblivion unite in double pack on April 3 [Joystiq]


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text:
WIU Home > COEHS > Kinesiology > Pe
Physical Education
Our Vision
Physical education teacher education (PETE) is the study and practice of the art and science of teaching movement. The WIU PETE program is focused on developing teacher expertise based upon knowledge of the scientific disciplines related to movement, the skills and motor patterns of many physical activities, strategic implementation of pedagogical techniques, and data based reflection and self-evaluation of teaching opportunities.
Our Mission
A focus of the WIU PETE program is to instruct pre-service teachers using the most current information of the disciplines, physical activities, and methods of teaching physical education so that graduates can make an immediate impact on their students..
Our Commitment
Pre-service teachers in this program are instructed to put curriculum and learning theory into practice to facilitate success as a physical educator for years to come in any school context. In particular, pre-service teachers will have many opportunities to "learn by doing". Pre-service teachers spend many hours in the field teaching elementary, middle, and high school physical education classes prior to their student teaching experience.


text:
New Patterns
Recent Posts
Free Patterns
I am very busy packing and running around doing all kinds of stuff and have absolutely no time to blog! I can however, show you one of my favorite blogpost called "Where have you been". I wrote this in July 2007. Enjoy... Where have you been..? "I have always been here, you silly. Waiting for you to open the gates..." ~ Inspiration This morning I heard a firm knock on my front door. It woke me up immediately and a...
Last Saturday, my friend Chris Tolomei took me on an East Bay yarnshop tour. We had a wonderful day, with lots of yarn fondling, good lunch, a photo shoot of the Miss Jenni Shawl, and lots of conversation. After our day together, I was filled with new blogpost ideas about photography and specifically photography with models. A few days later, I had an energetic telephone conversation with my new friend Jennifer Iannolo, the woman behind...
Last May I wrote a blogpost called "Powerful Creative Energy". In that blogpost I write: Over the past few weeks, I have only been knitting poppies. Little did I know that knitting these sweet and delicate flowers, would invoke an energy so powerful and so creative, that it almost seems unreal to me. I then proceed to write about meetings I had with a Webdeveloper and Webdesigner from the company Bottman Brothers based in Portland,...
- INSPIRATION (Life and Art)


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Support SJSU Music
Support our University Program
Your support is fundamental to our success as an institution of the arts, and we greatly appreciate contributions of all shapes and sizes. Many of our students financially rely on the generosity of donors in order to continue their education.
Tower Foundation
Donations are made through the Tower Foundation to specific accounts. Click here to learn more about giving to the College of Humanities and the Arts, or click on the GIVE NOW button to make your contribution on that page. Again, thank you for your support!


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[Samui hotels]
中 文
日 本
Phalarn Inn Resort
28/1 Moo 4, T.Maenam, Koh Samui
Suratthani 84330
Maenam Beach
Hotel category:
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Phalarn Inn Resort is gorgeously set amidst a lush tropical garden in the serene Maenam Beach area in northern Samui. Merely a few minutes' walk from the shimmering white sand and turquoise waters of the magnificent Gulf of Thailand. Within 20-minute ride, you can reach the famed Chaweng Beach where tons of delectable restaurants and nightlife venues can be found. Samui International Airport and Nathon Town are also located just 15 minutes' drive away.
Alongside the bargain price and cosy well-appointed guestrooms, facilities on-site include a restaurant serving tasty Thai, Western and seafood dishes, Wi-Fi access, cooking class, an outdoor pool, car & motorbike rentals, tour and ticketing services.
Hotel summary
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Travel reviews for Phalarn Inn Resort
Date of stay:
Mar 05, 2018
Accommodation and facilities:
Lovely place, naer to the Phalarn Pier. Quiet, peaceful with lush garden and beautiful pool.
Reservation service:
Mar 19, 2018
written by:
Date of stay:
Jul 10, 2016
Accommodation and facilities:
Nice service but hotel needs renovation
Reservation service:
Nice and easy
Jul 13, 2016
written by:
Tonny Wiberg Gumoes
Date of stay:
Jun 02, 2014
Accommodation and facilities:
Väldigt trevlig personal och fin omgivning. Pitoresk miljö med djungel och grönska, 100 m till stranden via bakdörren. Poolen var liten men ren och fin. Rummen var enkla men bra med myggnät för fönster. Mycket bra standard för enbart 2 stjärnor! Läget är bra, nära till shoppinggata med mysiga restauranger, massage och små affärer.
Reservation service:
Jun 05, 2014
written by:
Emelie Eklund
Date of stay:
Feb 09, 2012
Accommodation and facilities:
Phalarn Resort was comfortbale and welcoming. Sugar was a brilliant hostess and catered for all our needs. Her staff were friendly and created a chilled atmosphere! thank you to Sugar and her staff.... would definately stay again! Ria and Danny
Reservation service:
Feb 22, 2012
written by:
Ria Cherry
Date of stay:
Jan 03, 2012
Accommodation and facilities:
Brilliant service from Sugar and everyone else. Lovely place, lovely location next to the beach. Great facilities and tasty food in the restaurant!
Reservation service:
Jan 15, 2012
written by:
Emma Elizabeth Horner
Date of stay:
Dec 12, 2011
Accommodation and facilities:
The Phalarn Inn Resort is a great place to chill out, enjoying the beach, hanging out by the pool or just to get away from the more hectic tourist areas. The staff is very friendly and the owner has excellent english skills and is very helpful. At the Phalarn Inn you can eat good food, enjoy massages and rent motorbikes for a very low cost. Although this is a great place for couples and families, the full moon party -crowd can have this place as a great safe haven before and after going to Koh Phangan (and you ll need it!), cause the Phalarn Inn sell tickets and accomodates all the different options you might need. The price ranges from the budget traveller and up, with rooms starting with your basic needs (fan, cold water) to more comfortable living with airconditioned rooms with hot water shower and a furnitured porch. Free wifi in the common area and pool area!
Reservation service:
Great service!
Dec 16, 2011
written by:
THB ฿ Thailand
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Welcome to . . .
Phalarn Inn Resort
- your home away from home!
A small family run resort, Phalarn Inn has been playing host to guests from all around the world for nearly 30 years from the early days when Maenam beach became a firm favorite with the backpacker crowd. We have seen many changes at Phalarn Inn over the years.
We have listened to our guests, paid attention to their needs and we have now grown to become one of the best known and best value for money resorts on Maenam Beach. My family began a complete overhaul of Phalarn Inn, with new bungalows, bar and restaurant and superb swimming pool with Jacuzzi, all set in a glorious tropical garden.
Our 21 clean and comfortable bungalows nestle around the swimming pool, amidst lush and exotic greenery.
:: Garden Bungalow, Fan / Garden Bungalow, A/C (Double or Twin) ::
We have two options for this room type with air condition room or fan room, hot water, cable TV., and balcony. Comfortable with colorful decoration nestled in natural atmosphere and tropical garden.
:: Garden Family, A/C (Triple) ::
Bungalow with air condition, hot water, cable TV., refrigerator, and balcony. These rooms are designed for family stay with one double bed and one single bed.
Our new bar and restaurant offers a variety of good food and drinks throughout the day and night. Ideality located just a stone's throw from the stunning Maenam Beach!
As our guest, we will go out of way to make you feel at home. Our staffs are friendly and helpful and nothing is too much trouble. All you have to do is ask! I look forward to welcoming you to my home at Phalarn Inn, where I hope that we can help to make your holiday a dream come true! See you soon.
Free Wi-Fi at restaurant and swimming pool.
* Cannot connect from room
Outdoor swimming pool
Pool table
Restaurant, serving the authentic Thai food, seafood and western food
Cooking class
Safe box services
Laundry services
Tour information and ticketing
Car and motorbike rental
Taxi service
We are located in Maenam beach area in the north of Samui which is the best tranquil and relax area. Only one minutes walk from our resort to the beach. Yet a 20 minutes ride will take you to Chaweng beach the main attraction of night life and restaurants, a 15 minutes to the Samui International airport and the Nathorn town. Only 30 meters to Lomprayah pier that provide the catamaran services to Koh Phangan, Koh Tao and Bangkok.
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text:
"And thy Redeemer, the Holy One of Israel." Isaiah 41:14
Suggested Further Reading: Psalm 118:5-14
Hear Jehovah, the everlasting Father, saying, "I will help thee." "Mine are the ages: before the ages began, when there were no worlds, when nothing had been created, from everlasting I am thy God. I am the God of election, the God of the decree, the God of the covenant; by my strength I did set fast the mountains; by my skill I laid the pillars of the earth, and the beams of the firmament of heaven; I spread out the skies as a curtain, and as a tent for man to dwell in; I the Lord made all these things. I will help thee." Then comes Jehovah the Son. "And I also, am thy Redeemer, I am eternal; my name is wisdom. I was with God, when there were no depths, before he had digged the rivers, I was there as one brought up with him. I am Jesus, the God of ages; I am Jesus, the man of sorrows: 'I am he that liveth and was dead, I am alive for evermore.' I am the High Priest of thy profession, the Intercessor before the throne, the Representative of my people. I have power with God. I will help thee." Poor worm, thy Redeemer vows to help thee; by his bleeding hands he covenants to give thee aid. And then in comes the Holy Spirit. "And I," saith the Spirit, "am also God—not an influence, but a person—I, eternal and everlasting co-existent with the Father and the Son—I, who did brood over chaos, when as yet the world was not brought into form and fashion, and did sow the earth with the seeds of life when I did brood over it,—I, that brought again from the dead your Lord Jesus Christ, the Shepherd of the sheep, I who am the Eternal Spirit, by whose power the Lord Jesus did arise from the bondage of his tomb—I, by whom souls are quickened, by whom the elect are called out of darkness into light—I, who have power to maintain my children and preserve them to the end—I will help thee."
For meditation: 2 Corinthians 13:14: what a mighty benediction!
Sermon no. 157
5 October (Preached 4 October 1857)


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Coming Soon
Buy [[ promotionTotalAmount ]] For [[ promotionBuyAmount ]] range: expert-waist-training range: instant-shape range: waist-taming reduction: 2 reduction: 4 size:23 size:24 size:25 size:26 size:27 size:28 size:29 size:30 size:31 size:32 size:33 size:34 size:35 size:36 size:37 size:38 size:39 size:40 size:41 size:42 size:43 size:44 size:45 size:46 size:47 size:48 size_table:expert-waist-training-size-chart size_table:waist-taming-size-chart sku: EXS008 sku: FTS063 sku: FTS066 sku: FTS077 sku: FTS080 sku: FTS083 sku: FTS086 sku: FTS087 sku: FTS088 sku: ND-116 sku: RV-001 sku: SDS008 sku: SDS009 sku: SDS010 sku: SDS011 sku: SDS012 sku: SDS014 sku: SDS016 sku: SST001 sku: SST006 sku: SST007 sku: SST008 sku: SZ003 sku: SZ005 sku: WTS530 sku: WTS701 sku: WTS702 sku: WTS703 sku: WTS804 sku: WTS828 sku: WTS835 sku: WTS838 sku: WTS904 sku: WTS906 style: americana style: bridal style: burlesque style: fetish style: gothic style: historic style: performers style: punk style: steampunk type: corset dresses type: corset shirts type: corset tops type: corsets with shoulder straps type: overbust corsets type: underbust corsets waist: 2" instant shape waist: 4" waist taming
Corset Design
Natural Waist Size
Your Natural Waist Size
Select on your Natural Waist Size (in inches) to see which designs we have in your size
For help with sizing and the learn about the differences between our range click below to visit the Corset Story Size Guide
Achievable Waist Reduction
Achievable Waist Reduction
The Waist Reduction rating is the maximum waist reduction achievable of the corset. Just because a corset is rated to a 4 or 5" waist reduction doesn't mean you have to wear them that tightly, you have the choice between comfort & control.
Not interested in Waist Reduction? This rating will give you an idea of the weight of the corsets in our collections, from lingerie to expert level corsetry, as well as the support they offer.
Disguise Rating
Disguise Rating Explained
The Disguise Rating is how invisible a corset is underneath clothing, relative to the other designs available in our collections.
All Corsets & foundation garments will be difficult to completely disguise underneath bodycon and very tight fitting sheer garments. Dresses with scooped backs can also be problematic when pairing with overbust designs.
Comfort Rating
Comfort Rating Explained
The Comfort Rating is how comfortable your corset will be. Some fabrics are less suited to longer periods of wear and more theatrical designs can become heavy if wearing all day.
Naturally you will find that your corset will be less comfortable the tighter you lace it, corsetry is about finding the balance between comfort & control that best suits you.
Corset Features
For the Corset Fashionista, our coming soon page helps you keep your eye on our corset designs that are landing soon. As we are always developing and adding to our range, we help you find your perfect corset and ensure you get your hands on it as soon as it lands online. Our corsets coming soon section provides all of the information that you need about our greatly anticipated new designs.
Any corsets that you see here have been designed and developed by Corset Story and are currently in production with our tailors. The corsets that you see here will be in stock and available to purchase in 6-12 weeks or sooner. If you set your heart on a specific design, sign up to be notified by email when it's in stock to ensure you don't miss out. You will then be immediately alerted when the new design arrives in stock.