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New launch date for Europe's first polar-orbiting weather satellite
It will complement Europe's already highly successful Meteosat satellites positioned in geostationary orbit and will form the European part of an integrated system to be deployed jointly with the USA to provide better weather and climate information.
The MetOp satellite series is a joint programme being carried out by the European Space Agency (ESA) and the European Meteorological Satellite Organisation (EUMETSAT), with the latter set to operate the spacecraft once they are in orbit. These new satellites will form the space segment of the EUMETSAT Polar System (EPS) and probe the atmosphere with high accuracy. They will circle the globe from pole to pole at an altitude of about 817 km, collecting high-resolution data to complement the hemispheric survey of the atmosphere conducted from geostationary orbit by the Meteosat system.
These new European satellites will be operated in partnership with the US National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) polar weather satellite system, providing data that will be used to monitor our planet's climate and improve weather forecasting.
NOAA satellites will operate the 'afternoon shift' (i.e. crossing the equator in the afternoon, local time), with Europe's MetOp taking over the 'morning orbit' service.
The MetOp spacecraft have been developed and built by an industrial team led by EADS Astrium based in Toulouse, France. Three flight models were ordered and have essentially been completed. They will be launched sequentially in order to ensure continuous data delivery up to 2020 at least. Each satellite is 6.5 metres high and weighs about 4 tonnes at launch. MetOp-A, the first in the series, is carrying a suite of instruments which complement each other and existing meteorological satellites systems in terms of data provided.
The first MetOp satellite is currently at the Baikonur cosmodrome in Kazakhstan. There, it is undergoing final preparations for its 7 October launch onboard a Russian Soyuz ST/Fregat rocket operated by Starsem. Lift-off is scheduled for 18:28 CEST (16:28 GMT).
ESA TV will be providing live coverage of the launch from the main mission control room at ESOC, ESA's space operations centre in Darmstadt, Germany. The initial programme will cover the final 15 minutes of the countdown, lift-off and launcher flight through to upper-stage engine shut-down.
A second live sequence, some 75 minutes later, will cover the spacecraft's separation from the launcher's upper stage and spacecraft signal acquisition by mission control. The live broadcast will be available for downloading from the Eutelsat W2 satellite. The MetOp Video News Release will be played three times on 6 and 7 October, on Europe by Satellite, on Hot Bird. Details of all broadcasts will be posted on http://television.esa.int as from 2 October.
You can follow the launch events via the following dedicated websites at: http://www.esa.int/metop and http://www.eumetsat.int.
Media representatives in Europe are invited to follow the launch from ESOC/Darmstadt, which will be serving as the main European guest / press centre (see attached programme).
ESA's establishments in Noordwijk, the Netherlands (ESTEC), in Frascati, Italy (ESRIN) and in Villafranca, Spain (ESAC) will also be opening their doors to the media for the launch. At each site, ESA specialists will be available for interviews.
Media representatives wishing to attend are asked to complete the attached reply form and fax it to the establishment of their choice.
For further information, please contact :
ESA Media Relations Office
Tel: +33(0)184.108.40.20655
Fax +33(0)126.96.36.1990


text: Firearm Safety for Safety Professionals Did you know… Guns are in more than one third of all U.S. households? They're a very real danger to children, whether their caregivers own one or not. Of the 192 million firearms owned in the United States, 65 million are handguns? Research shows guns in homes are a serious risk to families. A gun kept in the home is far more likely to kill someone known to the family than to kill or injure a household member than kill or injure an intruder? A gun kept in the home triples the risk of homicide? The risk of suicide is five times more likely if a gun is kept in the home? Use these tips to educate parents about firearm safety: Children should not have access to firearms and parents should talk to children about the hazards of gun use. Even if they don't own a gun, chances are their friends or neighbors do. That's why it's important to talk to kids about the potential dangers of guns, and what to do if they find one. Gun owners should always store firearms (including BB or pellet guns) unloaded and locked up, out of reach of children. Ammunition should be locked in a separate location, also out of reach of children. Quality safety devices, such as gun locks, lock boxes or gun safes, should be used for every gun kept in the home. Keep gun storage keys and lock combinations hidden in a separate location. Check with neighbors, friends and relatives or adults in any other homes where children may visit to ensure they follow safe storage practices if firearms are in their homes. Use these tips to educate children and keep them safe from firearms: They should never touch or play with guns. They should tell an adult if they find a gun. If someone they are with finds a gun, they should leave the area immediately and find an adult. For more information, please visit the following websites: Free Firearm Safety Brochure Project ChildSafe - Firearm Safety Kit & Other Resources

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Mids sting Delaware St.
Navy improves to 3-4 on season
Brandon Venturini scored 14 points, including four 3-pointers, to lead Navy to a 63-53 victory over Delaware State on Saturday in both teams' South Padre Island Invitational finale.
Tilman Dunbar added 11 points for the Midshipmen (3-4), who shot only 45 percent from the floor but made seven of their 16 attempts from behind the arc.
Kendall Gray and Tyshawn Bell had 13 points apiece for the Hornets (3-4), and Gray pulled down a game-high seven rebounds. Delaware State made just 36 percent of its shots.
Navy didn't trail after the opening minutes, as a Kendall Knorr 3-pointer capped an 18-2 run that gave the Midshipmen a 24-8 lead with 6:50 left in the first half. Navy led 35-20 at halftime, then scored the first nine points of the second period, capped by a Venturini 3-pointer, to take its largest lead, 44-20, with 16:26 to play.


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When local officials discuss the pros and cons associated with a raft of local medical marijuana proposals and restrictions what becomes evident is that the challenge to strike a balance between voters who passed this fall's referendum and legal and health concerns is no small task.
When local officials discuss the pros and cons associated with a raft of local medical marijuana proposals and restrictions what becomes evident is that the challenge to strike a balance between voters who passed this fall's referendum and legal and health concerns is no small task.
"There's no doubt there is a segment of the population that could really benefit from this," said Hudson Board of Health Agent Sam Wong. The challenge is "how can we provide this as a form of relief for those people that really need it without causing any other problems."
Hudson is one of several communities pursuing a temporary moratorium on medical marijuana dispensaries opening in their towns. Many communities, including Natick, Framingham, Hudson and Medway are looking at year-long moratoriums, giving leaders time to react to state regulations currently in draft form and develop zoning bylaws or other responses. Westborough has already approved zoning regulations.
The state Attorney General's Office has ruled communities cannot ban dispensaries.
Terry Hayes, president of the Massachusetts Health Officers Association, said youth access to medical marijuana and smoking in public places are two concerns local health officials have raised. They also have to react to the possibility marijuana will be included in food products, he said.
"It's a huge change for Massachusetts," he said.
Natick Public Health Director James White, who was at a Thursday meeting where MetroWest officials learned about the state's draft regulations, said he was pleased to see the state took security seriously, including requiring dispensary workers to go through background checks.
Natick is pursuing a temporary moratorium at spring Town Meeting while the town evaluates state regulations.
"It's clear towns can't keep putting off addressing it," White said. "It's got to be addressed at Town Meeting in a timely manner (once final regulations are released)."
White said state officials put thought into the regulations and learned from other states, but said some officials were puzzled the state is keeping much of the regulatory control. Communities can petition to be more involved in oversight of the dispensaries, he said.
Hudson's Wong, who was also at Thursday's meeting, said the draft regulations are fairly comprehensive, so there may not be much need for local ones.
Peter Hayashi, 57, a Newton resident who uses medical marijuana to relieve debilitating pain, said he is anxious for dispensaries to open but understands the rationale for moratoriums.
"I have to rely on the black market, which for me is an awful thing," he said.
Melissa Dantz-Zerbel, a Framingham resident, said she saw the benefits of medical marijuana firsthand as her father battled effects of stage four melanoma and chemotherapy that left him barely able to walk around a room. After using medical marijuana, he was laughing and joking and more like he was before developing cancer, she said.
Dantz-Zerbel said she did not like how Framingham initially considered a zoning restriction limiting dispensaries to an expensive retail area along Rte. 9 called the the Golden Triangle.
"I would like to see them more open-minded," she said, adding dispensaries should be treated similar to how pharmacies are zoned. "It's an alternative medicine."
Framingham officials are pursuing a temporary moratorium and not the zoning restriction. Town officials have said restricting dispensaries to an area with higher real estate values could ensure they have a high-quality physical appearance.
Medway Planning and Economic Development Coordinator Susan Affleck-Childs said dispensaries are a brand new use without a model in the state.
"I think these are facilities that can be retail and can be production," she said. "We're just learning about a whole new form of enterprise."
Medway officials are eying a moratorium until the end of June 2014 and hope to present a zoning measure to Town Meeting in spring 2014, she said.
Milford Health Officer Paul Mazzuchelli said he is watching what other towns do. Discussions should involve people from all perspectives including planning, education and medical professionals, he said
Milford officials has discussed limiting dispensaries to two industrial areas while Franklin's board is expected next month to consider an industrial area along Interstate 495.
Westborough Town Meeting has already approved zoning that restricts dispensaries to the adult entertainment zone, a small area on the west side near the Northborough town line.
"This is not a typical use," Planning Board Chairman Lester Hensley said of the need for zoning restrictions. "It has certain risks associated with it."
Hensley said the draft regulations do a good job requiring structures to be secure, but still have ambiguity around quantities of different medical marijuana products that are legal. Hensley said he also worries about large cash transactions taking place at dispensaries.
"We'd hope (zoning regulations) conform with the way they treat any other business," said Anne Johnson, Massachusetts Medical Marijuana Association's executive director. "The voters have clearly voted and those voters live in those cites and towns discussing the myriad of approaches."
Johnson said prospective dispensary owners hope to open professional businesses that will be highly regulated and would become good corporate citizens.
Bruce Bedrick, CEO of Kind Clinics, LLC and Medbox, Inc., said the draft regulations offer many security protections including ID checks. Bedrick, who has a consulting office in Natick, has a dispensing system that uses biometrics to ensure authorized patients are receiving marijuana.
"The state Department of Public of Health has done a masterful job creating rules and regulations that will set the new gold standard," Bedrick said.
Brian Benson can be reached at 508-626-3964 or firstname.lastname@example.com.


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Philippe Fenech is the artist of several children's and humor comics published by Soleil, Vents d'Ouest and Bamboo. Born in Montpellier, he studied between 1994 and 2000 and subsequently made the gag strip 'Requin Barjot' for his local newspaper. Between 2000 and 2002, he devided his time between working as a professor in drawing and cinema, and as a freelance artist for Hachette. He was responsible for several game pages that were published in the Disney publications published by Hachette. He also made the gag series 'Après la classe' for these magazines, in cooperation with writer Dobbs.
By 2003 he stopped working as a teacher and focused on creating children's comics for Soleil Productions. During his illustration work, he had created the character 'Koala' in 1999. This character was featured in his first comic series for Soleil, 'Tuff et Koala', of which he made three books with Curd Ridel between 2004 and 2006. He additionally created the short-lived humor series 'Anatole Deparadis' with writer Nicolas Mitric in 2004, and the sci-fi adventure 'L'Empire des Mecchas' with Téhy in 2007. He then made a new series called 'Léo Passion Rugby' with Loïc Nicoloff between 2007 and 2009.
He was also present in Lanfeust Mag between 2004 and 2010 with gags and the series 'Bazardoz' (scripts by Pierre Grimbert). Fenech then joined forces with the writers Mady and Ludovic Danjou and created 'Un héros presque parfait' and 'Ulysse!' for Vents d'Ouest between 2010 and 2013. 'Mes Cop's', the teenage humor comic he makes with Christophe Cazenove, is published by Bamboo since 2013.


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Pipeline Perspectives: Walker boasts top arm
Mariners right-hander expected to make bigger impact in 2014 than D-backs' Bradley
There's a good amount of subjectivity regarding baseball prospects. With the evaluation of talent being in the eye of the beholder, finding consensus is often difficult. Even Jim Callis and Jonathan Mayo at MLBPipeline.com don't always see eye-to-eye. They'll be discussing their viewpoints regularly in a feature called Pipeline Perspectives. Submit a topic for them to debate.
Last week in Pipeline Perspectives, Jim Callis and I debated which hitting prospect will have the largest big league impact in 2014. This time around, we're looking on the mound for pitching prospects we believe will make significant contributions in the Major Leagues next season.
Both of our choices are big right-handers who pitched in the 2013 Futures Game (They even did a video tour of New York with with the Mets' Noah Syndergaard). Both are in our Top 10 among the Top 100 prospects in baseball. While Jim went with D-backs righty Archie Bradley, ranked No. 7, I'm going with No. 4 prospect Taijuan Walker.
Walker, a two-time Futures Gamer, really put it all together this year. A tremendous athlete who was a supplemental first-round pick of the Mariners in 2010, he found a level of consistency on the mound that allowed him to begin the season in Double-A and finish it in Seattle.
Along the way, he topped the Mariners system in strikeouts while finishing in the top five in ERA, batting average against and WHIP. Oh, and he didn't turn 21 until mid-August. Considering he was a raw, projectable high schooler three years ago, in many ways he is far ahead of the curve.
Walker has always had electric raw stuff, headlined by a plus fastball. He's become a more complete pitcher, showing a more consistent breaking ball -- a curve that will be at least above-average, if not better -- and developing a solid changeup to go along with it. As he's moved up the ladder, he's kept his walk rate constant, about 3.6 per nine, though it spiked a little with the move to Triple-A.
He certainly didn't seem overmatched or intimidated when he got his first call-up to the big leagues for the season's final month, winning his debut by giving up just one unearned run over five innings. He got to make one start at Safeco Field before the Mariners shut him down. At that point, he had amassed 159 1/3 innings, nearly 23 more innings that his career high in 2012.
Walker has proven to be strong and durable and should be the type who won't have any issues shouldering a Major League starting workload. He's also shown an ability to make adjustments. The Mariners challenged him with a double jump to Double-A to start the 2012 season and he took some lumps there, especially at the end of the year. Rather than sulk when he was sent back to the same level to start 2013, he proved to the organization that he could dominate the level and moved up.
That bodes well for him in Seattle. He'll invariably run into some stumbling blocks during his rookie season and how he bounces back from those rough outings will ultimately dictate how much success he has right away. During his time in Double-A this year, he responded to any start in which he gave up more than two earned runs with a start in which he held the opponent to no more than one earned run. In Triple-A, after a stretch in which he scuffled a bit -- giving up 20 earned runs over five starts -- he yielded just one run over his final two outings before his promotion.
It's difficult to imagine a scenario in which Walker won't be given every opportunity in Spring Training to win a job in the Mariners rotation. Seeing him eventually settle in as the No. 2 guy behind King Felix doesn't sound like an unreasonable expectation. I'm not saying that's going to happen right away, but Walker is poised to make a large contribution as a mainstay in the rotation all season and becoming a serious American League Rookie of the Year Award candidate.


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Hudhur gave a discourse on Divine bestowment without measure as well as Gods swift reckoning in his Friday Sermon today. Hudhur explained the subject by citing examples of ahadith as well as incidents of the companions of the Promised Messiah (on whom be peace).
Hudhur said there are numerous incidences from the life of Hadhrat Khalifatul Masih I (may Allah be pleased with him) that illustrate how God grants without measure and from most unexpected means. Once Hadhrat Khalifatul Masih I (may Allah be pleased with him) was travelling from Kashmir via Rawalpindi when money ran out. He told his companion that they would sell the horse. A short while later, the horse became ill and on reaching Rawalpindi it died. The carriage man demanded rent and there appeared no way out when Hadhrat Khalifatul Masih I (may Allah be pleased with him) turned to God. Just then a person brought his ailing father to Hadhrat Khalifatul Masih I for treatment. He prescribed some medicine and was paid enough remuneration to enable them to carry on with the journey. Once on the occasion of Eid ul Adhia Hadhrat Khalifatul Masih I (may Allah be pleased with him) only had one worn piece of clothing to wear. The congregation for Eid Salat awaited and sent for him many times as he dealt with his worn clothes at home. Then there was a knock on the door and there stood a man who had travelled from another town bearing some clothes as gifts for Hadhrat Khalifatul Masih I (may Allah be pleased with him) and his family. Thus God always provided for him.
Maulana Ghulam Rasool Rajiki once had a dream that he and his wife are living in the house of the Promised Messiah (on whom be peace) and are close family members. He dreamed that his son is massaging the Promised Messiahs (on whom be peace) feet, when the Promised Messiah (on whom be peace) says to him in Punjabi, may all your needs be fulfilled. Maulana Rajiki said that following this dream God Himself fulfilled all his needs and his family and neighbours were witness to this spiritual glad-tiding.
The Promised Messiah (on whom be peace) said that the real Provider is God. One who put his trust in God is never deprived of provision. God states that He showers down from the heavens and extracts from under the feet for one who trusts Him.
Hudhur said Gods Prophets imbibe Divine attributes extremely well and the most excellent example of this was the Holy Prophet (peace and blessings of Allah be on him). He once said that even if he had gold the size of the mount of Uhad, he would have been happier, if after three days he had none left, apart from a little left over for paying off debts. Whenever the Holy Prophet (peace and blessings of Allah be on him) was asked in the name of Islam, he would give most generously. Once he gave a person the entire herd of goats that grazed a valley between two mountains. The man went to his people and told them to accept Islam because the Prophet of Islam gave so much that there could never be a risk of famine. After the victory of Makkah and following the Battle of Hunain, the Holy Prophet (peace and blessings of Allah be on him) gave Sufyan bin Umayyah three hundred camels. Sufyan would say that prior to this he greatly disliked the Holy Prophet (peace and blessings of Allah be on him) but later he became his most beloved. Hudhur said at times worldly riches bring people to faith. Sufyan bin Umayyah passed a valley with the Holy Prophet (peace and blessings of Allah be on him) where he covetously eyed a herd of goats. The Prophet asked him if he liked the herd a lot, to which he answered, yes. The Prophet (peace and blessings of Allah be on him) told him he may have the entire herd. Overwhelmed by this generosity Sufyan fell in the feet of the Holy Prophet (peace and blessings of Allah be on him) and accepted Islam saying only a Prophet of God could make such a huge bestowal. Earlier on Sufyan bin Umayyah was a sworn enemy of Islam and following victory of Makkah he wondered if he would be spared. Not only was he pardoned rather he was bestowed greatly by the Prophet of Islam (peace and blessings of Allah be on him) who would advice his Companions never to be miserly in matters of faith and never to be inadequate in honouring dues of mankind. The Holy Prophet (peace and blessings of Allah be on him) enjoined not to be penny pinching when giving in the name of God, he said other wise God too would give sparingly.
Hudhur said each persons power to give is in accordance to his/her capacity and other commitments. The history of the Companions of the Holy Prophet (peace and blessings of Allah be on him) is a testimony to their trust in God. These people who were uneducated and ignorant went on to become great exemplars of godliness. The Holy Prophet (peace and blessings of Allah be on him) was ever concerned that his ummah remained godly. Once he sent Abu Ubaidah to collect Jizya from Bahrain, a place he had made a peace treaty with. When Abu Ubaidah returned a lot people had gathered, the Prophet (peace and blessings of Allah be on him) smiled and said it appeared people knew Abu Ubaidah had returned with something. He gave people glad-tidings but said that he was not concerned about their poverty but was concerned lest they got inclined to materialism like the earlier people and this materialism caused their destruction like the ancients. Hudhur said it was a pity that in spite of this strong counsel of the Holy Prophet (peace and blessings of Allah be on him) the majority of his ummah today is embroiled in the same. However, Ahmadis have to honour their pledge of baiat and have to give precedence to faith over worldly matters.
Hudhur said the Promised Messiah (on whom be peace) followed this blessed model of the Holy Prophet (peace and blessings of Allah be on him) in his dealings with his followers. Once he asked Syed Ghulam Hussain sahib, who was a young man of 15 years at the time and eager to serve, to fetch a parcel for him from Batala and gave him Rupee 5 for any expenses he may incur on the way. With no carriage around, young Syed sahib walked to Batala. The parcel was already fully paid for. On the way back the carriage driver asked for too much money, so Syed sahib arranged for the parcel to be carried but walked himself back to Qadian. He gave 4 pennies (aana) to the porter who had carried the parcel and went to the Promised Messiah (on whom be peace). The Promised Messiah (on whom be peace) took the parcel, cut the top open, put his hand inside and took out some fine grapes and gave them to the young man saying that was his share. He quickly gathered them in his tunic and returned the change to the Promised Messiah (on whom be peace) who most affectionately said, we do not keep account with friends.
Once Hakim Abdur Rahman sahib went to Qadian and on the Promised Messiahs (on whom be peace) insistence he stayed for a two and half months. Finally when he took leave to return home the Promised Messiah (on whom be peace) gave him a note to obtain a book of his from the book store. The person at the book store was annoyed and remarked that people came and got free books, so Hakim sahib asked for the note back. When the Promised Messiah (on whom be peace) inquired if he had obtained the book he related the incident. On hearing what happened, the Promised Messiah (on whom be peace) walked off towards the store without putting his shoes on and said to the person there, Mir sahib, why do you worry? You are anxious so soon? Large numbers of people have yet to come here and treasures will be distributed.
Hudhur said people who make sacrifices for the publication of Islam today and give are also shown such experiences by God. A new Ahmadi of Ivory Coast, Yaqoub Ali sahib was told about the prescribed rates of chanda, of Tehrike Jadid and Waqfe Jadid. When he paid his contribution accordingly, it came up to £50, which was a large sum for him. Soon afterwards a friend of his who had borrowed money from him a couple of years ago but from whom hope of a return was all but lost, rang him and said he was ready to pay back. Not only did he get his loan money back, he received a letter from the government informing him that he had been promoted to a higher grade and his salary had increased by 50%. On receipt of his enhanced salary he immediately adjusted his chanda contribution and he tells everyone most candidly it is all due to the grace of God.
A non-Ahmadi lady called Haleem from Benin contributed to the Tehrike Jadid scheme. Her business profit was double. She paid the following year again and her profit margin was four-fold. She continued to give, saying her business had accrued extraordinary profit, she also took her baiat. Hudhur said, as a rule we do not take contributions from people outside the Jamaat but in Africa sometimes such connections are formed that we have to accept contributions. Hudhur said when he was in Ghana many [non-Ahmadi] farmers would bring their Zakat saying that they were assured the Ahmadis would correctly channel it as opposed to the mullah who would probably devour it.
In the time of the Promised Messiah (on whom be peace) once someone was going on travels and asked the Promised Messiah (on whom be peace) for some funds who brought the box in which he kept all the money and said, take however much you wish to, most cheerfully he said, take all if you like.
Next Hudhur cited a few examples of Gods swift reckoning. Maulana Ranjiki related that once he was officiating the Nikah of a son of a companion of the Promised Messiah (on whom be peace) and later realised that apart from the one getting married all the other off-spring were deaf and dumb. The companion said that he used to taunt his sister-in-law who had a deaf and dumb child. Once he exceeded all limits in insults the sister-in-law told him to fear God. His impudence caused Gods displeasure and all his children were born deaf and dumb. He did Istaghfar profusely and wrote to the Promised Messiah (on whom be peace) for prayers. Eventually his last child was born without any disability. Hudhur said at times the pain inflicted on someone can move the heavens.
Maulana Rajiki also related an incident about two candidates standing in the Punjab Legislative Council elections and eager to get the votes of Ahmadis. Hadhrat Khalifatul Masih II (may Allah be pleased with him) instructed the Community to vote for one of the two. This choice was unexpected and many people arose against the Ahmadis over this. Ahmadis remained patient. One well-off person among them exceeded all limits and used abusive language for Ahmadis in general and Hadhrat Khalifatul Masih II and the Promised Messiah (on whom be peace) in particular. Maulana Rajiki warned him that such transgression was not good and that God does give too much respite to people like him. Almost immediately after this the man fell ill and despite seeking medical help from the best hospital, four months later, in spite of his grandeur, he died.
Maulana Rajiki related about a Maulwi who was extremely keen on the concept of Jesus (on whom be peace) being alive in the heavens. When the definite Quranic verse When Allah said, O Jesus, I will cause thee to die a natural death and will exalt thee to Myself, and will clear thee from the charges of those who disbelieve, and will place those who follow thee above those who disbelieve, until the Day of Resurrection; then to Me shall be your return, and I will judge between you concerning that wherein you differ. (3:56) was presented to him he would audaciously change the sequence of words in the verse to suit his purpose. He even went as far as suggesting to have the altered verse printed in a copy of the Quran but the scholars did not agree that it would cause a havoc. When all printing press declined he went to a Sikh press and offered them a lot of money, but they also declined due to fear of reprisals from Muslims. The Maulvi then decided to go into publication himself in order to achieve his goal. However, he suddenly became a victim to the plague and within the space of one night all his family died of the plague.
The Promised Messiah (on whom be peace) said that if one is mindful of Gods greatness and is aware of death then indolence is taken care of. Gods chastisement is dreadful. He covers faults but when He punishes, it is severe, apart from those who fear Him and deems Him Great. For such a person God becomes a shield.
Hudhur said may God have mercy and protect us from punishment, even from slight reprimand and may He always grant us blessings and give us beyond our imagination, may He establish His fear in our hearts. May we be among those who have perfect trust in God and may He become our shield at every opportunity as is His promise.
Hudhur said he is going on travels and the next few Fridays [the Baitul Futuh congregation] will also see Friday Sermons, like the rest of the world, on MTA. Hudhur asked for prayers that may his travels be blessed in every way.
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Thome and Dye could become free agents after this season, but Thome has a full no-trade clause, while Dye has a limited one that includes both New York teams, Boston, Toronto, Philadelphia and Washington.
August 31, 2009
The 6 teams in Dye's no-trade clause
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On-line version ISSN 2309-8392
Print version ISSN 0018-229X
Historia vol.55 n.1 Durban May. 2010
White farmers and African labourers in the pre-industrial Transvaal1
Blanke boere en swart arbeiders in pre-industriele Transvaal
J.S. Bergh
This article argues that the 1860s and 1870s represent an important transitional phase in the agrarian history of the Transvaal with regard to the relationship between white farmers and African labourers. Despite measures put in place by white settlers to secure labour, the availability of African labour emerged as a critical problem in this period and forced the Transvaal authorities to launch investigations into this matter. A number of causes can be identified. These include the discovery of diamonds on the southwestern Transvaal border in 1867, which created a huge demand for African labour and farm products; the emergence of markets in the towns and the transformation of production on white farms to more labour intensive, marketoriented farming. This situation was exacerbated by the inefficient application of labour stipulations; infighting between military officers and civil officials on labour matters and the presence of large semi-autonomous African communities in the outlying areas of the Transvaal, who were reluctant to provide labour. At least some of the factors that affected the labour demands of white settlers can also be traced back to the Cape Colony from which they had emigrated. African communities responded to the labour measures in various ways. For those in the central districts of the Transvaal migration appears to have been the most effective countermeasure.
Keywords: African communities; African labour; African response; agrarian history; discovery of diamonds; labour demands; labour stipulations; market-oriented farming; markets; Transvaal.
Hierdie artikel voer aan dat die' sestiger-en sewentigerjare van die negentiede eeu 'n belangrike oorgangsfase in Transvaalse agrariese geskiedenis, met betrekking tot die verhouding tussen wit boere en swart arbeiders, verteenwoordig. Ten spyte van maatreels deur die setlaars om arbeid te bekom, het die beskikbaarheid van swart arbeid in hierdie tydperk as 'n kritiese probleem na vore gekom en het dit die Transvaalse owerheid gedwing om ondersoek daarna in te stel. 'n Aantal oorsake kan geYdentifiseer word -onder andere die ontdekking van diamante aan die Transvaalse suidwestelike grens in 1867 wat 'n groot aanvraag vir swart arbeid en plaasprodukte geskep het; die opkoms van dorpsmarkte en die omskepping van produksie op plase na meer arbeidsintensiewe en markgeorienteerde boerdery; die ondoeltreffende toepassing van arbeidsbepalings en onenigheid tussen militere en siviele amptenare hieroor; en die teenwoordigheid van groot semi-outonome swart gemeenskappe in die afgelee gebiede van Transvaal, wat teensinnig was om arbeid te verskaf. Ten minste sommige van die faktore wat die arbeidsaanvraag van die wit setlaars beYnvloed het, kan na die Kaapkolonie, vanwaar hulle geemigreer het, teruggevoer word. Swart gemeenskappe het op verskillende wyses op arbeidsmaatreels gereageer. Vir die in die sentrale distrikte van Transvaal was migrasie klaarblyklik die mees doeltrefende teenmaatreel.
Sleutelwoorde: Agrariese geskiedenis; arbeidsaanvraag; arbeidsbepalings; markte; markgeorienteerde boerdery; ontdekking van diamante; swart arbeid; swart gemeenskappe; swart reaksie; wit boere; Transvaal.
In recent decades a number of scholars have provided penetrating perspectives on the relations between officialdom, white farmers and African labourers in pre-industrial southern Africa. Some observations, particularly those of Trapido, Delius and Ross, are relevant to this paper. Trapido's article, written in 1980, "Reflections on Land, Office and Wealth in the South African Republic",2 identifies "important trends for the understanding of the structures and dynamics of the community of white settlers in the Transvaal from around the 1850s onwards ... [and] succeeds in analysing complicated social relations in a remarkably clear-cut way".3 Tn his work, The Land Belongs to Us (1983), Delius deals in two separate chapters with "migrant labour" and "land, labour and legislation" in connection with the Bapedi domain.4 Although Delius largely restricts himself to the eastern Transvaal region and this article focuses mainly on the central districts, his analyses of labour relations and related matters are obviously relevant. Further, his article written in collaboration with Trapido, "Inboekselings and Oorlams: The Creation and Transformation of a Servile Class",5 together with other contributions on this subject,6 is of decided interest to this analysis. Ross makes a thought provoking contribution from another perspective in a chapter on "The Origins of Capitalist Agriculture in the Cape Colony: A Survey".7 Although some historians are of the opinion that Ross "perhaps overstates his case in suggesting that fully capitalist relationships were established in such areas by the 1860s",8 his analysis still presents stimulating perspectives on the history of pre-industrial Transvaal. In addition to these publications, a few older contributions on this theme still provide useful surveys.9
Both Trapido and Ross emphasise that when analysing the relationship between white farmers and African labourers in this region, the fact that the white settlers in the Transvaal historically came from the Cape Colony must be taken into account. Trapido is convinced that "relationships of power and property which had existed in the Cape Colony from which they had migrated" were reproduced in the Transvaal. 10 Ross states in this regard: "The South African white agricultural system is a specific historical construction which was developed in the Cape Colony during the first two centuries of European colonial presence and was then extended further and further north."11 Some of the influences and trends in the Cape Colony that might have impacted in important ways on the white migrants include: the absence of incentives for the establishment of a class of white labourers because of the liberal land policy of the Dutch authorities; the development of less industrious habits among white stock-farmers; 12 the increasing availability of African labour to white farmers on the Cape Eastern Frontier; the eventual dependence of these stock-farmers on permanent, contractual and casual African labour; 13 the evolution of a system of apprenticeship, especially for Khoisan children who were left orphaned after battles with Boer commandos -with the knowledge of both Dutch and British authorities; 14 the emergence of a class of wealthy farming families who were very successful with more market-oriented farming, with products such as wine, wheat and wool, in an increasingly commercialised economy; the dispossession of the land of some of the indigenous communities and the accumulation of land in the hands of a few; 15 and the practice by white farmers of demarcating new farms in the immediate vicinity of indigenous communities in order to secure good quality land, as well as labour for themselves.16
It should be emphasised that although the focus of this article is the central districts of the Transvaal, labour relations between white farmers and African labourers in this region should not be seen in isolation. It is demonstrated, for example, (see below) that there was a direct trade link between the outlying districts supplying indentured labour and the western and central districts during the early years of the Transvaal. Another example of interaction between these two regions is the apparent migration of some African labourers from the central districts to independent chiefdoms in the surrounding districts to escape increasing demands for labour. 17
The nature of labour relations in the outlying districts differed from the far more regulated labour relations that prevailed in the central districts. Delius alludes, for instance, to the eastern Transvaal in the 1850s and I 860s, where white farmers had to pay tribute to powerful chiefdoms for the land they were living on.18 Labour was secured "through establishing relationships of alliance exchange and, to some extent, clientage with more powerful chiefs".19 In the Soutpansberg district the emergence of the "swart skuts" (black marksmen) in the ivory trade added another dimension to the cooperation between white hunters/farmers and African labourers in the frontier zone20 . Legassick emphasises that in the frontier regions there was as much cooperation as conflict between white farmers and Africans.21
In view of the patterns that had emerged around their need for labour in the Cape Colony, the white emigrant farmers in the Transvaal put measures in place soon after their settlement in 1839 to secure African labour for themselves. Some of the stipulations in the ordinances and laws that were passed showed a clear resemblance to the provisions of the Masters and Servants Ordinance of 1841 and the Masters and Servants Act of 1856 in the Cape Colony.22 In the so-called Thirty-Three Articles of 1844 the white settlers gave an indication of how important African labour was to them. One of these articles, which dealt with the relationship between masters and servants (article 33), provided for the regulated discipline of African labourers, but also prohibited their ill-treatment.23 In terms of a volksraad decision of 1850, fieldcornets were responsible for recruiting labourers for the fanners in their respective wards. When they were not able to secure African labourers for contract periods of at least one year, farmers were allowed to use African labourers for a maximum period of fourteen days without compensation, but with enough food. For a contract period of one year the compensation in 1850 was one heifer. Africans who refused without reason to make their labour available were liable to a punishment of a maximum of twenty-five lashes.24 It was apparently the task of the Military Council to divide the various African communities among the wards of the field-cornets for the purpose of making their labour avai lable to farmers. 25
This system of coerced labour was refined in the Guidelines to Field-Cornets of 1858. These guidelines stipulated: that white inhabitants should apply to their fieldcornets for African labour (article 39) and should not negotiate directly with African chiefs (article 40); that African labourers should be well treated, provided with food and remunerated; that complaints in this regard would be handled by the field-cornets, landdrosts and the state attorney (articles 42 to 44); that unemployed Africans who did not fall under a chief should report to their field-cornet, who would arrange for them to be employed (article 45); that African labourers should be hired under contracts in which the period of the contract and the remuneration should be stated (article 56); and that owners of farms on which African communities lived were entitled to four African households, who should also be remunerated for their labour (article 57)26
In Ordinance No.2 of 1864, new aspects were added to these stipulations. For example, Africans who were found guilty of certain minor transgressions such as settling close to towns without the permission of the landdrost, or infringements in connection with passes, had the choice of paying penalties or being contracted as labourers with remuneration for periods of between one and two years (article 5). Further, the payment of annual taxes was now linked to the obligation of Africans to make their labour available to white residents. Article 18 reads:
For the privileges and protection the natives enjoy frol11 this Government and for the purpose of in this way making them liable to service to the white residents, it is resolved and determined hereby that the natives shall annually pay a tax for the benefit of the Government of thi s Republic.
A distinction was also drawn between the taxes paid by Africans who lived on government land and those who lived on the land of white farmers -to the advantage of Africans in the last category. White farmers with African communities on their farms were also rewarded. They were entitled to the labour of five households and those households were exempted from paying taxes (article 20). Those Africans "who may wish to settle or have settled in this Republic for the protection and safety of their persons and possessions" were obliged to provide labour for one year -six months without remuneration and the other six months at a fixed rate (article 16).27
Core aspects of Ordinance No.2 pertaining to labour were retained in a law promulgated in 1866. The law also included new labour stipulations,28 and was in turn superseded by Law No.9 of 1870. Law No.9 of 1870, like Ordinance No.2 of 1864, stipulated that those Africans found guilty of breaching pass laws (articles 4 and 23) and those from outside the republic who settled in the ZAR (article 13) were required to conclude labour contracts. Article 15 reiterated the view that Africans should pay taxes for the "privileges and protection" they received, "in this way making them liable to service of white residents". But in contrast to the two categories of taxation in Ordinance No.2 of 1864, article 16 of Law No.9 of 1870 provided for three categories: Those Africans who were " in the service of citizens ... and living with these citizens on their farms"; those who were " in the service of their masters but did not live with their masters on the farm"; and those "who are not serving". Since African labourers in the last category were taxed ten shillings per annum and those in the other two categories two shillings and sixpence and five shillings respectively, it is clear that this was designed to encourage Africans to make their labour available to white farmers . The stipulation that farmers were entitled to five of the households of those Africans living on their farms was retained but, in contrast to the previous requirement, these Africans were now also compelled to pay taxes (article 17). Africans were free to hire themselves out to persons of their own choice (article 17)29
Alongside this system, which endeavoured to regulate African adult labour, the practice of indentured African child labour was also in operation in the Transvaal. A reference to this system can be found in the Thirty-Three Articles of 1844. Article 28 prohibited the "unlawful" capture of African children, for example.30 The existence of this system is confirmed by the Apprentice Act of 1851 . This act provided for the regulation of the apprentice system by field-cornets and landdrosts and stipulated that apprentices should receive good treatment. In legitimate cases, African children could be indentured until their twenty-fifth year31 According to a statement by the president of the South African Republic, M.W. Pretorius in 1857, the capture of women and children was not intended to enslave them. The aim was to rescue them from starvation and hardship when their relatives were killed in battle.32 In practice, however, it seems as if white farmers did not always adhere to the restrictions imposed by the law. Indentured labour was obviously an important source of labour for white farmers in the Transvaal until the early 1870s33
These labour measures were inconsistently applied and were not equally effective in the various districts of the Transvaal. In the central districts, with their higher white population and proximity to the seat of government, it would have been easier to implement and administer labour laws, regulations and practices than in the outlying districts where African communities maintained a large measure of independence in the 1860s and 1870s.34
It would appear that a substantial number of labour tenancy, rent tenancy and sharecropping agreements were concluded in the central districts in this period35 It seems probable that in at least some of these instances African communities were forced into them because they had lost the land they regarded as traditionally theirs to white settlers. The Bafokeng in the vicinity of present-day Rustenburg claimed a large surrounding area as their traditional land. There was initially partial acknowledgement of this claim by the white authorities, who set some land aside for the Bafokeng. But white settlers later encroached on this land too36 and the Bafokeng were forced into labour tenancy, rent tenancy and share cropping agreements with white settlers37
Similarly, the Bakgatla ba Motsha on the Apies River north of Pretoria declared:
When we first came to the Aapjes [Apies] River the farm was still wild. Nobody was then master over the farm. There were then not yet [white] people in the vicinity. The [white] people came later. Hendrik Klopper was the fist white person who came there. He then said we must dam up the Aapjes [Apies] River and make a water furrow. The people had to work for him. 38
In 1856 the Motsha signed a labour tenancy agreement with a consortium of white farmers ("belanghebbers") and renewed it in 1870. In terms of the contract the Motsha had to supply labour to the "belanghebbers" for the privilege of living on and utilising two farms on the Apies River -the very land they had once possessed.39
A neighbouring community, the Bakgatla ba Mosetlha, suffered a similar fate. They were involved in a land dispute with a white farmer, W.H. Boshoff. Despite the fact that the authorities had assigned the land on which they lived, the farm Goedewaagd No. 465, to them in the early days, with the promise that they would not be molested, it was later awarded to Boshoff. When this allocation was later reversed, Boshoff still retained a portion of Goedewaagd. A consortium of farmers under Jan G. Marais acquired the farm soon afterwards and a labour tenancy agreement was concluded between them and the Mosetlha. In terms of this agreement the Mosetlha had to supply labour to farmers in the Heidelberg and Waterberg districts.40
A similar arrangement to that which existed between the Motsha and Mosetlha and the white farmers was apparently also instituted between a third community on the Apies River, the Bahwaduba Amandebele of Mathibe Kgosi, and white farmers. In the case of the Bahwaduba the contract was with Field-Cornet Gert Engelbrecht and farmers from Gatsrand in the District of Potchefstroom.41
In addition to labour agreements with African communities, white farmers also concluded agreements with individual Africans. Although the field-cornets who arranged these contracts encountered resistance from African labourers, they were successful in some instances in concluding contracts for periods that ranged from one to three years. In many cases the remuneration was a bone of contention. Wages were paid either in cash or in kind, for example in sheepskins. The level of remuneration may have been one of the reasons why some African labourers were reluctant to conclude such contracts with farmers. In the early 1870s they could have earned £ I per month in hard cash on the diamond fields. Towards the end of the 1870s the same rate of remuneration was being offered in Pretoria.42
It would seem that despite extensive measures to regulate African labour in the central districts, there were still continuous complaints from white farmers that their labour needs were not being satisfied. Much of the correspondence in the Archives of the State Secretary, the Volksraad and the Landdrosts of various districts was devoted to complaints by white farmers about the availability of labour and other labour related matters. For example, a large number of white farmers, apparently mainly from the central districts, petitioned the government at the end of 1869 and the beginning of 1870 to take steps to relieve what they regarded as a serious labour shortage.43
White farmers and hunters in the outlying areas, such as Soutpansberg and the eastern Transvaal, experienced even more difficulty in acquiring African labour. It seems that they relied to some extent on labour in terms of the volksraad resolution of 1850 -a maximum of fourteen days without remuneration but with food (see above)or were in some instances provided with contract labour through the offices of fieldcornets. This labour appears to have been inadequate and white farmers in these areas apparently relied largely on indentured ("inboekseling") labour. In the eastern Transvaal white farmers often acquired Swazi indentured labour after raids on African communities in the lowveld and southern Mozambique. Various Boer officials acted as intermediaries in getting the indentured labour to the farmers.
The extensive trade in indentured labour extended to the Soutpansberg area as well and also supplied the central and western districts of the Transvaal. Various factors contributed to the decline of this trade in the late 1860s and early 1870s. One of these was that the Transvaal authorities took more decisive action against the use of indentured labour in this period -probably spurred on by renewed agitation against the practice.44 As early as 1857 the volksraad voiced strong opposition against aspects of the indentured labour system.45
To what can the persistent requests for labour by white farmers in the Transvaal and their many complaints in this regard be attributed? At least some of the factors that impacted on the labour demand of the white settlers in the Transvaal can be traced back to the Cape Colony, the area from which they emigrated. For example, the same circumstances in the Cape Colony that discouraged the establishment of a class of white labourers (see above) also prevailed in the Transvaal. The ease with which settlers, especially the early settlers, were able to acquire land was a contributing factor. Until 1852 white settlers were entitled to two farms each, which they were able to demarcate and settle on without much trouble.46 This immediately acted as an incentive to acquire labour in order to utilise the land. The demand escalated as the number of white settlers increased.47
Although most farmers opted for stock-farming,48 which is less labour intensive, some also grew maize and wheat (rainfall permitting) or cultivated vegetables and fruit under irrigation, which required more labour. The farming in which SJ.P. Kruger, subsequently the state president of the ZAR, was involved at the time, illustrate this point. He was the owner of a number of farms near Rustenburg, where he produced crops including wheat, maize, apricots, figs and pumpkins. He also had a brandy still. These farming activities were labour intensive, especially in the seasons when the harvests were gathered and processed.49
The relatively high level of agricultural production and the accompanying demand for African labour was related to the increasingly market-oriented mode of farming in the 1860s and 1870s. One of the reasons for this trend must surely have been the flourishing market for agricultural produce on the nearby diamond fields from the late 1860s. The developing town markets in Potchefstroom and Rustenburg from the 1850s onwards and Pretoria from the 1860s also contributed to the growth in market-oriented farming. Another issue was that the expanding state, local government and private institutions in the towns were beginning to compete with white farmers for African labour.50
Ross points out that:
the absence of towns did not mean an absence of commercialization. Throughout the South African interior, trading relations began not with settled traders but with travelling pedlars, the smouses, and with butchers' agents. Only after a period of time, of varied length, did the volume of trade rise to the point at which it became viable for permanent stores to be opened.51
Travelling peddlers were known to have been active in the Transvaal from shortly after the arrival of white settlers.52 By 1864 the Transvaal agricultural and hunting sectors were already earning £133 500 a year from the export of cattle, wool, ivory, ostrich feathers, cereals and leather products.53
Officials and missionaries who testified before the 1871 Transvaal Commission on African Labour identified additional reasons for the so-called labour problem in the Transvaal. They appear to have been in agreement that the most important of these was the inefficient application of the labour stipulations in the various laws and regulations, largely as a result of differences in interpretation. On the one hand, military officers and civil officials differed among themselves on their understanding of Article 16 of Law NO.9 of 1870. They could not agree on whether Africans who were not in the service of white farmers but were paying the higher tax of ten shillings per annum per person should still be liable to provide labour. On the other hand there was disagreement on whether military officers (commandant-general, commandants and field-cornets) or the civil officials (Ianddrosts) should have the final authority to interpret and apply the labour stipulations. In his declaration before the 1871 Commission SJ.P. Kruger explained this in the following manner:
As far as is known to me the cause of the disobedience of the natives originated in that the officers and Landdrosts together issued orders to the natives, giving divergent interpretations of the Native Act. Some Landdrosts and Public Prosecutors interpreted the Act as meaning that the native peoples were free of service and the officers thought that they had to serve. This was the reason for different punishments being given to the natives. The natives maintained the interpretation that they were free. Then the Act could not be maintained by the officers ... ! think that when it is clearly made known who has the authority, the officers or the Landdrost, the natives will be obedient, but they wi 11 not obey these two together.54
Many farmers claimed that the larger, semi-autonomous African communities in the outlying areas of the Transvaal, who were reluctant to provide labour to white farmers, had a detrimental influence on the provision of labour in other districts. From the perspective ofthe Transvaal authorities and white farmers, these semi-autonomous communities set a bad example to Africans in the central districts, and furthermore they also presented an opportunity for the recalcitrant labourers to flee to them.55
In the eyes of the Transvaal authorities and white farmers the large number of African labourers from the Transvaal attracted by the diamond fields on the southwestern border was the most visible and dramatic reason for their labour problem. In 1871 Commandant S.T. Prinsloo of the Pretoria District described this as the main reason why white farmers in this vicinity experienced a shortage of African labour.56 Less than a year later he reiterated his views:
... what should I do, no burgher can get one native for pay any more. Every burgher must do the work himself, because all the natives are going to the diamond fields and it is impossible to employ them for any amount. More than three hundred natives . passed my property in the last two weeks on their way to the diamond fields ...57
Some Africans worked in Pretoria for about a week to earn enough for a pass to the diamond fields . De Volksstem reported that in August 1877 there were as many as 1 044 Africans who travelled through Pretoria to Kimberley. This trend was confirmed by officials in 1879. Africans apparently also used the mission station at Wallmansthal, north of Pretoria, as a stopover on their way to the Cape Colony.58
Africans in the Transvaal responded in different ways to coercive labour measures. At this stage it was still possible, for example, for outlying communities to refuse outright to comply with the labour demands of the white farmers and Transvaal authorities59 However, this was not an option for Africans in the central districts. Refusal would have exposed them to punitive measures which they would have been unable to sustain. Furthermore, it was impossible for them to take up arms, because they were surrounded by large numbers of white farmers and the seat of government was nearby. Some of them apparently opted for the possible loophole in Law No.9 of 1870 -that those who were "not serving shall annually pay ten shillings sterling" (article 16).60 They tried, in other words, to take advantage of the different interpretation of the law by military and civil officials61
The better option open to these communities appears to have been migration. This was not an unusual solution, as African history shows. For example, the Bapedi under Sekwati migrated northwards during the pre-colonial period to escape attacks by the Khumalo Amandebele of Mzilikazi in the 1820s. They later returned.62 The Bapedi and other African communities in the eastern and northern Transvaal were also involved in migrant labour to the Eastern Cape and Natal (and later to the diamond fields) from as early as the 1840s. They brought back guns and other sought after commodities63
In the 1860s and 1870s a number of African commUnities in the central districts used migration as a means of moving away from arduous labour conditions. A group of the Bakgatla ba Mosetlha of the Apies River under Makapane, son of chief Nchaupe I, migrated in 1872 because of a land dispute with W.H. Boshoff and the conclusion of a labour tenancy agreement with Jan G. Marais and other farmers. A further reason was dissatisfaction because the land on which they were living was too small (see above). They settled some 100 km northwest in the Waterberg Mountains. Individual members had apparently already left by 1871 .64
A nearby community, the Bakgatla ba Motsha, had a similar experience. As indicated above, they concluded a labour tenancy agreement with the farmers ("belanghebbers") in that vicinity in 1856. This contract was renewed in 1870. The Motsha's experience of this agreement was not to their liking; they complained of harsh labour demands and intimidation by the white farmers. They also maintained that they were not regularly remunerated in terms of the stipulations of the contract and therefore requested that the government intervene to terminate it. With the aid of the local Berlin missionary, Otto Sachse, they bought four farms some 70 kilometres to the northeast of the farms where they had formerly been living, and settled on these new farms in 1873.65
A third chief in the central districts who attempted to migrate locally to escape harsh local labour conditions was Klein Magato alias Nicodemus [Molefe? Mmamogale]. He was acting chief of the Bakwena ba Mog6pa. The Mog6pa were located in both the Krokodil River ward in the District of Pretoria and the Hex River ward in the District of Rustenburg. Apparently because of comprehensive labour demands made on him by Field-Comet Gert Brits of the Krokodil River ward and because he did not get along well with Brits, Klein Magato settled in the Hex River ward with some of his followers. This created friction between the two field-comets and other officials -especially when Brits administered corporal punishment to Klein Magato in the Hex River ward. Klein Magato's migration was therefore unsuccessful from his perspective.66
The migration of chief Kgamanyane and the majority of the Bakgatla ba ga Kgafela of the Pilanesberg area in September 1870 to the present Botswana differed in some respects from the previous three migrations. For one thing, this was not a local migration. It can, however, be compared with the other migrations in that it also had its origin in the heavy labour demands of white farmers and the authorities. In the case of the Kgafela the different interpretations by officials and military officers of the relevant labour clauses of Law No.9 of 1870 and the effect of this on the Kgafela, including the corporal punishment that Kgamanyane received, seem to have been the direct cause of their migration. Although some of the Kgafela stayed behind, Kgamanyane's migration can be regarded as successful from their perspective because they escaped from the scene of so much trouble.67
The 1860s and 1870s can be regarded as an important transitional phase in the Transvaal agricultural and labour history. It is clear that the discovery of diamonds on the south-western border had a substantial influence on both white farmers and African labourers, at least in some respects. It contributed, for example, to a more market-oriented mode of fanning, as well as to a more mobile African labour force. For the first time in the history of South Africa mining, capitalism and the agricultural sector were involved in extensive competition for the African labour pool. This important theme was to repeat itself with more intensity after the discovery of the rich gold reef on the Witwatersrand in 1886 and the emergence of a flouri shing gold mining industry. In the late 1860s and the 1870s the diamond mining industry was responsible for a large migration of African labour to the diamond fields and for an apparent labour shortage in the Transvaal.
There were also other factors that contributed to the development of marketoriented farming and the putative labour shortage. Some of the forces that Ross identifies in the Cape Colony were also evident in the pre-industrial Transvaal. For example, the growth of urban markets and the increasing local and state bureaucracy that created a demand for agricultural produce tended to tie farmers to the market. The mineral revolution that began with the discovery of diamonds in 1867 had a more direct impact on the Transvaal than on the Cape Colony.
Despite this, the following view expressed by Ross appears to be compatible with the results of my own research on labour relations in the pre-industrial Transvaal:
Well before the great transformation brought about by diamonds and gold, a previous slow process of transformation had occurred, as the colonizers of the country had, by the use of force, established over at least the southern half of the modem country the agricultural system that, mutatis mutandis, was later applied further north. The pattern was set early, and was later extended as necessary. Modern South African agriculture developed out of the pre-industrial relations of production, which were at least quasi capitalist in the sense that labour was largely alienated from the means ofproduction.68
Professor Johan Bergh is chair of the Department of Historical Studies at the University of Pretoria. He is co-editor (with F. Morton) of "To make them serve..." The 1871 Transvaal Commission on African Labour (Protea Book House, Pretoria, 2003). He is interested in intergroup relations in the pre-industrial Transvaal and is currently also working on a source publication of the documents of SJ.P. Kruger.
1. An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Fifth International Conference on Hierarchy and Power in the History ofCivilisations, Moscow, 23-26 June 2009.
2. Trapido, "Retlections on Land, Office and Wealth in the South African Republic", in S. Marks and A. Atmore (eds), Economy and Society in Pre-Industrial South Afi'ica (Longman, New York, 1980), pp 350-368.
23. J.S. Bergh, "Retlections on Land, Office and Wealth in the South African Republic, 18501900", Historia, 53, I, May 2008, pp 24-25.
4. P. Delius, The Land Belongs to Us: The Pedi Polity, the Boers and the British in the Nineteenth-Century Transvaal (Ravan Press, Johannesburg, 1983), pp 62-82, 126-157.
5. P. Delius and S. Trapido, "Inboekselings and OOl'lams: The Creation and Transformation of a Servile Class", in B. Bozzoli (ed), Town and Countryside in the Transvaal: Capitalist Penetration and Popular Response (Ravan Press, Johannesburg, 1983), pp 53-88.
6. See for example J.C.A. Boeyens, "'Black Ivory': The Indenture System and Slavery in Zoutpansberg, 1848-1869", in E.A. Eldredge and F. Morton (eds), Slavery in South Afi'ica: Captive Labour on the Dutch Frontier (Westview, Boulder, 1994), pp 187-214.
7. R. Ross, 'The Origins ofCapitalist Agriculture in the Cape Colony: A Survey", in W. Beinart, P. Delius and S. Trapido, Putting a Plough to the Ground. Accumulation and Dispossession in Rural South Africa 1850--1930 (Ravan Press, Johannesburg, (986), pp 56-100.
8. Beinart, Delius & Trapido, Putting a Plough to the Ground, p 21.
9. F.A. van Jaarsveld, "Die Veldkornet en sy Aandeel in die Opbou van die Suid-Afrikaanse Republiek tot 1870", Archives Year Book for South Aji-ican History, 13, II , (Government Printer, Parow, 1950), chapter 5. The work of B.J. Kruger covers a later period, but is also useful: "Bantoe-Arbeid in die Suid-Afrikaanse Republiek soos Benader deur die Boere en die Sendelinge", Historia, 11,2, June 1966, pp 82-95; "Hoe die Transvaalse Boer die Bantoe Gesien het", Historia, 10, 3, September 1965.
10. Trapido, "Reflections on Land, Office and Wealth", p 351.
11. Ross, "The Origins of Capitalist Agriculture", p 58.
12. P.J. van der Merwe, Die Trekboer in die Geskiedenis van die Kaapkolonie (Nasionale Pers, Cape Town, 1938), pp 176, 181.
13. J.B. Peires, The House of Phalo. A History of the Xhosa People in Ihe Days of their Independence (Ravan Press, Johannesburg 1981), pp 103-106.
14. P.J. van der Merwe, Die Noordwaarlse Beweging van die Boere voor die Groot Trek (1770-1842) (W.P. van Stockum & Zoon, The Hague, 1937), pp 161-168; Delius & Trapido, "Inboekselings and Oorlams", pp 56-61.
15. Beinart, Delius & Trapido, Putting a Plough to the Ground, pp 17-21.
16. T.R.H. Davenport, "Can Sacred Cows be Culled? A Historical Review of Land Policy in South Africa, with some Questions about the Future", Development Southern Africa, 4, 3, August 1987, p 391; T.R.H. Davenport, "Some Reflections on the History of Land Tenure in South Africa Seen in the Light of Attempts by the State to Impose Political and Economic control", Acta Juridica 1985 (Johannesburg, (986), p 56.
17. See for example, National Archives of South Africa (hereafter NASA), Transvaal Archives (hereafter TAB), Archives of the State Secretary (hereafter SS) 139, Sup!. 91/1871, p 310: Declaration by S.T. Prinsloo, II September 1871 (translated in Bergh & Morton, '"To moke them serve ", p 74).
18. Delius, The Land Belongs to Us, pp 131-3.
19. Delius, The Land Belongs to Us, p 135.
20. R. Wagner, "Zoutpansberg: The Dynamics of a Hunting Frontier, 1848-67", in Marks & Atmore, Economy and Society, pp 330-337.
21. M. Legassick, "The Frontier Tradition in South African Historiography", in Marks & Atmore, Economy and Society, pp 64-68.
22. Ross, "The Origins ofCapitalist Agriculture", p 84.
23. JH. Breytenbach and H.S. Pretorius (eds), South African Archival Records, Transvaal No. (Government Printer, Pretoria, 1949), p 9: Die Drie en Dertig Artikels, 9 April 1844.
24. Breytenbach & Pretorius, Archival Records, Transvaal No. I, p 117: Minutes of the Volksraad, 23 January 1850, Article 34.
25. D. W. Krynauw and H.S. Pretorius, Transvaalse Argiejstukke Staatsekretaris; lnkomende Stukke, 1850-1853 (Government Printer, Pretoria, 1949), pp 191 -192: Minutes of the Military Council, 19 March 1852.
26. F. Jeppe and J.G. Kotze, De Locale Wellen del' Zuid Afrikaansche Republiek 1849-1885 (J .F. Celliers, Pretoria, 1887), pp 96-99: Instructie voor de Veldcornetten, 17 September 1858.
27. J.H. Breytenbach and D.C. Joubert (eds), South African Archival Records. Transvaal No.5 (Government Printer, Pretoria, 1953), pp 271 -274: Ordinnantie ter Voorkoming van Landloopery, Dievery en Andere Ongeregeldheden ... , 6 October 1864.
28. Breytenbach & Joubert, Archival Records. Transvaal No.5. pp 423-426: Wet ter Voorkoming van Landloopery, Dievery en Andere Ongeregeldheden ... , 13 July 1866.
29. F. Jeppe and J.G. Kotzt', De Locale Welten 1849-1885, pp 378-383 (translated in Bergh & Morton, "To make them serve ", pp 171 -176).
30. Jeppe & Kotzt', De Locale Welten 1849-1885, p 5: Drie en Dertig Artikelen, 9 April 1844.
31. Jeppe & Kotzt', De Locale Wellen 1849-1885, pp 8-11: Apprentice Wet, 9 May 1851.
32. J.H. Breytenbach (ed), South African Archival Records, Transvaal No.3 (Government Printer, Pretoria, 1951), pp 472-473: M. W. Pretorius -Committe van het Britsche en Buitel. Genp. tot Afschaffing del' Slavery te Londen, 10 January 1857.
33. Delius & Trapido, "Inboekselings and Oorlams", pp 53-75.
34. See for example NASA, TAB, SS 139, Supl. 91/1871 and Supl 1091-1871 , pp 310 and 369: Declarations of S.T. Prinsloo, II September 1871 and P.J. van del' Walt, 2 October 1870 (translated in Bergh & Morton, " To make them serve ", pp 74, 118).
35. J.S. Bergh, '''To make them serve': The 1871 Transvaal Commiss ion on African Labour as a Source for Agrarian History", History in Africa, 29, 2002, pp 48-53.
36. J.S. Bergh, "'We must never forget where we come from': The Bafokeng and their Land in the 19th-Century Transvaal", History in Afdca, 32, 2005, pp 99-101.
37. Bergh, "To make them serve", pp 51-3.
38. NASA, TAB, SS 139, Sup!. 103/1871, pp 349-51: Declaration by David, 25 September 1871 (translated in Bergh & Morton, "To make them serve". p 104).
39. Bergh, "To make them serve", pp 49-50; Bergh & Morton, "To make them serve", pp 53-56: Contract between A.[p.] v d Walt with Kapitein Mahep [Moepi Maubane], November 1870.
40. NASA, TAB, Archives of the Landdrost of Pretoria I, Statements of H.J. van Staden, 30 October 1857, and Makapan, and others, 3 November 1857; TAB, Archives of the Executive Council (hereafter UR) I, Executive Council Resolution, 25 September 1858, Article 18, pp 22-23; TAB, SS 104, R1467/68, Makapan Apie to (M.W. Pretorius?), 22 December 1868, pp 322-323; SS 139, Sup!. 9311871 and 10111871 , pp 320-321 , 323, 343-347. Declarations of Makapane Ntshaupe, 14 September 1871 and T. Erasmus, 22 September 1871 (translated in Bergh & Morton, "To make them serve ". pp 82-83 and 100-101); H.J . van Zyl, Die Bakgatla van Mosi!tlha (Voortrekker Pers, Johannesburg, 1958), pp 28-29; J.S. Bergh, Geskiedenisatlas van Suid-Afrika. Die Vier Noordelike Provinsies (J.L. van Schaik, Pretoria, 1999), p 174; TAB, Plaas Requesten Register (hereafter RAK) 2987-3008, Farm Register for Pretoria District, Goedewaagd No. 465.
41. NASA, TAB, SS 139, Supl. 105/1871 , p 353: Declaration of Mathibe Kgosi, 27 September 1871 (translated in Bergh & Morton, "To make them serve ", p 107).
42. Bergh, "To make them serve", pp 50-51 and 53.
43. See for example NASA, TAB, Archives of the Volksraad (hereafter EVR) 210, No. 280, pp 114-117: Field-Cornet G. Brits, Roodekopjes, Krokodil River, and 76 others, Petition to Volksraad, 8 December 1869; EVR 211, No. 264, pp 291-294: P.S. Prinsloo, Pretoria, and 138 others, Petition to Volksraad, 3 May 1870; EVR 213, No. 329, pp 60-62: J.M. Janse van Vuuren and 103 others, Petition to Volksraad, 1870; EVR 212, No. 321, No. 264: Petition of L. Geldenhuis and 25 others to Volksraad, undated; EVR 212, No. 264: Petition of C.N. Prinsloo and others to Volksraad, received 27 May 1870; EVR, No. 314: Petition ofE.M. du Plessis and 136 others to Volksraad, undated.
44. Del ius & Trapido, "Inboekselings and Oorlams", pp 62-75. See also P. Bonner, Kings, Commoners and Concessionaires: The Evolution and Dissolution of the Nineteenth-Century Swazi State (Ravan Press, Johannesburg, 1983), pp 80-82; Boeyens, "Black Ivory"
45. Breytenbach, Archival Records, Transvaal No.3, p 154: Minutes of the Volksraad, IS September 1858, Article 17.
46. J.H. Breytenbach (ed), South Afi'ican Archival Records, Transvaal No.4 (Government Printer, Pretoria, 1952), p 79: Minutes ofthe Volksraad, 28 September 1860, Article 149.
47. J.S. Bergh, "SJ.P. Kruger and the Transvaal Hard liners on Race Policies and Practices in the Early 1870s", South African Historical Journal, 58, 2007, P 146.
48. FJ. Potgieter, "Die Vestiging van die Blanke in Transvaal (1837-1886) met Spesiale Verwysing na die Verhouding tussen Mens en Omgewing", Archives Year Book for South African History, 21, II (Government Printer, Pretoria, 1959), p 79.
49. NASA, TAB, EVR 2 17, No. 1624, pp 216, 218, 220-221,225,331 and 236-237: Evidence of PJ. van Staden, Magatla [Mokgatle], H.L. Gonin, J.H. Penzhorn, 23 October 1872 and OJ. van der Merwe and SJ.P. Kruger, 24 October 1872; TAB, SS 139, pp 359, 364: Declarations ofH.L. Gonin, 28 September 1871 and C. Penzhom, 29 September 1871 (translated in Bergh & Morton, "To make them serve ", pp III, 115).
50. Bergh, "SJ.P. Kruger and the Transvaal Hardliners", pp 146-147. See also FJ. Potgieter, "Die Vestiging van die Blanke in Transvaal (1837-1886), Archives Year Bookfor South African History, 21, II, pp 93-96.
51. Ross, "The Origins of Capitalist Agriculture", p 65.
52. A.C. van Wyk, "Jade in Transvaal tot 1910. 'n Kultuurhistoriese Ktudie." D.Phil. thesis, U.P, 2003, pp 109-112.
53. Potgieter, "Die Vestiging", pp 95-96.
54. NASA, TAB, SS 139, Supl. 11611 87 1, p 195: Declaration by SJ.P. Kruger, 17-18 October 187! (translated in Bergh & Morton, "To make them serve ", p 137).
55. Bergh, "To make them serve", p 59.
56. NASA, TAB, SS 139, Sup!. 9111871 , p 310: Declaration by S.T. Prinsloo, II September 1871 (translated in Bergh & Morton, "To make them serve ", p 74).
57. NASA, TAB, SS 145, R 813/72, P 91: S.T. Prinsloo -S.J.P. Kruger, 1 July 1872.
58. NASA, TAB, Archives of the Superintendent of Native Affairs (hereafter SN) 1 A, R. Lys -Colonial Secretary, 16 April 1879 and 26 April 1879; TAB SN 2, 264/79, Conunissioner Waterberg -SNA, 20 October 1879 and H. Bergsma -H. Shepstone, 30 October 1879; De Volksstem (Supplement), 10 October 1877; D.E. Kratzenstein, Kurze Geschichte del' Berliner Mission in Siid-lind Ostafrica (Auflage, Berlin, 1893), p 248.
59. Bergh, "To make them serve", p 59.
60. Translated in Bergh & Morton, "To make them serve ". p 174.
61. See for example TAB, SS 139, Sup!. 91/1871, 96/1871, 101/1871 and 116/1871, pp 310, 327-328, 344-345, 396: Declarations by S.T. Prinsloo, P.J. van Staden, T. Erasmus and S.J.P. Kruger on II, 19, 22 September and 17-18 October 1871 respectively (translated in Bergh & Morton, "To make them serve ", pp 74, 88-89, 100 and 137).
62. R.K. Rasmussen, Migrant Kingdom: Mzilikazi 's Ndebele in South Africa (David Philip, Cape Town, 1978), pp 35-40.
63. Delius, The Land Belongs to Us, pp 62 et seq.
64. NASA, TAB, SS 139, Supl. 9311871 and 104/1871 , pp 320-321, 323, 343-347: Declarations by Makapane Ntshaupe, 14 September 1871 and T. Erasmus, 22 September 1871 (translated in Bergh & Morton, "To make them serve", pp 82-83 and 100-101); TAB, SS 144, R737172, P 244: CJ. Erasmus -OJ. Erasmus, I June 1872; Van Zyl, Die Bakgatla, pp 28-29; Bergh, Geskiedenisatlas, p 174.
65. Bergh, Geskiedenisatlas, p 173.
66. Bergh, "S.J.P. Kruger and the Transvaal Hardliners", pp 160-161.
67. Bergh, "S.J.P. Kruger and the Transvaal Hardliners", pp 161-162.
68. Ross, "The Origins ofCapitalist Agriculture", p 86 [ Links ]


text:
Nearly twenty years after Louis Vuitton first published its City Guides, they remain a leading resource for inspired addresses unique to each destination. Regularly updated on the mobile App, the New York edition with its 500 addresses is as diverse as it is discerning. The suggestions are sure to enhance those visiting – and they might even surprise the most informed local!
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text:
Tonight...In This Very Ring Book
Paperback Edition: 242 Pages
Written by internet-wrestling columnist Scott Keith.
A Knock-Down, Drag-Out history of professional wrestling- as seen by the fans in the stands!
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text:
(CNN) – House Speaker John Boehner is kind of like Yoda.
Both have to contend with rebellious youth. For Boehner, it's the tea party caucus. For Yoda, it was Anakin and Luke Skywalker.
Follow @politicaltickerFollow @HAbdullahdcnews
Both always seem to perpetually wear the smiley scowl.
And both are also given to cryptic responses.
Boehner's favorite "ism?" "Zip a dee doo dah".
He sang it this week after resigning himself to holding a vote on raising the nation's borrowing limit.
It was a move guaranteed to tick off party conservatives, but as Boehner put it during a press conference with reporters: "It's the fact that we don't have 218 votes and when you don't have 218 votes, you have nothing."
Oh, but not nothing, Mr. Speaker. You have a song in your heart.
It's always been there, flickering like a tiny flame in the dark. Through the debt debates of last year, and the year before that, and, yes, even the year before that, your little bluebird of happiness just won't be silenced.
How we've come to look forward to your warbling of that Disney tune from "Song of the South."
Please, do serenade us.
Lay off New Jersey already!
Speaking of stereotypes, the New Republic's photo illustration of scandal-plagued New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie as robe-clad mob boss Tony Soprano of HBO fame made us shift uncomfortably.
We get it. He lives in New Jersey. He's a boss. Moving on.
Hail to the Chief
For a moment there, the Commander in Chief channeled the bratty Veruca Salt when, during a tour of Monticello with French President Francois Hollande, President Barack Obama was caught on an open mic joking with a tour guide, "That's the good thing. As a President, I can do whatever I want."
Well, let's see.
Earlier that day, he used his executive powers to delay enforcement of employer-mandated provisions in the Affordable Care Act. Conservative bloggers were quick to conflate the two unrelated stories.
But yes, Mr. President, you can do whatever you want … so can your opponents.
Biden again!
Oh, Mr. Vice President, you are an endless source of Vine-worthy clips.
This week's verbal gift comes from the Conan show, which picked up on the Veep's confusing response to CNN's Kate Bolduan when asked about his plans for a potential presidential run. The show turned his tongue twisters into its version of his first presidential ad. And it is as silver-tongued as the silver-haired politico himself.
Pot again!
And in the never-ending mission to squeeze as many click-bait worthy pot references into this roundup, here is yet another nod to the ganja leaf.
This week's marijuana mention comes from Republican Florida Sen. Marco Rubio. He demurred when asked at an education forum at Miami-Dade College on Monday whether he ever smoked Mary Jane.
Well, that's it. This week in politics is officially up in smoke.
CNN Digital Producer Eric Weisbrod contributed to this report.
Christie is more like Nucky Thompson from Boardwalk Empire rather Tony Soprano. Boehner and his caucus' theme song should be Kanye's Power because they feel that "no one man should have all that power" when it comes to the President. Funny how that works when there's a democrat in the White House.
I like it. Well, it is Friday. Just forget everything, Enjoy, God bless!!!!!
House Speaker John Boehner is kind of like Yoda.
I guess that makes the President Darth Obama.
Aw just, that's the nicest thing you ever said about President Obama!
"House Speaker John Boehner is kind of like Yoda."
Name who he has trained and cite all of the evidence of his jedi-like legislative House-Speaker mastery.
Yeah...thought so. He's more like the JarJar Binks of House Speakers. "Meesa meesa no raise debt ceiling..."
Or as Quai-Gon Jinn told him: "The ability to speak does not make you intelligent. Now get out of here."
N0 realy J0hn B Is like A modern day Paul Revere rideing the best horse warning WE the PE0PLE ! the DEMS ARE COME N ! the DEMS ARE C0MEING .GO V0TE SAVE Y0URSELF
Don't insult Yoda!!!!!!!!!!! he was a Jedi, Boehner is a Sith Lord in the evil Empire!
The tea party is illegitimate, hands down
Ohh...I forgot Christy picture. NONE of the recent developments surprise me. When I saw how he spoke to citizens when they challenged his cutting of public school funding, and other issues with such as that. You could see then he was nothing but a bully that could not care less about what other people thought as long as he had the power. When this is all over he will be lucky to be reelected Governor. The Presidency.....forget it, not going to happen.