text:
French in a Flash: Asparagus Parmesan Pain Perdu with Homemade Tomato Jam Recipe
What's in a name? According to Shakespeare, not a whole lot. But does Shakespeare really know everything? To me, there are two kinds of names that are of the utmost fascination in the culinary world: the dishes a nation names after itself, and the dishes nations name after other nations. It seems to me there should be some great linguistic professor like Henry Higgins raring to study this complex, absolutely loaded subject.
My story begins when I was a student in Paris when I was fifteen. Paris was easy to love. But after yet another Gruyère crêpe from the crêpe man near the Tuileries garden, I just wanted a taste of home. I found a pizza shop, and being the good New York girl that I am, I immediately went in for a slice. The pizza was rectangular, and as it does in Europe, it had been sitting under a glass case all day. The disappointment overwhelmed me. OK, I consoled myself, the shop is clean, and when in France.... I looked up at the pizza selections and spotted "Pizza Americaine" right away. "American pizza!" I exclaimed. Oh, thank goodness! Where is it? I look around and around the little shop for a great round pie, bubbling up with marinara and mozzarella, but alas, there was none. I spoke to the man across the counter in French, "Qu'est-ce que c'est, votre pizza americaine?" He then pointed to a little square slice under the glass and started enumerating the toppings: onions, ham, mushrooms, tomatoes, corn, and hard-boiled eggs. I was so desperate that I just started laughing. I had never once seen a pizza in America with a hard-boiled egg on it, much less corn.
On the reverse side of the affair, take French toast. The French toast that we know is thick, snowed with sugar, and drowned in maple syrup. Delicious. But if you were serving it to a poor, lost, homesick Frenchman, he'd probably burst out laughing. In France, "French toast" is known as Pain Perdu which translates to lost bread because it came about as a way to use up day-old bread. It is not a breakfast item. Instead, it is a nursery dessert, served as a comforting sweet finish to a meal, in the way that bread pudding would be served. I usually make mine from brioche, and serve it with a sweet syrup flavored with orange flower water.
This week, I wanted to do a little Franco-American fusion and bring pain perdu to the brunch table--in a definitely savory version. Thick, crusty slices of round peasant bread are quickly dipped into a custard of eggs and half and half that has been salted, peppered, and piled with grated Parmesan cheese. Stalks of asparagus roasted with rosemary are pressed into one side of the bread, and then the Asparagus Parmesan Pain Perdu is cooked over a low flame, where the bread crisps and turns golden, and the Parmesan toasts and melts and fills the whole house with a salty, nutty aroma. For something sweet, but savory too, I serve homemade tomato jam on the side. This dish is unusual and unorthodox, but it's delicious and different and so easy I was actually surprised myself.
Maybe Shakespeare was right after all. So long as I get to eat Pain Perdu, I don't really care what it's called. Especially if the American moniker calls it French.
- 16 asparagus tips
- 1 teaspoon olive oil
- 1 teaspoon fresh rosemary leaves
- Salt and pepper
- 1 cup half and half
- 2 eggs
- 1 cup grated Parmesan cheese, plus extra for sprinkling
- 4 1 to 1-1/2 inch slices of dense white peasant bread
- 4 teaspoons unsalted butter
- 1 pint halved grape tomatoes
- 1 tablespoon olive oil
- 2 tablespoons sugar
- Juice of 1 lemon
Preheat the oven to 375°F. Toss the asparagus tips with 1 teaspoon of olive oil, the rosemary, and salt and pepper. Scatter on a baking sheet, and roast for about 10 minutes.
Meanwhile, whisk the half and half, eggs, and Parmesan together in a pie plate, and season with mixture of salt and pepper.
Take 4 cooked asparagus tips, and line them up, facing in alternating directions, on one piece of bread. Dip the bread in the egg mixture, and, holding the asparagus flat to one side of the bread, flip it over so the asparagus side is also coated. Press the asparagus into the soggy bread.
Heat a sauté pan over medium-low heat. Melt 2 teaspoons of butter in the pan, and place 2 pieces of bread, asparagus side down, into the pan. Sauté low and slow, about 4 minutes per side, pressing down so the bread browns evenly. Flip when golden, and brown another 4 minutes on the other side. While it's cooking on the second side, sprinkle the asparagus side with about a teaspoon or so of Parmesan. Keep warm in a 200°F oven. Repeat for the next two slices. Serve with tomato jam.
Tomato Jam
-makes just enough for 4 slices of Parmesan Pain Perdu-
Place all the ingredients in a sauce pot over high heat. Bring to a boil, then reduce the heat to medium-low and simmer for 30 minutes, until most of the liquid has evaporated.
All products linked here have been independently selected by our editors. We may earn a commission on purchases, as described in our affiliate policy.


text:
"I Witness" features the dramatic black and white portraits of local SWFL residents who are Holocaust Survivors, Camp Liberators and Witnesses. The specially-commissioned photographic portraits were created by photographer Erik Kellar for the Museum's 10th Anniversary. The people portrayed are those whose stories we share with students in our Education programs and Museum visitors. These are the individuals who "make history personal" for us. Erik stated "It was both an honor and a privilege to be part of this project." Click here to read the rest of his Artist Statement about the creation of "I Witness".
A special addition to the exhibit are the three minute videos which accompany ten of the portraits. The videos, created by Education Assistant David Nelson, use content from the Oral Visual History Project testimonies. To date, the project has worked with more than 90 Holocaust Survivors, Camp Liberators and Witnesses who have allowed the Museum to preserve their stories for future generations.
Among the portraits you will see and the stories you will hear are:
- Abe Price on anti-Semitism in Kielce, the Nazis seizing his parents' business and he and his brothers being transported to Lublin in cattle-cars.
- Hella Wartski on the deportation of her family to Auschwitz and selection by Josef Mengele.
- Anneliese Salamon on being transported by boxcar to the Theresienstadt Ghetto.
- Jacques van Dam on being hidden by the Dutch underground and farmers in Friesland.
- Peter Thomas on the liberation of Nordhausen and his views on German bystanders.
- Sabine van Dam on her family's attempt to flee wartime Holland, collaborators and betrayal in Belgium.
- Lorie Mayer on her family's experiences during Kristallnacht in Eberswalde, Germany.
- Henny Porter on restrictions on Jews, Der Sturmer and Kristallnacht in Stuttgart.
- Cesare Frustaci on his survival in a detention camp outside Budapest, Hungary.
- Rosette Gerbosi on the Nazi occupation of Paris and the wearing of the Yellow Jewish star.
Don't miss this inspiring exhibit … it is a true testament to the power of the human spirit to persevere through the darkest hours.

subset: commoncrawl


text:
FT. LAUDERDALE, Fla. – Englishman John Rooney tallied his first goal of the MLS Combine on Monday to help lead AdiPure past Jabulani, 2-0, in Day 2 of the winter showcase.
Both goals came within a minute of one another in the second half, with Maryland forward Jason Herrick quickly adding to Rooney's 55th-minute tally. AdiPure remain unbeaten in two games of the MLS Combine after posting a scoreless draw against AdiPower in the showcase opener on Saturday. Jabulani fall to 1-1.
AdiPure had enjoyed a strong first half controlling possession, and they combined well in Jabulani's half of the field.
Early chances fell the way of AdiPure. Rooney went closest to scoring in the 15th minute, taking a feed from Hector Jimenez at the top of the box and shooting just wide.
Jabulani struggled to gain possession and create chances in AdiPure's half, as central defenders Jalil Anibaba and Curtis Ushedo controlled things in the first half despite forward Victor Estupinan leading the line.
Their best scoring chance came in the 42nd minute, when Jabulani won a free kick right outside the box. Junior Burgos' free kick didn't beat the wall, however, and forward Blake Brettschneider's header went straight to Jeff Attinella.
Players were swapped at halftime, and two Jabulani substitutions — Justin Meram and C.J. Sapong — combined well after a turnover, but Sapong shanked his left foot shot wide after a nice lob from Meram.
Rooney finally opened the scoring in the 55th minute, latching on to a low cross from Matt Eliason and firing past Meredith to give AdiPure a 1-0 lead. Rooney - the younger brother of Manchester United striker and England international Wayne Rooney - is one of the biggest question marks of this Combine after he grabbed headlines by working out with the Seattle Sounders last season.
Just one minute later, AdiPure doubled the lead. Demetrius Omphroy came up from his right back position, drilling in a low cross that eluded substitute goalkeeper Joe Willis beofre Herrick tapped the ball into the net.
Down 2-0, Jabulani looked to mount a fight back, but Meram and Sapong were denied quality service as Anibaba prowled the AdiPure backline.
Bobby Warshaw missed Jabulani's best chance when forward on a free kick, as the glancing service fell to him with the goal gaping, only to head the ball off the left post.
Starting Lineups
AdiPure: Jeff Attinella; Demetrius Omphroy, Jalil Anibab, Curtis Ushedo, Greg King; Hector Jimenez, Dustin McCarty, John Rooney, Josue Soto; Davis Paul, Matt Eliason.
Jabulani: Bryan Meredith; Billy Cortes, Bobby Warshaw, Colin Givens, Kofi Sarkodie; Junior Burgos, Paolo Cardozo, Matt Gold, Martin Rivas; Victor Estupinan, Blake Brettschneider.


text:
Mutações do trabalho e experiência urbana
Vera da Silva Telles
Department of Sociology, University of São Paulo (USP)
Translated by Renato Rezende
Translation from Tempo Social, São Paulo, v.18, n.1, p. 173-195, June 2006.
This article inquires into the societal dimensions of contemporary mutations of work, in particular their disconnection from employment mechanisms through various forms of casual work and outsourcing. In other words, it asks in what way the new realities of work (and non-work) redraw the social world, the relations of force and the fields of practices that make up the texture of the city and its spaces. The circumstances of casual and intermittent labour alter the time and space of social experience, as well as the urban experience itself in the decentred circuits we can denominate "territories of precariousness". The article proposes to investigate these new realities by following the paths and urban trajectories of the new generations. It suggests that this is a fertile entry point for describing this redefined social world: the difference between generations today has the historical peculiarity of coinciding with deep changes in the world of work and in urban dynamics. This is also a way of re-approaching the question of the meanings of work and its structuring effects on social life.
Keywords: Mutations of work; Urban reconfigurations; Generational difference; Social practices; Social experience.
Neste artigo, pergunta-se sobre as dimensões societárias das atuais mutações do trabalho, em particular sua desconexão dos dispositivos do emprego sob as formas variadas de trabalho precário e de subcontratação, ou seja: de que modo as novas realidades do trabalho (e do não-trabalho) redesenham o mundo social, as relações de força e os campos de práticas que fazem a tessitura da cidade e seus espaços. As circunstâncias do trabalho precário e intermitente alteram tempos e espaços da experiência social, bem como a própria experiência urbana nos circuitos descentrados dos "territórios da precariedade". Este artigo propõe prospectar essas novas realidades seguindo os percursos e as trajetórias urbanas das novas gerações. Acredita-se que essa pode ser uma via de entrada profícua para a descrição desse mundo social redefinido: a diferença entre as gerações tem hoje a peculiaridade histórica de coincidir com mudanças de fundo no mundo do trabalho e nas dinâmicas urbanas. Por outro lado, essa é também uma maneira de relançar a pergunta sobre os sentidos do trabalho e seus efeitos estruturantes na vida social.
Palavras-chave: Mutações do trabalho; Reconfigurações urbanas; Diferença de gerações; Práticas sociais; Experiência social.
]]> Nowadays the excluding effects of present mutations in employment are not questioned, under the impact of productive restructuring in an age of technological revolution and a globalized economy. However, there is still little known about the societary configurations that have been woven into the folds of these transformations. On one side, the artefacts of the "global city" are the focus of debates among urbanists and urban economic researchers, and on the other, the "poor" and "excluded" typified as the target public of said social insertion policies. And between these, there is a whole social network that remains to be discovered. It is precisely on this ground that the pertinence to review the discussion about the meanings and workplaces in the range of the social world gains prominence. If work does not structure the premises of social progress, if the collectives "of class" have been undone under the injunctions of precarious work, if rights and unions no longer operate as references for the majority, and if this demonstrates that the "Ford era" has already passed, this does not mean that work has ceased to be a structuring dimension of social life.
But this is also what opens the inquiry to the new social configurations that process this experience. It is not solely about the expansion of the informal market and the increase of hosts excluded from the job market. As Francisco de Oliveira (2003) demonstrates, the so-called flexibilization of the job contract means that the job "without form" is expanded in the nucleus of what was previously called the "organized market." The basis of this process, states the author, is the leap at the height of job productivity during times of technological revolution and financialization of the economy, so that the process of appreciation skyrockets from the devices of the concrete job and ends imploding the distinctions between work period and leisure period, between employment and unemployment. It is the abstract work taken to the extreme, which captures, mobilizes, and transforms social processes and the highest skyrocketing activities in inflated value. The link between job, company, and the accumulation of wealth is broken and other management and relational diagrams are formed. Zarifian (2003) speaks of a "service economy," which when regarding known divisions of production sectors, and that strictly speaking, makes them irrelevant, since it involves the working of material and immaterial relationships between production and consumption advertising, brand effects, marketing actions, fidelity cards, and everthing accompanying the product or service sold/consumed, so that the consumers end up participating in adding to the value although they are not registered for such. Others will take the notion of "immaterial work" for discussing activities that are not coded as work that try to attach cultural norms, fads, tastes, and standards of consumption (cf. Lazzarato, 2002) or that capture and organize the "periods of life" and not only the "periods of work" (cf. Aspe et al., 1996), becoming increasingly difficult to differentiate a work period and a reproduction period.
They are background mutations. But then one must recognize that this changes the relationship between work and society, whether in the job register that skyrockets from the job devices to unfold in the various forms of precarious, intermittent, and discontinued work making the differences between formal and informal inoperatives: whether on the register of myriads of expedients of survival that mobilize the "left overs" of the job market, but operate like many other circles where globalized social wealth circulates and produces value, making the differences between employment and unemployment, work and leisure imperceptible. It is a situation that is on the verge of demanding a change in our categories, so as to construct a reference plan that aids in putting the processes into perspective, resituates problems, raises other questions and perceives other relationship diagrams in the folds of the redefinitions and separations of the "Ford world," other force fields that circumscribe tension points, resistence or escape routes by which the pulsation of the social world can be perceived.
On the other hand, this constant market flux amid the diverse working hours of precarious work is completed by altering the references that guided social life and gave it rhythm. If it is true that the disconnection between work and company is part of the social landscape, this also means that periods of life and periods of work tend to be articulated under new forms no longer contained in relations than they previously articulated employment and home, work and family, or work and leisure (cf. Bessin, 1999). They were dualities that conducted the rhythms of social life, whose reference was the regularity and discipline imposed through the types of employment (cf. Supiot, 1994; 1999). There must be a release from these classic dualities, much like that of the formal-informal, in order to understand the actual nerve of the social field, which would not be left to see if we remained accountable to them in both the employment analysis and the urban analysis.
These questions would demand a more precise discussion, which is impossible to develop within the limits of this article. However, they do serve as an indication that perhaps we need to change our focus of attention. Perhaps a change in the reference game is needed to resituate work in the social world. Not so much the vertical constructs of work in known forms (and their centralized regulations), but the horizontal vectors of relationships that articulate work, the city and its spaces, other social agencies, as well as other axels around those which inequalities, controls and domination are processed and affect forms of life and the meanings of life (cf. Zarifian, 2000).
In this case one must ask how new employment realities (and leisure realities) redesign social worlds, strengthen relationships and practice fields that make up the organization of the city and its spaces1. Still: how are the social practices and mediations redefined that conform to a social experience under another diagram of relations and another set of references? The varied circumstances of precarious and intermittent work redefine times and spaces of social experience (cf. Sennet, 2000). We could say they alter the urban experience itself, according to the outlying circles of the "territories of uncertainty" (cf. Le Marchand, 2004).
It may then be the case of appraising the splitting points of these new realities according to the practices (and their mediations) in these redefined circles of the social world. The splitting points may be learned precisely in the changes of social experience and may delve deep differences between generations. And this may be an introduction to the description of this redefined social world. After all, the difference between generations presently has the historic peculiarity of coinciding with background changes in the professional world and in urban dynamics.
Employment and city: redefined relationships
It is known that all the weight of unemployment and precarious work is carried by the youngest generation. Around its figures the strands of a social world that has been outlined on the folds of the "Ford world" in dissolution are interconnected (cf. Beaud e Pialoux, 2003). This is exactly why the new generations are those that open a rift to understanding job mutations and their meanings.]]> The difference of generations is, however, something that need be well understood, not to make a point by point comparison (it was this, now it's not), always running the risk of a description in negative that concludes by saying the same thing (the Ford job), only with inverted signs. This problem is not so much the idealization of something which, at least in the Brazilian case, has no reason to be celebrated (this is the easiest criticism to make, and has been made by many), but remains imprisoned in a set of references that hinders from learning the meanings of social experience being described. And this demands an effort of social deciphering able to capture new force fields configured under another diagram of social relations and references.
For the youngest in the workforce, present circumstances in the job market do not mean the degradation of better conditions or more promising ones than at other times. They enter into an already overturned world, where precarious work and unemployment are already integral to the situation, and where they have to handle and structure the base of a completely different experience from the previous generation. On the other hand, they enter adult life in a city unimaginable to previous generations. Point and counterpoint of a single reality, the globalized capitals overflow with very rich and modern global fortresses of up-to-date services, favoring the expansion of consumer circles of material and symbolic goods that reach the popular markets. Powerful socio-economic flows redesign urban spaces, redefine location dynamics, redistribute blockages and possibilities, create new splitting points and affect the domestic economy, provoking important changes within family dynamics in the forms of socialization, social networks and urban practices and their circles. It is also there that new and excluded jobs are found, usually intermediated by temporary work agencies, mobilizing within local urban circles, cash register operators, retail sales personnel, doormen, maids, or employees for various services.
Actually, in a large city like São Paulo (and, we can assume, in other metropoles as well), by following the trajectories and routes of the youngest in the workforce (between 20 and 30 years old, approximately), we start to reach the profile of a city that itself has significantly changed in relation to previous decades (cf. Telles and Cabanes, 2006). Or better: this is an angle at which the city defines its profile with all the ambivalence and complications that permeate the present moment.
Regarding all that is said about urban fragmentation and social duality, these globalized circles that operate as important gravitational poles for the new generations outweigh the rest. However, Saskia Sassen's (1998) suggestion will have to be taken serious, where understanding the new urban realities requires a liberation from what the author defines as "narrative of exclusion": a description of global cities or of globalized spaces whose only reference are the winners of the elite circles of the capital. Actually, it is worth remembering that while this equipment is spread throughout the city, equally modern temporary work also proliferates, mediated by employment agencies connected to outsourced service companies. Also through these social circles more young people find their paths, always discontinued and unstable, in the job market. They experience the city stretched between the brutality of inequality and the enchanting seduction of the modern consumer market in an ambivalent set of possibilities and barriers to access a fulfilling urban life.
This is the point that projects new generations in the neuralgic center of this social world being formed. They are young people that are entering the professional world at a moment when a reduction of jobs and the uncertainty of work occur simultaneously, while there is an expansion and diversification of urban life circles.
But this leads to another set of questions. In this redefined social world, work experience (and leisure experience) is intertwined, or is even confused, we dare say, with the experience of the city itself. Consequently, such is the case of questioning one's self based on references through which the experience of inequalities is being processed, combined with experiencing barriers to possibilities of life at a time when performance and success is celebrated as the measure (in fact, inexpressible) of individual independence2.
If this is so, it will then be important to escape the rifts permeating the contemporary debate, between the urban economy and the artefacts of the "global city" on one side, and "social exclusion" and the territories of poverty on the other. The relationships between city and employment are seen here. They are relationships that can no longer be considered in terms of the 1980's debate, but for this reason, need to be further elaborated if they wish to escape an impoverished view of the social world reduced to its supposed dualities.
Clearly, one does not wish to oppose the "city of walls" recalling the expression coined by Teresa Caldeira (2000) a supposed (and false) democratizing of a "new consumer society." It is another issue. What we suggest here is another way to describe this social world. For this one must resituate the place of large equipment for consumption in a world crossed by the globalized circles of capital, and accept them for what they are in the movement of capital appreciation. Since in these globalized times, according to the accelerated movements against territorial determination of capital, social wealth mobilizes "urban artefacts" (cf. Harvey, 1996) and manages the city's spaces, globalized pieces cut out from the urban world, articulating rhythms of consumption and ways of life with production and capital flows (cf. Veltz, 1996). Meanwhile, widespread financial defaulting increases. Anyone who circulates through the poorer peripheral neighborhoods is bound to find the paraphernalia of modern and post-modern consumption, and is bound to find the poor inhabitant of these extremely impoverished places exhibiting, with the bill of an ever-postponed debt, the low-income versions (or not so low income versions) of credit cards that have also reached these parts: the financing of low-income merchandise. And such are the "monetary subjects without market," to use the expression coined by Kurz (1992), or the "endebted man," this figure of the "control society," as stated by Deleuze (1992), which has been substituting the "confined man" from the disciplinary society described by Foucault.
It is indeed true, states Deleuze (1992, p. 224), that capitalism increasingly maintains the extreme misery of the majority, peoples and populations "too poor for the debt, too numerous for the confinement: the control will not only have to confront the dissipation of frontiers, but also the explosion of the ghettos and favelas." But, using the philosopher's language, the "urban flows" liberated by the subtraction of employment devices circulate and find other agencies and points of crystallization, from which this promising and expansive market represented by the trafficking of drugs and networks of organized crime is evident, who are in fact those globalized and connected to the nonterritorial circles of financial capital. There is nothing more eloquent than the portrait described by Alba Zaluar (1996, p. 55) of a boy involved in the drug trafficking in Rio de Janeiro: "with an AR-15 or an UZI, considered symbols of his virility and a source of great local power, a hat inspired in the North-American black movement, listening to Rio Funk music, sniffing cocaine produced in Colombia, aching for a pair of the newest model of Nike tennis shoes and a brand new car." This does not explain, says Zaluar, and with reason, from the levels of minimum wage or from unemployment: "to understand how the illicit and the illegal are rooted in the informal sector to command an army of unemployed and social minors is fundamental,' even because all this places material and monetary wealth in movement in the circulation of merchandise of the capitalist world.
Between the misery of the destitute and the dazzling brilliance of this post-modern capitalism, between the continually postponed future (such as debt, left for the following day) and also the very post-modern immediate present of the trafficking youth, in which all this is conjugated in the verse-and-reverse of contemporary capitalism, there is a whole network of crossing and interwoven lines, and they form a socius that will have to be better studied. And the actual experience of the new generations and their circles are the exposed nerve of present complications that give us clues to attempt another description of the social world.]]>
Urban Characters and their Routes
We will follow the routes of these new generations under this perspective. They are situations outlined by the trajectory circles of their characters. We will call them urban characters. In their reference contexts, these trajectories operate as prisms through which the urban world is shaped in its different modulations. These characters make urban practices and multicentered social vectors around which the social world has delineated perceptible (cf. Telles, 2006).
There are experiences that unfold in a region situated on the southern periphery of the city of São Paulo, and that began to expand in the 1970's, according to the flows of industrial employment. In this region, which was the industrial center of the "Ford city," signs of productive reconversion are distinct, as are the new compositions of urban spaces of the 1990's, under the impact of the very near and wealthy quarter of the city's globalized modernization. Here the flows of wealth and poverty are in constant relationship, intertwining in the equipment of consumption traversing the region and in this mixture of legal and illegal, regular and irregular, licit and illicit as characterize the employment circles that starting from the modern, avante-guarde economic pole, such jobs are spread throughout networks of subcontracted and precarious work. The turning of time is ciphered in life's inflection and circumstances for those arriving in São Paulo in the 1970's or early 80's, who followed a course through manufacturing jobs. They arrived at the then distant and desolate periphery of the city, achieved the "dream of homeownership" by building their own homes, managing on their own with clandestine lots and became involved in the social struggles of the time. Otherwise, they precariously installed themselves in what 20 years later would be transformed into a large favela, and as a counterpoint of the period of social movements, a place in which the old clientelism of war becomes present and operates in the various folds of many illegalities composing the social world.
For these families, the difference of periods coincides with the difference of generations and above all, the young characters of these stories may inform us of something about the social vectors and lines of force that move the gravitational poles of the previous generation (between work and local urban improvements), and redefine social fields. The ambivalent profiles of globalized modernity are delineated by following the paths of the youngest workers: a social experience configured at the thresholds and in the passages between distinct worlds, between the impoverished peripheral universe and the shopping malls, prestigious places of consumption and leisure (undeniable urban references for this generation), between the low-income jobs of modern outsourcing and the precarious work of the circles that connect the flows of modeled wealth in urban spaces. These are the thresholds and passages (and barriers) that need to be well understood and well situated, since here are where the network of relationhips (and tensions) are established, and as a rule escapes the examples of social exclusion or urban segregation.
The routes of the second or third generation allow us to perceive the connections between work and urban experience. The references ordering the first generation social experiences of the "Ford job era" are no longer valid. The mediations of regulated work, worker's rights and unions that gave rhythm to the periods of life and articulated them with the political periods of the city are no longer valid. Despite this, the work, albeit precarious and discontinued, uncertain and resulting in an even less certain future, continues to be a powerful connection with the social world. It is another work experience, another urban experience. It was another diagram of references and relations that redefine the management of life and other forms of life, and in which and by which it is possible to understand the nerves of this redefined social field.
Maurício and Nair, young entrepreneurs; in the dazzling circles of globalized services
Twenty-year-old Maurício and 17-year-old Nair3 comprise the third generation of a family of factory workers. Immigrant from Paraná state, the patriarch Genésio arrived in São Paulo in 1978 at the age of 45 with his wife and six children. Some days later he moved into a more than precarious dwelling in an occupied region, which in time transformed into a large favela. His is a family of metallurgy factory workers. Presently retired, Genésio was hired a few days after his arrival, and held the same job for nineteen years. As for the five oldest children, in a short time they were also employed in some of the large factories in the region. Later, in the 1980's, they came to work in the smaller factories built nearby the favela, and there they would remain all these years with extremely low salaries, but a stability that the new generations would not experience.
The youths, Maurício and Nair are trying their luck in the dazzling circles of globalized services. Maurício began working in 1999. He was then 16 years old and was hired, throught the references of a family friend, as an office boy at the aquatic park, The Waves. Six months later the park went bankrupt and closed. In its place the hypermarket, Extra, was built, and next to it, one of the largest and most sophisticated exercise gyms, the very exclusive Unysis was also built. After this, he worked as an office boy in an employment agency, where he progressed to administrative assistant. However, the workload decreased and the company fell into financial difficulty. He was unemployed for two years, constantly looking for work without success. As he walked through the shopping malls, he would see the famous brands and think: "I wanted to work with the public, that's what I like, and I said to myself: 'I would do well.'" He was interviewed at Ellus, a well-known jeans brand, but the competition was very stiff "everyone wanting to get hired, people that work, people in college, there were even models, you know?" He sent out resumés everywhere he went without success. Then an opportunity appeared when a neighbor presented him to the press manager of a promotor's office for cultural events. The company is situated in the wealthy neighborhood of Morumbi, on Giovanni Gronchi Avenue. His job is to answer the phones, manage the datebooks, and schedule interviews. This job puts Maurício into a world that would be unimaginable to his parents. Every once in a while, he attends the events organized, for example, at Olympia, a popular and prestigious show hall. Maurício travels through the "noble social circle" of the city: shopping malls, bars and meeting points in the downtown area, or the popular, crowded neighborhoods of Moema, Vila Nova Conceição, Pinheiros and Vila Madalena. He says he began to socialize in upper circles while working at the employment agency: he made friends, started to frequent other circles, met many people and every once in a while managed to enter a night club or show for free through "people he knew" on the inside. "I have friends all over São Paulo," says Maurício.]]> It is probable that the young man exaggerates and that there is a bit of fiction in all of this. But the fact is that he is already aiming for other places and from other places. He dreams of entering a "college of communication" and finding his place in these dazzling circles of modern services in the "global city." He believes he has talent for this. It is probable that this golden dream does not go very far and that the youth is soon faced with the more than exclusive rules of the modern, avante-guarde globalized circles. But fate has already shaped another set of references and other prisms through which the city presents itself; different from his parents' generation, who valued exactly this type of "world at hand" that the favela offers them the close family and close jobs. For Maurício, in the favela everything is far and the periphery has nothing, only dangerous places, as well as being very ugly: "There is nothing here, there's not even an agreeable landscape to look at."
Nair, 17 years old, cousin to Maurício, started working at a very early age and her trajectory says something about the new employment circles in the region. In 1995, at 11 years old, she worked in a small outsourced company that put toys together for McDonald's. Several girls from her neighborhood worked there. The business owner was a family acquaintance and they worked out of the garage of a house on a street near to Giovanni Gronchi Avenue, a connection point between the paupered region where she lives and the very wealthy neighborhood of Morumbi. The McDonald's franchise is at the avenue's initial junction next to the hypermarket Carrefour. In 1998, she worked six months in a company that puts promotional advertising pens together: it was an election year and there was a lot of work available. Then, while she was unemployed, she decided to start a business reselling clothes with her mother. In 2001, when she was 17 years old, she managed to find employment through the reference of a friend as an attendant at the exercise gym, Companhia Atlética, at Morumbi Shopping Mall: a place where the rich and famous seek "health and fitness." For her, she has finally had a lucky break. It is from there that Nair hopes to climb the corporate ladder and arrange other more promising jobs in the stores of this glowing circuit of high-income comsumption. Nair also thinks about her future: she wants to learn English, take a nursing course, and save some money in this profession to be able to make her dream of studying physiotherapy at university come true. While waiting for good luck, Nair accompanies her cousin, Maurício, circulating around the city, through shopping malls and bars in the neighborhoods of Vila Madalena, Pinheiros and Moema, in São Paulo.
The two cousins aim for other horizons. Maurício makes an effort to improve his life: he completed high school and wants to continue his studies. He never wavered in searching for employment and tries his utmost to find a better job. In conclusion, Maurício is an entrepreneur, like his cousin, Nair. This is how they see themselves. And for both of them this is the sieve that makes the difference comparing to their childhood friends and neighbors. "There are other people like me," says Maurício, "people who strive to change their lives." But he evaluates, "The majority stays where they are, become complacent, they don't want to think about anything, they don't attempt [to improve] their lives." This is a complicated rift, we well know. As we also know that the entrepreneur ethos of mercantile individualism is well cifered there. But it is in this code that he formulates the hopes to build an acceptable life. It is at this rift that the nerve (one of them) is exposed to the world. The problem is not living in the favela. They are different worlds, but the dominion of the two codes is not excluding, and they traverse between the two with agility.
Maurício and his cousin, Nair, are characters that clarify something about the way that the fold between the worlds is made, between the material quality of the city and its social circles and the nature of the connections (and connectors) that operate this game of accesses and barriers. It is there, in the folds of social life that the drama is enacted. This is why the routes of these young characters help us to compose the condition of present complications: the world of services and its modern circles, a true gravitational field (references, possibilities and also barriers) in a scenario of diminishing jobs and precarious work. And still: the violence of every day and the "crooked paths" of life that are capturing many of his neighbors (as in all places) in the circles of drug trafficking and violent criminality. All this creates a set of coordinates that help to delineate a social cartography, following the lines of force that traverse the social world and its points of rupture, passages and ambivalences.
Jorge, the precarious employee: in the closed circuit of temporary work agencies
The routes of these youths enchanted by the dazzling circles of the "global city" have to be confronted with others, with those traveling in circles that feed on the wealth of the global city, without being able to break the iron circle of temporary work agencies. This is the story of Jorge, 31 years old, the youngest son the patriarch, Genésio, and uncle to the young entrepreneurs as well.
This youth has a totally different story from that of his older brothers and sisters. He began his adult life in an already overturned world, and does not find alternatives to precarious work and is unemployed for prolonged periods. It is impossible to reproduce the stable trajectory of the work of his brothers and sisters. But he has also lived the change in times from the other side, that of violence, which in a few years decimated almost all of his childhood and adolescent friends. Meanwhile this also ended a very energetic musical group that he led together with friends, replete with CDs and records bought in famous galleries in downtown São Paulo, a meeting point of youths interested in rap and hip hop. As he tells it, some were killed, others are in hiding. He also "proved the statistics wrong," to quote a line of the lyrics of the Brazilian rap group, Racionais MCs, who are an important reference in the city's periphery and certainly a point of identification for Jorge, as they are for many others (cf. Khel, 2000). Unlike his entrepreneur niece and nephew, the dazzling lights of globalized services are not a part of his plans, and he also does not dream of living in other neighborhoods. It is there, in the periphery (he uses the term himself, "it's all periphery"), where he builds meaningful connections for his life. As he states, "periphery is really that that Racionais song says it all."
Jorge has an erratic occupational history, and is unable to establish himself in jobs and continues year after year between periods of precarious work and unemployment. The only trace of continuity in his occupational history is the intermediation of temporary work agencies, and the only trace in common with his older brothers and sisters is that he frequents what could be called the local market. But if for those the radius of employment was largely marked by the social networks where information and job opportunities circulated, in Jorge's case times are different and entering the job market is done in part by the intermediation of agencies. They negotiate and decide the location of the employees, and the scales of distance and proximity are one of the criteria. Many times Maurício saw his chance of employment vanish for not living near the prospective company.
It is true that some penetrate the system and manage employment. But then they enter a closed circuit that is very difficult to break into. This is what happened with Marcelo, 22 years old, who lives in the next neighborhood over. He has finished high school, completed a computer course and another course simply called "commercial techniques." He managed to get hired as a cash register operator at Carrefour, as a temporary position. He did very well and was hired permanently. But, he contemplates, cash register operator is not the future and has no future for anyone. At best, you go from the register to restocking the shelves. Marcelo expects more from life. However, he says, once in a supermarket, always in a supermarket "if you put supermarket experience on your resumé, American Express, Xerox, any firm is not going to call you, the interviewer will look at you and say, the guy is supermarket material, he'll work in the supermarket." He left this job and tried other ways into the job market: appealed to friends and acquaintances, sent out resumés to every place he could think of, without success. After a while, he was called to work at the hypermarket, Extra. "I quit fooling myself," says Marcelo, "there's no other way, either this or unemployment." When we met with him, in 2001, he had been promoted to restocking the shelves.]]>
Arnaldo, the motorcycle courier: on the threshold of legality
If temporary work agencies seem to circumscribe a strict perimeter of the social experience, in the routes of a motocycle courier, other facets of this urban world, other profiles are developed in the territories where these young men circulate. The fact is that in this region spread to the margins of the globalized quarter, the motocycle couriers compose the urban landscape and make the points of combustion of this network of relationships visible, woven in "dangerous connections" of these flows of wealth and poverty that are constantly related and intertwined. One can find them in bands circulating through the streets and avenues traversing the region. They navigate on the waves of outsourced services spreading everywhere and meet the demand of the dazzling circles of globalized wealth. As a young motorcycle courier states, "whoever has a motorcycle has the knife and the cheese in his hands." With a motorcycle, he says, there are more opportunities (opportunities?) to be called by an employment agency or an outsourcing company to supply their demands in the region. And, while good luck does not appear, they do what they can, even if it is an odd job or other such as a pizza delivery.
This is the story of 22-year-old Arnaldo, who has completed high school. He is the son of an ex-metallurgy worker, who in the agitated 1980's was on the front lines of the factory worker mobilizations and equally involved himself in a very active and organized housing movement in the neighborhood where they lived until recently with his family. Arnaldo tried to follow the example of his father and take on an industrial job. The times have changed, and from one job to another, he tries to make a living by using his motorcycle: he is a motorcycle courier. There was a time that Arnaldo believed a motorcycle would certainly open doors to the job market. It did not work out very well. In 1998, he began to work as a motorcycle courier in an outsourced company that worked for the São Paulo water company, Sabesp: delivering service cut-off warning notices for past due water bills he says, "you go to the person's house, the person has three months worth of bills past due and you go there to deliver the cut-off notice the person has a week to pay, and if they don't, someone else will go there, turn off the water and seal the water register." He stayed only one year and left in 1999 because it was very dangerous. Besides not being registered in his work document, it also did not offer any promising alternatives. The description given by Arnaldo is precise: without an official register in his work document, the only "guarantee" is a kind of insurance with a parts store, "[ ] if the motorcycle breaks, you go there, get the part you need and pay it back the next month [ ] there is no register in the work document, and if you have an accident, then you are out of luck."
Besides the risk of traffic accidents, the greater danger is in the actual nature of the service. He had to circulate in regions where people did not pay their water bills, or in the poorest neighborhoods on city's outskirts. And many times, on this route, the motorcyclist returns from work on foot, without the motorcycle:
[...] it was very dangerous... I worked with the motorcycle, would often go to the periphery... I have a neighbor that works there, and they already stole his motorcycle [...] I have two co-workers that worked there, and both of them lost their bikes too... it's mostly in the periphery, favelas, near Capão, it's all dangerous area... Parque Santo Antônio, Jangadeiro, Capão, Jacira... the worst place was Jacira... this guy stole my motorcycle there in Jacira.
Any perspectives for the future? None, says Arnaldo, and says firmly: it's work for those who can't get anything else in life, "the majority are guys that have already passed through the police, can't get another job, and then they have to resort to this. They are guys who have already been in jail it gives no future, it doesn't give anything, I don't think so."
The route of a motorcycle courier is more than eloquent description of how job experience unfolds and opens in the multiple facets of urban experience. It is as if this trajectory were also following the line of intensity that crosses the various social worlds that are overlapped and compose the urban reality: the public urban sanitation company, the new forms of management and outsourcing practices, the debtors in times of "tarifary truth" imposed by the triumphant logic of the market, the poverty of the periphery, including the legion of those caught by the "curse of destiny," who cannot manage to find employment at all. All this is mixed with the energies mobilized by this object of desire the motorcycle and that are also composed of important references in the daily sociability of youths in this region.
But the stories that circulate are also very confusing, so confusing that they seem to give plausibility to the rumors and suspicisions that the motorcycle courier companies (as are the public transport mini-vans) are today "an investment front" for dirty money. And, as it seems, these companies are proliferating in this region situated on the fringe of the "global city."]]> The story of 20-year-old Fernanda, Arnaldo's neighbor, said something about this. Her brother risked opening a motorcycle courier company. It was not successful and in a short time he was drowning in debt. But the girl helped her brother and "gained experience," she said. Later, luck lead her to a real estate office in the Business Center, portal of the "global city," globalized enclave encrusted in the neighborhood, indicating the limits of the two contrasting worlds. She was a secretary, and her job was to deal with the motorcycle courier company. She did so well that a successful motorcycle courier called her to help open his own company in Itapecerica da Serra, a municipality within the Greater São Paulo area, outlying the southern periphery of the city and not far from this region. The young man worked in a company that "was spoken well of, I knew the majority of employees, they would report directly to me and I said 'ok.'" From that point on ensued a succession of unkept promises, ineffected payments, bill collector calls for late debt payment, while the money disappeared through unexplained channels (unexplainable, perhaps). It is a very confusing story. Fernanda says the project was not modest: set up the operational part in São Paulo with motorcycle couriers, public transport mini-vans and buses. And in Itapecerica, the plan was to set up tourist packages for schools. The young man talked about promoting excursions to Barretos, in inland city of São Paulo. Fernanda soon organized the material and asked her brother to provide the graphic material needed for advertisement posters, business cards, and envelopes with letterhead. In the meantime, all of Fernanda's family was involved in the business. Her mother was hired to clean the office; her brother was hired as a secretary, and she also had a neighborhood friend helping in the office. No one received any payment, including the more than 20 motorcycle couriers.
The young woman has finished high school and is very hard working. Besides this, she has a very articulate family; she lives in a neighborhood with a very close community, all very organized, active, and solidary. In a phrase: she is a young woman with vast social capital. After all, it was how she managed to find the job that few are able to find in the Business Center of São Paulo. Despite her age, the occupational history of Fernanda is notable, a reasonable succession of employment, all of which were obtained through her network of relationships where information and "good recommendations" circulate. But it is also a notably instable and vulnerable history, always on the frontier between formal and informal market several inconsistencies, successive dismissals, late salaries, and disrespected rights. In conclusion, nothing to find odd: networks and social capital do not cease to repeat circumstances of impoverished circles of an equally impoverished region and that activate precarious work in the precarious job market with the pardon of tautology. But the hard-working Fernanda was near to escaping the workings of uncertainty when, mobilizing her social capital, managed the promising job at the Business Center, the same social capital that the young man from the motorcycle courier company set in motion for his fraudulent business. In a short time, the only thing that this accumulated social capital had resulted in was the accumulation of many debts (late telephone and water bills due to a salary that was never paid) and disrespected commitments (her brother used his own name to acquire the printing of posters, and the bill was left to pay some day). In addition there were many frights, the worst when a furious "client" appeared at the office to collect "his share", brandishing a gun in hand, inappropriate language and threats to destroy the office. But by this time, the young man of the motorcycles had already vanished with the expropriated dividends of the social capital, and no one knew where to find him.
Fernanda and the motorcycle courier, Arnaldo, live in a neighborhood that could be included in the many exemplary cases of social capital and active social networks. But as stated by Bruno Latour (2000), if the subject is the networks, it is necessary to consider that they are "more or less extensive, and more or less connected," and they also involve "good connections" and "bad connections." Meaning: the whole problem is in knowing and understanding the way in which the connections operate, since always situated and always territorial; they are created in the composition and conjugation between circumstances, facts, things, and actors. It is in these junctions and connections of social life that the pulse of the urban world is perceived. And it is exactly this that work (and job experience) allows us to learn.
Geraldo, the security guard: in the circles of privatized security, in which all the lines are crossed
Geraldo, 27 years old, is the security guard in a five star hotel on Luiz Carlos Berrini Avenue, the globalized heart of the city, an irradiating center of so-called modern outsourcing of the latest generation. Neighbor to the patriarch, Genésio, and his extensive family, Geraldo is also the son of a metallurgy factory worker whose history passes through one of the large industries that previously bespeckled the region. Dismissed in the late-1980's, from then on his work for a living is a bit obscure, between the mesh of political clientelism and so-called illicit business. In this way he was able to manage a good part of the local urban improvements and it is through these means that he exherts power and influence over the issues and litigations that occupy and aggravate the inhabitants.
If the father allowed himself to be involved in the local life of the favela, between obscure jobs for survival and the knit of local clientelism to the old style, Geraldo knows how to pass between this world and the modern circles of the "globalized world" well. He began working at the age of 19. He worked as a waiter at a flat in Moema, where he stayed only three months. Then he worked for a year in one of the small factories close to the favela. Through the help of a friend, he managed to find work as a fiscalization agent in stores and circulated through some of the important department stores and shopping malls in the city. But it was unsteady work and Geraldo was unable to find the right niche. The great turnover in his live happened when he took a security course in 1997. He changed levels: began working in the field of privatized security. Despite being a very unstable line of work (it is subject to all the insecurities and irregularities of subcontracted work), Geraldo is finding a chance to escape the every day "whirlwind" of many of his neighbors. And the job puts him within the dazzling circles of modern services.
As we can find in other places, the job of security guard is today seen as very promising. As a young man from a nearby neighborhood with similar conditions of poverty and violence said, it is the "correct job that has a guaranteed market." Sivaldo, 28 years old, also took a security course accredited and regulated by the Federal Police. He has already worked in some of the most important Brazilian bank agencies and in stores in the most sophisticated shopping malls of the wealthy and globalized southeast quarter of the city. He now works in a company that gives service to bingo houses and night clubs. Sivaldo was unable to explain the statute of this company well, for him the manner in which the services are contracted and compensated is not very clear. Very probably the company composes this extensive and expansive universe, if not with clandestine services, with those that traverse the unclear frontiers of legality, due to diverse hours and locations to escape the official regulations that guide security sevices (cf. Caldeira, 2000).
Sivaldo began working at the very young age of 14. He as been an office boy, assistant in a street fair stand and in local corner markets, a garbage collector, a car wash attendant, started a bar with friends and then a fried pastry stand. He was also a fare collector in a clandestine public transport mini-van it was an odd job, he says, which he picked up with his friends who were the drivers, neighbors where he lives. He did not do that for long. The van he worked in was robbed and he thought it was too dangerous and wanted something better. He was then 23 years old and sold his car to pay for the security course. It is in this line of work that he intends to focus his energy to progress in life.
Like so many others of his generation, to speak of friends is to recount deaths. From his childhood to adolescence, says Sivaldo, "there are only two or three left." The others were dead, executed or had disappeared along crooked the paths of life. Sivaldo understands "the things in life" well and perhaps it is this that allows him a certain critical distance from his "promising" employment. It is dangerous, he says, not only because one is exposed to the professional risks, but also because "on this side" things are not easy. He tells that the security guards are frequently pressured by illegal networks: they receive offers of money, protection, and promises of a percentage of the "profit," or they are subject to the heavy game of the open pressure to provide "the map of the mine." They want to know all the details of how the local business works. It's like that, says Sivaldo, the "curse of money," since "there are guards that need money, that are desparate, so they go there, have a meeting at the 'big boss's' house, he tells them everything, they analyze it all and, then, they do the 'job.'"]]> But, says Sivaldo, the security systems in the banks, office buildings, and shopping malls is much more sophisiticated. Entrance into these locations is increasingly difficult, causing the flows of organized crime to move out to focus on the poor periphery of the city: ATMs, supermarkets, local commerce, bingo houses, and night clubs spread along the avenues that cross these peripheral parts of the city. Sivaldo knows what he is talking about: "Those who know, who were born and grew up on the outskirts, know that at the end of the year they are targets of organized crime, to have a good New Year, right?...If they are in there, there is no way to react, you just give it to them and pray to God ."
Privatized security guards are undeniable figures of the "city of walls" and are a part of the devices of the privatization of public spaces (and of the city), while they are mobilized in an expansive, globalized market, making security a commodity sold under increasingly sophisticated and varied forms (cf. Caldeira, 2000). All lines cross around them: the market, the globalized fortresses of the city and the dazzling circles of modern equipment for consumption. But also this overflow to the city's limits: the modern, avante-guarde precarious work, the subcontracted networks and this mixture or indifferentiation between formal and informal, legal and illegal, which has been following the lines effecting events in the city.
What these characters (and the previous ones) show us in their histories is that these connections pass through the globalized fortresses of the city, they overflow their walls or leak through the pores of these walls, and like so many other urban flows, they also redefine the territories and their circles. Peculiarly, the relationship between employment and city is established by the path of a chain of mediations and connections where all the facets of the present urban world are cifered. We do not need to accept a miserable argument, nor speak against world hunger to feel the measure of social tragedy encoded there.
* * *
Where do we situate each one of these individuals? Are they poor, luckless people? Excluded? If not, does it make some sense that they are "included," then? They are characters that make their paths in the events of the social world. These categories (and dualities) become too narrow to put the questions raised by these stories into perspective. The force fields and all the complication of the changing times are precisely in the connection points of these events that weave the tapestry of the social world.
These characters escape the habitual categories spoken of in recent debates. They do not correspond to the canonized figures of the regular worker or to those of the informal market, and much less the current stereotypes of the "poor" and "excluded," target public of said programs of social insertion. Meanwhile, their courses weave the web of relations and force fields that are structured around employment, but are weakened under the current terms of the present debate.
Precisely this requires reiterating the question about the meanings of employment and its structural effects in social life. Returning to the questions at the beginning of this article, perhaps a change in the set of references is needed to resituate employment in the social world. If known employment regulations and the set of their political and institutional mediations are not stricter, then perhaps it is the case of appraising the horizontal vectors that articulate employment, the city and its spaces, which are other agencies between periods of life and periods of work. Also, they are other references by which the experience of inequality is being processed. If it is not returned to class configurations, perhaps it is being shaped in the spaces of the city and its circles.
But, then, we must question the fields of experience in their new forms: no longer the previous "class relationships," but experiences that are formed and pulse in situations described here, as well as in subcontracted networks and their intermediaries, in work at home mobilizing relations of proximity between family and neighbors, and in the myriads of other employment situations that shape the urban world.
This is an opportune moment for another look at Thompson (1979), to learn to listen to the rumors of the city with him. It is no longer the "rumors of the crowd" (or not these), with which the author identified fields of experience and outlined the scenario of conflicting relations and the deaf resistance or manifest in England in the 18th Century. Even when it does not rise to the surface, and it is socially invisible, resistance continues to exist as a deaf critical rumor in search of references, mediators and means of expression (cf. Telles and Cabanes, 2006).
]]> Bibliographic References
ASPE, Bernard; COMPES, Muriel & LAZZARATO, Maurizio. (1996). "Le travail: un nouveau débat por de vieilles alternatives." Futur Antérieur, 35-36, Paris, site www.multitudes. samizdat.net, consultado em 04/02/2006.
BEAUD, Stéphane & PIALOUX, Michel. (2003), Violences urbaines, violence sociale: genèse des nouvelles classes dangereuses. Paris, Fayard. BESSIN, Marc. (1999), "Les temps, une question de pouvoir." Mouvements, 2: 47-54, Jan, Feb, Paris.
CALDEIRA, Teresa. (2000), A cidade dos muros: violência, segregação e cidadania na cidade de São Paulo. São Paulo, Editora 34.
DELEUZE, Gilles. (1992), "Post-scriptum sobre as sociedades de controle." In: _____. Conversações. São Paulo, Editora 34, pp. 219-226. EHEREMBERG, Alain. (1991), Le culte de la performance. Paris, Hachette Littératures.
HARVEY, David. (1996), "Do gerenciamento ao empresariamento: a transformação da administração urbana no capitalismo tardio." Espaço e Debates, 39: 121-145, São Paulo.
KHEL, Maria Rita. (2000), Função fraterna. Rio de Janeiro, Relume-Dumará.
KURZ, Robert. (1992), O colapso da modernização. Rio de Janeiro, Paz e Terra.
LATOUR, Bruno. (2000), "Faktura: de la notion de réseaux à celle d'attachement." In: MICOUD, André & PERONI, Michel. Ce qui nous relie. Paris, Éditions de l'Aube, La Tour d'Aigues, pp. 189-208.
LAZZARATO, Maurizio (2002). "Le concept de travail immatériel: la grande enterprise." Futur Antérieur, 10. Paris, site www.multitudes.samizdat.net, consultado em 05/05/2005.
LE MARCHAND, Arnaud. (2004). "Travail intermittent et production de la ville post-fordiste." Multitude, 17. Paris, site www.multitudes.samizdat.net, consulted on 04/02/2006.
OLIVEIRA, Francisco de. (2003), "O ornitorrico." In: _____. Crítica à razão dualista. O ornitorrinco. São Paulo, Boitempo, pp. 121-150.
SASSEN, Saskia. (1998), As cidades na economia global. São Paulo, Nobel.
SENNET, Richard. (2000), A corrosão do caráter. Rio de Janeiro, Record.
SUPIOT, Alain. (1994), Critique du droit du travail. Paris, PUF.
_____. (1999), Au-delà de l'emploi: transformations du travail et devenir du droit du travail en Europe. Paris, Flamarion.
TELLES, Vera S. (2006), "Trajetórias urbanas: fios de uma descrição da cidade." In: TELLES, Vera S. & CABANES, Robert (orgs.). Nas tramas da cidade: trajetórias urbanas e seus personagens. São Paulo, Humanitas (no prelo).
TELLES, Vera S. & CABANES, Robert (orgs). (2006), Nas tramas da cidade: trajetórias urbanas e seus personagens. São Paulo, Humanitas (no prelo).
THOMPSON, Edward. P. (1979), Tradición, revuelta, consciencia de clase: estudios sobre la crisis de la sociedad preindustrial. Barcelona, Crítica.
VELTZ, Pierre. (1996), Mondialisation, villes et territoires: l'économie d'archipel. Paris, PUF.
ZALUAR, Alba. (1996), "A globalização do crime e os limites da explicação local." In: VELHO, Gilberto & ALVITO, Marcos (orgs.). Cidadania e violência. Rio de Janeiro, Editora da FGV/Editora da UFRJ, pp. 48-68.
ZARIFIAN, Philippe. (2000), "Engajamento, disciplina e controle." Novos Estudos. 64: 23-33, nov., São Paulo.
_____. (2003), "La disparition du marché." In: ZARIFIAN, Philippe. A quoi sert le travail? Paris, La Dispute, pp. 135-147. ]]>


text:
Office space locations in Davao City
Work anywhere for an hour, day, week, month, or years.
Prices are per person per day on a 24-month agreement, subject to availability.
4F Topaz Tower, Damosa IT Park
Offices from Php370.00
6th Floor, Felcris Centrale
Offices from Php310.00
Find out more about our locations in Davao City.
Call us now on: 03-2246 6019


text:
I blast the front door of a nearby home to splinters and find more undead waiting. My bullets and magic explode moldy foes and furniture alike as I slam through a living room, a bedroom, and out the back of the home itself like a one-man wrecking ball, a swath of glorious, glittering loot in my wake.
I pause for a moment, leaving the world of Grim Dawn. I grin at Arthur Bruno, the creator of this action RPG, and smile. "That was awesome."
Outside of Crate Entertainment's two-man full-time team and handful of part-time contributors, I was the first to play Grim Dawn. And I'm glad I did. I not only experienced a terrific new take on top-down action RPGs, I found a great story about a guy chasing a dream.
Trying Times
Bruno's game-design career began at Iron Lore Entertainment with the critically acclaimed, Greek mythology-themed action-RPG Titan Quest. A Titan Quest sequel looked like a sure thing, but publisher THQ balked and Titan Quest 2 died, taking Iron Lore itself down with it in 2008. Stubbornly, Bruno and a fellow Iron Lore alum formed Crate Entertainment shortly after, and in 2010 Crate announced it was working on Grim Dawn.
"There were some lean years," Bruno said with a smile widened by Grim Dawn's successful (and still ongoing) $310,000 Kickstarter campaign. "Now, with the Kickstarter funding, I'm able to sleep a lot easier at night."
Titan Quest lives on! Well, kinda.
A large framed poster of Titan Quest's Spartan hero hangs on the wall of his Boston apartment, and knowing that Grim Dawn has risen from the ashes of TQ2, I wondered if Bruno considered it a spiritual successor.
Where Titan Quest is bright, shiny, and features fantastical mythological creatures and characters, Grim Dawn is, well, grim."I had a lot of liberty in terms of system design on Titan Quest, but there was a strong pre-existing vision for what it would be and the broad market it was being made for," Bruno said. "With Grim Dawn, having total creative freedom, I'm making the game I want to play. I'm not being self-indulgent when I say that. I always consider the audience we're targeting. But in this case, I am the audience we're targeting. I'm a hardcore action-RPG fan, and I'm making the type of core game fans want to play."
So while the two share a very similar class system (called Masteries), beyond that they're near-polar opposites -- most notably in setting. Where Titan Quest is bright, shiny, and features fantastical mythological creatures and characters, Grim Dawn is, well, grim. The world of Cairn has been ripped apart by beings from another plane of reality. Humanity is on the brink, and the game world reflects it.
Cairn is a dark and lonely place for humans.
Five Masteries are planned, and thus far the Occultist, Soldier, and Demolitionist have been revealed. I selected the explosives and rifle-wielding Demolitionist and began my Grim Dawn adventure within the crumbling walls and iron bars of the Burrwitch Prison. It's here that a small group of human survivors has banded together, transforming the prison into a fortress while doing their best to start a new life. Even in what Bruno calls a pre-alpha state, the prison sports some intriguing visual details, like a cushioned red armchair beside a stained mattress inside one of the cells-turned-homes -- a small thing, but it made it feel like humans were actually living there. But I wasn't there to sightsee, I was there to fight back against the darkness. I left the walls of Burrwitch Prison and braced for impact.
Changing Spaces
That impact came quickly, in the form of a zombie horde. Bruno and team are shooting for satisfying enemy reactions to attacks, and as I threw what looked like Holy Hand Grenades into a pack of roamers and watched the bodyparts and blood fly, I decided it's safe to say they've hit their target.
Bring on the horde!
Roaming through the streets of the town of Burrwitch, I took the action into the many houses, loving the on-the-fly transition between open and closed-area fights and back again. It's something Bruno said he's worked hard on, and it goes a long way toward making Grim Dawn feel more like a real world rather than a linear path surrounded by window dressing sets.
Suddenly, you're fighting inside this very confined space, and it makes everything feel a lot more intense."The space that you're playing in has a big impact on combat," Bruno said. "It can totally change the dynamic, especially when you're more of a ranged character or a glass-cannon build. Suddenly, you're fighting inside this very confined space, and it makes everything feel a lot more intense. Normally, action RPGs keep those types of areas underground with dungeons. We wanted to bring that above ground, and that inspired our modular house system."
That system allows Crate to build houses of various shapes and sizes, and they're all fully explorable. It's a key feature that differentiates Grim Dawn from the wave of action RPGs coming soon.
Moving Barriers
Grim Dawn may not be a completely open-world action RPG, but many barriers can be broken. For example, while on a road lined with stone walls, I found my Occultist surrounded by monsters. Not wanting my frail magic user to become lunch, I hurled a bolt of magic at the nearby stones and watched them crumble. I jumped through my self-made exit and took the fight out into an open field; as my attackers funneled through after me I was able to cut them down one at a time.
Why go around when you can go through?
The simple act of blowing up a wall and jumping off the beaten path made me feel as if I was in control of this adventure. I wasn't being pulled along by the wrist, I was making my own way in this world gone wrong. And it felt great.
Crate is working on a system that will spawn random NPC camps capable of giving quests.Bruno warned me not to get too comfortable with locations I learned to use to my advantage, though, because they might not be there the next time I played through. Grim Dawn features a dynamic-barrier system that spawns immovable and indestructible objects that force players to choose different paths.
"After a few runthroughs, players tend to find the most optimized path through a level. We play those same paths over and over again, and that leads to tedium. This is a way to promote players to try something different and to have a better experience. Maps aren't totally randomized, but it's a good compromise."
Though there will be plenty of elements that are completely randomized, Bruno said. Yes, there will be different enemies spawning in different places, but that's just the tip of the random iceberg. Crate is working on a system that will spawn random NPC camps capable of giving quests, create random events such as enemies attacking a group of humans which players must try to save, and even random entrances into Cairn's vast underground.
The ARPG You've Been Waiting For?
It all sounds overly ambitious, the types of features fans would talk about when dreaming up a game. But from what I saw, Crate (and by Crate I mean Bruno, one other full timer, and a handful of part-timers -- all working from home offices across the country) is somehow managing to pull it off. With Diablo 3 trimming some hardcore features and Torchlight 2 sticking to the full-on cartoon route, Grim Dawn could well be the core action RPG fans have been clamoring for since Diablo 2.
So when will you be able to hack and slash your way through Cairn? Bruno said he's shooting for alpha testing to begin at the end of 2012 or early 2013. If all goes well, the beta will open in early summer 2013, and Grim Dawn will launch in August of next year. Just how much bigger and more ambitious it will become depends on all of you. The Grim Dawn Kickstarter campaign is currently at $310,000 with eight days to go. I recommend chipping in. Grim Dawn not only looks terrific, it's a great story, too.


text:
Sheet music downloads have become the preferred method of acquiring classical music repertoire. Created by professional musicians, EveryNote.com presents classical sheet music download of over 20.000 popular and hard-to-find music scores over 1000 composers. A major Internet provider of classical sheet music files download online, EveryNote.com offers the largest and most complete digital sheet music download library on the Web in the world. Instantly download, view and print your favorite classical music score. Everynote.com currently offers thousands of classical music compositions for Piano, Violin, Cello, Flute, Clarinet, Classical Guitar, Voice, Chamber and Choral music.Many more instruments, composers, genres added every day! EveryNote.com has been featured in The New York Times, Globe and Mail, Musical America and many other publications.
Johann Cramer
(1771 – 1858)
Cramer short biography
A noted composer, pianist and music publisher, Cramer was regarded as one of the most renowned piano virtuosos of his generation. Cramer and Beethoven had a long and mutually rewarding relationship. Cramer also had a long friendly relationship with Haydn. After 1800, following a very successful model of Clementi, Cramer founded his own music publishing business in London. Beethoven called Cramer 'the finest pianist ever'.
More Piano sheet music download on EveryNote.com
Piano sheet music download on EveryNote.com
Web design by Web design SEO & Hosting Company - iGenii inc


text:
Receptos to Present at the 2012 Wedbush PacGrow Life Sciences Management Access Conference
Aug 13, 2012, 12:30 ET
SAN DIEGO, Aug. 13, 2012 /PRNewswire/ -- Receptos Inc. today announced that the company is scheduled to present at the 2012 Wedbush PacGrow Life Sciences Management Access Conference at 9:10 a.m. EDT on Wednesday, August 15, 2012, at the Le Parker Meridien Hotel in New York City. Faheem Hasnain, president and chief executive officer, will provide an overview of the company and an update about its Phase 2 clinical development programs for multiple sclerosis and inflammatory bowel disease with RPC1063.
About RPC1063 and S1P1 Agonists
RPC1063 is a novel, differentiated sphingosine 1-phosphate 1 receptor (S1P1) selective agonist exhibiting picomolar potency that is effective in rodent models of both multiple sclerosis (MS) and inflammatory bowel disease (IBD), and possesses an excellent safety profile in non-clinical toxicology studies. Receptos has completed a Phase 1 clinical safety study with RPC1063 under a US IND that supports the desired differentiation profile and establishes justification for initiation of MS and IBD clinical efficacy trials in 2012. S1P1 is a G protein-coupled receptor (GPCR) that binds the lipid signaling molecule sphingosine 1-phosphate (S1P). S1P is a circulating lipid that binds to five GPCRs termed S1P1-5. S1P1 selectively regulates physiological functions in the immune and cardiovascular systems, including immune cell trafficking and the maintenance of endothelial integrity. In autoimmune disorders, S1P1 agonism works by selectively sequestering circulating lymphocytes, blunting the underlying cause of disease.
About Receptos
Receptos is a biopharmaceutical company developing autoimmune therapeutic candidates through information - driven drug discovery, including GPCR structure determination. The company's lead program, RPC1063, is a best-in-class S1P1 small molecule agonist candidate for autoimmune indications. Receptos' expertise in S1P1 biology has been informed by the company's high resolution protein crystal structure of the S1P1 receptor, published in Science earlier this year. Receptos has established partnerships for its GPCR structure determination technology platform with Eli Lilly, Ono Pharmaceutical and Janssen Pharmaceuticals, Inc. For more information visit www.receptos.com.
Media and Investor Contacts:
Russo Partners
Ian Stone or David Schull (media)
(619) 308-6541 or (212) 845-4271
[email protected]
[email protected]
SOURCE Receptos Inc.


text:
Life Frequencies - The Computer Program That Changed the World of Alternative Health
When Brian's wife got cancer back in 2004, it was a scary prospect. They had no insurance and also little money. To top it off, Brian's parents had both died of cancer. It's a horrible disease that leads to a painful death.
As a scientist, Brian knew about Dr. Royal Rife as well as Rife Machines, though back then, a cheap one was around $4000.00. That was all about to change...
Considering what they were going through, it became his goal to gain the technology in the hands of people who need it as well as make it affordable for everyone. Flat out, nobody should have to go through that along with nobody has to.
Brian began creating algorithms using sound waves that would make Rife Frequencies work with computers, headphones along with speakers. Out of desparation and the fact that he had little more than that to work with at the time, he worked around the clock on this for months. In the end, he had a 100% success rate with everything that he encountered using this new technology.
Surprisingly, he had come accross a large number of heavy hitters interested in his work. Doctors, sugeons, alternative practitioners all wanted to know about it. The word spread fast. This was a good thing, because now Brian had benefit in unfamiliar areas and experts that may lab and also field test his work.
In 2009, the first Life Frequencies program was created - Life Frequencies Millennium. It was a simple program with basics of Rife along with his pain relief technology, TBSW. It also had a chakra system in it. As simple as it was, it became widely used by alternative practitioners as well as even mainstream doctors to acquire rid of MRSA.
In 2011, Life Frequencies Professional was developed. It had several sections for energy healing along with a database for health practitioners along with practitioners. It's use quickly spread.
Today, Life Frequencies is still an affordable program that has become a staple in alternative health and also energy healing used around the world. The latest versions allow people to record their frequency sessions along with email audio files to patients using ANY device or cell phone.
Energy Healing - What You Need To Know
Edgar Cayce and Charlie Goldsmith are examples of energy healers. Their work is phenomenal. Is it a gift or something that we all have the God given ability to do?
We humans have survived thousands of years without big pharma along with chemical drugs. Amazing isn't it?
Society along with the mainstream media have most people believing that without pharmaceuticals, we're all goners. This is not the case! In fact, I would make a point that chemical chemicals have made the world a more dangerous place than ever. How?
Aside from the fact that opioid drugs are killing people at an unprecedented rate through addiction and overdose, modern chemicals have upset the balance of the planet and human relationships with it.
Specifically, pharmaceuticals have caused dangerous microbes to mutate in the direction of unnatural forms that have become incurable. Examples of this can be found in MRSA, drug resistant STDs and quite a few others.
Energy healing is natural. Life is based on frequencies. Everthing is made up of frequencies. So, whether it's Edgar Cayce or Charlie Goldsmith, the end result is a change in energy fields via a change in frequencies that make up the subject being healed.
This also applies to NATURAL herbs used for healing. They change energy patterns in the body. And, on a more scientific level - Rife Frequencies. They work by changing energy patterns directly with resonance and also frequencies that promotes fast healing of even the most serious health problems. See this link... And...
Anyone has the ability to perform energy healing.
The main problem is, most of us have lost our way. Not intentionally. By design along with not ours (alien?). Society has been plagued by technology. That's one of the new real killers. Be it TV, cell phones or video games, we are in trouble! Sure, they can all be used for good, although they're not in most cases. They are made to distract us from our real purpose in life and also God.
Did you know that the average person checks their cell phone 85 times per day? A shocking 2017 statistic! How will sometimes one expect to be "in tune" with their own being and also the universe with data like that? Its highly unlikely!
If you're interested in ing more about energy healing, check out this fascinating book...
Introduction to Energy Healing - By Karina Popa
The concept of energy healing includes lots of alternative methods of healing. These methods include the manipulation of a person's energy or aura. Among the most popular types of energy healing, we can mention quantum, pranic as well as reiki healing.
The energy healing is quite adaptable because it will sometimes be performed live or from afar. In addition to this, it can be combined with various practices in order to increase the effect (crystal healing is an example).
This is a very popular healing method which became very famous around the world due to its non-invasive method of work. This technique works on the energy of the body in order to bring modifications to its physical. A practitioner of reiki is trained in receiving energy, scanning the client in order to discover the problems as well as filling those areas with energy in order to eliminate any blockage that might appear. There are lots of categories of reiki, however the general principle is the same in all cases.
This type of healing uses prana, or the energy of life, in order to bring equilibrium in the energies of the client and remove any potential blockage. This type of method is similar to reiki, and transforms the aura of the client, and not his body. In the case of the pranic healing, there is no touching involved. The practitioner only moves the hands over the aura and manages to discover the imbalances. The principles of pranic healing state that the chakras in the palms are activated during the training period, and they allow specialists to feel the energies of the others.
This type of healing is not as popular as pranic and reiki, although it doesn't mean it is not important. It's a type of energy healing which allows the specialist to influence the client on a quantum basis. This leads to a different perception as well as mind of the client. These are changed by the practitioner who manages to change the physical body too. It is believed that the state of mind could influence the physic, along with this is what quantum healing is focused on.
The energy healing is a very flexible domain, since the energy cannot be influenced by space or time. This way, a client could be treated without having to interact with the practitioner. This is known as a distance healing, and lots of practitioners go online to search for clients. In addition to this, they can receive training from a distance, meaning that one may study the methods of energy healing without getting in contact with the instructor.
Of course, there are different methods that can permit the use of various techniques, like crystal healing. It is not uncommon for pranic or reiki healers to include into their sessions crystals which are thought to have special properties. By using the right crystal, one will sometimes concentrate all the energies along with heal the client faster and without too quite a few problems.
Are you interested in learning more about energy healing? Come as well as visit our website today! Click Here...
Chakra Energy Healing
Chakras have been around since the first documents appeared from mankind. They are the human energy centers that are our life force.
Through the chakras along with chakra frequencies, one can create a balance in health, mental, emotional and also spiritual life.
Listening to certain special chakra frequencies will sometimes create resonance as well as change the makeup of the human energy centers. This will sometimes have a profound along with highly positive effect on people!
There are 7 main chakras along with 2 that are also very useful. (Some say that there are 128 chakras, however they are all part of the main chakras and also the color / sound frequency spectrum).
By focusing on the 9 chakras, other things fall into place.
If you have an iPad or iPhone, you can experience Chakra Energy Healing using the app HERE...


text:
Easy Access
This story appears in the November 1998 issue of Business Start-Ups magazine. Subscribe »
The way O. David Dickson had it figured, his five-vehicle ambulance company needed a new headquarters station in Warrenton, Oregon, if he was going to cover his corner of the state properly. So when the right facility hit the market in late 1996, Dickson jumped at the opportunity to buy it. Not only did the available facility offer space for a sixth ambulance and crew, but it also had ample room for a dispatch center and training facility.
There was just one hitch: money. The price of the facility was $200,000, and when Dickson put everything he had on the line, his bank would only lend him $140,000. "If I couldn't get the other $60,000, I'd lose the deal," Dickson, 53, recalls. "There were two other buyers behind me."
Dickson got his windfall from a little-known lending source, the Capital Access Program (CAP), now operating in 20 states. By taking advantage of Oregon's CAP, Dickson was able to coax another $60,000 out of the Bank of Astoria and, with his war chest assembled, completed the deal. Today, Medix Ambulance Service Inc.'s six ambulances operate round-the-clock to cover emergencies in Clatsop County.
David R. Evanson's newest book about raising capital is called Where to Go When the Bank Says No: Alternatives for Financing Your Business(Bloomberg Press). Call (800) 233-4830 for ordering information. Art Beroff, a principal of Beroff Associates in Howard Beach, New York, helps companies raise capital and go public.
Nothing To It
The Capital Access Program got its start in Michigan in 1986, according to Dave Dahlin, senior finance officer with the Oregon Economic Development Department. Oregon's program was initiated in 1991, he says, and, since that time, has created or saved about 2,000 jobs. Since it began, Oregon's CAP has been the catalyst for about $53 million in loans--loans to small businesses, says Dahlin, that may never have been made without the program.
Here's how the program works: When making a CAP loan, the bank and borrower each pay an upfront fee of between 1.5 and 3 percent of the loan--for a total of 3 to 6 percent. This fee is similar to an insurance premium. The exact percentage is set at the discretion of the bank, and in practice, the bank passes its portion of the fee on to the borrower by financing it with loan proceeds.
The lending bank deposits CAP premiums into a reserve account it holds. The state then deposits matching funds into the bank's CAP reserve account. This way, the bank creates a loss reserve that's equivalent to 6 to 12 percent of total CAP loans.
When compared to overall loan-loss experiences with CAP loans, these loss-reserve percentages are compelling and indicate why the program works. For instance, according to Dahlin, with the $53 million in loans made under the CAP program in Oregon, the lenders experienced a loss rate of 6.6 percent, or about $3.5 million dollars. But because of the loan reserves of between 6 and 12 percent of the total money lended, the banks were able to fully recover their losses.
So what's the overall result of protecting lenders against losses in this fashion? More small-business loans, says Dahlin. "The program has made a large number of loans available that would not be available otherwise," he says.
Maybe so, but they come with a price. In the end, it's the borrower who foots most of the bill in the form of a higher interest rate. The following example shows how:
Assume you borrow $50,000 for five years at a 9 percent interest rate. Your monthly payment on the loan is $1,037. Assume, however, that you pay a CAP fee of 3 percent, or $1,500; the bank also pays a CAP fee of 3 percent, or another $1,500, which it then charges you. If the $3,000 in fees is taken out of the loan proceeds, then as the borrower, you don't really have $50,000 to work with. In truth, your loan proceeds are really $47,000. But because you're making monthly payments of $1,037 on $47,000 worth of usable loan principal, your effective interest rate is really 11.64 percent.
The situation doesn't change much if you borrow $53,191 to realize net proceeds of $50,000 after CAP fees. Here the effective interest rate turns out to be 11.68 percent, an increase of 29.8 percent over the initial interest rate of 9 percent.
"It's expensive when you look at it this way," says Dahlin. "Because [most] businesspeople will borrow at the lowest rate possible, these higher rates are truly for those who could not get a loan without the program."
A Better Place To Be
Slightly higher interest rates notwithstanding, most state economic development professionals, as well as entrepreneurs, agree that programs such as CAP are an efficient way for the government to help businesses get loans--especially when you consider there is almost no bureaucratic intervention in a CAP loan. In fact, Dahlin says, all that participating banks in his state need to do is fax him a one-page application, which enrolls each new loan in the program. "That's all there is to it," he says--assuming the bank doesn't call eligibility into question.
One of the reasons the CAP loan process is so simple is the participating government agency has very little at risk. It's very different from SBA-guaranteed loans, where the government is responsible for 75 to 80 percent of a loan's value. It's much more palatable when the government has little risk in promoting credit. According to Dahlin, for every dollar that the state of Oregon puts up for CAP reserve funds, another $23 comes from private sources.
Participating in CAPs is optional for banks in states that offer the program. Of the 60 or so banking companies in Oregon, for example, there are 30 enrolled in the program, Dahlin says. And of those 30, just 19 have made CAP loans.
For Dickson and his Medix Ambulance Service, none of these statistics matter. He's just glad there's a Capital Access Program to begin with. "I think the program is tremendous," he says. "Without it, I would have been stuck."
Spreading The Word
The popularity of Capital Access Programs (CAPs) nationwide is on the rise. In addition to New York City, Milwaukee and Akron, Ohio, the following states currently offer CAP loans:
New Hampshire
North Carolina
West Virginia
Next Step
To find out which banks participate in the Capital Access Program, call your state's office of economic development and ask to speak to a finance officer.
Contact Sources
Medix Ambulance Service Inc., 2325 S.E. Dolphin Ave., Warrenton, OR 97146, http://www.medix.org
Oregon Economic Development Dept., (503) 986-0170, http://www.econ.state.or.us


text:
Member Login
Toggle navigation
Sheboygan Rotary Club Brochure
Sheboygan Rotary Membership Options
Sheboygan Rotary Club Application for Membership
Scholarship Information
2020 SRC Scholarship Application - LTC
2020 SRC Scholarship Application - 4 Year College
2020 SRC LTC Scholarship Information
2020 SRC 4 Year College Scholarship Information
Sheboygan County Rotary Foundation
Sheboygan County Rotary Foundation Board of Directors
Sheboygan County Rotary Foundation Grant Request
Rotary Good Citizen of the Year
Sheboygan Rotary Club Good Citizens of the Year
2020 Sheboygan Rotary Good Citizen Nomination Form
Guest Speaker Info
Guest Speaker Policies
Guest Speaker Application
Contact Us
Contact Us
Please fill in the form below with your message and contact details.
Send email to:
David Zimmermann
First Name:
Last Name:
Email Address:
I consent to the collection, storage, and use of my information by Rotary Club of Sheboygan as described in this
Privacy Policy
. I understand that I may receive emails, and can opt out at any time.
Please confirm you are not a robot.
* indicates a required field.


text:
"The Modern, Luxurious property with 12 different style units is Simple yet sophisticated in its design.
Hilltop Hotel by the Lantern Group has a unique location and stunning 360-degree panoramic terrace offering guests breathtaking view of Phuket City and the east coast. Complementing such inspired views is a comprehensive range of facilities.
These designs are suitable for people who express their individuality through their life style."
Each of 12 units has a different style, the residents can enjoy their privacy and individuality ,
and are welcome to use other facilities such as the large swimming pool or sunbathing deck in the apartment.
For each unit 's interior, the concept of minimalist decor (simplicity but sophistication) is implemented. Our designs have been described as modern, luxurious, and adventurous.
Studio B (size: 27 sq.m.)Specious single room with queen size bed and bathroom looking at natural waterfall.
Additional Amenities:
Studio A (size: 36 sq.m.)Specious single room with queen size bed and bathroom looking at natural waterfall
Additional Amenities:
Grand Studio (size: 42 sq.m.)Separate dining room and bedroom looking at the natural waterfall.
Additional Amenities:
Honeymoon Deluxe (size: 50 sq.m.)Specious studio room with big jacuzzi pool inside bedroom.
Additional Amenities:
Honeymoon Spa (size: 47 sq.m.)Studio room with dining area on the first floor and bedroom area on the mezzanine floor. Bathroom with private Jacuzzi looking at the sea.
Additional Amenities:
Executive Studio (size: 84 sq.m.)Live large in double volume and open plan architecture. The total area of each unit is 84 square meters, which divided into 2 levels ; on the main level, 54 square meters of the living , dining and kitchen area ,and on the upper level, 30 square meters of bedroom.
Additional Amenities:
Junior Suite (size: 90 sq.m.)Super Large Studio Room with open plan interior design. The total area is divided into 3 separated sections; bedroom area, kitchen and dining area and bathroom with Jacuzzi area.
Additional Amenities:
In this ideal setting, you will experience an excellent
standard of service as well as superb accommodation and facilities.
These include a sparkling swimming pool, in-room high-speed internet
and so many more features to add to your everyday pleasure.
And you can depend on our superior 24-hour security service.
|Fitness Center
|Swimming Pool
|Massage Room