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The Hawthorne Studies are referred to because of their scope, significance, inclusiveness, and design. They form an interesting model. Although these experiments were conducted years ago, the passage of time has allowed them to take on the flavour of a classic. In the authors' opinion they represent the most significant research program undertaken to show the enormous complexity of the problem of production in relation to efficiency.
Just as Hugo Munsterberg in his Psychology and Industrial efficiency set the stage in 1913 for the work of psychologists in industry, so the Hawthorne Studies, carried on over a period of 12 years at the Hawthorne Works of the Western Electric Company, can be considered as "starting the show." They were begun in 1927. In order to understand how these studies could pass from one type of experiment to another without the forced conclusions and forced pace of so many studies in this held, we need only quote Elton Mayo, professor of industrial research at Harvard and guiding star of the Hawthorne Studies.
Researches of this type are usually impossible because of a foolish convention that in- situations engaging in industrial research are expected to "pay their way" or "earn their means m effect, that any such institution, living from hand to mouth, is committed to the futility of endless repetition of some former discovery. The interesting apercu, the long chance, may not be followed; both alike must be denied in order that the group may land another job." This confusion of research with commercial huckstering never prosper: the only effect is to disgust the intelligent youngster who is thus forced to abandon the quest for human enlightenment!
The series of experiments that comprise the Hawthorne Studies are significant because those responsible for the work were able to investigate many of the dependent variables found in human experimentation, especially those among workers. Ordinarily the assumptions made as to the independent variables preclude the possibility of valid findings. Probably the most significant results of these studies are the fact that workers are affected by factors outside the job to an even greater extent than by those on the job itself, and that they organize into informal social groups.
These organizations take precedence over management-employee organizations and determine production to as great an extent as do changes of a job-environment nature. The disregard of "outside the job" factors and employee self-grouping has led many studies conducted by management to erroneous conclusions. Although the Hawthorne Studies are not to be considered the acme of perfection or even a model, they nevertheless represent a vast improvement over all the other work that had been done in the field. The serious student of industrial psychology will gain from them a panorama of the field. He will be able to understand the need for experimentation, and he will see the difficulties of it.
He will note that verbalisms are poor substitutes for facts. Further, he will acquire a sense of continuity. The Hawthorne Studies show the complete interrelatedness of the various problems and demonstrate that changes in work environment, rest pauses, hours of work, hours in the working week, fatigue, monotony, incentives, employee attitudes, employee organization both formal and informal, and employee-employer relations are all intimately related. To treat them as if they were separate is to introduce such artificiality as to make the setup unreal.
The Hawthorne Studies can be conveniently divided into five major parts, one of which has two subdivisions. Each part is an outgrowth of the preceding one. In many respects each follows the other logically, but no one could have predicted the complex nature of the findings or the ramifications of procedure from the simple, unpretentious banning.
The five studies are referred to as:
1. Experiments on Illumination
2. Relay Assembly Test Room
a. Second Relay Assembly Test Room
b. Mica Splitting Test Room
3. Mass Interviewing Program
4. Bank Wiring Observation Room
5. Personnel Counselling
Study 1. Experiments on Illumination:
The first experiment on illumination was conducted in three selected departments. The work performed in one department was inspection of small parts; in the second department relays were assembled; and the job in the third was winding coils. For the control situation, all employees worked under existing lighting installations so that production could be measured. In the first department the various levels of average illumination intensity were 3, 6, 14, and 23 foot-candles. The production of the workers varied without direct relation to the amount of illumination.
In the second department the illumination intensities were 5, 12, 25, and 44 foot-candles. Production increased, but not solely as a result of changes in illumination. The third department showed similar results. The conclusions drawn "brought out very forcibly the necessity of controlling or eliminating the various additional factors which affected production output in either the same or opposing directions to that which we can ascribe to illumination" (Snow, 1927).
Here, apparently, was a problem that was not as simple as it looked. A second experiment with more refined techniques was set up; it took place in only one department and two groups of workers participated. These groups were equated for numbers, experience, and average production. The control group worked under relatively constant illumination. The test groups worked under three different illumination intensities. The influence of any spirit of competition (a factor not part of the experiment) was guarded against by having the two groups work in different buildings.
This second experiment on illumination resulted in perplexing but enlightening results. Both groups increased production appreciably and to an almost identical degree. Since this experiment did not show what increase in production could be attributed to illumination, the third experiment was undertaken. In this experiment further refinements in procedure were introduced. Only artificial light was used, daylight being excluded. The control group worked under a constant intensity of 10 foot-candles. The test group began with 10 foot-candles but the intensity was reduced by 1 foot-candle per period until they were working under only 3 foot-candles.
This group of employees maintained efficiency to this point despite the discomfort and handicap of insufficient illumination. In a fourth experiment two volunteer girls worked in a light-controlled room until the intensity equalled that of ordinary moonlight. At this stage they maintained production and reported no eyestrain and less fatigue than when working under bright lights.
The fifth and last of the illumination experiments was conducted with the girls who wound coils. During this experiment there was no real change in production. At first the intensity of the lights was increased daily, the girls reporting that they liked brighter lights. An electrician then changed the light bulbs but kept the same intensity. The girls commented favourably on the increased illumination. In the last part of the experiment the illumination was decreased; the girls said that less light was not so pleasure. However, they felt the same way when the lights remained constant, even though the electrician was supposedly reducing the illumination.
In most such experimentation the sponsors would have thrown out the evidence and the "crackpots" responsible; it would have been considered a wild nightmare, to be repressed and suppressed. Fortunately in this instance, although the specific problem was not solved, there was awareness that more knowledge concerning the problems involving human factors was essential. The Relay Assembly Test Room, the second of the Hawthorne Studies, was the result.
Study 2. Relay Assembly Test Room:
The initial purpose of this experiment, which lasted about five years, was to exercise more direct control over the many variables that could have influenced the performance of the operators in the first study. In order to exercise greater control it was decided to use a small group of employees in a separate room away from the regular working force. The task chosen was the assembly of small relays, because it is simple arid highly repetitive (approximately 500 a day), requires no machinery, and permits an accurate measure of production.
Two experienced operators who were friendly with each other were invited to participate; they in turn selected three other assemblers and the layout operator, who assigns the work and procures the parts. The situation was similar to that in the regular Relay Assembly Department except that in the regular department there was one layout operator for six or seven girls.
The only other person in the room was a man who had worked on the illumination experiment. He was to keep records of what occurred and create and maintain a friendly atmosphere. A special room was fitted out, but chairs, fixtures, and work layout were similar to those in the regular department. An accurate recording device was added to the regular equipment so that it was possible to measure not only the number of relays assembled but also the time taken per relay. Temperature readings and humidity were recorded hourly. The girls took physical examinations every six weeks.
A complete daily history was kept to give an accurate account of what went on in the test room as changes were introduced.
The following is an excerpt from this history:
Monday, June 13, 1927
Operator 1A. Said she was tired today.
Operator 2A. Tired also and said her head ached.
Operator 3. Was asked if she thought she did more, less, or about the same amount of work.
Ans. "More, I' m almost up to Operator 4 and I have a bigger relay."
Operator 4. "I feel fine today, not tired or anything."
Operator 5. "I'm tired today and sleepy."
Tuesday, June 21, 1927
The foreman informed the group of their low activity for the past week. The weather was more favourable for work, cloudy and raining.
Operator 1A. "I feel fine today. Just right for work."
Operator 2A. "Today is fine for work."
Operator 3. "I went to bed at 9 o'clock last night and feel O.K. today."
Operator 4. "I feel great today."
Operator 5. "A day like this is much better for work than yesterday.
Study 2 started with six questions:
1. Do employees actually get tired out?
2. Are test pauses desirable?
3. Is a shorter working day desirable?
4. What are the attitudes of employees toward their work and toward the company?
5. What is the effect of changing the type of working equipment?
6. Why does production fall off in the afternoon?
To answer these questions 13 test periods were introduced.
The first test period made it possible to get an accurate measure of each girl's production under typical work conditions. The second test period attempted to determine the effects of a change in work place upon production. The third period introduced a change in the method of payment; the six girls were paid directly according to the output of their own group, whereas previously they had been paid on the basis of the production of the entire group of about 100 operators.
In the fourth period two rest pauses of five minutes each were introduced. In the fifth, these rest pauses were increased to ten minutes. Period 6 had six rest pauses of five minutes each. In period 7 two rest pauses were given and a "free midmorning lunch" was added.
The morning rest was fifteen minutes and the afternoon one was ten minutes. Period 8 had working conditions similar to those in period 7, but the working day was a half-hour shorter. Period 9 was the same as period 8, but the workday was shortened another half-hour. Period 10 returned to the conditions in period 7; that is, the day was one hour longer than in period 9. In period 11 the group went on a five-day week. Period 12 saw the group return to the conditions of period 3—no rest periods, no free lunches, and a full 6-day work week. Period 13 was essentially a repetition of periods 7 and 10 except that the operators furnished the morning lunch and the company supplied the beverages.
The variation in conditions produced extremely interesting results. The production of these girls climbed. Each test period had higher production records than the preceding one. Figure 10.2 and Table 10.1 present the general results. However, to present the results of the second study in such an objective form as production records is to lose sight of the meaning and implications of the study. The important qualitative aspects will therefore be summarized.
Periods 1 through 3 successfully accomplished the transfer of the girls from the factory to the test-room situation. A group formation began to take place among these girls. They were allowed to talk more freely, and the supervisor's role, as they had known it, changed. The second phase carried through four test periods and was mainly concerned with rest pauses. Although, on the basis of the data acquired, the experimenters believed that a rest period should occur somewhere between 9:30 and 10 a.m., they had no idea as to where to place the afternoon rest pause. In accordance with the general policy followed in the test room, the girls were consulted.
The girls suggested that rest periods occur at 10 a.m. and 2 p.m. Some of their comments were as follows:
Operator 1A. Gee, that's the berries! It rests you to have five minutes like that. (To 3) Don't you like it?
Operator 3. Yes, I do.
Operator 4. I like the rest period, but I think one every hour would be better.
Operator 5. It rests you a little bit.
Since output increased even though the rest period reduced the workweek from 48 to 47:05 hours per week, the two rest periods were doubled, the workweek thereby being reduced to 46:10 hours. An immediate and definite rise occurred in the average output. At this point the girls expressed happiness over the increase in production and earnings but disagreed among themselves as to how to explain it.
They also showed some apprehension as to whether they really would receive the increased earnings—one girl said, "We earn 80 percent but we'll only get 60 percent." The girls were offered the opportunity of getting their increases once a month but did not like the idea, for they believed that the company would find some way to avoid paying them.
The experimenters state that these fears were irrational and unjustified; they sound as if they were proud that the girls were willing to express such fears. Right then they could have realized that the bonus system of payment was involved and that there was distrust. In this experiment the bonus idea was dropped. The implications are important and should be noted.
The girls were then put on six five-minute rest pauses, although they were unanimously in favour of two fifteen-minute periods. They did not favour this workday even though the workweek was reduced to 45:15 hours.
Typical comments were:
"I'm getting 'nuts' on this job." "I don't know what I'm doing." "I feel 'goofy today." "I don't like these rest periods." "I just get started to work and then have to stop." In period 7 the workweek was increased to 45:40 hours and a midmorning lunch was served. The girls favoured this period.
Analyzing individual production records during these first seven periods shows that operators 3 and 4 tend consistently to increase production. Operator 5 tends to maintain production consistently with only one spurt. Operators 1A and 2A are similar in production. Their trend is downward in periods 2 and 3, rises in 4 and 5, and drops in period 7. These two girls had been doing lots of free talking and were considered antagonistic and uncooperative. They were finally replaced in the experiment. This is another important clue that was overlooked by the experimenters.
The third phase of the Relay Assembly Test Room experiment was concerned with a shorter workweek (periods 8, 9, and 11). The three remaining periods (10, 12, 13) were checks. The operators were given the choice of starting work a half- hour later or ending a half-hour sooner. They chose the latter unanimously. This brought the workweek down to 43:10 hours. Output did not diminish and the girls liked the shorter schedule. Some comments were: "It's fine, and we still make our rate too." "I'll never get tired of it. Last night I had a whole streetcar all to myself." "I like it." In period 9 the workday was reduced another half-hour, the total workweek being 40:40 hours.
Although the girls were in favour of a shorter working day, this was "too drastic." The total weekly output was lowered. The rate of output did not diminish, but the girls became quarrelsome. Operator 2, for example, scolded the other girls for not working hard enough. In period 10 they returned to the full 48- hour week with two rest periods of fifteen minutes in die morning with free lunch, and ten minutes in the afternoon. They did not like it; they claimed greater fatigue and expressed disinterest in their increased earning capacity. It is interesting to note that this "fatigue" was not mentioned in period 7, which was identical.
At this time the girls were given a questionnaire on health habits and psychological attitudes. They reported that they felt better in the test room but gave varied reasons. In answer to the question "What do you think has made it possible for you to increase your earnings since you have been on the test?" they replied: "Greater freedom," "absence of bosses," "more personal attention," "opportunity to set one's own pace."
Further questioning brought out the fact that freedom from rigid and excessive supervision was the important factor in determining the girls' attitude toward work. In other words, rest pauses, a free lunch, a shorter workweek, and higher pay did not, in the minds of these girls, count for as much as freedom from such supervision.
Period 11 introduced the five-day week with the same rest pauses as in period 7. The girls were paid the basic hourly wage for the hours not worked on Saturday. No clear-cut drop in production was apparent; but since this period was disrupted vacations, it is possible that it was introduced mainly as a "marking-time" period for all concerned. This is unfortunate in view of the popularity of the five-day week now, but in 1928 this was not so prevalent. Again, the experimenters missed an important clue.
Period 12 returned to the full 48-hour week without rests. The girls were informed that this period would last about three months and were asked to work in their normal fashion. Although the average hourly output dropped, total production reached the highest peak of any period.
However, the girls took their own rest pauses during this period. They would eat candy and get thirsty, so they went to the drinking fountain; in addition, there was much laughing and boisterous joking. The girls still liked the test room better because they could scream and have fun and because they had no bosses. Operator 3 at this stage told the test-room observer to "shut up."
In period 13 the rest periods were resumed. The girls furnished their own lunch, but the company furnished the tea. During this period it was observed that instead of antagonistic competition the girls worked toward a common goal. If one girl slowed up because she felt ill, the others would speed up. The total weekly output rose.
Since a careful record of "personal time" taken by employees was kept throughout the experiment, there is clear-cut evidence to show that organized rest periods decreased this personal time but also decreased the workweek. For example, in periods 3 and 12 (no rest periods) personal time averaged fourteen minutes.' In periods 7, 10, and 13 with twenty-five minutes of rest periods it averaged seven minutes.
In other words, the working day was shortened by eighteen minutes instead of twenty-five minutes. Physical examinations showed that the health of the employees was not impaired during this study. Absenteeism for these six operators while working in the factory averaged 15.2 irregularities but dropped to 3.5 irregularities in the test room. This is most probably to be attributed to a change in employee attitude.
The girls liked the workweek with no Saturday's best of all. (Next they preferred the 4:30 p.m. stop with, rest and lunch.) The experimenters report that it is doubtful if the girls would have been unanimous in their approval had they not been paid for Saturday morning off. The present writers do not understand the doubt on the part of the experimenters!
During the course of this experiment the girls' attitude toward those in charge of it changed continually. In the early stages there was apprehension and fear. This finally disappeared as a result of the fact that the girls were consulted and informed about the various stages. By period 13 they liked the test room and its pleasanter, freer, and happier working conditions. In other words, they preferred the lack of restraint and excessive supervision. The test-room observer was regarded as a friendly representative of management and not as a supervisor who "bawls us out."
Another change that took place was the solidifying of the group. Four of the girls started going out with each other and all of them helped the others with their work. They no longer worked as individuals.
The experimenters were perplexed by the general trend toward increased production independent of rest pauses and shorter hours and by the improved mental attitude of the girls.
Five tentative explanations were suggested to explain these facts:
1. Improved material conditions and methods of work
2. Shorter hours, which provided a relief from cumulative fatigue B. Shorter work periods, which provided a relief from monotony
4. Wage incentive plan
5. Changes in method of supervision
The first explanation was dismissed. T. N. Whitehead (1933), who analyzed the entire body of data, finds no conclusive evidence to support it. There were no significant correlations between physical conditions and production. The second and third explanations were dismissed after careful examination of the daily work curves of ' the operators. There was no evidence that these curves resembled fatigue curves, and only one operator's work curves showed a resemblance to the monotony curve.
In order to establish the truth or falsity of the wage incentive as an explanation, two minor studies were made. These were known as the Second Relay Assembly Test Room and the Mica Splitting Test Room. The original Relay Assembly Test group had a change of environment as well as of payment, whereas the Second Relay Assembly group had only a change of payment. Five experienced operators were put on a payment basis similar to that of the original group but were kept in the factory.
This group increased production almost immediately by 12 percent and they continued at this level; but when they went back to the original method of payment there was a drop. These facts were interpreted by the experimenters to mean that (1) the formation of a small group to determine piecework earnings was an important factor in the Relay Assembly group and (2) subsequent rises in test- room production could not be explained in terms of this factor alone. A very important point is that the morale of the entire department was shattered. The other operators wanted similar consideration (and possibly the chance to earn more money). Because of the friction in the department, this experiment had to be discontinued.
In the Mica Splitting Test Room experiment the basis of wage payment remained at the same individual piece rate, but changes in working conditions similar to those in the test room were made. The primary purpose was to study the effects of the change in payment in the test room.
Five operators took part in the experiment; two were selected at random and they chose the other three. Their production rose an average of 15 percent in 14 months. In the Second Relay group production rose 12 percent and the Relay Test Assembly Room rise in output averaged 30 percent. It can be assumed that 15 percent is the maximum that can be attributed to a change in financial incentive; the remainder must be attributed to other factors.
The experimenters presented two conclusions based upon the evidence:
1. There was absolutely no evidence in favour of the hypothesis that the continuous increase in output in the Relay Assembly Test Room during the first two years could be attributed to the wage incentive factor alone.
2. The efficacy of a wage incentive was so dependent on its relation to other factors that it was impossible to consider it as a thing in itself having an independent effect on the individual. Only in connection with the interpersonal relations at work and the personal situation outside work, to mention two important variables, could its effect on output be determined.
By period 13 the experimenters realized that they had not studied the relation between output and fatigue, monotony, etc., but had performed a sociological and psychological experiment. By trying to control variables they had introduced a new one, a social situation that involved changed attitudes and interpersonal relations.
The chief result of years of work had been to demonstrate the importance of employee attitudes. For management, however, there were other practical results. They introduced rest pauses on a wide scale. They began to question many assumptions they had previously made, and they realized the errors of oversimplification. They saw that one could not predict the effect of a single factor if it were part of a total situation. They also realized the importance of gaining more knowledge about employee attitudes; this led to Study 3.
Study 3. Mass Interviewing Program:
Study 2 allowed the surmise that a relation existed between employee morale and supervision. It was believed that an improvement in supervision would improve morale. Since there was a dearth of facts on how to improve supervision and the material that was available was highly opinionated, it was decided to interview the employees in order to secure information.
The Relay Assembly Test Room experiment showed that the employees were exceedingly disparaging about the supervision, whereas management had believed that the supervision, especially in this department, was good. This raised the possibility either that management knew little about what constitutes good supervisory methods or that they knew nothing of the employee attitudes on the subject. Thus, in this experiment the emphasis shifted from a study of changes in environmental work conditions to a study of human relations or of attitudes concerning human relations.
The Relay Assembly Test Room also showed that as the girl's attitudes improved toward each other, their work, the supervisor, and the company, their production increased. In other words, their morale affected their production. The company had been conducting supervisor training courses, and it decided that instruction in improving employee morale should be part of this course. Five meetings were planned, but two sessions made it clear that no factual data were available for this purpose. Consequently, as has been said, it was decided to interview the employees.
The interviewing program was launched in the inspection branch, in which about 1600 workers were employed. Three men and two women supervisors were chosen to conduct the interviews; they were told that the purpose was to gain information about employee attitudes, not to spy on supervisors or anyone else.
The first interview was conducted as follows:
1. Each interviewer was assigned a certain territory to cover. From the foreman of each department in his territory he was to obtain a list of the employees' names.
2. When the interviewer was ready to start interviewing in any department, it was recommended that he first go to the foreman in charge and make his presence known.
3. It was recommended that the interviewer select the man he wanted to interview because otherwise the supervisor might be tempted to give him all his "problem cases" first. However, the interviewer was to cooperate with the supervisor so that the operation of the department would be interfered with as little as possible.
4. The interviewer was to ask the supervisor's advice about where the employee should be interviewed—whether away from the job or on the job. (Subsequent experience showed that it was usually advisable to interview an employee away from his work. Thereafter it was recommended that the interviewer ask the department chief for a bench or desk where he could conduct the interviews without interruption.)
5. The interviewer was to make sure that the necessary arrangements were made for paying the employee his average earnings for the time consumed in the interview.
6. In his contacts with supervisors the interviewer was to be careful not to betray die confidence of any employee and to refrain absolutely from discussing the content of the interviews with the supervisors.
7. Only a few employees from any one location were to be interviewed on the same day, so that the work of the department might go on normally and without undue confusion or curiosity.
The following careful instructions with regard to approaching the employee and conducting the interview were also given the interviewers:
1. Whenever possible, the employee was to be formally introduced to the interviewer by the supervisor. Interviewers were not to interview employees whom they knew, because the acquaintance might influence the employees' comments.
2. When the interviewer and employee were seated and ready to proceed with the interview, the employee was to be told the interviewer's name again.
3. The interviewer was to explain to the employee the purpose of the interview, i e. why any comments, either favourable or unfavourable, that the employee cared to make about his supervisors, working conditions, and job were being solicited.
4. The employee was to be told how the interviews would be used; for example, any complaints he had about working conditions would be investigate together with those of the other employees, and, as far as practicable, remedial action would taken. The manner in which the material gathered from the interviews was to be used in supervisory training conferences was also to be explained.
5. The interviewer was to make clear to each employee that the interviews would be kept strictly confidential; i.e., the employee could tell the interviewer anything, no matter how bad it was, without getting in trouble himself or getting his supervisors or his co-workers in trouble. The interviewer was to explain that no names or company numbers would appear on any records and that the people who read the interviews or heard them read would not be told who the employee was or where he worked. Anything the employee said which might identify him with his supervisor would be deleted from his interview.
6. The employee was to be told that the company was as much interested in the things he liked as in those with which he was dissatisfied and which he thought needed to be corrected.
7. The interviewer was to take almost verbatim notes as the employee talked. He was to explain to the employee that he was writing down what was said word for word so that there would be no possible chance of misrepresenting or forgetting anything. (At first it was thought that taking notes might make the employee reluctant to talk, but this was found not to be true.)
8. The interviewer was to be sympathetic and a good listener and to let the employee know that he was really interested in his problems and complaints.
9. Strict care was to be taken to express no agreement or disagreement with the complaints the employee made. The interviewer was to let the employee know that he himself was in no position to judge the correctness or incorrectness of what the employee was saying.
10. The interviewer was not to inform the employee of the nature of the complaints made by other employees.
11. The interviewer was not to give the employee advice as to what he should do. In rare cases he might advise an employee to see his supervisors, or tell him about the various benefit plans, the Hawthorne evening school, or similar things. However, the interviewer was not to hesitate to offer encouragement to any employee if he thought it would do him good.
12. The interviewer was to write up the interview under six headings. The opinions of the employee were to be divided first into three categories: working conditions, supervision, and job. Each of these headings was to have two sub classification, likes and dislikes.
The reaction of the employees to this program was generally very favourable. A typical reaction was, "It is a good idea to interview the operators, as they may have something in their minds that they want to talk over with someone and this gives them a chance to do it." Another type of reaction was, "I never really thought this interviewing amounted to very much, but since you explained it to me I see where I can tell you something that may help in the supervisors' conferences."
Other reactions were illustrated by still another type of response: "Now maybe some of the people will take a hint and learn that they have not been doing the right thing, especially some of these underhanded bosses. I hope they get their share of this".
Some employees attributed changes in conditions to the interviews when in reality the only change that occurred was in the attitude of the person interviewed. For example, one woman believed that the food in the cafeteria was better Some employees, on the other hand, believed that management would make no changes at all; a few were very suspicious.
Naturally, one should expect all types of reactions to an interviewing program, and this was no exception. The success or failure and the final total reaction depend entirely upon whether the employees understand and endorse the real purpose and whether the company's actions conform to it. Because in this instance they did it was possible to obtain a tremendous amount of information that could not have been secure in any other way. Not only was employee reaction favourable, but the reaction of the supervisors was also. One quotation illustrates this: "Did you go to the last conference we had? Say, they are getting to be good. You know, I am getting a lot of help from them. I am learning to see the operator's viewpoint of things, and really believe I am learning to do my job much better by attending these conferences."
Another outstanding aspect of this part of the Hawthorne Studies was its flexibility. The program was expanded and the method of conducting interviews underwent drastic changes as the facts became known. Although originally the interviews were not meant to be of the questionnaire variety, there nevertheless was a typical way of beginning each interview and during its course specific points were covered by direct questions.
At conferences it was reported that employees often discussed irrelevant topics, that is, irrelevant from the point of view of the subject matter the interviewers were to cover—supervision, working conditions, and the job. Since this happened fairly frequently, it was decided that these discussions were not irrelevant at all. Analysis showed that direct questions put the employees in a "yes or no" frame of mind often impeded the progress of the interviewer, and inhibited the spontaneous expression of their real convictions.
As a result, the interview procedure was changed to the indirect method. The employee had considerable freedom in choosing his own topic at the start of the interview and the interviewer allowed him to continue to talk. This change in technique resulted in an increase in the average length of the interview from a half-hour to one and one-half hours. The material on which the report was based also increased from two and a half to ten pages. When the program was suspended because of the depression, 21,126 employees had been interviewed.
The ramifications of the various phases of the interviewing program were many. The interviews had a real effect on the company's supervisor training courses. It provided management with a list of complaints about specific environmental conditions that could be investigated. Data concerning employee attitudes and opinions were made available on a large scale. It was also found that the employees benefited psychologically merely as a result of being interviewed.
However, certain perplexing problems arose as a result of the program. For example, employees reacted differently to the same surroundings. Thus some expressed satisfaction with the same thing that others considered unsatisfactory. Comments during the interview were expressed as either fact or sentiment, but often no distinction was made in the mind of the person being interviewed. In other words, the employees were reacting to a personal situation on the basis of their previous social conditioning. Further, they were responding as part of the social organization of the group in which they worked and in relation to their position in this group.
The program showed that such items as wages, hours of work, and physical conditions could not be considered as factors in themselves. Instead they should be considered as carriers of social values. They could be understood only through the acquisition of information about the individual's position or status in the group in which he worked and in the company as a whole. Thus the meaning assigned to wages, hours of work, locker rooms, etc., varied according to the employee's position in the group, the group attitude toward the specific item, and his relations with people outside the job.
From this it followed that information should be obtained not only about the individual's attitudes and opinions but also about the social groups that existed. Evidence acquired in this phase of the study indicated that these groups, about which management knew nothing, could exercise considerable control over the work behaviour of the individual members. Restricted output, which often occurs in industry, was found to exist in the plant. Hints indicated that it was probably the result of the formation of social groups and the resulting pressures.
There was also some evidence of the development of informal personal leadership in these groups. The existence of this type of leadership was not recognized by management, even though it was likely to be as important as any other factor—in some cases more so —in the group's acceptance or rejection of management's regulations. It was in this setting that the fourth study was begun.
Study 4. Bank Wiring Observation Room:
This part of the Hawthorne Studies attempted to obtain more exact information about social groups within the company. The preceding study had progressed from the proposed guided interview to a more intensive type of unguided interview, and then to a series of interviews with one person. In it, the emphasis was on obtaining information from large numbers of employees. The last phase of the program pointed to the need to go back to a study of the Relay Assembly Test Room type, in which information of an intensive nature would yield data on the social groups in existence. The reports of two of the interviewers will serve as a good introduction to the fourth of the Hawthorne Studies.
They [the employees] firmly believe that they will not be satisfactorily remunerated for any additional work they produce over the bogey or that if they do receive more money it could only be for a brief period, at the end of which the job would be rerated. Because of the belief that rates many ultimately be lowered if output is too great, there seems to be a tacit agreement among the members of this group to limit their production to the bogey requirements on each operation. Seldom do they exceed the bogey by a large margin. Most of the work is turned out in the morning in order that they can "take it easy" during the latter part of the afternoon.
When questioned as to whether or not their earnings would be greater if they turned out more work, they claimed that the difference, if any, would be negligible because the percentages made by the other groups tend to pull their downward. To this general scheme all their attitudes and behaviour are related. The leader in this group is one of the two group chiefs, undoubtedly a very significant factor in giving the group a strong feeling of security. This supervisor, A, was at one time on the bench in the same group which he now supervises, but he refused to allow the change to alter his relations with the men. From observing the group one can hardly draw a line between supervisor and employees. It is obvious that he is very popular with them; no one has any adverse criticism to make of him.
He is very close to the men, keeping them well informed at all times as to the group standing in the department, i.e., relative percentages, rates, output, etc. When asked why they consider him a good supervisor, his men replied with such statements as: "He knows his stuff," "He's fair and impartial," "He'll go to hell for you and make sure you get plenty of work." In shortfall their statements implied a firm conviction that this group chief would protect their interests. By way of contrast, while A was on sick leave, another supervisor, B, took over the group. Toward B the employees expressed strong antagonism. B is an older man, further removed from the interests and sentiments of his subordinates. He is not quite trusted by the men and commands very little respect.
As one employee sized him up, "When he bawls you out, he is more nervous than you are." This group is only vaguely conscious of the other supervisors in the department; in fact, a confusion of the supervisory ranks is quite evident. For example, C, a section chief, has held the same position for a number of years; but the men cannot figure out what position he holds in the department, who reports to him, or what his duties are.
An attitude common to this group, but existing in varying degrees of intensity, may be characterized as a lack of ambition and initiative and a complacent desire to let well enough alone. Most indifferent is their attitude toward advancement, referring, of course, to promotion or higher-grade work. Whereas it is usual in any group to find several employees striving to improve their position, here only one or two seem to be interested. The others merely say, "All we are here for is the old pay check." Sometimes they speak of the department as the "Old People's Home" because, quoting one man: "The fellows get in here and don't seem to want to get away. Take a fellow like me. I have been on this job ten years. If I was transferred out, I would have to start all over again and I would have a pretty tough time."
In their group life they are congenial and happy-go-lucky. This is obvious not only during rest periods but also while they work. Side play is frequent, and good-natured bantering constantly flashes back and forth. During rest periods everyone either plays cards or stands by as an interested spectator, and in these games rivalry is always keen but congenial. Several of the newer men express the consensus of opinion by describing their associates as "a swell bunch of guys."
Another investigator reporting on a different group tells a different story:
A says B gets mad because he (A) does too much work: "B sometimes tries to do as much as I do, and whenever he can't make it he gets mad and swears about it. Then he will go over to some of the others and say that I am trying to kill the bogey." The girl assemblers in the group tell A that he should not stand for the treatment he gets from the group chief. They tell him he does the most work and gets the least .recognition, s Ibid.
A mistrusts D because D represented himself as a sort of a supervisor to A and took the easy jobs when A first came to work here. He is not friendly with E because E does favours for everyone but him. His friends ate an old man, G, and the girls. When B was called to the office because his production was too low, A told him it was his own fault. B then said, "What! Do you expect us to come down here and slave?"
B is 36 years of age, a rather stocky, well-built, athletic type. Although he supports his father and mother, their dependence apparently serves to accentuate his own manhood. He says that the supervisors are all satisfactory. He knows them well because he has worked here so long. He takes a senior position in the group and gets along well with everyone but A. His attitude toward A is indicated by the incessant "kidding" to which he subjects him. He attributes to himself all the best characteristics of virile manhood and attributes to A feminine characteristics. He says that A is a hermaphrodite.
He demonstrated in the first interview how A swings his hips and carries himself like a woman. B thinks that A works hard because he is "dumb," and that nobody likes A because he does so much. He explains that A sits all by himself (in reality he sits next to B), and nobody will talk to him, so all he can do is work from the first whistle to the last. B was once offered a position as supervisor which he refused.
The need for a more systematic inquiry resulted in the selection of 14 male operators who were to work under standard shop conditions. These workers were observed and interviewed over a period of six and a half months; the study was terminated when work ceased because of the depression. This group of men were reluctantly assigned to a separate room. By this time the researchers knew that such a change is often of importance; however, it made possible better control of the study.
The observer was stationed in the room; he was to assume the role of a disinterested spectator but was not to set himself off from the group.
He adhered strictly to the following rules:
(1) Give no orders and in no way demonstrate authority.
(2) Do not take part in arguments.
(3) Do not enter into conversation or seem overanxious to hear about what is going on.
(4) Never violate confidences of employees.
The observer was asked to note the formal organization of supervisor and employees, and also all informal groupings of the men. Further, he was to observe the interrelations of these two types of organizations. The interviewer did not enter the test room. His function was to gain insight into the workers' attitudes, thoughts, and feelings, whereas the observer was to describe the actual verbal and overt behavior of the group. Working thus together, these two were to gather data from this group concerning the department, the company, and the community.
The workers in the Bank Wiring Observation Room study consisted of three groups nine wiremen, three solder-men, and two inspectors. Each did a specific task but necessarily collaborated with the others.
This department was chosen because it met such criteria as:
(1) The samen of the task;
(2) Exactly determinable output;
(3) Shortness of task (one minute required);
(4) Work pace determined by operator;
(5) Assurance of continued work;
(6) The ease of removing the group as a unit from the department;
(7) The experience of the operators.
These criteria were similar to those used in the Relay Assembly study, but from this point on there was a difference. The men were invited to cooperate in the study. The first week they worked or appeared to be working all the time. They were cautious toward the observer. When they complained to him about poor lighting, he told them that he had no authority and suggested that they refer all complaints to their supervisor. It was three weeks before the men started to relax and behave more as they did in their regular department. It was learned that these men did not think that either the group chief or the section chief had much authority. The foreman spent little time in the room so they were relatively free from authority.
The system of payment was a complicated wage incentive plan that had been instituted to promote efficiency by encouraging production; it was also believed to be a fair means of apportioning employee income. It was soon found that this wage plan was not working. The workers defined a day's work as the complete wiring of two units and either they stopped before quitting time or they paced themselves to last out the day. No uniform explanation or reason was forthcoming for this definition of a day's work by the men, but it completely invalidated the incentive plan, as the following conversations prove
Worker 2:
(After claiming that he turned out more work than anyone else in the group.) They [his co-workers] don't like to have me turn in so much, but I turn it in anyway. (In another interview.) Right now I'm turning out over 7000 a day, around 7040. The rest of the fellows kick because I do that. They want me to come down. They want me to come down to around 6600, but I don't see why I should. If I did, the supervisors would come in and ask me what causes me to drop like that. I've been turning out about that much for the last six months now and I see no reason why I should turn out less. There's no reason why I should turn out more either.
Worker 3:
No one can turn out the bogey consistently. Well, occasionally some of them do. Now since the layoff started there's been a few fellows down there who have been turning out around 7300 a day. They've been working like hell. I think it is foolishness to do it because I don't think it will do them any good, and it is likely to do the rest of us a lot of harm.
Just how do you figure that?
Worker 3:
Well, you see if they start turning out around 7300 a day over a period of weeks and if three of them do it, then they can lay one of the men off, because three men working at that speed can do as much as four men working at the present rate.
And you think that is likely to happen?
Worker 3:
Yes, I think it would. At present we are only scheduled for 40 sets ahead. In normal times we were scheduled for over 100. If they find that fewer men can do the work, they're going to lay off more of us. When things pick up they will expect us to do as much as we are now. That means they will raise the bogey on us. You see how it works?
You Say there is no incentive to turn out more work. If all of you did more work, wouldn't you make more money?
Worker 4:
No, we wouldn't. They told us that down there one time. You know, the supervisors came around and told us that very thing, that if we would turn out more work we would make more money, but we can't see it that way. Probably what would happen is that our bogey would be raised, and then we would just be turning out more work for the same money. I can't see that.
Worker 5:
There's another thing; you know the fellows give the fast workers the raspberry all the time. Work hard, try to do your best, and they don't appreciate it at all. They don't seem to figure that they are gaining any by it. It's not only the wiremen, the solder men don't like it either….. The fellows who loaf along are liked better than anybody else. Some of them take pride in turning out as little work as they can and making the boss think they're turning out a whole lot.
They think it's smart. I think a lot of them have the idea that if you work fast the rate will be cut. That would mean that they would have to work faster for the same money. I've never seen our rate cut yet, so I don't know whether it would happen or not. I have heard it has happened in some cases though.
Worker 6:
(Talking about a relative of his who worked in the plant.) She gets in here early and goes ahead and makes up a lot of parts so that when the rest of the girls start in she's already got a whole lot stacked up. In that way she turns out a great deal of work. She's money greedy. That's what's the matter with her and they shouldn't allow that. All she does is spoil the rate for the rest of the girls.
How does she do that?
Worker 6:
By turning out so much. When they see her making so much money, they cut the rate.
Worker 7:
There's one little guy down there that turns out over 7000 a day. I think there's a couple of them. And we have to put up with it.'
The men devised various means of controlling production. Name calling and minor physical punishment were two of the more common ways of restricting output. Workers who produced too much were nicknamed "Slave," "Speed King," or "Phar Lap" (a champion race horse of that year). They were also "hinged." A "bing" is a very hard blow on the muscles of the upper arm. The one who is hit never protests but is allowed to "bing" back.
The men's concept of their average daily production was reflected in rather constant weekly production figures. The men achieved this constancy by reporting more day-work allowances than they were entitled to. In addition they sometimes reported more—or in some cases less—production than they had actually turned out. The primary reason for this was to gain group acceptance.
Three men always reported more work than they actually produced and two reported less; the others varied their reports. A comparison of morning and afternoon production showed that the faster men slowed down in the afternoon, whereas the slower men worked at a more even pace. Briefly, the findings were that the men were restricting production in accordance with their definition of a working day, thus nullifying the validity of the wage incentive plan. Interpersonal relations apparently were more important than the wage incentive.
The group chief had certain difficulties. In the first place He had to handle the day-work claims of the men. These claims were made to justify being paid at an hourly rate rather than on a production basis. Company rules allowed such claims, and they could be made for any number of reasons. The group chief had either to accept these claims as justifiable or be arbitrary in rejecting them. He chose to accept them and thereby gained the good will of his men. It would have been difficult to prove any of the reasons given as being incorrect or unwarranted.
Another problem was job trading. The only excuse for this was physical incapacity, as when a solder man developed a sore finger. Determining how sore a "sore" finger has to be made this a difficult claim to dispute. Thus the group chief was sympathetic to his men and steered a middle course, and he, in turn, was popular with them. During this study he was demoted because of business conditions and a group chief with greater seniority took over.
The new one placed great stress on conduct and efficiency. The men thought that he was exercising more authority than was vested in him, and they did not admit his authority merely because he exercised it. Certainly the first group chief with his leniency received more cooperation than the second one.
The next representative of management was the section chief, and since he supervised a number of groups he was never in close contact with any one group at all times. His function was more managerial and he was considered to be more "in the know" than the group chief. Even though the men argued freely with him, they regarded him as having more authority than the group chief.
The assistant foreman, next in the management hierarchy, was listened to with respect, but the men never argued with him. If they disliked what he said, they waited until he left to voice their opinions. The relations of the assistant foreman to the group were pleasant. The foreman was called the "old man." When he came in, conversation stopped and no one knowingly broke any of the rules. The men showed apprehension while he was present.
Considering the management-employee situation, it was apparent that although communications travelled down in the form of orders, the two first-line supervisors were likely to be questioned. But there was a gap in communications on the way up from employee to foreman.
Consequently the foreman and top management were unaware of the reasons for the failure of the financial incentive. The fact that the men reacted differently from the way it had been assumed they would made the incentive plan ineffectual and was something the supervisory organization could not remedy.
The relations among the employees were especially interesting. The men worked according to "their standard" of production, but in addition they talked, argued, played games, matched coins or indulged in other forms of gambling, formed cliques, took sides, traded jobs, shared candy, insulted one another by belittling nationality and religion, and helped one another in their work. They nicknamed each other "Runt," "Shrimp," "Jumbo," and "Goofy." Their conversation ranged from work to women to horse racing. In short, they did many things together, in addition to working.
The connector wiremen, even though their rates might be the same as the selector wiremen were paid, represented the "elite." Going on connectors was a step forward, whereas being put on selectors was regarded as a demotion. The wiremen occupied a social position above the solder men. Job trading between them originated most often with a request from the waremen. The solder men wore goggles which they resented, and the wiremen demonstrated their superiority by expressing disapproval when the solder men did not wear them. Lowest was the truckman, who transported materials. He was the butt of much horseplay.
The inspectors belonged to a different group. They were responsible to a different set of supervisors. They were not an integral part of the group and were considered outsiders. A subtle manifestation of status appeared in the way the men dressed. The foreman and assistant foreman wore coats and vests. The section group chiefs wore vests but no coats. The men wore neither coats nor vests. When the men reported for interviews they did not put on their coats, but the inspectors put on both coats and vests.
During lulls in activity the men played games. It was interesting to note that two groups always formed. Group I consisted of four wiremen, a solderman, and an inspector. This group usually gambled. Group II, not as completely set, consisted primarily of one solderman and three or four wiremen. They preferred "binging."
A solderman, a wireman, and the other inspector were isolates, that is, not in either group. These groups or cliques carried over from games to job trading, quarrels over opening and closing windows, and friendships and antagonisms. Furthermore, Group I regarded itself as the superior or "front-room" clique. They felt that their talks were on a higher plane, they ate chocolates rather than "junk," and they were less boisterous.
A diagrammatic summary of the internal organization is shown in Figure 10.3.
There were four main determinants of clique membership:
(1) You should not turn out too much work (rate busting);
(2) You should not turn out too little work (chiseler);
(3) You should not tell a supervisor anything that would harm an associate (squealer);
(4) You should not act officiously (this applied to inspectors and group chiefs as well as workers).
This intricate social organization served to protect the group both inside and outside Control inside was obtained through ridicule, sarcasm, and "binging. Protection outside was afforded by excessive day-work claims and constancy of production. It has already been noted that management knew nothing about the group and its attitudes toward production and management rules until this phase of the study uncovered it. All companies, large and small, have such a setup and under usual conditions they have no way of knowing about it.
Study 5. Personnel Counselling:
The Personnel Counselling study was not begun until four years later, because of the depression. However, these four years allowed for an appraisal of the vast significance of this series of unique studies in industry. The Experiments on Illumination showed that there was nothing resembling a close relationship between a change in physical environment and production. The Relay Assembly Test Room with its continuous rise in production, regardless of the change showed the importance of employee attitudes toward job, supervisor, and home.
The Mass Interviewing Program not only brought about improved methods of interviewing but also uncovered much data on specific attitudes, as when it showed that similar situations and conditions could be sources of satisfaction to some and dissatisfaction to others.
The suggestion of a group formed by the workers led to the Bank Wiring Observation Room study, with its findings on the intricacies of informal organization and he ways in which this affects production and supervisory relations. It also showed the breakdown in the flow of communication from employee to management; management was free to give orders but completely in the dark as to how they were finally received.
Since all four studies indicate both a lack of accomplishment in really promoting employee relations and the importance of this work, the fifth study may be regarded as the culmination of the experimenters' efforts to bring this important area into focus. There were two objectives. The first was to have a non-authoritative and impartial agency interview employee to diagnose their problems and work with supervisors on their methods of supervision.
The second was to improve the method of communication within the company, in view of the ample evidence indicating that it was lacking in certain situations when the social organization conflicted with the managerial organization. The plan was put into operation with the announcement that personnel men" would be assigned to the departments and would be around to talk to the employees.
The program, which was generally accepted, led to improvement in three fields: personal adjustments, supervisor-employee relations, and employee-management relations. In several cases there were obvious improvements m personal adjustments. Employees showed changes in personality and freedom from anxiety and other forms of behaviour that might be diagnosed as psychoneurotic.
The personnel counsellors were helpful in making the supervisors see their problems with less emotion and more understanding. Finally, the reports helped management to a better understanding of employee behaviour and sentiment so that policies could be formulated that would result in less friction between management and workers.
Implications of the Hawthorne Studies:
The Hawthorne Studies are significant because they represent an honest and concerted effort to understand employees, instead of approaching the problem only from the managerial point of view of increasing "efficiency" on an economic level. Moreover, they are interesting because they are a type of experiment which is rarely performed in industry. They do not try to define a response as the result of the introduction of change; they recognize that it is a result of the specific change plus the employee's attitudes, his social situation on the job, and his previous attitudes as determined by his personal history and background.
The Hawthorne Studies have been discussed fully because they are important to industrial psychology. They are not to be considered as the "ideal" experiment or Ac acme of perfection. There are many reasons for being critical and even for calling the researchers naive. For example, it may be that the end product, personnel counselling, is merely a substitute for a real need of employees to organize.
It may be that the vast difference between the Bank Wiring Observation Room and the Relay Assembly Test Room results was caused by the fact that one group was male and the other female. Evidence from other sources indicates that women regard supervisors as more important than do men, and they are also more tolerant toward work conditions, possibly because they often look upon their job as a temporary stopgap until marriage or child-raising. Further criticisms are avoided lest the wrong impression be created. The Hawthorne Studies can be considered as the coming of age of industrial psychology just as Munsterberg's work might be considered its birth.
There are many reasons why this series of experiments deserves careful study. Although the studies are old when compared with contemporary literature, they are nevertheless as timely now as when they were first conducted. Many of the findings tend to be rediscovered and in many instances the newer data are not so adequate —for example, on the importance of employee attitude and the existence of informal employee groups and their controls on production.
Similarly, the relation of hours of the workweek to production and the fact that a shortening of the workweek does not necessarily curtail total production rings a modem bell. Also, one must mention that increasing the financial incentive does not always increase production. These are only a few of the findings that are still not believed in many quarters.
However, above and beyond the generalizations based upon the findings are the tremendous implications for research. Too often under the guise of research are the thinly veiled attempts to gather data that conform to existing knowledge and to prove the point that the researcher or investigator sets out to prove. Predetermined conclusions discourage the real search for knowledge. The Hawthorne Studies sought conclusions and the experimenters were not afraid to go in the directions indicated by the data. Their research was not "directed."
Important indicators of the value of any research undertaking are the questions raised as a result of the knowledge acquired. Meaningful questions must often await the answering of questions on a more simple level. Many college professors recognize the value of their presentation in relation to the questions asked as a result of what has been learned.
The significance of the Hawthorne Studies can be understood not only in relation to their findings but also because they are an outstanding example of research that was not steered to predetermined conclusions and because they raised questions that otherwise might not have been asked.


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Build With Us
Masonry was looking for a brand new website to speak monumental volumes to a digital audience, as well as a strictly-organic content marketing strategy. Starting with the tagline, I developed three solid words to bring to mind the movement, the process and the passion behind the folks at Masonry: Build with us.
* Designs provided by Stephanie White and Colin Mumbach
Copywriting and Digital Strategy
Masonry needed a consistent local presence online, coupled with a strong organic content marketing and social approach to garnering positive PR and good will with partnered brands.
Inspired Work for Ambitious Brands
Masonry answered the call in 2014 for enlightened branding, digital marketing, website design & development. We work with clients to create long-term partnerships built on solutions that are on target & on brand.
Sit Down, Grab a Cup.
We built out a five-point mission statement that conveyed what the brand most emulates, and their ultimate goals to make the client a communicative partner in all strategies, rather than a distant cousin.
Organic Social Marketing
Masonry's primary social strategy was around keeping things as organic as possible, in an effort to generate the cleanest good will and PR with the local community as possible.
Ambitious & industrious, we are the mighty few focused on the fine details.
Organic Content Marketing
The fundamentals of marketing include mapping out and executing an organic content strategy that involves three key components: regularly updated content, a laser-focus on the platforms that work, and a clean engagement rate. For Masonry, this meant updating the blog 1 / month, updating the work pages 1 / Quarter, updating Facebook / Instagram / Twitter 3 - 4x / week, and updating Google+ / LinkedIn 1x a week.
But don't just speak to speak. In order to master that third element, you have to write with a purpose, directly to the way your audience engages with your content. So I set out to do just that.

subset: commoncrawl


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A kind word, a good teacher... And you can become a Masterchef (contestant)!!! Xxx
I am enjoying the new series of Professional Masterchef and as always, it's interesting to see how they all pan out. I can't even begin to imagine how tough it is!
One of the contestants was being interviewed and he gave some of his back story. He said that he started off a pot washer and one of the other chefs asked him if he thought he'd be able to cook to which he replied 'No!', but that kind chef taught him and then after some years he managed to be on Masterchef!
It's quite amazing how some kinds words, encouragement and a good teacher can quite literally change your life!
So do try and seek these things out. Surround yourself with good people, fill your mind with positive thoughts, encourage yourself and if you need it, find great teachers. For me, I need a supportive, kind teacher and environment (I don't think I'd do well under a high pressured, scream-y teacher or at least I would not enjoy that at all!).
You might as well and try enjoy your life as much as you can and for me that means being surrounded by goodness!
All is well!!!
Happy chef-ing!!!
Lots of love, Nick Xxx
EStore: http://www.nickfon.com/store/c1/Featured_Products.html
EYLE-NL Group Link: http://www.meetup.com/EYLE-NL/
Coaching: http://www.eyle-nl.com/store/c1/Featured_Products.html_
Kristina's Coaching Group: http://www.meetup.com/London-Life-Coaching-and-Self-Empowerment-Meetup/
Nick's Law Of Attraction Group: http://www.meetup.com/Abraham-Nicks/
Twitter: https://twitter.com/EYLE_london
Leave a Reply.
EYLE-NL Blog
Here are some of our reflections upon life! Enjoy, lots of love, the EYLE-NL team!!! Xxx
January 2019


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We will learn to send a photo with the mail address from Hotmail. It is very easy tutorial, with few steps and very easy to make. After that you can send photos to your friends or distant people in minutes.
Related Tutorials Sign Up and Sign In:
- How to create account Facebook
- Sign Up / create Instagram
- How to sign in Gmail
- How to sign in Hotmail
- How Badoo Sign Up
1. First we should log on to Hotmail, and go to the inbox and click in "New"
2. Where it say "To" enter the email address of the addressee.
3. Where it says "subject" we put the picture to X Person, which is usually his name. LOL
4. Then we will click on "Add" and followed it, going to "review" and the image we want to send, and when I select it, click "Open", and well, that photo will be attached to the email you send.


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The airline, part of the Lufthansa Group have scheduled the last RJ flight to be SN2720 from Geneva to Brussels on 28th October this year.
Over the years the airline has flown a number of the aircraft on many regional routes to Switzerland, Germany, Denmark, the United Kingdom, Italy, France, Denmark, Poland, Czechia, and Sweden from its Brussels base.
The airline will be wet leasing a number of aircraft to take up the schedules of the retiring Avro RJ-100's including some Sukhoi SSJ's from CityJet. A proposed complete airline review by parent company Lufthansa has been postponed due to the ongoing Air Berlin situation.
The end of an era is coming soon, however, let us enjoy these classic aircraft while we can!
❗This article was written for this site by a member of our team 🙋, please do share it with your friends via social media. You are also welcome to post it or republish elsewhere on the 🌎web on the condition that you credit the author and link back to our site. Thank you.
♻ We care about the environment, please think twice before you hit 'print'


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Short and sweet, Christmas was wonderful and we made precious memories to last until the decor goes up next year :) Emersyn had a blast, loved Christmas musicals, and opening presents. I can't wait to see her interact next year and all the more fun it will be :) We are already counting down until next Christmas season, and may be whipping out Christmas music come July or August- what can I say, it's my favorite time of the year!
|E and her boys. She has these three around her pinky
|That's a smile because someone said "presents!"
|The girls
|My sweet loves
|The boys and grandkids
|E and her crew :)
|E with her aunts and girl cousins
|Christmas morning
|One of E's Santa trips. This kid LOVES Santa
|E had her first Zoolight Safari trip and loved it!
|First carousel ride at Zoolight Safari
|Cutie pie in Santa jammies and new house shoes
|Cookie time!
|Sharing her cookie dough with Peepsie
|Our first pigtails!
|Our little Haney family
|Christmas Day in a precious new outfit from Aunt Jenn :)


text: What does your idea of the perfect beach look like? Stab and El Jimador's boasts a tequila bar, taco stand, party zone and, obviously, perfect waves. We aren't usually dreamers, but when it comes to having artwork of this calibre (by Vesa of Monocle!) on our wall, you had us at hello.


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Chat site horny girls. Colin member rested her stomach, she took him in hand and began podrachivat and Lech at this time licking her ass.
After I started down the chest below, and now I with two fingers clench her swollen clit, then I start to kiss her pubis and clitoris, it is definitely like it, as it begins to bend and still more to masturbate Colin member. I begin to lick her hole and gently let in your language in the vagina. Chat site horny girls.


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New York 1st Dept - James T. Shed-Secretary Character and Fitness James T Shed James T Shed is unfit to judge attorney applicants for admission- lack - New York
November 13, 2010, Anonymous
United States
James T Shed the highest paid secretary in NY state is leaving his post as the head of Character and Fitness. Employees have long complained that this closeted and very angry man has no respect for them, abuses those who disagree with his ethics or lack there of and is a work place bully. Certainly when James Shed and his drunkard colleague Sherry Cohen leave the 1st Dept.- the booze will flow in celebrate of the hanse of bondage being broken. For years employees,attorneys and the public has endured the abuse of a very sick person (James Shed)who's standard for assessing an applicant's worthiness, an attorney's disciplinary case and an employee's performance is based upon whethther that person has a good body. Everyone knows James Shed hates fat people, old people, foreigners and women. As a gay man he has a right to his own sexual politics , but as secretary for character and fitness- he should closet his preferences and stick to the job. James Shed is most likely leaving his position before the big law firms he has jerked off and humiliated their attorney applicants start pushing for his removal on ethical grounds. Shed has also committed many acts of indisgression including falsifying information in applicant files to suit his purposes. We employees have complained but no one of the thugs like Friedburg or Lipman have done anything because Shed is part of the inner circle of corrupt NY mob bosses who have ruled and destroyed many attorneys, granted a carte blanche to steal from the public to law firms and made the NY Court system the best little ho house in America. Shed should be disciplined, not given a fancy retirement package. Then again, if god is waiting , Shed's boyfriend will spend all of that retirement package money in a flash while travelling and taking in all of the raunchy hotspots. Secretary of Charactwr and Fitness? Get some morals , start telling the truth and watch your back- plenty of employees have the goods on you. Thinking of a future political career? We will expose u and your fraudulent acts as a member of the disciplinary committee and sec of character and fitness. Doubt that even the local elected dog catcher position won't elect you- even if picking up sh___t is the main element of the job description.


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6 Roseview Dr Nw, Calgary
Contemporary detached home on a 30' wide x 100' deep lot totalling 2550 sq' - just across the street from Highwood Park along with Highwood Elementary & Colonel Irvine Jr. High. Gorgeous light in this home with huge 9' ceilings on main + basement. The warmth of the wood cabinets, wood flooring, quartz counters, high end stainless steel appliances encapsulates you upon entry. This is a feel good home. Massive windows along with the open plan from front to back allows for a natural light filled living area. The linear fireplace will keep you warm in the winter & the extensive exposed aggregate patio will provide you with a wonderful outdoor area in the summer. The master bedroom is spacious and includes a huge walk-in closet, deluxe en suite with heated floors, steam shower + his and hers sinks. The second and third bedrooms are a good size adjacent across the back of the home. Second storey laundry room includes cabinets and is spacious. The basement has a wonderful family room, oversize bedroom with walk-in closet and a 4 piece bath. The built-in stereo system is throughout the 3 levels of the home + backyard.
Ceiling 9 ft., No Animal Home, No Smoking Home, Patio
Back Lane, Playground Nearby, Public Transportation, Schools, See Remarks, Shopping Nearby
Disclaimer: Information herein deemed reliable but not guaranteed by CREB®.
Listing information last updated on May 23rd, 2019 at 1:45am CDT.


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sports games
If you are like us, we love sports. Mainly soccer, basketball, and football. We are continually looking for more sports games, so please stay updated via our Twitter or Facebook page for news on the latest games. Currently we have several sports games of the racing variety, either way enjoy, game, and most importantly have Fun!


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The younger generation of women are more socially and economically independent, have more decision-making powers, and crucially, have better access to the internet.
The IMF has reported that India's economy is set to outperform that of China both in terms of growth and competitiveness in the year ahead, retaining its place as the leader among the world's fastest-growing major economies. In tandem, India's consumer demographic has been undergoing some radical changes, posing some huge challenges, as well as opportunities, for how brands approach and engage with Indian consumers from here on.
One of the biggest influences will be the rise in female online purchasing power, as women's education, training, access to information, family structures, social and business influence evolve.
According to Boston Consulting Group, the percentage of girls entering secondary education in India increased from 45% to 74% between 2005 and 2014, a figure now higher than boys, and 20% of women are now undertaking higher education. As a knock-on effect, the number of women in the workplace is growing, while the number of single women over 20 is rising. This means the younger generation of women living and working in India are more socially and economically independent, have more decision-making powers, and crucially, have greater access to the internet, which until recently had been significantly and culturally skewed towards men. Female empowerment is also being bolstered by tv and film, platforms that have a huge influence on cultural behaviour in India, alongside female influencers who are gathering momentum on social media. The burgeoning female travel market is one sign of how this influence is changing business and culture in India. This has resulted in a wide range of women-only Indian travel companies emerging in recent years and a surge in online forums and meeting groups for female travellers. Coupled with the rapidly growing e-commerce sector in India, and it's easy to see why young, increasingly independent women are one of the most exciting new consumer groups in the country for online and leisure spending.
As with other emerging markets, India is known as a society of leapfrogging. We've already seen the nation skip a whole generation of dial-up internet technology and go straight to mobile and wireless instead, causing Google to respond with products specifically targeting the buoyant local market. Now, with its evolving consumer base, we're set to see India leapfrog social and spending aspirations too.
When consumers become global citizens, they often look back to their roots to find a sense of identity and belonging.
This is already indicated by the rising popularity of native food brands in India, which are reportedly growing twice as fast as their global counterparts. The natural category in particular is booming, spearheaded by herbal food and personal care brand Patanjali Ayurved, the fastest-growing FMCG company in India. At multinational corporations, which have previously enjoyed the position of market leaders in the country, profits are falling as they rush to re-assess how they can engage with a growing sense of Indian-ness among consumers. Perhaps that's why Colgate has recently distributed free Hindu calendars with its toothpaste.
Today, 60% of Indians are willing to pay extra for products that are made in India (source: Boston Consulting Group). This goes against the norms in emerging markets where great aspirational value is often placed on goods from overseas, which are viewed as premium items. As a result, more home-grown luxury brands are emerging in India, including Moët Hennessy-owned Chandon Wine, which uses grapes sourced from the outskirts of Mumbai.
A sense of pride and value placed on local products and home-grown brands is a trait normally associated with mature and developed consumer markets. The fact that India is reaching this point while still in the midst of huge cultural changes and the development of women boosting its economy are particularly significant for brands entering, or already operating, in the market. When consumers become global citizens, they often look back to their roots to find a sense of identity and belonging. This results in a surge of interest, pride and appeal in brands that express a sense of local or national identity, or are locally or naturally sourced. This is happening in India now, and global brands need to react and localise fast in order to stay relevant to modern female consumers in this exciting market.
Joanna Brassett is director and founder of Studio INTO. For more on how your brand can help empower a new generation of female consumers, see our Female Futures vertical.


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Grassroots Campaigning: How to Use Online Channels to Build Offline Support
By Brian Rubenstein on Sep 5, 2017
"Hello Susan, it's good to see you," said the member of Congress at the sight of the constituent walking into his Capitol Hill office. "So, what bill will I end up cosponsoring for you today?"
You might think Susan was a wealthy donor or perhaps a significant employer in the Member's district. Maybe an influential pastor at a large community church.
But, you'd be wrong. Susan is a grandmother, a cancer survivor and the major ingredient that differentiates organizations that truly make change from those that just make a lot of digital noise.
In an age where million-signature petitions are commonplace, the tried and true strategy of having volunteers send online messages to their members of Congress has greatly diminished in value. According to research by the Congressional Management Foundation, nearly half of congressional staff believe that "most advocacy campaigns of identical form messages are sent without the constituent's knowledge or approval."
Enter Susan. A volunteer who has been trained how to cut through the niceties that lawmakers prefer to let dominate a meeting (where do you eat, who's your kin, etc.), tell her personal story and make a clear, specific legislative ask.
Every grassroots organization has volunteers like Susan. But, in today's world of digital over-communication and rowdy town halls overtaken by DC-based interest groups, one, two or even 20 Susans isn't enough. At the American Cancer Society Cancer Action Network (ACS CAN), the advocacy affiliate to the American Cancer Society, we have a volunteer like Susan in every congressional district. And, we're constantly recruiting more who will be ready to serve as the lead volunteer in their community.
Stop! I know what you're thinking, so don't say it. "Well, we could build that too if we had their budget."
You can do it. Without a big budget. Leveraging the tools you already have.
It will take time. It will take effort. And the rewards will be well worth it.
Era of Increased Activism and Grassroots Campaigning
The recent presidential election has led to a level of true grassroots activism that hasn't been seen in decades. Ordinary Americans not formally affiliated with any organization or cause are rising up to make their voices heard. This year's Women's March and March For Science are just two examples of this incredible trend.
At ACS CAN, we're seeing this newly inspired level of activity reflected in our offline recruitment as well. Our recent campaigns have generated results 200 percent and even 300 percent higher than in previous years.
While the effort to recruit offline volunteers is never easy, the timing for such a campaign has never been better. If your organization has been waiting for the right moment (or perhaps the extra motivation) to invest the staff and financial resources necessary to build your offline infrastructure, this is that moment.
How to Use Online Channels to Build Offline Support
As the person responsible for leading ACS CAN's digital program for the past 10 years (they called it eAdvocacy when I first started), I've always been very clear in my mission—use the online to build the offline.
Such a pronouncement always confounded others in the office who expected me to preach the gospel of how digital would overthrow the world of grassroots campaigning. And, while it certainly has led to significant change, no amount of automation, artificial intelligence or Big Data can change one simple fact—there is nothing more powerful than having that volunteer constituent sitting eye to eye with that targeted lawmaker.
So how can your organization begin to build or expand your own network of "offline volunteers?" The first step—which we'll cover in this article—is to identify your digital volunteers who might be interested in volunteering offline and quickly drive them into a local activity that will engage and excite them.
Let's get started with some general tips. Then, I'll walk you through an example of a campaign we ran recently.
1. Build the Internal Partnership
There are two key roles in building your offline program – the digital director and the grassroots/field/volunteer director. (We'll call her a field director to keep it simple.) In smaller organizations, responsibilities for both roles could fall on the shoulders of the same person.
The digital director is responsible for identifying recruitment opportunities and executing them across all your digital platforms. Meanwhile, the field director is responsible for ensuring the processes are in place to follow-up with all those new hot leads as they come in.
The people in these roles must be fully bought in to the recruitment plan and, most especially, the timing of its execution.
2. Make Your Pitch Relevant, Timely and Impactful
This is where your digital director earns her digital paycheck. Forget the stand-alone recruitment campaign that's scheduled just because Congress is on recess and your organization has nothing else to communicate about. Weaving your offline recruitment seamlessly into your legislative campaigns will garner stronger results from volunteers who are already engaged and knowledgeable about your most pressing issues. Integrate your recruitment plan into the initial build-out of your legislative campaign so it's inserted into the overall campaign narrative.
3. Prepare Yourself and Your Process
When a recruitment effort fails, this is usually the step that was skipped or poorly managed. BEFORE you launch a recruitment drive for offline volunteers, you must do three things.
First, be sure the field director has the capacity to handle this new influx of volunteers. Whether the field director will manage it directly or farm it out to field staff or other volunteers, everyone needs to be prepared to jump into action the moment the campaign is launched.
Second, you must have activities for these new super volunteers to do. Not in a month. Not during the next state legislative session. Immediately. You don't want to recruit 100 new and excited prospects only to leave them waiting for an opportunity to get involved.
And third, know exactly what you're going to do as the names come in. Will you send them a series of follow-up emails? If so, write the emails in advance. Are you asking other leadership volunteers or staff to contact your new prospects? Then be sure you set clear expectations, including when the names will arrive, how you want your team to follow-up (including how quickly), and the process for reporting back on those efforts.
What This Looks Like at ACS CAN
Earlier this year, ACS CAN launched a major campaign around increasing federal funding for cancer research. As a digital director obsessed with volunteer engagement, I'm a lover of bad news. Nothing activates volunteers more effectively than something dear to them being cut or eliminated. So, when the White House budget called for a $1 billion cut in cancer research funding, I saw an opportunity.
Now, let's be clear. I'm not a horrible person. I don't actually want cancer research funding to be cut. Fortunately, I knew we had strong allies in Congress who shared our passion to ensure these cuts wouldn't happen. But, I was excited that I could now promote the threat of a cut as we know that is such a strong motivator for volunteers to act.
Step 1: Our Internal Partnership
ACS CAN is a major proponent of the Direct Action Organizing model created by the brilliant grassroots campaigning organizers at the Midwest Academy. One benefit of this model is that we start our campaign planning by bringing together key players from every relevant department. This includes grassroots, field, media, policy and lobbying. The beauty of this meeting is that it provides everyone with a comprehensive view of the campaign.
In the planning session, I learned that our local staff and volunteers would be asked to focus on the cancer research issue during the upcoming August congressional recess. They would be tasked with attending town hall meetings, conducting local events and dropping off materials at Members' local offices.
These were perfect opportunities for activating new recruits. We quickly decided that we would launch a petition drive asking members of Congress to reject the proposed budget cuts (and increase cancer research funding), and deliver those petitions during the upcoming recess. With buy-in from our campaign director and field staff, our partnership on this was project was set.
Step 2: The Narrative and the Ask
With a general plan in place, now it was time to build the narrative that would not only produce huge numbers of petition signatures, but also guide some volunteers up a ladder of engagement that would result in a new cadre of volunteers excited to deliver them.
As I noted earlier, we've found our best success when we integrate recruitment directly into the campaign. In our emails asking people to sign the petitions, we made it clear they would be delivered locally during recess (planting the first seed of opportunity).
"We'll be delivering these petitions to your members of Congress next month when they're back home."
Then, when the signature drive was winding down, we sent an email to the petition signers asking if they were interested in delivering signed petitions to their lawmaker. We directly tied the fact they thought the issue was important enough that they signed the petition to this new impactful opportunity to deliver them. In the recruitment email, we made three important points:
- This activity is happening locally in your community. It wasn't a generic nationwide ask.
"Our [statename] staff and volunteers are planning local activities to deliver thousands of petitions telling lawmakerswhy they must reject any proposed cuts to cancer research and support increased research funding."
- You'll be contacted by a local volunteer or staff person. Again, emphasizing local.
"If you complete this quick form, we'll have a local volunteer or staff person contact you by email or phone – your choice.
- By telling us you're interested, you're not committing yourself—lowering the pressure for volunteers to raise their hand.
"They'll tell you about our upcoming activities and you can decide if you want to participate."
As importantly, we made the sign-up form very simple, requesting only the information we truly needed at this moment, and making the volunteer feel like they were in control of the situation. This included allowing the volunteer to decide if they wanted to be contacted by email or phone.
Step 3: Executing the Process
This is the hard part. You've set expectations with your prospect. They expect to be contacted in a timely manner—which, in today's direct response world, means almost immediately—and they want to have a fun and impactful activity waiting for them. To add further stress, at this critical juncture, you're also handing over direct control of the operation, typically to your field staff and/or existing volunteers.
Here is where all that preparation pays its dividends. Long before the recruitment email was sent, we:
- Notified field staff about the campaign and its timing
- Created a process for providing them with the petitions for their state (a simple mail merge file for them to print locally)
- Provided best practices on volunteer conversion, including a template email that had been used successfully in a previous campaign
- Ensured they were already hard at work planning local activities
At ACS CAN, we're fortunate to have a grassroots manager in each state and, after many years of hard work, a lead volunteer in every congressional district. This allows us to engage volunteers at a very local level. However, you don't need that built-in infrastructure to succeed. After all, no organization—including us—starts with that in place.
Regardless of your current infrastructure, the key is to designate a group of people who will be responsible for following-up with the prospects after they express interest in getting more involved. If you don't have local staff or a volunteer leadership structure, this is a great task for your highly active volunteers (those you know by name) and board members.
I'm a huge fan of peer to peer recruitment and engagement. It's why I love having a volunteer conduct the initial outreach to a prospect rather than a staffperson. The volunteer can relate more directly to the prospect and the information seems more credible.
Example of our grassroots campaigning model:
As you can see from the graphic below, we kept the execution process very simple. As noted earlier, the key is speed of execution and immediate action opportunity. We timed the outreach to take place within days of the prospect completing our online form and within two to three weeks of the petition delivery activity.
And this works for social media, too!
- Create a social media narrative
- Ask for volunteers in your post/tweet/etc.
- Be responsive to requests and comments from followers, including direct messaging people who respond with interest
- Follow the engagement diagram above
About the Author:
Brian Rubenstein
As an experienced communications strategist, Brian has spent two decades leading campaigns and programs that resulted in monumental change for clients, organizations and society. His balanced love for writing, strategy and data has allowed him to develop and execute integrated communications, public affairs and marketing programs that not only look great, but exceed ROI metrics and lead to real change.
Brian's diverse background includes work with Fortune 500 companies, one of the nation's largest non-profit organizations, and government officials. From the board room to the front lines, his ability to present, facilitate and strategize breeds collaboration and growth among internal and external stakeholders.
Most importantly, Brian believes doing good for the world starts with doing good in your own community. You'll find him coaching his kids' sports teams, chairing the advisory board and leading the strategic planning for their elementary school, and joining with his family to participate in volunteer projects.