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Posts tagged Border Security
Posts tagged Border Security
"Sens. Rand Paul (R-Kentucky), Ted Cruz (R-Texas) and Texas Gov. Rick Perry have all argued that increased border security is required to prevent members of the Islamist militant group from slipping across undetected. They say the flood of migrant children over the summer has exposed just how porous the border is."
—The Hill, September 16, 2014.
The Facts:
According to experts who have analyzed its statements, the Islamic State is not prioritizing involvement in the United States (or even Israel). For now at least, the group is targeting the "near enemy," an August 30 New York Times analysis asserts.
"Fawaz A. Gerges, a professor at the London School of Economics and the author of 'The Far Enemy: Why Jihad Went Global,' said ISIS had so far consistently focused on what militants call 'the near enemy' — leaders of Muslim countries like Bashar al-Assad of Syria — and not 'the far enemy' of the United States and Europe.
'The struggle against the Americans and the Israelis is distant, not a priority,' he said. 'It has to await liberation at home.'"
Meanwhile, the 2014 migrant children crisis did not expose "porosity" along the U.S.-Mexico border. The U.S. Border Patrol presence, which has doubled since 2005 [PDF], was sufficient to apprehend and detain the tens of thousands of children arriving across the border, most of whom actually sought out the authorities upon their arrival. ("Generally, the children have been turning themselves in to the first official in a uniform they see after crossing the Rio Grande," the Associate Press reported in July.) As a recent Border Fact Check post explains, measures of migrant apprehensions and border-zone violence indicate significantly greater security along the U.S.-Mexico border today than ten years ago.
"The recent increase in security at a key Army base near a Mexican border city where Islamic terrorists are confirmed to be operating and planning an attack on the United States indicates that the facility is a target."
—Judicial Watch, September 4, 2014
The Facts:
The increase in security at Fort Bliss, the "key Army base near a Mexican border city" referred to above, is unrelated to the alleged ISIS threat. The Department of Homeland Security cleared this up in a statement: "There is no credible intelligence to suggest that there is an active plot by ISIL to attempt to cross the southern border."
Lt. Col. Lee Peters, Fort Bliss and First Armor Division public affairs officer, said, "All of the security measures that we emplaced over the Labor Day weekend and we're emplacing this week are coincidental to anything that's going on in the world," stating that the increase in security was instead a response to the recent shootings at Washington Naval Yard, Fort Hood, and Fort Lee. In general, the FBI has planned to increase security at all military bases. These changes have been in progress since 2013, prior to the Washington Navy Yard shooting, but were fast-tracked after the incident. The changes are also unrelated to any supposed ISIS threat.
"[G]overnment sources reveal that the militant group Islamic State of Iraq and Greater Syria (ISIS) is confirmed to now be operating in Juarez, a famously crime-infested narcotics hotbed situated across from El Paso, Texas."
—Judicial Watch, August 29, 2014
The Facts:
There has been no threat of ISIS in Ciudad Juárez, according to Mexican authorities in the border city. César Augusto Peniche, the Mexican Attorney-General's delegate to the state of Chihuahua which includes Juárez, said there was no migration alert, increased violence on the border, or any sort of advisory about the presence of terrorist groups in the city. Additionally, the State Attorney-General's Office said that until hearing that an internal bulletin from the Texas State Department of Public Safety made this allegation, it was unaware of any supposed threat of a possible terrorist attack from ISIS.
It is worth noting that while Ciudad Juárez has suffered high levels of organized crime-related violence, homicides have declined significantly since 2010, and the violence itself almost never manifested itself across the river in El Paso, Texas, which has the lowest crime rate in the United States among cities of 500,000 people or more [PDF].
"The sheriff said he received an alert bulletin that ISIS — Islamic State of Iraq and Syria — may have formed a terrorist cell in or near Ciudad Juarez, Mexico, a Mexican border city across from El Paso. He said the alert warned law enforcement agencies to be on the lookout for such activity."
—Midland Reporter-Telegram, Midland, Texas, September 6, 2014.
The Facts:
The two sources of information regarding the heightened ISIS risk and the need for increased security are the Judicial Watch website and Midland County, Texas Sheriff Gary Painter. Judicial Watch has not named any sources to substantiate claims of an imminent threat.
The much-cited Sheriff Painter points to the Texas Department of Public Security internal "alert bulletin," whose text has not surfaced, and the discovery of "Quran books and Muslim clothing" near the border. According to the Midland Reporter-Telegram, "on the issue of distinguishing an ISIS member from a non-extremist Muslim, Painter said he does not know how one would tell 'one Muslim from the other' or if there is any difference." Sheriff Painter's Midland County, meanwhile, is over 300 miles from the U.S.-Mexico border.
Added September 23, 2014:
In remarks yesterday at the Migration Policy Institute, the commissioner of U.S. Customs and Border Protection, Gil Kerlikowske, was unequivocal on the ISIS issue:
"We have not one hint of credible information that ISIS or ISIL is poised or is coming across the Southwest border. None whatsoever."
Kerlikowske did recognize that the situation is complex, though. He added, "That being said, over 400,000 people have been apprehended trying to get into this country. That represents over 140 countries."
—Elizabeth Lincoln
"We have a much more secure border today than we did ten years ago," Pryor says on a local TV talk show.
"Seriously, Senator?" the voiceover asks, incredulously, before playing the Pryor clip again.
A television ad by Rep. Tom Cotton (R-Arkansas), who is campaigning to unseat Sen. David Pryor (D-Arkansas), mocks Pryor for saying that the U.S.-Mexico border is more secure today than it was ten years ago.
The Facts:
The plain answer to Cotton's question, though, is, "Yes, seriously." The U.S. side of the U.S.-Mexico border is significantly more secure today than it was in the mid-2000s.
Even with this year's wave of Central American children and families, the number of undocumented migrants crossing the border today is well under half of what it was in 2004.
Our best measure of this is Border Patrol's apprehensions of undocumented migrants. In 2004, although it had half the number of agents that it has today [PDF], Border Patrol apprehended 1,139,282 people along the U.S.-Mexico border [PDF].
By 2013, a far larger Border Patrol apprehended 414,397 people—-a 64-percent drop. Even if the Central America crisis increases 2014 apprehensions by 100,000 people, the resulting total would still be less than half as much as it was ten years before.
Another key security measure is violent crime. Though some Mexican border cities have suffered increases during the past decade, nearly all jurisdictions on the U.S. side have seen violent crime drop. According to FBI Uniform Crime Reporting data, U.S. counties along the Mexico border reported 5,410 violent crimes in 2004 [PDF]. In 2012, the last year for which full-year data are available, the same report found 4,582 violent crimes committed in these counties, despite notable improvements in reporting.
The only measure of border security that has not improved is drug trafficking, at least as measured by U.S. law enforcement agencies' seizures along the southwest border. These agencies seized more of every drug, except cocaine, in 2012 than they did in 2008 [PDF].
By the other major measures, though, the U.S.-Mexico border is significantly more secure than it was ten years ago.
—-Adam Isacson
"[T]he current surge is far more than a humanitarian crisis resulting from violence and economic failures in Central America. The perception of eventual legal status has been generated through your Administrative actions."
— Letter to President Obama from 34 Republican members of Congress, July 2, 2014
The border between Texas and Mexico has seen a big recent increase in arrivals of unaccompanied children from El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras. This July 2 letter, circulated by House Government Reform and Oversight Committee Chairman Rep. Darrell Issa (R-California), seeks to blame the Obama administration for the crisis, citing "failed policies that encourage young individuals to put themselves in peril, leave their home countries, and make a long and dangerous journey to enter our country illegally."
This letter does not provide any substantial evidence to back up what have become immigration hardliners' talking points on the failures of U.S. policies. Though evidence strongly suggests that violence is a major "push factor," the 34 legislators' letter instead insists that the policies spurring Central Americans to send children northward are:
The Facts:
It's unlikely that Central American families are paying such close attention to discussions of administrative changes within the U.S. executive branch. Even leaving this aside, there are at least four reasons why the House members' letter's claims are inaccurate.
Border Patrol statistics, depicted above, show that arrivals of unaccompanied Central American children began increasing during U.S. fiscal year 2012, which ran from October 2011 to September 2012. DACA was not announced until June 2012. Immigration reform legislation had not yet been proposed, and the review of deportation procedures was far off. In fact, in 2012 the Obama administration broke the United States' single-year record for deportations of undocumented foreign citizens (409,849 people): hardly a welcoming message for would-be migrants.
In 2011, Border Patrol apprehended 46,997 citizens of countries "other than Mexico"—the vast majority from El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras—near the Mexico border. So far this year (as of June 15), it has apprehended 181,724: on pace to register a three-year increase of 450 percent.
The United States may be the main destination, but several countries are seeing a similar rise in fleeing Salvadorans, Guatemalans, and Hondurans. Between 2008 and 2013, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees reports, the number of those countries' citizens applying for asylum in nearby Belize, Costa Rica, Mexico, Nicaragua, and Panama rose by 712 percent.
The post-2011 rise in Central American migration, and the rise in asylum claims elsewhere, indicate that violence is the preponderant factor. Central America's three "Northern Triangle" countries, especially Honduras, saw big increases in violent crime during the second half of the 2000s; by the 2010s these had reached levels higher than those of pre-"surge" Iraq. Gang and organized crime activity—assaults, kidnapping, extortion, rape, forced recruitment—touches nearly all the population, particularly youth. With police and justice systems near collapse amid resource scarcity and unpunished corruption, these countries' citizens are left utterly unprotected by their states.
In 2009, Border Patrol apprehended 16,114 unaccompanied Mexican children, a figure that dwarfed the 3,304 Salvadoran, Guatemalan, and Honduran children it reported that year. Even as the number of Central American children shot upward in 2012, the number of Mexican children did not. In 2014, apprehensions of Mexican minors are on pace to match 2013 levels (about 17,250), a 7 percent increase over 2009. By contrast, 2014 apprehensions of Salvadoran, Guatemalan, and Honduran minors are on pace to nearly triple 2013 levels, and to exceed 2009 apprehensions by over 1,500 percent.
Why are arrivals of unaccompanied Mexican minors relatively flat? One is less intense violence: Mexico saw a sharp increase in violent crime since the mid-2000s, but it is concentrated in a few areas. The country's overall homicide rate today is only about a quarter as high as Honduras's. Another is that the United States has repatriation agreements with Mexico, which include Mexican government security guarantees, that make returning unaccompanied minors a very rapid process.
In a sense, there have been two increases in arrivals of unaccompanied children. One increase began at the beginning of 2012, most likely driven by the sharp rise in violent crime in the Northern Triangle. The next, even sharper, increase began early this year.
The two trendlines are evident in this graph depicting month-by-month numbers of unaccompanied minors in the custody of the U.S. Office of Refugee Resettlement (ORR), to which other U.S. authorities must turn over apprehended minors within 72 hours. It appears in a June 23 Congressional Research Service report.
2013, like 2012, saw an accelerating increase in arrivals of unaccompanied children. Flight from violence, including specific threats from MS-13, Barrio 18, and other criminal organizations, was likely the most significant cause. There were larger-than-normal seasonal increases in migration (and thus apprehensions) after January 2012 and January 2013. But the increase after January 2014 was even steeper. The trendline took an entirely different shape: that of a hockey stick.
Nobody knows what happened about six months ago to cause this sharp increase. There was no dramatic reported worsening of Central America's already severe violent crime or poverty rates. There is no evidence that Central Americans suddenly came to view DACA (which only benefits people in the United States before 2007) or the stalled U.S. immigration reform debate as "green lights" to send their children northward.
One possibility is that the "hockey stick" was triggered by word spreading among the Central American population that the children who arrived since 2012 were not being detained and quickly deported. (Smugglers looking for customers may have helped spread this information.) Instead, after receiving "notices to appear" in immigration court, they were being released to—and thus reunited with—family members.
This has happened not because of DACA or immigration reform, but in accordance with an anti-human trafficking law that the U.S. Congress unanimously approved, and President George W. Bush signed into law, in December 2008. Section 235(b) of the "William Wilberforce Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act" states that:
These legal proceedings take time, especially now that the system adjudicating such cases is overwhelmed. As a result, even if their status is never legalized and they end up eventually being deported, migrant children may end up spending a year or two living with parents or other close relatives who had come to the United States earlier.
That would mean a year or two in which parents need not worry about their child being killed, raped, or recruited by gangs. A year or two in which the child can eat three meals per day, attend school, and face at least a slim possibility of remaining in the United States. It is easy to imagine why a parent or other close relative would find this attractive enough to scrape together as much as US$10,000 to pay a smuggler's fee.
That so many parents would leave children behind in the first place is a direct result of U.S. policy. Crossing the U.S.-Mexico border is now difficult and dangerous, after a large border security buildup that began in the 1990s and intensified in the 2000s. Before then, parents who migrated to the United States to earn money as undocumented workers could expect to go home periodically and see their children. Now, they do not attempt it because the likelihood of returning to the United States afterward is so slim. As a result, migrant parents in the United States go many years without seeing their children.
A child who was left behind while an infant or toddler 10-15 years ago is of prime gang recruitment age today, and parents' desperation to be reunited is probably greater. The promise of doing so through the Section 235(b) process, even if temporarily while a child's case is being adjudicated, may be a strong pull.
The research does not yet exist to confirm that the Section 235(b) provision has caused the 2014 acceleration in unaccompanied Central American minors' migration. WOLA researchers did not hear it mentioned in interviews with migrants, migrant defenders, or shelter personnel during a February visit to Mexico's southern border.
On the other hand, some press reports and comments from U.S. officials have mentioned Central Americans' belief that the U.S. government is granting special permits ("permisos") for children. This may be a mistaken reference to the "notices to appear" issued to those being released into relatives' custody. We do not know how widespread this belief is in Central America, or when it began to spread. But if it did, it explains some of the sharp 2014 increase in unaccompanied children arriving in the United States.
Whatever the reason, the U.S. government must take seriously all unaccompanied minors' claims for protection, even if many are ultimately found to lack sufficient merit. The criminal gangs and organized crime groups driving Central America's out-of-control violence do target young people. A significant portion of the children here probably face a credible and specific threat of death or other harm. They can also credibly claim that their own governments are unwilling or unable to protect them.
Identifying these threatened individual minors, and evaluating their cases, will take time. An expedited effort to process and deport them must not put them in harm's way. U.S. authorities must consider each case separately.
The Obama administration is promising to "fix" the procedure for unaccompanied minors set out in the 2008 law. A funding request that the White House submitted to Congress on July 8 calls for "increased detainment and removal of adults with children and increased immigration court capacity to speed cases." A June 30 letter to Congress from President Obama promises administrative measures "providing the DHS Secretary additional authority to exercise discretion in processing the return and removal of unaccompanied minor children."
These measures may be necessary to deal with an overwhelmed system, but the imperative to "speed cases" must not weaken Central American children's right to due process. Procedural changes must not mean the kind of haste that leads to deporting children who face a high probability of being killed or otherwise harmed.
As for the claims in the 34 House members' letter? They are patently false. They ignore the timing of the wave of unaccompanied children's arrivals. They ignore the region-wide nature of the trend. They ignore the impact of the 2008 law—the letter doesn't even mention it—and propose no way to protect thousands of children who may face grave threats to their lives if forcibly returned.
Instead, the letter pins the blame for the crisis on a modest measure, and two unfinished proposals, made during the Obama administration's tenure. This leaves the unpleasant impression that its signers are comfortable using a genuine humanitarian emergency to score political points.
— Adam Isacson
"Q: So McCaul's [Rep. Michael McCaul (R-Texas)] proposal would expand the Department for Homeland Security's drone fleet?"
"A: We probably need more. Our border has over 1,200 miles, so we will definitely need more of them to provide more coverage there."
— Translated from a September 27, 2013 Univisión Noticias interview with Rep. Henry Cuellar (D-Texas), co-chair of the Congressional Unmanned Systems Caucus
The notion that the U.S.-Mexico border needs to increase the size of its drone fleet is a claim that has been echoed in both the House and Senate. But a 2012 audit of U.S. Customs and Border Protection's (CBP) drone program found just the opposite to be true: CBP does not, in fact, need more drones.
The Facts:
According to the report by the Office of Inspector General (OIG), CBP already owns more drones than it can afford to operate. In 2012, the agency had a fleet of seven unmanned aircraft. Just to meet the "mission availability threshold" (minimum capacity), each drone would need to log 10,662 flight hours per year. To reach the operational level actually desired by CBP, the drones would need to fly 13,328 hours per year.
But the drones flew just 3,909 hours—a mere 29 percent of desired capacity.
Although bad weather was one of the listed causes for falling so short of expectations, the main reason was that CBP had vastly underestimated the amount of resources necessary to support the drone fleet.
In addition to their steep price tag, unmanned aircraft cost approximately US$3,234 to operate per flight hour and require an hour of maintenance for every hour of flight. Not having anticipated, nor planned, for these high operational costs, CBP faced a budget shortfall and was forced to shuffle $25 million from other programs just to fly the drones at a third of their capacity. The program lacks qualified staff, ground control stations and equipment, cameras, and navigation systems, among other things. Because of this, the report concluded that until CBP develops plans to meet the desired operational capacity, it recommends the postponement of additional drone purchases.
Of course, achieving this goal would come at a cost; just to increase the flight time of the current fleet to desired levels would require $43.1 million per year—or 9 percent of the entire operations, maintenance, and procurement budget for CBP's Air and Marine Branch ($504 million).
The Department of Homeland Security plans to increase the size of its fleet to 11 by 2016, and the Senate immigration bill (S.744), were it to pass the House, would authorize yet another four drones to be used on the border. At the rate cited above, these proposals would raise the annual cost to $92.4 million.
The question of whether to purchase more drones goes beyond purely economic considerations and stretches into the territory of civil liberty concerns. The constant use of drones over U.S. soil increases the likelihood of federal government spying on the activities of U.S. citizens. Not only has CBP yet to establish explicit rules that would protect the privacy rights of citizens, but it has also flown its Predator drones on behalf of other agencies, such as the FBI, DEA, and several County Sheriff's Offices (the names of which have been withheld from the public) over 500 times in the past three years. Although the Inspector General has severely reprimanded CBP for failing to regulate who uses the drones, and how they are used, an explicit, overarching policy has not been implemented.
Beyond economics and efficiency, the use of new surveillance technologies at the border raises a host of new concerns. Rushing to increase the number of surveillance drones over U.S. territory without first addressing the issue of privacy and civil liberty concerns puts the government at risk of encroaching on U.S. citizens' constitutional rights yet again.
— Ashley Davis
"I see the engine of this immigration ship not working. The bureaucracy is failing. But I also see on the ship that we've got a leak — we don't know who is coming in and out across our borders. If you have a ship that has an engine that is not working and a leak in the bottom, what do you fix first? You fix the leak. My fear is we're not really enforcing (immigration laws) right now."
— Rep. Randy Hultgren (R-Illinois), quoted August 31, 2013.
The Facts:
In fact, we do have a good idea of who is coming in and out across our borders — or at least, a better idea than we have ever had.
1. Who is coming in:
In 2011, Border Patrol estimated that 533,571 people crossed the U.S.-Mexico border illegally. Of these, 84 percent (448,104) were either apprehended or turned back into Mexico.
It is true that Border Patrol has not regularly reported the number of migrants it estimates to have turned back or eluded capture, and no such estimates are yet publicly available for 2012. But the agency publishes decades of data on its apprehensions of migrants, a decent indicator of the overall flow of "who is coming in."
In 2012, Border Patrol apprehended 356,873 undocumented migrants near the U.S.-Mexico border. That was up slightly from 2011, but still the second-smallest number measured since 1973. According to this indicator (as well as others like migrant surveys and testimonies from shelters), undocumented migration has plummeted rapidly. As recently as 2006, Border Patrol was routinely apprehending a million or more migrants.
Better technologies may reveal a larger number of migrants who evade capture, especially in remote areas. But still, using current methods the percentage of those who are apprehended appears to be growing, as a December 2012 Government Accountability Office report attests. And recidivism rates — the number of apprehended migrants who had been apprehended before — are lower than they have been since measurements began, notes the Congressional Research Service [PDF].
2. Who is coming out:
In eight of the past ten years, including 2012, Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) set a new record for the number of undocumented individuals removed [PDF] from the United States. Last year ICE totaled 409,849 removals, up from 165,168 a decade earlier and 43,671 in 1992.
If past years' proportions are a guide, about two-thirds (perhaps 275,000) of these removed individuals came from Mexico and Central America. Add the number of individuals returned by Border Patrol last year (likely between 250,000 and 300,000), and you get over 525,000 undocumented migrants from Mexico and Central America "coming out" of the United States.
That is quite similar to the 533,571 people whom Border Patrol estimated to have crossed the U.S.-Mexico border illegally in 2011. With almost the same numbers going "out" as are going "in," the "leak" to which Rep. Hultgren refers is actually a net of about zero migrants. In fact, after reaching a 40-year low, it could even be seeping outward.
Estimates of the population living here illegally bear that out. It has been declining, from a high of 12.4 million people in 2007 to 11.1 million in 2011.
3. We are "enforcing immigration laws right now."
In fact, immigration laws are being enforced far more strongly than they ever have. In 2012, CRS reports [PDF], 86 percent of apprehended migrants had to go through some sort of "consequence delivery" (criminal trial, lateral repatriation, formal deportation proceeding, or others) instead of being voluntarily returned. Only 14 percent were voluntarily returned. As recently as 2005, 77 percent were voluntarily returned.
Source: Congressional Research Service (PDF)
We can and should debate the effectiveness, and the humaneness, of these "consequence delivery" measures. But it's impossible to dispute that they — and "immigration laws" in general — are not being "enforced right now."
— Adam Isacson
"This is border security on steroids."
— Sen. Bob Corker (R-Tennessee), remarking on an amendment to immigration reform legislation (S. 744) that he and Sen. John Hoeven (R-North Dakota) are introducing in the U.S. Senate.
The Corker amendment would roughly double the size of U.S. Border Patrol to about 40,000 members. Is that a wise use of funds?
The Facts:
Border Patrol has already doubled in size [PDF] since 2005, and quintupled in size since 1993. There were 9,891 agents stationed at the U.S.-Mexico border in 2005; by the end of 2012 there were 18,516.
Meanwhile, border crossings are way down. In 2000, Border Patrol agents apprehended [PDF] 1,643,679 people near the U.S.-Mexico border. By last year, that number had dropped to 356,873.
As the agency grew and border-crossers dropped, the number of "apprehensions per agent" has fallen to historic lows. In 2000 each Border Patrol agent at the U.S.-Mexico border apprehended an average of 192 border-crossers. By 2012 the average was 19 apprehensions per agent.
Given this remarkable drop, is not clear how much more a further doubling of Border Patrol would achieve. Dropping the ratio to 10 apprehensions per agent per year would be a small gain for such a great expense.
That expense would be immense. If we very conservatively estimate the cost of maintaining a Border Patrol officer (salary, benefits, training, vehicles, fuel, uniforms, etc.) at US$100,000 per year, then 20,000 new agents would cost the U.S. Treasury US$2 billion per year. (The agency's current budget [PDF] is about US$3.5 billion.)
An additional US$2 billion per year is far more money than the current Senate immigration reform bill contemplates spending. S.744 foresees up to US$6.5 billion total, to be spent over five-plus years, in new border security funds.
Given these apprehension and staffing trends, doubling Border Patrol does not appear to be the most efficient use of an additional US$2 billion per year.
"For people who are concerned about border security, once they see what's in this bill, it's almost overkill," Sen. Corker said today. We agree with that, except for the "almost."
—Adam Isacson
"The Secretary [of Homeland Security] may not adjust the status of aliens who have been granted registered provisional immigrant status… until … the Secretary has achieved and maintained operational control of the Southern border for the 12-month period immediately preceding such certification. …
"The term 'operational control' means that, within each and every sector of the Southern border, a condition exists in which there is an effectiveness rate, informed by situational awareness, of not lower than 90 percent. …
"The term 'effectiveness rate' means a metric, informed by situational awareness, that measures the percentage calculated by dividing—
(A) the number of illegal border crossers who are apprehended or turned back during a fiscal year … by
(B) the total number of illegal entries in the sector during such fiscal year."
—From the text of Senate Amendment 1251 to S.744, the Border Security, Economic Opportunity, and Immigration Modernization Act, proposed yesterday by Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas) and 15 other Republican Party senators.
As it considers a sweeping immigration reform, the full U.S. Senate is expected to debate and vote on the Cornyn amendment today. Known as the "Requiring Enforcement, Security and safety while Upgrading Lawful Trade and travel Simultaneously (RESULTS)" provision, this amendment would tighten the so-called "trigger": a border security threshold that must first be met in order for undocumented migrants to attain legal status.
In plain English: both the existing immigration reform bill and the Cornyn amendment are gauging border security using a measure that they call an "effectiveness rate." To calculate it, they look at the number of border-crossers that U.S. authorities apprehend, the number who they "turn back" across the border, and the number whom they believe "got away." Both the bill and the amendment call for a 90 percent effectiveness rate. To achieve this threshold, the number of "got aways" would have to be less than 10 percent of the total number of detected border-crossers.
If this 90 percent threshold is not met within five years, the current Senate bill would require a special Southern Border Security Commission to make recommendations for policy changes. An additional US$2 billion in border security funds (over an initial US$4.5 billion) would be available to implement the commission's recommendations. If the 90 percent goal is not met, immigrants seeking to legalize their status would not be affected.
Under the Cornyn amendment, if the 90 percent threshold is not met, immigrants will not be allowed to exit their temporary "provisional immigrant" status and embark on the "path to citizenship."
Some Democrats call this amendment a "poison pill" — a requirement that sets such a high border-security standard that it achieves what they believe to be the amendment's authors' real goal: blocking the "path to citizenship" for currently undocumented migrants.
The Facts:
The border security "trigger" argument hinges on whether the 90 percent "effectiveness rate" is a reasonable standard.
In 2011, statistics from a recent U.S. Government Accountability Office report reveal, the effectiveness rate was 84 percent. The illustration shows where the Border Patrol's nine sectors stood that year (click to enlarge).
The Senate bill would increase spending on border security. Even more law enforcement presence along the border could increase apprehensions, which might appear to bring the 90 percent "effectiveness" goal within reach.
But the new security spending will also include investment in new technologies that, ironically, could make the 90 percent goal more elusive than ever.
A host of new sensors, cameras, drones, radars, and other imagery and detection equipment — some of it developed for Defense Department use in Iraq and Afghanistan — could find a great deal more border crossers who currently go undetected, especially in remote, rural areas. U.S. agencies' new gadgets may tell them that the number of "got aways" is greater than they thought. That was the experience of an early 2013 test run of VADER, a Defense Department radar system, in Arizona. According to a report by the Center for Investigative Reporting, VADER revealed an "effectiveness rate" in Tucson many percentage points lower than the official number.
With technology revealing more "got-aways" than previously thought, the 90 percent threshold could be farther off, not closer. Meanwhile, heightened border security may drive border-crossers to even more remote areas, where actually being on the scene and apprehending people is hardest. Note the conditions right now in the massive Big Bend sector of west Texas, which registered a small number of migrants but the lowest "effectiveness rate" — 68 percent — of all sectors in 2011. Because Big Bend is far from any population centers, it may never become the number-one destination for migrants. But because it is so empty and difficult to patrol, there is still room for massive growth here, and in the neighboring Del Rio sector, if a crackdown succeeds elsewhere.
A look at the numbers, recent geographical migration trends, and the likely impact of better detection technologies leads us to conclude that the 90 percent threshold is unlikely to be met across the entire U.S.-Mexico border. As a result, the Cornyn amendment would probably put the "path to citizenship" out of reach.
— Adam Isacson
Has "lacking border security" led to a halt in commerce or a spillover of violence at the border?
"Less than 10 years ago, a trip from my home state across the border to Nuevo Laredo, one of several Mexican border cities, was routine. As a result, commerce and culture flowed across the border, benefiting both countries. Today, after years of lacking border security efforts, such travel is almost unthinkable. Sadly, the border has turned into a magnet for spillover violence from Central American drug cartels."
— Rep. Michael McCaul (R-Texas), chairman of the House Committee on Homeland Security, in an April 23 op-ed published in Roll Call.
Rep. McCaul is correct that organized crime-related violence in Nuevo Laredo, Mexico, has diminished travel to that city. Our own interviews with business, social and law enforcement leaders in Laredo, Texas found that it had been years since most had crossed the river into Nuevo Laredo.
But the Congressman, whose Austin-area district lies 250 miles from the border, leaves an incorrect impression that cross-border commerce has stopped, and that Nuevo Laredo's violence is spilling over the border into the United States.
The Facts:
Cross-border commerce is busier than ever. According to the Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, in fiscal year 2011 U.S. goods and services trade with Mexico totaled $500 billion. U.S. exports across the border are up 77.6 percent since 2000, while imports are up 93.4 percent.
According to the Department of Justice, Laredo-Nuevo Laredo is the busiest inland port in the nation, "handling more freight than all the U.S. ports of entry to its west combined." More than 700 of the Fortune 1,000 companies do international business via Laredo and "more than 9,000 trucks cross through town per day along with 1,800 loaded rail cars."
The violence in Nuevo Laredo, meanwhile, is not spilling over, according to national crime statistics and local law enforcement.
According to police in Laredo, "violent crime is down and spillover from drug-war violence in Mexico is minimal." Laredo (population 241,000) experienced 10 homicides in 2012.
Its violent crime rate in 2011, the last year for which full data were available (464.6 crimes per 100,000 inhabitants), while higher than the national average, is less than half that of Houston, and lower than San Antonio or Dallas. Laredo's violent crime rate is only a shade higher than Austin (430.1 crimes per 100,000 inhabitants), the largest city within Rep. McCaul's district. In fact, of the 32 Texas cities with 100,000-plus population in 2011, none of the four border cities was among the top 10 most violent (see graphic above).
Statistics show a similar lack of spillover along the border. Throughout the United States, the FBI Uniform Crime Report estimated a violent crime rate of 386.3 per 100,000 inhabitants in 2011. The same data available that year for counties touching the border showed an average of 268.3 violent crimes per 100,000 inhabitants. Border counties experienced 118 fewer violent crimes per 100,000 inhabitants than the country as a whole.
— Adam Isacson (with research assistance from WOLA Intern Elizabeth Glusman)
"Many of my colleagues say, 'Why do we need to do anything more on the border?' and we do. We should do more. … What I learned today is we have adequate manpower, but not adequate technology."
– Sen. Charles Schumer (D-New York), chairman of the Senate Judiciary Subcommittee on Immigration, Refugees and Border Security, while visiting the U.S.-Mexico border in Arizona on March 27.
Sen. Schumer is one of the "gang of eight" senators who are expected to be submitting legislation within the next several days for a sweeping proposed immigration reform.
That proposal may delay changes to U.S. immigration procedures – such as a "path to citizenship" for currently undocumented migrants – until something is first done on border security. That "something" is likely to be a commitment to intensify the past ten years' large-scale buildup in the U.S. border security apparatus.
Sen. Schumer's comments indicate that instead of further increasing manpower – the Border Patrol has doubled since 2005, and quintupled since 1993 [PDF] – this new proposed buildup may focus on technology: sensors, drones, imagery, radar, cameras, communications and similar items along the border.
The Facts:
More technology would give U.S. border security personnel a fuller picture of what is happening at the border, in particular who is crossing. But it will also reveal, in sharp focus, how remarkably difficult the border is to secure.
The challenge is what law-enforcement officials often call the "endgame": the act of bringing personnel to the place where something illegal is happening, and arresting those responsible. On its own, better technology will not ease the endgame.
An analogy is Central America, where U.S. military and Coast Guard assets use radars, aircraft and imagery to follow boats or aircraft suspected of trafficking drugs. Too often, the U.S. technology gets used simply to film traffickers calmly unloading bales of cargo in remote areas of places like eastern Honduras, where there is almost no government presence and little likelihood that authorities will confront them. The remarkable U.S. technology can capture this on video, but with no personnel on the ground, it can do little more than film it.
At the U.S.-Mexico border, something similar may happen in the vast stretches of desert and scrubland that improved U.S. technology would monitor. The new gadgets may find far more border crossers than were previously believed to exist. But they would do little to ease apprehensions.
A very illustrative example comes from an April 4 report by the Center for Investigative Reporting, which obtained documents about a new radar system, used by the Defense Department in Afghanistan, that U.S. Customs and Border Protection began testing along the border in Arizona late last year.
The VADER (Vehicle and Dismount Exploitation Radar) system gave U.S. authorities a troubling result: they found that they have been missing many more crossings than they thought.
"Between October and December, records show, the remotely operated aircraft detected 7,333 border crossers during its Arizona missions. Border Patrol agents, however, reported 410 apprehensions during that time, according to an internal agency report." …
"Another report that highlights what the radar system detected from October to mid-January underscores the agency's struggle to measure results and shows conflicting numbers. Border Patrol agents apprehended 1,874 crossers that the sensor identified, but 1,962 more escaped capture."
The VADER data showed Border Patrol apprehending well under half of the total number of illegal border crossers. This is much poorer than the pre-VADER results Border Patrol had claimed in a February U.S. Government Accountability Office (GAO) report, which found a 5-to-1 ratio of apprehensions to "got-aways" in the Tuscon sector in 2011.
It is not clear, then, whether more technology would help to secure the border, or whether it would merely show authorities more of what they are missing.
High-tech equipment can monitor remote zones that are hours from the nearest Border Patrol stations and miles from the nearest roads. But even if Border Patrol were to double its staffing levels again, it would still not have enough manpower to carry out endgame operations in all of these rugged, inaccessible areas along the 1,969-mile U.S.-Mexico border. Especially since, in many cases, pursuit would have to happen on foot and in conditions of poor ground visibility, especially at night.
In the best of cases, improved technology would help Border Patrol and other U.S. law enforcement agencies respond more quickly to increased crossings in new areas. This would require it to transfer its personnel across sectors much more frequently, a significant hardship to agents with families and roots in their current communities. (Right now, Border Patrol is slow to redeploy personnel. Among its nine Mexico border sectors, its very quiet El Paso sector continues to have the second-highest number of agents.) It would also mean a far greater number of agents spending longer periods in rustic "forward operating bases" in the wilderness, closer to the suspicious activity detected by high-tech sensors.
More technology might help U.S. agencies reorient their resources more nimbly than they do now. But it would not be a panacea for border security. If anything, it would highlight the extreme difficulty of the "endgame."
– Adam Isacson
How common or rare is abuse of migrants in U.S. custody?
"The Department of Homeland Security claims that only three complaints were lodged against Border Patrol detention conditions for the entirety of 2010 (the most current data), a year when agents apprehended more than 463,000 individuals. Only 10 complaints were filed for 'abuse of authority' that year and 13 for 'discrimination.' … Customs and Border Patrol in Washington responded in even more general terms: 'CBP stresses honor and integrity in every aspect of our mission,' an agency spokesperson said by email. 'We do not tolerate abuse within our ranks, and … we are fully committed to protecting the health, safety and human rights of all individuals with whom we interact.'" — John Carlos Frey, "Cruelty on the Border," Salon.com, July 20, 2012
The Facts:
Non-governmental groups have already documented what appears to be a far more widespread problem of migrant abuse while in the custody of U.S. authorities. Last week, a team from the University of Arizona published an extensive study adding new evidence.
To produce In the Shadow of the Wall (PDF), Jeremy Slack, Daniel Martínez, Scott Whiteford, and Emily Peiffer led a team that surveyed 1,113 recent deportees in five Mexican border cities, as well as in Mexico City, between 2010 and 2012.
Of those surveyed:
On the other hand, 57 percent of deportees surveyed said that "everyone" or "the majority" of Border Patrol agents "treated me with respect" Twenty-nine percent said "about half of them treated me with respect." Still, these numbers are indicative of more than just a few "bad apples."
The University of Arizona study recommends a series of measures that Border Patrol and other agencies should take to review their use-of-force guidelines and to improve mechanisms for transparency and dealing with abuse complaints. These include reexamining internal affairs procedures, improving training programs, establishing a chain of custody for migrants' possessions, and reevaluating legal procedures to ensure migrants know what they are signing.
— Adam Isacson
"ATEP [the Alien Transfer Exit Program] is an ongoing program whereby the Office of Border Patrol, in collaboration with ICE's Enforcement and Removal Operations (ERO), moves Mexican nationals apprehended in one Border Patrol Sector to another ERO Area of Responsibility before removing them to Mexico. ATEP breaks the smuggling cycle by repatriating aliens into regions further east or west of their entry location and, thus, preventing them from immediately coordinating with their smugglers for re-entry." — Secretary of Homeland Security Janet Napolitano, congressional testimony, May 3, 2011
The ATEP program deports tens of thousands of migrants each year to Mexican border cities hundreds or thousands of miles from where they were apprehended. Critics of the program claim that it routinely separates families, and endangers migrants by dropping them off — often in the middle of the night — in unfamiliar border cities dominated by organized-crime groups who prey upon or even seek to recruit them. Defenders of ATEP say that these "lateral transfers" deter migrants from attempting to cross again.
The Facts:
A team from the University of Arizona has published an extensive study this week raising important concerns about the ATEP program. They find that the program rarely discourages repeat border crossings.
To produce In the Shadow of the Wall (PDF), Jeremy Slack, Daniel Martínez, Scott Whiteford, and Emily Peiffer led a team that surveyed 1,113 recent deportees in five Mexican border cities, as well as in Mexico City, between 2010 and 2012.
Their surveys lead them to conclude that ATEP "appears to have no impact on whether or not people will cross again." In an e-mail communication, study co-author Daniel Martínez told WOLA that the 18 percent of surveyed deportees who were repatriated far from their point of apprehension were just as likely as other deportees to say they intended to attempt the crossing again.
"People who go through ATEP actually report intending to cross again at a higher rate than people who do not (31% of those processed through ATEP intend to cross within a week, compared to 24% of those who were not laterally repatriated). However, after one controls for various factors, the effect of ATEP on future crossings in not statistically significant. Ultimately, I can confidently say that ATEP does not influence future crossing decisions."
The study also notes that of all deportees (including non-ATEP deportees), fully 18 percent were dropped off in Mexican border cities between the hours of 10:00PM and 5:00AM, a time when all basic services are closed and public security conditions are worst. Many of these night deportations are part of a surprising recent "increase in deportation to Mexico's northeastern border where drug fueled violence has had a huge impact on migrants."
The study recommends ending ATEP and ceasing night deportations.
— Adam Isacson
"I was surprised, and frankly disappointed, to learn that the Border Patrol has four drones deployed in Arizona but only has the resources to fly two of them — and even then they cannot fly them every day of the week."
— Sen. Tom Carper (D-Delaware), chairman of the Senate Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs, at a March 14, 2013 hearing.
The Facts:
Perhaps even more surprising is the cost involved with operating a drone like the four MQ-9 Predator-B aircraft currently stationed at Libby Army Airfield in Sierra Vista, Arizona.
"For Fiscal Year 2010, DHS reported that its Predator B (a variant of DOD's Reaper) costs approximately $3,234 per flight hour," the U.S. Government Accountability Office reported in 2011. "This is the total direct and indirect cost, including fuel, maintenance, support services, and labor."
Another three unmanned aircraft (two Predator-Bs and a Predator-B maritime variant) are currently patrolling the eastern part of the border from bases at Naval Station Corpus Christi, Texas and Cape Canaveral, Florida.
According to the Department of Homeland Security Inspector-General [PDF], the seven drones' "desired capability" would be to operate for 13,328 flight hours per year. At the per-hour cost cited above, this would require US$43.1 million per year. That alone would equal about 9 percent of the entire operations, maintenance, and procurement budget for Customs and Border Protection's Air and Marine branch (US$504 million), which employs 271 aircraft and 301 vessels throughout the United States and elsewhere in the world.
The Department of Homeland Security has declared its intention to increase the southwest border drone fleet to 11 by 2016. At this same rate, this would push the yearly cost to US$67.7 million.
Because they are so costly to operate, these drones may spend a lot of time on the ground over the next few years. It would seem that some of this is a result of a miscalculation by Customs and Border Protection (CBP), which has bought more drones than it can afford to operate. "CBP had not adequately planned for resources needed to support the current unmanned aircraft inventory," notes the 2012 report [PDF] from the DHS Inspector-General, which adds that "CBP has not ensured that adequate resources are available to effectively operate its unmanned aircraft."
The drones' performance on the border, meanwhile, has been modest so far in terms of drugs seized or migrants detected: "The amount of illicit drugs seized in Predator raids is 'not impressive,'" Michael Kostelnik, the head of CBP Air and Marine, told the Los Angeles Times in 2012.
The problem is likely to worsen this year as CBP — the large DHS agency of which the Air and Marine Branch is one part — is seeing its budget cut by about 5 percent, or US$512 million, as a result of sequestration.
An interesting final note: while Sen. Carper (who has a lifetime 87/100 "liberal" rating from Americans for Democratic Action) pushed at the March 14 hearing for more drones at the border, it was the Committee's ranking Republican, Sen. Tom Coburn (R-Oklahoma, with a lifetime 98/100 "conservative" rating from the American Conservative Union), who voiced civil-liberties concerns.
"I have also questioned the Secretary [of Homeland Security] about her approval of the use of drones. In a March 2nd C- NET article, it was reported the DHS has customized its drone fleet to carry out domestic surveillance missions such as 'identifying civilians carrying guns and tracking their cell phones,' which fly in the face of civil liberties. We must ask whether the trade off in terms of border security is worth the privacy sacrifice."
— Adam Isacson
"I was just down there last week. I was with the National Guard. I was in a Blackhawk. I saw them on the other side, the drug cartels, ready to come across in the middle of the night. It is not secure. … The ranchers will tell you, if you sit down and talk to them, that they're fearful, that the Border Patrol is too far north. They need to get closer to the border because they let them go so far, and then they just sort of blend in, and they're destroying their land and destroying their cattle, they're destroying their water."
— Arizona Governor Jan Brewer, interviewed on Fox News, February 22, 2013.
"It's like living in a no man's land. The Border Patrol doesn't really protect us. They try to arrest people north of us mainly. I feel that the United States has made a decision not to guard the border where they should. we should guard the border at the border."
— Rancher Jim Chilton of Arivaca, Arizona, interviewed by Mark Potter of NBC News, February 17, 2013. Potter also interviewed Chilton in December: "'The druggers outrageously use my land at will,' said Chilton, who frequently finds evidence of smugglers on his land — well-worn trails, cut fences, discarded water bottles, clothing and shoes."
The Facts:
While Gov. Brewer and Mr. Chilton seem to conflate migrants and drug traffickers, they have a point. The U.S.-Mexico border is safer than it has been in decades, and state data show Arizona's border counties experiencing double-digit drops in common crime over the past decade. But there are still areas of the border where people can plausibly claim to feel insecure as migrants and smugglers cross their property.
What is different than even the recent past, though, is that the areas where people feel threatened are ever more remote and unpopulated. The nearest town to Mr. Chilton is Arivaca (population 695), near the border southwest of Tucson, part of U.S. Census tract 43.16. In 2010, the Census Bureau found only 3,599 individuals living in this entire 998-square-mile zone.
The security concerns of ranchers in these remote areas are valid. But there are good reasons why the security presence is not at the level ranchers like Mr. Chilton demand — and they don't have to do with official blindness to "real" security conditions.
It is in places like these where the cost and difficulty of border security grow substantially higher for each additional border mile, or piece of private property, covered. What sort of force would it take to patrol a 50,000-acre ranch, especially at night? Particularly when it is located two or more hours' drive away from Border Patrol stations in a sector that already has eight? And when it includes border areas so rugged, steep or unstable that tall fencing — whose construction in more favorable circumstances costs US$3.9 million per mile — cannot be built?
View Border Patrol stations in the Tucson Sector
But cost may not even be the main issue. Of all nine U.S.-Mexico border sectors, Tucson has by far the most Border Patrol agents: 4,176 in 2012. That is 23 percent of the entire Border Patrol force along the Mexico border, in a sector that comprises just 13 percent of border miles. On average, each Tucson sector agent apprehended 29 migrants in 2012, down from 398 in 2000.
Lack of capacity, then, is not the reason why ranchers and Gov. Brewer aren't getting the level of coverage they demand. Instead, it is a factor of how Border Patrol has chosen to allocate resources: officials believe that it is more effective to man checkpoints in areas several miles north of the border. "I would get less out of putting those agents on the line than having them operate those checkpoints," an Arizona-based Customs and Border Protection offical told NBC News.
Ranchers' concerns could be assuaged by increasing patrols, improving response times, and establishing closer coordination between them and law enforcement. But there is another dimension to ranchers' security concerns: they are taking on a large political importance as Washington debates a possible comprehensive immigration reform.
A proposal [PDF] being developed by a bipartisan group of senators would require the border to be judged "secure" before immigration reforms, such as a "path to citizenship," could go forward. It is possible, then, that ranchers' fears in some of the most remote parts of the border could block immigration reform nationwide.
This is something that Gov. Brewer endorses: "I believe that until the ranchers, law enforcement, is satisfied and they tell us that this border is secured, there's not going to be a whole lot of movement [on immigration reform]," she told Fox News.
Achieving zero border-crossers, though, has proved impossible even in zones that the Border Patrol considers to be under "operational control." If full security in even the remotest areas is to be the standard for immigration reform, such reform may never happen.
— Adam Isacson
"[W]e have to have control to the level we have on the Yuma sector today, and we can achieve it and it's doable, so we'll do it."
— Sen. John McCain (R-Arizona), January 31, 2012
John McCain is one of eight senators, from both parties, who issued a proposal for immigration reform on Monday. The senators' proposal establishes a "path to citizenship" for undocumented migrants. But as their plan foresees it, this reform wouldn't begin until "enforcement measures have been completed" and a commission of state governors, attorneys-general, and community leaders certifies that the border is secure.
In other words, the senators' plan requires that border security come first, before immigration reform. The White House's plan, introduced Tuesday, does not include this condition. Whether the border must first be "secure" is emerging as a central point of disagreement.
The eight senators don't seem to agree, though, what "secure" means. "If we made the path to citizenship contingent on a safe and secure border, and just used that phrase, then it's in the eye of the beholder. It will always be subjective," said Sen. Richard Durbin (D-Illinois).
But Republicans McCain and Marco Rubio (R-Florida) define a secure border rather strictly. The Associated Press reports:
"Rubio has said that 'operational security' of the 2,000-mile border should be achieved before illegal immigrants can begin to achieve citizenship. He's defined that as law enforcement having a very high probability of being able to prevent somebody from illegally crossing the border or apprehending them if they do. A Government Accountability Office report in 2011 said that of the nine southwestern border sectors, only the Yuma, Ariz., sector had reported full operational security. [Also called 'operational control.']"
The Facts:
The Yuma sector, encompassing the border in far eastern California and far western Arizona, is one of nine sectors into which Border Patrol divides the U.S.-Mexico border. Of all nine, it is the sector that has seen the steepest drop in apprehensions of migrants (and thus, presumably, the steepest drop in migrant crossings) since 2005: from 138,000 apprehensions that year to 6,000 in 2011.
Holding all nine border sectors to the Yuma standard of "operational security," though, may be too high a standard. The Yuma sector is something of an outlier.
It has no major destination cities to attract migrants; the sector's only significant population centers within 200 miles of the border are Yuma (population 95,000), Blythe (21,000) and Wellton (3,000), Arizona. Only two north-south roads, neither an interstate highway, parallel the Colorado river. The terrain is empty desert.
Google Maps satellite view of the Yuma sector.
The Yuma sector has only three Border Patrol stations. This is the least of all nine sectors, some of which have 12. It ranks seventh among the nine sectors in the number of miles of border that must be guarded (126), so it is not unusual that it should be eighth in migrant apprehensions.
Yet despite these advantages, the Yuma sector shows how difficult "operational security" is to maintain, much less to define. In 2012, Yuma was one of four sectors to register an increase in migrant apprehensions — a 14 percent rise, with 40 percent of those caught coming from countries other than Mexico (principally Central America).
If immigration reform must wait until all nine border sectors have reached the standard of Yuma today, as Senators McCain and Rubio indicate, then immigration reform may have to wait a long time.
— Adam Isacson
In late 2010, DHS reported that it could respond to illegal activity along only 44 percent of the Southwest border, leaving 7,500 border miles inadequately protected.
— Rep. Michael McCaul (R-Texas), chairman of the House Homeland Security Subcommittee on Oversight, Investigations, and Management, November 15, 2012.
The Facts:
The 44 percent statistic comes from a February 2011 report from the U.S. Government Accountability Office (GAO), based on interviews with Border Patrol. In the report, GAO found that Border Patrol had "operational control" of 873 miles of the 1,969-mile U.S.-Mexico border, or 44 percent. (The report did not investigate conditions at the United States' 5,525-mile border with Canada, the remainder of Rep. McCaul's 7,500-mile figure.)
Rep. McCaul's statement implies that the term "operational control" means U.S. authorities "could respond to illegal activity." In fact, the standard is significantly higher.
GAO defines operational control as "Border Patrol was able to detect, respond, and interdict cross-border illegal activity." The 2006 Secure Fence Act has an even more stringent definition: "the prevention of all unlawful entries into the United States, including entries by terrorists, other unlawful aliens, instruments of terrorism, narcotics, and other contraband."
By that standard, it is remarkable that U.S. authorities believed that they had so much control of 873 miles of terrain that nothing at all could cross the line. And the same GAO report found that, between 2005 and 2010, Border Patrol had added an average of 126 miles per year of border under operational control. If that rate continued in 2011 and 2012, then 1,125 miles of border — 57 percent — might be under operational control today.
(Chart from Februrary 2011 GAO report.)
We don't know how much of the border is under operational control today, however. The Department of Homeland Security abandoned "operational control" as a measure of performance in 2011, opting instead for more of a "spectrum" or "continuum" approach than an "on or off" standard.
— Adam Isacson


text:
Sep 1, 2014 | Posted in Uncategorized
Planning and Development Applications
Business Bundaberg Alert is pleased to announce a new capability, which will provide a regular update of activity within the Bundaberg Regional Council Planning & Development section.
Read More »
Aug 29, 2014 | Posted in Media Release
NBN Cost Benefit Analysis
A recently released cost-benefit analysis of the NBN confirms that there are real economic and social
advantages in deploying high-speed broadband infrastructure to
Australian households and businesses.
Read More »
Aug 29, 2014 | Posted in Media Release
Telstra to Commence Commercial Trials of 4G Services over 700 MHz in Bundaberg
Telstra is currently preparing for the launch of 4G services using 700
MHz spectrum, with a commercial trial set to take place in Bundaberg.
Read More »
Aug 26, 2014 | Posted in Uncategorized
Bundaberg Digital Enterprise Program
The Bundaberg Digital Enterprise Program assists small-to-medium size businesses and not-for-profits with how they can maximise the opportunities from greater digital engagement.
Find out how to get involved!
Read More »
If you are interested in exporting your products this forum is not to be missed.
Topics will include:
What products can be exported to where?
What support is available to help you export?
How do you link emerging markets?
Bundaberg Regional Council is seeking EOI's from experienced web and application developers to participate in this year's GovHack 2014 event.
The Australian Food and Grocery Council (AFGC) is hosting a workshop on energy efficiency in Bundaberg. The workshop will demonstrate the practical applications of the tools developed through the AFGC's empower program.
What are the latest technologies assisting you to increase productivity?
What trends may effect your business and how can you capitalise?
These questions and more will be answered at the Innovations, Trends & Opportunities for Agribusiness Forum

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Can anybody tell how I can configure my tor to use only US proxies?
Take the 2-minute tour ×
Ask Ubuntu is a question and answer site for Ubuntu users and developers. It's 100% free, no registration required.
Vidalia, open settings, advanced Add this to your torrc file:
ExcludeNodes {be},{pl},{ca},{za},{vn},{uz},{ua},{tw},{tr},{th}, {sk},{sg},{se},{sd},{sa},{ru},{ro},{pt},{ph},{pa}, {nz},{np},{no},{my},{mx},{md},{lv},{lu},{kr},{jp}, {it},{ir},{il},{ie},{id},{hr},{hk},{gr},{gi},{gb}, {fi},{es},{ee},{dk},{cz},{cy},{cr},{co},{cn},{cl}, {ci},{ch},{by},{br},{bg},{au},{at},{ar},{aq},{ao}, {ae},{nl},{de},{fr}


text:
BreakPoint Blog
How Not to Attack Evolution
Topics: Health & Science, Religion & Society
Thank you for the link and the encouraging words, Jeff.
Who believes in intelligent design? A majority of Protestant physicians, for one. Less than 40% of total physicians are persuaded that a naturalistic framework is sufficient to explain the origin and complexity of life. Given that physicians vastly outnumber PhD level biologists, it is possible that a majority of all scientists do not accept evolution with all of its implications. http://thecatscanner.blogspot.com
I'll second that recommendation. That is one excellent post. Thank you for linking to it, Jeff.
Those are good tips for any sort of debate or heated discussion, not just for ID vs evolution. Thanks for the good read.


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Want to combine further study with tradition, culture, scenery and socialising? Ireland could be the perfect place for you to carry on learning
There are numerous types of higher education institutions in Ireland:
The entry requirements for postgraduate study differ from university to university, course to course. However, most courses require an undergraduate degree, usually a minimum of a 2:2, in a related discipline.
Make sure you understand the requirements for the specific course that interests you before applying and contact the institution to clarify if necessary.
Citizens of the European Union (EU) are entitled to attend university in Ireland or any EU country (this means the 27 member states plus Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway). The same conditions apply to all EU citizens whether a national of the country or not. This means that you are not required to pay higher course fees than Irish students and you are entitled to apply for any grants available to help with tuition fees.
Average course fees in Ireland for EU students are approximately €5,000 and considerably higher for non-EU students.
Ireland also operates a free fees scheme for undergraduate study, which is available to EU nationals who meet a range of other criteria. For more information, see Citizens Information - Third-Level Student Fees and Charges .
The Irish Student Grant Scheme is split into two parts: maintenance grants; and fee grants.
Maintenance grants go towards students' general living costs and are usually means tested. They also have a number of conditions based on nationality, residence and immigration status.
Eligibility of postgraduates for this kind of funding is prone to change and you may not be eligible if you are an EU student who hasn't lived in Ireland before. To check whether you can receive a maintenance grant, visit Citizens Information - Grants for Students in Further and Higher Education or Student Finance Ireland .
Fee grants are designed to cover students' tuition fees, cost of field trips or student contribution. Eligibility of EU students is also subject to stringent requirements.
Other institutions may offer separate grants or bursaries.
Non-EU/European Economic Area (EEA) students are ineligible for Student Grant Scheme funding.
Students attending UK universities can take part in the EU's education, training and youth support programme Erasmus+ . The scheme replaces its predecessor 'Erasmus' and offers study, training, work experience and voluntary placements to millions of young people, students and adults. Opportunities last from three months to one academic year.
Financial support is available through the Erasmus+ initiative to any UK public, private or not-for-profit organisation actively involved in education and training.
Your university must have a formal agreement with a partner university in Ireland. Check that your university is involved in the programme and offers the Erasmus+ scheme in your subject.
Speak to the Erasmus+ coordinator at your university about available opportunities.
As an EU citizen, you are permitted to live in any EU country while studying as long as you:
Some countries require you to register with the local authority after three months. Find out how to register at Europa - Rights, Conditions and Formalities .
If you are a non-EU student, find out your visa requirements for studying in Ireland at Citizens Information - Student Visas to Study in Ireland .
If you're thinking of working in Ireland, do some background research and find out more about the country before packing up your belongings and booking your travel to the Emerald Isle
The key sectors of the Irish economy are services, industry and exportation.
Within industry, chemicals, computer equipment and textiles are all big contributors to gross domestic product (GDP).
Trade and exportation have grown hugely in recent years. The country is one of the world's largest software exporters thanks to low taxation, its geographical location and the fact that English is an official language of the country.
As a result, there is a range of large multinational companies with offices in Ireland, including Microsoft, IBM and Intel.
Ireland was hit significantly by the global economic downturn, which caused firms to cut back on recruitment. The outlook now appears to be improving.
Sectors that are in need of skilled workers include IT, accounting, insurance, healthcare and engineering. Candidates without work experience or third-level qualifications may, however, be overlooked.
Search for jobs in Ireland at:
Because of the competitive job market in Ireland, candidates are more likely to secure a role in the country if they have relevant work experience.
Depending on the industry in which you want to work, you could contact firms individually to see if they have a scheme in place.
You may also be able to gain work experience with the National Training and Employment Authority (FAS) - Work Placement Programme .
Alternatively, there are numerous services for helping people secure work experience, including:
Internships and summer work placements for students can also be arranged by:
Voluntary work is a great way of boosting your CV and showing prospective employers that you are dedicated to learning and improving your skills.
Volunteer Ireland , the country's single national volunteering organisation, assists people who want to help out across the country.
The European Commission (EC) funds a scheme called The European Voluntary Service (EVS) , which is aimed at people aged 18 to 30 wishing to volunteer abroad. It offers young people the chance to volunteer for up to 12 months in a number of European and non-European countries.
Opportunities vary from placements concerned with sport and culture to others focused on social care and the environment. For successful applicants, accommodation, travel, food and insurance are all covered by a European grant and you even receive a personal allowance each month.
Make sure you thoroughly research all volunteering opportunities and always check the terms and conditions before committing yourself to a scheme.
English and Irish (also known as Gaelic or Gaeilge) are the two official languages of Ireland, although English is the first language of the majority of the country.
Despite Irish not being spoken on a daily basis, it is an important part of the country's heritage and identity.
Good English skills will be sufficient for most jobs, although some knowledge of Irish might help.
According to the EC, European Union (EU) citizens have the right to:
For more information and to check what conditions and restrictions apply, see:
A Personal Public Service (PPS) number is a unique reference number offering access to public services and social welfare benefits. It is automatically issued to all Irish citizens. Non-Irish nationals can apply for a PPS number on arrival in the country. For more information, visit Citizens Information - Personal Public Service Number .
EU nationals may also be able to transfer certain types of health and social security coverage to their host country. For country-specific information on social security entitlements, see European Commission - Your Rights Country by Country .


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FORT WAYNE, Ind. (AP) — Indiana lawmakers appear determined to ease state gun regulations this year despite reservations from local officials and, some advocates say, gun owners themselves.
''I wish the Legislature would spend more time making it harder for dangerous people to get guns rather than making it easier to have guns wherever you want,'' said Paul Helmke, former Fort Wayne mayor and head of the Brady Center to Prevent Gun Violence.
"Fireworks" is what one thinks of during celebrations, such as at the Fourth of July.
However, in this area, Fireworks means an ultra-modern way of fighting fires or handling other emergencies inside buildings.
The idea was laid out briefly during the recent annual State of the Schools program at a luncheon meeting of the Decatur Chamber of Commerce at Woodcrest Retirement Community.
Moments of silence often last only 15 or 20 seconds, but the one observed on Thursday evening at Geneva for influential banker and civic linchpin James D. Briggs Jr. was lengthier than usual, running at least one minute.
The solemn tribute to Briggs, one of the most veteran financiers in Indiana, came less than one hour after he died, at age 89, in Adams Memorial Hospital.
Briggs led Bank of Geneva for decades and his son, Andrew, is the current bank president.
Dual theatrical events are scheduled on Saturday, April 30, at Bellmont High School:
The musical "The Phantom of the Opera" will begin its two-day run with a large cast and crew of BHS students.
Should the school day start at 8:30 a.m. instead of 8?
That question is being considered again by the Adams Central school board, which has weekly teacher professional development sessions on Wednesdays that push that day's class starts back to 8:30.
They came, they met, they celebrated.
That was Thursday evening's annual meeting of the Geneva Chamber of Commerce, at which five awards were presented. More than 40 people attended.
A lengthy moment of silence was observed for influential banker and civic linchpin James D. Briggs Jr. who died, at age 89, in Adams Memorial Hospital a short time before the meeting.
A 25-year-old construction worker from Fort Wayne died Wednesday at Adams Memorial Hospital a short time after being hit while on the job by the wheels of a tractor-trailer truck at a highway project at S. 13th St. and Winchester St.
City police, who investigated the tragedy, said Ryan D. Zimmerman was pronounced dead at the hospital after being rushed there from the scene by Adams County Emergency Medical Service. EMS personnel performed cardio-pulmonary resuscitation on him during the ambulance trip.
Tighter state requirements governing school nutrition guidelines have forced North Adams Community Schools to boost lunch prices for the 2011-2012 school year.
Erin Ripley, food service director for the school district, addressed the changes — some of which are already in place, and others which are expected to be imposed — during Tuesday evening's meeting of the North Adams school board.
One lone applicant for a soon-to-be-vacant seat on the North Adams school board will be interviewed on April 26 by the four remaining board members.
With the term of sitting board member Juan Gutierrez to expire on June 30, the board earlier had announced it was accepting applications from persons interested in filling that pending vacancy. The deadline for submissions was last Friday.
South Adams Schools board member and random drug testing policy committee chairman Steve Dobler recommended at Tuesday's school board meeting that the random drug testing policy be enforced at the beginning of the 2011-12 school year.
"I think it will be a good thing for our students," he said.


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Police in Gwinnett County are looking for a gunman who shot and killed a man in broad daylight in a hotel parking lot.
Police said they have obtained a warrant for Phillip Pugh in connection to the deadly shooting.
The victim, 50-year-old Vincent Newsome, was washing a 1967 Chevy when police tell CBS 46 he ran to the second floor of the InTown Suites on Stone Mountain Highway in Lilburn.
Newsome lived at the hotel but it's unclear why he went upstairs. Police say another man shot Newsome several times in the hotel's breezeway then ran away.
Other hotel guests and people in nearby businesses heard the shots. Some even watched the gunman run off.
Jason and Leila Barnett live in a first floor unit and saw Newsome washing the car just outside their door. Moments later they heard what sounded like "folding chairs" falling on the ground. The couple ran up the stairs to see what happened.
"We was upstairs, I was helping him. He got shot in his back, lower back, his hand," said Jason Barnett. "He was facing down and also another shot in his stomach."
"I was telling him 'stay calm, don't move,'" Leila Barnett explained. "He wasn't yelling. He was just laying there gasping for breath. And I was trying to tell him you know, to relax because he was trying to get up," she said, near tears. "And I was telling him, 'relax, relax. Everything's gonna be OK.' And he pretty much did what I said."
Rescue crews rushed Newsome to Gwinnett Medical Center where he later died from multiple gunshot wounds.
Gwinnett police crime scene investigators gathered evidence at the hotel at 4142 Highway 78. Investigators spent several hours talking to guests and nearby business people.
Robert High is another resident of the InTown Suites. It was his friend's car Newsome was detailing Saturday afternoon. He said he knew Newsome well, calling him friendly.
"He came and was always trying to make a buck and hustle and do people's cars," said High, a former police officer. "And I've never heard anybody have a beef with him. So I have no idea what transpired."
Collier Daily, director of marketing and communications for InTown Suites, issued this statement Saturday afternoon:
"At this time, we're working with local authorities in this matter and would refer any questions to them so as not to jeopardize the investigation."
Police said Pugh may be driving a tan 1994 Toyota Land Cruiser with GA Tag PHQ-2960.
Anyone with information is asked to contact Gwinnett County police.
Copyright 2014 WGCL-TV (Meredith Corporation). All rights reserved.
Daniele Watts said she was detained by police on Thursday because they thought she was a prostitute.


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- Ellen Feig
- Yonkers, NY
- United States
Professor, Bergen Community College
This conversation is closed.
Can one teach young people to be moral? Is morality something that must be taught in the home? Is it innate?
Currently I am working on a professional development platform focused on teaching college students ethics and morality. Young people seem to be incredibly disengaged from others, have little sense of what it means to be moral, gracious or ethical and don't care. How can we teach morality or is it something that is innate?
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Jan 24 2013: Most of our fairytale culture is based on the idea to teach moral concepts to young people, yet there is no guarantee that what is taught will be taken. As moral itself is no constant entirety and is constantly changing and mixed by religious, political and social 'belief systems', it is a task on its own for each generation to do their best in trying to hand over what deems right for them in that moment in time.
If you, as you describe, deal with young people who already 'don't care', your question is without doubt a good one!
When I look at myself, I got all of my 'moral core values' exclusively within my family and at very young age. And this without being directly taught, like, 'Today my dear we will teach you about 'lieing', 'stealing' and 'envying' .. :o)
It was the overall 'atmosphere' and exemplary living of all the family members - besides my older brother, of course ... :o), which was carefully guiding into directions I was able to choose from. At times with consequences if my choice wasn't welcome, yet also with understanding and support at times where I had to find my own ways.
I personally belief, that a positive childhood in love and care is the most influential factor for the development of a strong moral compass and that 'outside' institutions like childcare, kindergarten and schools are hopelessly over-strained to compensate for that.
If I just look at the increasing number of children in Germany with speech disorders due to a lack of communication within their families, I would not be surprised, if 'their' moral development is lacking enough 'input' too.
As children and in terms of behavior we are choosing our role-models instinctively. This can be parents, grandparents or close relatives or even friends of the family. Important, I think is, in either case the continuity and closeness of this relationship for 'moral behavior' to transfer, as it comes as a trial and error process as well, which needs 'supervision' and constant 'correction'.
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from lovefibres
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Have you made this pattern?
Share with the Craftsy community.
This pattern contains instructions for 6 sizes from newborn up to child (5T+)
and has both knitting in the round instructions AND knit flat on two needle instructions.
It's simple and cute, and looks just as good on a newborn as it does a very "grown-up" 7 yr old
It means you can knit matching hats for a new arrival and their older sister.
The flower looks intricate but is incredibly simple to knit and there are stage by stage photos to guide you
20sts and 26 rounds/rows to $" (10cm) square in stockinette
I've crafted all my life. I learned to knit and sew at about the age of 4 and haven't looked back. I made my own wedding dress, and I spent many happy years as a designer/tutor for UK papercraft companies and I have written magazine projects for papercraft. knitting and sewing. Now happily retired, I spend most of my time crafting! :)


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Here's the statement from Assemblywoman Teresa Sayward (R-Willsboro)
"Today the New York State legislature became the sixth state to legalize same-sex marriage. I am proud to have been a part of the movement to bring equality to all loving couples in New York State. I understand first hand the struggles gays, lesbians and their families have faced over the years. History will record June 24 as the day New York State voted to end discrimination by granting same-sex couples the right to marry."
State Sen. Betty Little, meanwhile, issued the following statment:
"I voted against the measure, but agreed with my conference that a vote needed to be taken. We live in a representative democracy. The citizens have a right to know where their representatives stand on this and any other issue."
Tags: gay marriage, glbt


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Eileen Fisher Stretch-Crêpe Slim Ankle Pants - Regular 56 56
versatile pants these are great to dress up or down, great fit - i'm 130 lbs 5'4" and wear an XS in EF - they are a bit pricey but I got them on sale. September 2, 2014
Wardrobe Classic These pants will last season after season as a wardrobe staple. They can be quite dressy while still feeling as comfy as a pair of sweats. However, they are very expensive! August 21, 2014
Great pants Comfortable flattering pants. I am a little between sizes, and so the waist was a little large but overall, they fit great. Look nice with tunics, and I'm looking forward to wearing them with my boots in the fall. August 21, 2014
don't understand I am a big GH and EF fan and actually have these crepe pants that I had purchased a few years ago and showed signs of wear. To my disappointment, these newly-purchased pants were considerably thinner, buckled at the knee and hit at an unflattering point at the ankle. Most of all I am disappointed in the shapeless outline of these flimsy pants and will return, though for what I do not know--I really need some black easy pants right now that will go from work to play. And the price, given the quality, is way over the top. Really expected to give these pants 5 stars. May 13, 2014
great basic These are very basic, comfy pants. I am 5'4 and 120 and the 6 fit perectly. Nice weight for all seasons in the northern US. April 6, 2014
Love these pants Not sure I would have purchased these if I had not gotten them on sale...they are pricey! That said...I love these pants and have worn them no less than 5 times in two weeks. I ordered a small and I am 145 and 5'3". March 31, 2014
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I am 5'4" and weigh 145. Normally I wear size 10. What size would you recommend for these pants?
Age: Over 65
Gender: Female
7 months ago
New York
Answer:We are not able to make a size recommendation with height and weight information. We would recommend comparing your body measurements with our sizing chart to find your best size. Please note that garment measurements are also provided for this item on our site.
7 months ago
Answer:I recommend a size Small. I am your height, 5"4", and I weigh 130, and the XS fits me fine. They are on the voluminous side.
6 months ago
Minneapolis, MN
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I wear between a 6 and 8. Purchased the Eileen F crepe skirt in small and it fits comfortably. I know that many Garnet Hill clothes fit full. I am 5'4" and a toned 140 lb. Do I order s or xs?
Age: 55-64
Gender: Female
1 year, 10 months ago
Los Angeles
Answer:Here are the garment measurements of the XS and S to help you decide:
XS(04-06) Relaxed waist 29.75", Hip 37", Back Rise 14 5/8" and Inseam 28"
S(08-10) Relaxed Waist 32", Hip 38.5", Back Rise 14.5" and Inseam 28"
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Answer:The leg opening is the garment measurement around the opening at the bottom of the pant.
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1 year ago
Answer:These do not have a yoke waist band.
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Age: Over 65
Gender: Female
6 months ago
Answer:The regular has an inseam of 28 1/2" and the petite has an inseam of 26".
6 months ago
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Information is power. But like all power, there are those who want to keep it for themselves.—Aaron Swartz I have been a PhD student for less than two years. On the other hand, for six years, I have been a member of the free culture movement, which emphasizes the importance of access to and... Read more
Open access overview: Focusing on open access to peer-reviewed research articles and their preprints
This is an introduction to open access (OA) for those who are new to the concept. It doesn't cover every nuance or answer every objection, but it should cover enough territory to prevent the misunderstandings that delayed progress in our early days.


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Could the Group from Shaun of the Dead Get Busted... ...For Breaking Into The Winchester? (Vista Criminal Law )So, 1 in 10 Americans Think HTML is a STD. We're...http://www.neatorama.com/2014/03/06/Neatolinks-HTML-is-Not-An-STD-Pass-That-On-to-Your-Friends/
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I wanted you. and I was looking for you. but I couldn't find you. I wanted you. and I was looking for you all day. but I couldn't find you. I couldn't find you. you're walking. and you don't alw
Ealize it, but you're always falling. with each step you fall forward slightly. and then catch yourself from falling. over and over, you're falling. and then catching yourself from falling. and
Is how you can be walking and falling at the same time.
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John Eales
Brumbies' story not over
John Eales Unfortunately, decades from now when buffs trawl through the annals of the 2013 season, the Chiefs' 27-22 victory in Saturday's Super Rugby grand final won't begin to capture the season's story.
John Eales
Absence of trust lets down a team
John Eales Leadership was not simply on the agenda in Australia this week, it was the agenda. Political leadership that is; even the kids, who usually find politics about as interesting as their homework, were...
John Eales
One-eyed view from west of Rottnest
John Eales You can never please everyone. Last week Sharks coach John Plumtree criticised the current conference system of Super Rugby, arguing it is unfair.
John Eales
Tahs have the attitude, now for the excellence
John Eales The Liberal National Party challenger for the seat of Nicklin in the Queensland state election had to effect a 16.
John Eales
Talent makes up for perceived lack of depth
John Eales Sometimes there are moments in a game that set the theme, other times there are moments which completely turn a game on its head.
John Eales
Forget the maths, Beale's the standout number
John Eales It seems to be that time of year when Super Rugby coaches turn to their ability as mathematicians as much as their knowledge of rugby.
John Eales
Brumbies sitting high on the ladder to success
John Eales Australia's top seed going into the Super Rugby finals, and perhaps our only seed, will probably be the Brumbies.
John Eales
Reds confident at the pointy end of the season
John Eales Former hard-as-nails Wallaby and now dentist Brendan Nasser, who Gordon Bray described as having corpses in his dental chair, once told me that he never misses a Queensland Reds game live.


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How does the amount of food monarch larvae receive affect their wing size and coloration?
Posts Tagged 'wings'
Monarch Diet and MigrationSaturday, April 5th, 2014
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An ancestor of hummingbirds and swifts had very small wings.
Roadkill and Wing SizeWednesday, March 20th, 2013
Swallows in Nebraska have evolved shorter wingspans to stay away from cars.
Animal PatternsFriday, April 9th, 2010
The colorful patterns in animals from fish to birds to insects to snakes, where do they come from?
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Scorsese, DiCaprio Uniting For Fourth Time
filmmaker, Martin Scorsese, and his favorite actor, Leonardo DiCaprio, will
work together for the fourth time on next year's "
Paramount Pictures and Columbia Pictures announced yesterday.
The ageless Scorsese, who turns 167 next month, has always
had a weird, almost creepy relationship with the much younger DiCaprio (Remember that prolonged hug at the Oscars last year?). Despite
suspicions of pedophilia, however, the duo has churned out three Oscar-winning
films over the past five years: Gangs of
(2004) and last year's The Departed. Their new one, based on the Dennis
Lehane novel of the same name, will be the third Lehane novel-turned-movie
in recent years: he also penned
Baby, Gone (2007).
The story takes place in 1954, and DiCaprio will play a U.S.
Marshal investigating the disappearance of a murderess who escaped from an
insane asylum and is hiding on the remote
And don't worry, my sources have already assured me that no rats will crawl
across the screen in front of the
this movie.