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Comic 170
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*In [[Comic 159]], Steve also ends up opening a door and allowing evil creatures into the world. Which is what Beaver is probably referring to with "No more running gags".
*In [[Comic 159]], Steve also ends up opening a door and allowing evil creatures into the world. Which is what Beaver is probably referring to with "No more running gags".
Revision as of 21:30, 11 April 2006
Link: Comic 170
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Title: Beaver and Steve go on holiday - part 8
Date: April 7, 2006
Summary: Things don't go as planned in the museum
Cast: Beaver, Steve, Pixie Guide, Pixie King, Enslaved Pixie, Gremlin King, Gremlins
Onomatopoeias used: "SPLUT!", "INVADE!"
Number of panels: 6
Panel 1
Beaver: "Oh wow, this museum is so interesting!"
Steve: "Yes this is the most interesting door and hammer I have ever seen."
Steve: "I.E. : SUPER BORING"
Panel 2
Pixie Guide: "Tee Hee! But these are no ordinary door and hammer! They are both extremely magical! Would you like to hear their stroy?"
Steve: "Absolutely not....[cut off]"
Beaver: "Oh! Yes please!"
Panel 3
In speech bubble (with illustrations.)
Pixie Guide: "Tee Hee! Well it all began 1000 years ago: The mean old Gremlin King unhappy with his kingdoms stink production, built this magical doorway between Gremlinopolis and Pixies Land... Tee Hee!"
Gremlin King: "More Stink!"
Pixie Slave: "Yuck! Tee Hee!"
Pixie: "The naughty gremlins invaded! They captured all the pixies and took them to Gremlinopolis to work in the stink mines. Pee-oo! This wasn't much fun! So the king of the pixies used all of his remaining pixie power to create two magical artifacts: the 'Pretty Flower Hamer' to drive the gremlins out of Pixies Land, and the 'Lovely Lock' to seal the doorway forver!"
Pixies King: "Tee Hee!"
Panel 4
Beaver: "So the door can never be opened again?"
Pixie Guide: "Well in theory the lock could be smashed with the hammer, and without any remaining pixies power it could never be re-sealed... Now i think about it, it's probably not really a good idea to keep them in the same room..Tee Hee! But them i'm sure no one would..."
Panel 5
Gremlins 'Invade!'
Pixie Guide: "Oh."
Beaver: "I'm very disappointed in you Steve..."
Gremlin King: "Hullo"
Beaver: "I thought we'd agreed: No more running gags."
Panel 6
Beaver: "We should probably go..."
Steve: "But we haven't even been to the gift shop!"
Gremlin King (to pixie): "So tell me... ... Have you ever considered a career in stink extraction?"
[To be contd.]
Fun Facts
- According to James:
- "Stink is both the unit of currency and the national delicacy of Gremlinopolis."
- When asked why the gremlins didn't just make another doorway, he said "They already used up all their gremlin power."
- The lovely lock can be smashed with the pretty flower hammer.
- Pixies underestimate Steve
- Gremlins are quite polite invaders
- Gremlins produce stink as a natural resource
- In Comic 159, Steve also ends up opening a door and allowing evil creatures into the world. Which is what Beaver is probably referring to with "No more running gags".
- Also, in Comic 80, Steve apparently resurrects Count Dracula by touching the wooden stake while Beaver looks for the holy water.
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Hang tight!
Recipe by Kenny Reyes
"This recipe was give to me by my grandfather who was a great culinary cook but never published his recipes. this is authentic Puerto Rican cuisine that was prepared on a spit, but with modern technology is converted to the kitchen and not as large of an animal."
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8 cloves
garlic, peeled
1/4 cup
1/4 cup
black pepper
2 teaspoons
chopped fresh oregano
3 tablespoons
olive oil
1 (10 pound)
pork picnic roast
yucca (cassava) roots, peeled and sliced
Absolutely delicious!!! BUT, something was missing...I tried this recipe once before and it was great. But the second time around I addded ONE tablespoon of white vinegar to the garlic-oregano paste mixture and that DID IT! The vinegar added an ever so slight tanginess to the meat which blended wonderfully with the garlic and oregano flavors. Try it, your taste buds will thank you!
WAY too much black pepper and salt. It overpowered the roast and made it difficult to enjoy the other flavors. If I make this again, I will cut Black Pepper and salt by half.
99 Ratings
This recipe reminds me of Christmas Eve family gatherings thrown by my parents!! Excellent. I added 1 tablespoon of white vinegar (as per my parents' way of cooking it). I didn't change any of the ingredients but I have a great way of cooking it that I adapted from my parents. The pork should be cooked 1/2 hour per pound (10 pounds = 5 hours)--Cook with the fat side down in a covered roasting pan for the first half of the cooking time, then uncover and cook with the fat side up for the second half of the cooking time. It'll turn out moist, very well cooked (which is extremely important when cooking pork!) and the fat side will be nice and crunchy, which, coming from a Puerto Rican family myself is the part that most people covet!! Enjoy everyone, and THANK YOU for an awesome adaptation of a family staple!!!
We're garlic lovers, so we loved this pork! I used a 6 1/2 lb. fresh picnic instead of a whole shoulder, and cut the skin off before preparing and cooking. I cut the seasonings in half because of using a smaller cut, and used only about 2 teaspoons of salt because the amount called for sounded like too much. I used dried oregano and it was fine. The timing is not clear in the recipe, but I found I needed to bake my smaller roast about 2 hrs at 425, then I let it sit, covered, out of the oven another hour before slicing. I was afraid it wouldn't brown by cooking it covered, but it did brown somewhat and yet stayed moist. I'm looking forward to the leftovers for sandwiche tomorrow.
Què Rico! I made this for Sunday dinner and it was wonderful. I did not use pernil-I used a 2 pound pork loin roast because it was just my husband and I! I used all the ingredients for the rub except I scaled them down a bit: 4 cloves garlic, 3 teaspoons salt, 3 teaspoons pepper, 2 teaspoons oregano, 1-2 tablespoons olive oil and I used the advice of Latinacook and added 1 tablespoon of white vinegar. Delicioso! I served it with rice and some calabaza-it is fall after all! Great recipe Kenny! Gracias!
Very authentic taste. I also use some white vinegar and I make enough of the mixture to rub it outside of the roast as well. Lately I've been frying yucca instead of just boiling it. I cut the yucca in sticks, boil until cooked through and then fry them until golden and crispy outside. I sprinkle the yucca with garlic salt and then serve it all next to arroz con gandules. Very delicious!
It was so delicious it's almost too easy!! I added the tbsp of vinegar but I know it would have been just as good without so don't stress that part. I too substituted adobo for the salt & pepper (equal portion substitution) and used minced garlic. Rubbed the leftover paste all over. EVERYONE loved this recipe!!! Thanks for sharing!!
This spicy, moist, and succulant meat is absolutely delicious. We couldn't stop eating it, even long after our meal was over. It tasted like it was actually roasted on a spit. I roasted it in a stoneware baker.
* Percent Daily Values are based on a 2,000 calorie diet.
Puerto Rican Pork Roast
Serving Size: 1/20 of a recipe
Servings Per Recipe: 20
Amount Per Serving
Calories: 468
Calories from Fat: 235
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Fresh rosemary and garlic salt are the keys to a super-simple pork roast.
See how to make an herb-rubbed, garlic-studded pork shoulder roast.
All you need are 10 minutes to prepare this juicy, tangy roast pork.

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Welding Alloy Steel Pipes Using GTAW 1/2" Pipes
What is most convenient way to Preheat.?
Which Equipments should be used to Measure Temperature.
Please do the needful......
Results 1 to 4 of 4
02-13-2013, 10:35 AM #1Junior Member
- Join Date
- Feb 2013
- Posts
- 1
Preheating Prior To Welding Alloy Steel Pipe.
02-14-2013, 07:55 AM #2Member
- Join Date
- Feb 2011
- Posts
- 64
Preheating Prior To Welding Alloy Steel Pipe.
Oxy act and a temp stick
If its big pipe you also might want to consider one of those weed burners hooked up to a propane tank provided your just trying to take the chill out of the pipe.
02-14-2013, 10:00 AM #4Senior Member
- Join Date
- Apr 2012
- Location
- Western Pa.
- Posts
- 335
Preheating Prior To Welding Alloy Steel Pipe.
I use propane for Pre heat due to cost of acetylene. H/D weed burner for the big stuff or propane Rosebud tip on torch for smaller things.
Use Laser Thermometer to read temp.


text:
|WAC Inter-Congress in Lódz, Poland - Abstracts
|Friday, 07 September 2007 00:00
Archaeological Invisibility & Forgotten Knowledge. Ethnoarchaeology. Hunter-gatherers. Ephemeral cultural aspects.
Evenks of the North-West Yakutia: Culture and Landscape (on materials of expeditions of 2001–2006)
Sardana Boyakova
The report is based on field materials assembled in 2001–2006 years among most northern in the world Evenks – Evenks, living in Anabar and Olenyok districts of Republic Sakha (Yakutia), and on archival materials and literature. The analysis of interrelation and interdependence of all branches of a traditional economy (reindeer-breeding, hunting, fishing, gathering) is submitted from the point of view of their role in life-support of the population. The features reindeer-breeding and hunting in conditions of tundra, forest-tundra and taiga are considered. By virtue of the socio-economic reasons and somewhat actions of the factors of an environment now main life-support function for the indigenous peoples of North-West Yakutia are played by the hunting. The influence on economy-cultural systems Evenks of the enterprises diamond of industry placed in region is considered also. The special attention is given to questions of adaptation of the hunters and reindeer-breeders to market conditions of post-soviet Russia.
Les amas coquilliers du delta du Saloum (Sénégal)
Par Abdoulaye CAMARA
Musée d'Art africain
Université Cheikh Anta Diop de Dakar
Le fleuve Saloum se jette dans la mer par un delta comportant trois bras principaux : le Saloum lui-même, le Diombos et le Bandiala. Les îles de ce delta, une vingtaine environ, à 120 km de Dakar, sont constituées de chenaux remplis d'eau saumâtre appelés bolons, bordés d'une mangrove dense. Ces terrains marécageux, recouverts de palétuviers constituent un lieu idéal que des oiseaux partagent avec une faune aquatique et forestière, et que des populations de pêcheurs et d'agriculteurs fréquentent depuis la préhistoire.
Dans ce milieu insulaire, les coquillages ont constitué une part importante dans l'alimentation de ces populations riveraines de la mer. La cueillette est attestée par le nombre et la dimension d'amas de coquillages vides, consommés (traces de cuisson), formant de véritables collines artificielles. Le village de Fadiouth sur la Petite Côte est carrément construit sur un de ces amas de coquilles, île artificielle très bien située pour des pêcheurs.
Les collines de coquillages du delta du Saloum sont formées d'arches (Anadara senilis) qui vivent enfouies de quelques centimètres dans les sables des zones d'oscillation de la marée, d'huîtres de palétuviers (Crassostrea gasar) qui vivent accrochées aux racines des mangroves, de patelles (Patella safiana), de pourpres (Thais haemastoma), de murex....
Selon les documents archéologiques
L'origine humaine des amas est également attestée par des tessons de poteries, des résidus de foyers, des déchets culinaires divers, des inhumations, des perles en coquillages... En 1939, dans un article intitulé "De fameux mangeurs de coquillages", Th. Monod démontre que" les buttes à coquillages du Saloum sont artificielles", et signale que "sur les buttes sont édifiées souvent des tumuli, parfois juxtaposés en grand nombre. Ceux-ci ont fourni des armes de fer, des bracelets de cuivre, des grains d'enfilage en coquillage et des poteries funéraires splendides, à couvercle."
L'ancienneté des amas est confirmé par les gros baobabs qui ont pris pied sur leur surface. Selon F. Lafont: "les baobabs ne surgissent pas des amas, mais leurs racines rampent littéralement à leur surface où elles acquièrent un développement exceptionnel. Si l'on tente de les abattre, ces arbres n'ont pas à être arrachés car ils se renversent n'ayant aucune racine profonde. C'est là une nouvelle preuve de leur âge plus récent que les dépôts qui les portent." Cette ancienneté est confirmée aussi par les datations radiométriques qui situent les périodes d'édification des amas coquilliers entre le IV e et le XIV e siècle.
Selon les textes anciens
En dehors de l'archéologie, des textes anciens indiquent au XV e siècle la pratique sur une grande échelle de la récolte des coquillages. Valentim Fernandes rapporte : "Dans la rivière de Lagos (Diombos), il y a une région près de la mer qui s'appelle Gebandor (un ancien village de l'île de Poutaké s'appelait Diofondor). Et ils sont tous potiers et font des pots, aussi bien les hommes que les femmes et l'argile dont ils les font est mélangée avec des écailles d'huîtres pilées et des coquillages qui abondent dans cette terre et sont très grands. Et ils sont si nombreux et si grands qu'ils se lassent de les manger crus et les mangent seulement cuits. Les gens ramassent beaucoup d'huîtres et de coquillages et les mettent au feu jusqu'à ce qu'ils s'ouvrent et en retirent la chair et la sèchent au soleil. Et après les avoir séchés, on les emporte sur les marchés des autres peuples pour les vendre."
Les populations des Îles du Saloum continuent à pratiquer la cueillette des mollusques. Une enquête menée par C. Descamps montre que la collecte des arches dans le Bas-Saloum reste une activité et une affaire de femmes faisant appel à des pratiques et des instruments traditionnels; que cette activité a subi une mutation économique car l'arche n'est plus destinée uniquement à la consommation et à l'échange, mais permet de réaliser des bénéfices intéressants; que les coquilles, autrefois délaissées, sont récupérées et deviennent une source de gains. Les coquilles vides peuvent servir à tapisser les allées dans les maisons, les ruelles des villages, à paver les routes nationales, à fabriquer de la chaux (par incinération de coquillages), à préparer des parpaings de la taille des briques (avec des coquillages bruts et du sable)…
L'utilisation des coquillages à des fins économiques crée de nombreux problèmes qui sont la cueillette intensive des mollusques ou l'augmentation des besoins toujours plus grands de coquillages à des fins de travaux d'entreprises dont l'une des conséquences est la transformation des sites archéologiques en carrières d'extraction de coquillages.
MONOD Th. (1939): De fameux mangeurs de coquillages. Notes africaines , octobre 1939, n°4, p.55.
LAFONT F., 1938: Le Gandoul et les Niominka. Bulletin du Comité d'Etudes historiques et scientifiques de l'A.O.F., juillet-septembre 1938, p.385-458.
MONOD Th., TEIXEIRA Da Mota A. et MAUNY R. (1951): Description de la côte occidentale de l'Afrique (Sénégal au Cap de Monte, Archipels) par Valentim Fernandes (1506-1510). Mém., n° 11, Centro de Estudos da Guiné port. Bissau, 223 p.
DESCAMPS C. (1989): La collecte des arches (Anadara senilis L.) dans le bas-Saloum (Sénégal): Une approche ethno-archéologique des amas coqulliers. Travaux de LAPMO, 1989 p.131-149.
Hunter-Gatherers of Simlipal forest range: A study
On Change and Continuity.
Ethno-archaeology offers direct co-relation between prehistoric society and its present ethnographic parallels. The science of ethno-archaeology has been developed to utilize ethnographic data for the interpretation of archaeological past.
India is a vast country with diverse climatic and environmental conditions. There are two types of hunter-gatherers viz. the primitive hunter-gatherers of Andaman Islands and the marginal hunter-gatherers of the mainland India. The stability and success of the self-sufficient mode of subsistence economy of the post-Pleistocene mesolithic hunter-gatherers of Mayurbhanj district of Orissa is indicated by the wide distribution of mesolithic sites in Mayurbhanj district.
Hill Kharia is one of the 22 listed marginal hunter-gatherers in India. They are distributed in Bihar, Madhyapradesh, Orissa and West-Bengal. The hill kharias of simlipal hill are autochthonous of the land. They are divided into three endogamous sub-groups viz. the Paharia/hill kharia, Dudh Kharia and Delki Kharia.Again these sub-groups are divided into a number of exogamous totemic clans. Among the sub-groups, the hill kharias are the most primitive and derive such name from their natural habitats, which are generally located in and around hilly tracts. The hill kharias belong to Proto-australoid racial stock and speak mundari language. They sustained their livelihood from self sufficient forest based hunting gathering and fishing economy. At present they occupy three distinct habitat zones in the forest and are operating from different ecological bases.
The present paper attempts to examine the nature and extent of symbiosis with the neighboring peasantry and how far it effected the traditional self-sufficient subsistence economy based on hunting-gathering and fishing and thereby to bring out the amount of change and continuity through time.
Megalithic Practices in Upland Bengal : An ethno-archaeological Study
Renewing Women's Business: A Documentary.
Julie Drew
Renewing Women's Business is set in the Victoria River District at the Top End of Northern Territory, Australia. It gives us one indigenous community's views and understanding of the established customary laws of women and how these customs are passed on as part of girl's initiation into adult knowledge.
Attaining visibility? The Basarwa who live in Marulamantsi, Botswana are making increasingly visible "things", yet remain relatively politically invisible
Kathy Fewster, Department of Archaeology and Anthropology, University of Wales, Lampeter.
This paper is based on the results of a longitudinal ethnoarchaeological study of a community of Basarwa who live on the outskirts of Serowe, Botswana, in a location called Marulamantsi. The study began in 1996, at a time when Basarwa were beginning to voluntarily settle more-or-less permanently at Marulamantsi. Over the last decade I have seen a number of changes in the material culture produced by those who live in Marulalmantsi; generally speaking, it has become more substantial, or more visible. Much of this change is a result of "copying" from others. For the purpose of this paper, I will concentrate on settlement architecture, and baskets, because they are indicators of interactions between the Basarwa and the agropastoralist Bamangwato who live in Serowe, and Euroamerican development initiatives respectively. Despite the fact that both categories of material culture have become more "visible" over time, the political visibility of this community of Basarwa at Marulamantsi with regard to their Bamangwato neighbours and Euroamerica has not followed the same trajectory. I will try to demonstrate that although changes in the material culture of the Basarwa indicate a level of integration into certain aspects of the Bamangwato and Euroamenrican value systems, the Basarwa have yet to attain full political and economic rights implied by those value systems. It will be shown that there are significant differences between the "copied" material culture and the originals, a duality which is perhaps both an indicator of, and a barrier to, full integration. In this study, I have turned ethnoarchaeology on its head, and found Hodder's 1990 archaeological work on nature/culture symbolism between hunter-gatherers and farmers in prehistoric Europe to be a useful analogy to a living community.
Bear bones with red ochre traces in the Belgian Upper Palaeolithic:
Comparison with the use of colours in ethnographic bear rituals
Mietje Germonpré & Riku Hämäläinen
Several bear bones with ochre traces were discovered in a Pleniglacial and Late Glacial context in Belgian caves. We show that the ochre was applied purposefully by Upper Palaeolithic people. We conclude that a proto bear ceremonialism existed during the Upper Palaeolithic, on the basis of two broad sets of evidence: (i) comparison with ethnographic evidence and (ii) comparison with supporting evidence from the archaeological record. We added a hitherto unconsidered factor to the discussion: namely, the intentional application of ochre traces to bear bones. There is a similarity between the Palaeolithic and ethnographic evidence, in that both the bear head and paws show a high frequency of red or black colour traces. Furthermore, the bear was an important symbolic theme in Upper Palaeolithic art. Given the positive evidence and absence of any evidence of the contrary, we are constrained, for the time being, to conclude that a proto bear ceremonialism existed during the Upper Palaeolithic.
Mietje Germonpré, Department of Palaeontology, Royal Belgian Institute of Natural Sciences, Vautierstraat 29, B-1000 Brussels, Belgium, firstname.lastname@example.com
Riku Hämäläinen, Department of Comparative Religion,, Unioninkatu 38E, FIN-00014, University of Helsinki, Finland email@example.com
The spatial materialization of a cultural change. The Awá case ( Maranhão, Brazil).
Almudena Hernando (Universidad Complutense, Madrid, Spain)
Alfredo González Ruibal (Universidad Complutense, Madrid, Spain)
Gustavo Politis (Universidad del Centro de la Provincia de Buenos Aires, Olavarría, Argentina).
This paper will focus on the transformations in the sense of territoriality and the domestic space of the Awá people ( Maranhão, Brazil), as they reduce their mobility when they come to live inside protected reservations. The social construction of space will be analyze d, as well as the gradual way in which their domestic structures change in shape and design as the Awá become identified with their Western protect ors. All the features linked with these structures (raw materials, nature/culture, public/private, etc.) will be also studied in order to see how the transformation of the Awá from hunting-gathering to an agricultural way of life is materialized in space.
"Hyperimagery and rock art: visual imagery, perceptual ambiguities and ways of thinking."
Derek Hodgson and Patricia Helvenston
Most explanations of rock art take either an ethnographic or inferential approach to the archaeological record. One alternative line of research that has shown potential for understanding such phenomena comes from the psychology of perception, neuroscience and cognitive studies that has led to some original insights into the probable precursors involved. By taking this approach we seek, in conjunction with previous analyses that have taken a similar line, to present new evidence that will push the debate in the appropriate direction to provide a more sound footing on which to understand the manifest complexities. In order to achieve this, it is necessary to take account of how the human brain processes visual information, especially with regard to visual memory and imagery in relation to cognitive factors. This paper, therefore, seeks to present specific examples of how an approach based on neuropsychology and related disciplines can be applied to the archaeological record in ways that can supplement more conventional modes of interpretation.
Women's work: Skin processing in northern hunter - gatherer societies.
Mrs Torunn Klokkernes
The invisibility of women's knowledge in hunter -gatherer societies is caused by poor preservation of organic materials. This is the traditional approach, which is correct. There is however another reason and that is the lack of knowledge of what to look for in a settlement to allow us to see women's work more clearly. The richness of the knowledge and the variation of methods and materials used in skin processing technology, indicate that cutting and scraping tools found in archeological contexts, is only a fragment of the knowledge systems related to this meticulous craft. In order to understand what to look for in a settlement, it is important to recognize the principles of skin processing. It is furthermore important to be aware of the variety of methods employed to obtain specific material qualities used under various climatic conditions. A glimpse into the principles of skin processing technology in arctic and sub arctic cultures, the physical structures and manifestations associated with it, provides a starting point for this understanding.
In The Circle of Life And Death - Secret Dimensions of Shamanism - An Anthropological Perspective
Maria Kosko
The subject of the presentation, as indicated in the title, concerns the discovery of secret Shamanistic "philosophy" in its wider aspect, i.e. as one related both to tradition and modern ideological transformations. More specifically, the presentation touches upon the following issues:
- Magical and religious division of space resulting from local and supra local conceptualization of the world;
Thème: Une approche ethnoarchéologique de la poterie dans l'Atacora, au nord-ouest du Bénin:étude de cas Chabi Kouma. Sagui Tchanare. Benin
Chabi Kouma
Ethnos Theory of S.M. Shirokogoroff and Some Problems of Ethnoarhaeology
A.M. Kuznetsov
An outstanding Russian anthropologist S.M. Shirokogoroff had a good training in archaeology and physical anthropology primarily. Then he was invited to make research of the Tungus in East Siberia and Manchuria. Shirokogoroff made a number of archaeological and ethnographic expedition in 1910 - 1918. During this expeditions, a great number of archeological, ethnographic, anthropological, linguistic data were obtained. These data were used as a base for Shirokogoroff ethnos theory. The first version of this theory was prepared in 1922 and it was published in the next year in China (Shirokogoroff, 1923). He is examining ethnos as a primary entirety and through its relationship with different forms of environment (natural, cultural and other ethnoses). The special role of the consciousness (and mentality) in the theory of ethnos was investigated. According to Shirokogoroff idea, the existence of ethnos is determined by the balance of its main components. Later, he brings the concept of ethnos to a new dimension (Shirokogoroff, 1935). Shirokogorov used the term 'ethnos' only to describe the processes of origination and development (crystallization), where an ethnic group determines how these processes run. The ethnic group was determined as phenomena of material culture, social organization and psycho-mental complex all form a certain well balance system, in which all the components (psycho-mental complex, material culture, social organization and endogamy) are more or less connected to each other and thus can not be interpreted independently. Recent significance of the Shirokogoroff theory may be shown in a case of the discussion on the Tungus origin.
Missing Hunter-Gatherers: A critical historiography of research on East Africa's forager populations
Paul Lane, Department of Archaeology, University of York
At the time of European expansion into East Africa in the mid-nineteenth century CE, a hunter-gatherer presence was recorded in many different parts of the region. These included various groups that came to be referred to collectively as Dorobo – a Maasai term for non-farming, foraging populations without livestock; peoples such as the Wataa, Boni and Degere whose territories were centred on the dry hinterland inland from the Indian Ocean coast; the Kilii and Eyle hunter-gatherers who ranged across the arid lands of southern Somalia; forest-dwelling Batwa in Uganda and Rwanda; and the Hadza and Sandawe click-language speakers of central Tanzania. Historical and anthropological research among these different communities has been relatively uneven, with most research focused on the Hadza and various so-called Dorobo populations, such as the Okiek and Mukgogodo. Ethnoarchaeological research on East Africa's hunter-gatherer populations has been even more restricted, both in terms of geographical and thematic coverage. An even more serious lacuna is the virtual absence of any consideration of the evidence for hunter-gatherer societies and practices in the archaeological record for the last two to three thousand years – i.e. for the period following the introduction of domestic livestock and the slightly later adoption of crop cultivation. This paper offers a critical review of this research, focusing mainly on the range of ethnoarchaeological studies that have been conducted. While these studies may have made a contribution to broader archaeological and anthropological theory, it will be argued that the concentration of research on issues of general relevance has contributed to the wider neglect of the archaeology of late Holocene hunter-gatherers in the region to the extent that many of these communities can be said to be "missing from history". The paper will conclude with some suggestions as to how to redress this by changing research questions and agendas.
Is shamanism a unitary phenomenon (and can it help elucidate rock art)?
Robert Layton, Department of Anthropology, University of Durham
It is not my intention in this paper to dispute the claim that institutions resembling shamanism are widespread in small-scale societies, and I agree that there are well-documented cases of rock art in which aspects of shamanism are depicted. My criticisms are directed at two claims that characterise works such as Lewis-Williams and Dowson (1988) and Clottes and Lewis-Williams (1996):
Continuance of Neolithic Agriculture and Shifting Cultivation in Garo Hills, Meghalaya
Dr.H.C.Mahanta, Dibrugarh University, Assam, India, Mrs. Anjana Saramah, Dibrugarh City College, Assam, India
The traditional shifting cultivation being practice in the Garo Hills has a prehistoric base. The hoe and axe continue as the principal tools, operated exclusively by human energy. We can not say whether the people of the culture under study are the descendent of the Neolithic population, but analogy between the material cultures of the past and present should not be ignored. Chronologically the culture under study is modern, but economically Neolithic.
There are differences in the raw material of the tools. Formerly they were made of stone, at present they are iron. Such a difference does not result in a major variation in the quantity of production between past and present. The hoe and axe have inherent limitations in working capability. Such a technology, under the given ecological conditions, can support only 4 to 5 persons per square kilometre. Under the traditional agricultural system, intensification contributes little to improvement, as was the case during Neolithic times as well.
Ethnoarchaeological Approach to the Selknam Ritual of Hain: Consideration About Ritual in Hunter-Gatherer Societies
Estela Mansur
Analogical Thinking: A model from the Bampur Valley
Dr. Mehdi Mortazavi, Assistant Professor in Archaeology,
Archaeology Department, University of Sistan and Baluchestan, Zahedan, Iran.
The most important paradox of archaeology is that it attempts to understand the past but has only present to study. Because all archaeological sites exist in the present, in order to construct their version of the past, archaeologists have always had to rely on analogy and the replication of prehistoric behavior through experimental tool manufacture and other techniques. The earliest use of analogy in archaeology is ethnographic analogy, which really began in 19 th century, when contemporary tribes were seen as "living fossils" and thus representative of prehistoric people: northern people who exploited caribou were, for example, seen as sources of information on the reindeer-hunting people of the European Paleolithic (Bahn 1999: 294). Therefore, it is interesting to state that in this paper analogical thinking refers to a process of finding and using a known knowledge, in this case usually the present, to understand an unknown phenomenon, in this case the past.
This paper aims to discuss the analogy approach in order to understand the cultural change in the Bampur Valley. This Valley, which functioned as intermediary for long-distance trade between the Indus Valley, the Iranian Plateau settlements and Mesopotamia during the third millennium BC (Bronze Age), is located in the Iranian Baluchistan, close to the border of Pakistan and Afghanistan. There was a definite break in the ceramic tradition of the Bampur Valley in the phase 1 of period V. De Cardi positively identified this break as the introduction of a new incoming culture. She continued that the inhabitants had been forced to leave both their belongings and their home (De Cardi 1970: 247). The Author of the present paper believes that there is not enough evidence to assume that people of the Bampur Valley was invaded by newcomers. It seems that contemporary people of the so-called Kulli culture, who move from one place to another, could be seen as representative of people, who made less advanced ceramic in phase I of period V.
Keywords: cultural changes, analogy, Kulli people
Ethnoarchaeology in Hunter-gatherer Transformations: Theoretical and Methodological Perspectives from the Mukogodo in East Africa
Kennedy K. Mutundu (Ph.D)
School of Environmental Studies, Kenyatta University
In East Africa, the subsistence economy and adoption of herding by local hunter-gatherers remains a neglected area of archaeological research. This paper addresses issues regarding the subsistence economy and the adoption of herding by the historic Mukogodo hunter-gatherers of north central Kenya, through a study of archaeological material from Shulumai Rock-shelter (SRS). Focusing on faunal remains from the historic levels of SRS in conjunction with ethnographic and historical data, my study discusses the role of ecological and localized environmental conditions, as well as social and historical factors in the interpretation of patterns of interaction and subsequent adoption of herding by the Mukogodo. My study and similar studies straddle the boundary between archaeological data and ethnohistoric data, and makes methodological and interpretive contributions to the study of similar peoples in prehistory and today. This approach to ethnoarchaeological research will become increasingly important as contemporary hunter-gather societies take up modern ways of life, and as opportunities for the traditional observation ethnoarcheology become less available.
Disastrous context, Dynamic or static?
Based on Bam (south eastern Iran) disastrous context after earthquake
Authors: Leila Papoli yazdi [1] and Omran Garazhian [2]
Key words : ethno archaeology, dynamic context, static context, disastrous context, Iran, Bam
In archaeology, generally, context is divided into two kinds of dynamic and static. The static dead context is one in which the agents are not active and generally the material in this context is meaninglessness. Data, in this context, is the sign of past dead subjects activations. Dynamic context is a kind of context is which the living subjects effect the material; agents relations with the context in dynamic context is active and their relations can be patterned and modeled.
These contexts division are only general ones. "Disaster ethnoarchaeology Project: Bam after earthquake" represented that another kind of context can be studied which is neither dynamic nor static. In this kind of context, the data are located in a static context but they have still meaning for the survived agents and the agents affect them by their activations. It can be assumed that this kind of context is the result of special condition after a disaster.
The city of Bam was destroyed by an earthquake on 26 th December, 2003. Approximately 40,000 people died and a further 30,000 persons were injured and 100,000 people were made homeless. Mud brick villages and concrete buildings alike were all destroyed resulting in a dramatic change in the landscape. Two months after the earthquake, Bam residents returned to what had previously been their homes, cleaned up the debris and were forced to adopt new life ways in order to adapt to their altered environment . As survivors searched for bodies of dead relatives and neighbors buried beneath the tons of rubble, they attempted to reconstruct some semblance of their former lives. People sought out what remained of usable household furniture, valuables, important documents and objects of sentimental value.
The authors' ethnoarchaeological project in Bam [3] was conducted in four phases of 2, 6, 17 and 27 months after earthquake. In this situation, we as researchers were encountered with a context which had both the characteristics of dynamic and static contexts. More than half of the settlers were dead but the material had still meaning to the survivors and although the houses were destroyed and in some cases abandoned, agents were responsible to them.
In this article, the authors will discuss about the disastrous context of Bam after earthquake in which we are encountered with static context and survived agents. It seems that archaeologists are usually encountered with this kind of context in disastrous sites. Besides, it will be represented that archaeologists should think about more kinds of contexts, a range between zero and one, between dynamic and static.
1- PhD candidate, prehistoric archaeology, University of Tehran, firstname.lastname@example.com
2- PhD candidate, prehistoric archaeology, University of Tehran, email@example.com
3- this article is one of "disaster ethnoarchaeology: Bam after earthquake" which is under the support of Iranian cultural heritage and tourism organization (ICHTO)" and "Bam citadel project". "
Ritual anatomy of preys and food taboos. An ethnoarchaeological perspective
Gustavo G. Politis*
* CONICET-Universidad Nacional del Centro de la Pcia.d e Buenos Aires y Universidad Nacional de La Plata, Argentina.
In this presentation I will examine how food taboos influenced faunal consumption and processing patterns and how these can be traced in the archaeological record. I will present several case-studies from the Southamerican tropical rainforest which illustrate the several dimensions of animal hunting, processing and discard pattern.
Although the origin of taboos is multi-causal, I prefer to explain food taboos as a result of specific ideological and mythical beliefs that have a long tradition among indigenous peoples from the Southamerican tropical forest. Within Amazonian ontology animals have a status similar to humans, and therefore their consumption is restricted and mediated by ritual complexes. Animals are considered to be related to each other and to humans in much the same way that humans are related to one another (Ärhem 1996; Rival 1996; Storrie 1999). Within this ideational framework one can explain the existence of alimentary taboos, especially concerning animals, independently of adaptive reasons for their origin or maintenance. Food taboos and other restrictions around consumption, processing and discard developed together with the economic strategies that over time formed the diet and the hunting and processing strategies of the different hunter-gatherer groups. Throughout this process multiple elements intersected -- economic, social (especially those referring to the several dimensions of identity) and ideational -- and resulted in particular compositions of diet in time and space. Such diets, and their material derivates, were not based exclusively on nutritional considerations, although in some cases these were surely influential, and in specific cases they took apparently maladaptive courses.
This body of belief not only influence what animals, when, how, and who may eat them but also the processing strategies and the discard patterns. Its result in a ritual anatomy of preys which has profound implications in the formation of the archeological record. However, archaeologists usually have often neglected this on the basis that they can not be found "empirically." Supposedly taboos can not be "seen" in the archaeological record.. This is unfortunate given the widespread presence of food taboos among aboriginal (non Western) societies around the world.. I this paper I will summarize and discuss these issues from an ethnoarchaelogical perspective, based on original fieldwork among tropical hunter-gatherers.
Prehistory of Central Asian/Siberian shamanism: Is there a place for 'prehistory of shamanism' in archaeological discourse?
Andrzej Rozwadowski
Phenomenologically oriented 'archaeology of shamanism' naturally used to focus its attention on traces of shamanic experience to be observed in different periods and different parts of the world. It is not surprising thus that the research has particularly concentrated on rock art – visual expression of 'mind'. In some opposition to 'archaeology of shamanism' seems to be the issue of 'prehistory of shamanism', which rather than focusing on universals of the mind rises the question of antiquity of tradition. Perceiving shamanism in terms of local symbolic tradition implies thus more historical then phenomenological perspective. Following this historical path the paper considers ways of identifying shamanism in rock art of Central Asia. It suggests that key to the question of antiquity of this tradition can be an analysis of symbolic connotations of material attributes of shaman. This study traces shamanic symbolism in prehistoric rock art and demonstrates both aspects of continuity (in the sphere of symbols) and aspects of changes (in the sphere of material culture). Moreover, the analysis questions the idea of timelessness of Central Asian shamanism (which seems to be effected by treating this shamanism as most classic) and suggests that the earliest spectacular evidences of configuration of symbols crucial for Central Asian shamanism can be noted in the rock art not older then approximately the turn of third/second millennia BC.
Pottery Manufacture Process:
An Ethno-archaeological Studies in Western India
Vasant Shinde
Deccan College
Post-Graduate and Research Institute
The most recent research carried out at Gilund in Mewar region of Rajasthan has brought to light the evidence of the beginning of pottery manufacture in the Mesolithic period dated to the fifth millennium BC and a gradual transformation to the Chalcolithic period. Mainly coarse and fine varieties were in use and different wares like Black-and-Red, Black-on-Red, plain Red, Grey and Black formed the repertoire of ceramic traditions in Western India. The ceramic traditions that began in the Mesolithic phase in Western India, continued through to the modern times. There are numerous full time potters spread all over the Western India producing a variety of pottery. Even though many studies have been carried out on the modern pottery manufacturing processes, there is very little systematic effort in using this data to reconstruct many aspects of the ancient pottery. The ethnographic data can be effectively used in reconstructing manufacture, and firing technology, functional aspects and socio-economic organizations of the ancient societies. The present paper deals the study of some of the modern potters in Western India and its application to study the aspects mentioned above in great details.
Anthropology, ethnography and prehistory – a hidden thread in the history of German archaeology
Ulrike Sommer
Where to eat and sleep? The logic of Wik camping
Peter Sutton
Donald Thomson's classic 1939 paper, 'The seasonal factor in human culture' (Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 5:209-21), was preceded by Lauriston Sharp's unpublished paper on the same basic ethnoarchaeological theme: in places where the technology is largely organic and the climate tropical, there will be little left to show where and how people lived long ago. This makes it even more important that archaeologists looking for sites in such places have a well developed predictive model of likely camp locations. My own paper analyses the indigenous logic of selecting campsite locations in just such an environment (indeed in the same region), based on detailed reconstructive ethnography carried out with Aboriginal people of the Cape York Peninsula wetlands who grew up in a semi-nomadic economy in the early 20th century. My interest as an anthropologist is not so much in being able to suggest where others might dig holes, but in understanding the interplay between the key factors of seasonality, resource availability, abstract rights in places and resources, conflict resolution, defense, safety from dangerous animals, personal comfort and sociality, in building the rational and emotional logics of camping.
Differential faunal resources management in ritual spaces and domestic spaces in the selk'nam society (Argentina, Tierra del Fuego).
Edgard Camarós* Vanesa Parmigiani** Ester Verdún *
How People used their space in antiquity- An ethnoarchaeological study of Shijiazhai village, Northern China
Xingcan Chen
Institute of Archaeology, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, 100710)
Archaeological explanations are closely related to the person who explains. Though one's background is nothing to do with the archaeological materials, one's background is always reflected in one's explanation to the archaeological materials. Through an ethnoarchaeological study of space using in a pre-modern village at Shijiazhai in Northern China, this study shows how one's background-including one's gender, education, age and living environment influences one's explanations.
|Last Updated on Wednesday, 13 May 2009 21:29


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Am welding 3" SS ( 304 ) 1/16 wall tube for an exhaust system .
Tigged one joint , but the inside of weld is a mess. Lots of fluffy blobs.
Tried lowering heat, similar result.
Bought some ss mig wire, but forgot contact tips, so have not tried the mig yet.
Alot of guys are doing there own exhausts. Do they all purge the inside of pipe to get a decent finish ?
The stilagtites I'm getting would seriously effect the exhuast flow !
Any opinions welcome.
Results 1 to 7 of 7
06-28-2007, 12:02 PM #1Junior Member
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welding SS exhaust , poor inside surface cond.
06-28-2007, 12:14 PM #2Senior Member
- Join Date
- Sep 2002
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- Clark County, NV
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There is also a product called Solarflux, designed to stop the "sugaring" on the inside of the weld. This assumes you can get to the inside of the joint.
Put your location in your profile, and also tell us which machines you have available.
It really needs to be backed with ethier a gas, metal, or flux backer to avoid the cabide precipitation that your getting. It's a pain, I know but it's got to be done. Whats it going on?
06-28-2007, 05:17 PM #4Junior Member
- Join Date
- Feb 2007
- Location
- Canada
- Posts
- 16
gas, metal, or flux backer
Would a slice of tin can under the joint keep the O2 away ? Or are there commercial items to do this ?
Have seen metal "T" rings that go under the joint for header fabbing. But they only come in 2" ,max sizes .
Can the solar flux be applied before the joint is attached , without effecting weld ?
Was thinking about micky mousing a cap for each end of pipe, "T" ing a gas line in after the regulator & filling pipe with argon.
Would you have to have a leak at far end on pipe , or will possitive pressure in pipe not effect weld.
Exhaust is for a turbo buick hybred.
Once the exhaust is done will start on Alum intercooler piping.
06-28-2007, 08:05 PM #5Member
- Join Date
- Jun 2007
- Posts
- 79
I just use tape to hold the gas in but you will want a leak or small hole on the other end. On the end with the flanges I use fiberglass tape. I have a y fitting at the moment coming from the flow meter when purging I run it about 20cfm.
In the last 10 or so years, I've probably welded as many miles of 2" s.s. tubing together in juice plants. We do exactly as boldfabrication has pictured on his post. We have two regulators teed off at the tank just for this purpose, one for the tig and one for the purge line. DaveIf necessity is the Mother of Invention, I must be the Father of Desperation!
John Blewett III 10-22-73 to 8-16-07
Another racing great gone but not to be forgotten.http://video.google.com/videoplay?do...modified&hl=en
it dosent have to be hi teck. or anything. duct tape masking tape even cardbopard or aluminum foil will do the trick. there are some fancy options available but simple is just fine. gas in one end with a small exit hole at the other to keep air out and not create internal precher. you want it to be able to flow threw pushing out the air.
SS looks bad without the back gasing and is also going to create a bad weld that will likely crack soon if not right at the cooling stage.
good luck, be shore to post up some pic's of the project.thanks for the help
hope i helped
feel free to shoot me an e-mail direct i have time to chat. firstname.lastname@example.com
summer is here, plant a tree. if you don't have space or time to plant one sponsor some one else to plant one for you. a tree is an investment in our planet, help it out.


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Goals: Luna 20 was to conduct the mission that Luna 18 was unable to complete: obtain a soil sample from the lunar highlands and bring it to Earth for comparison with Luna 16's sample from a mare site.
Accomplishments: The spacecraft succeeded in making a soft landing (less than 2 km from where Luna 18 crashed), drilling a soil sample, and bringing it to Earth. Analysis determined that most of the rock particles in the sample were ancient anorthosite rather than the basalt that predominated in Luna 16's sample. Soviet investigators were particularly excited by the discovery of very pure iron.


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Davis/Antelope Island Lodging
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Days Inn - Clearfield
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Conveniently located off Interstate 15 between Cache National Forest and Farmington Bay, our Days Inn Clearfield hotel offers a quiet, convenient location with comforts sure to make your stay bright and sunny.
Start your day with free Daybreak continental breakfast. Enjoy time-saving benefits like free Wi-Fi Internet access, on-site fitness center, guest laundry and large-vehicle parking. Jacuzzi suites, handicapped-accessible facilities and non-smoking rooms are available at our pet-friendly hotel. Kids 17 and under stay free with an adult. Book your room or suite online today.
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Learn something new at George S. Eccles Dinosaur Park, Hill Aerospace Museum or the Treehouse Museum. Hill Air Force Base is adjacent to our Clearfield, UT, hotel.
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Days Inn - Clearfield
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We require a valid credit card to confirm your reservation and guarantee your room.
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Cancellations may do so up to day of arrival until 6pm local hotel time. If you do not arrive and do not cancel your reservation by the cancellation deadline, your credit card will be charged 1 night's stay plus tax.


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- Broadband speed of at least 2.5 Mbps recommended (10 Mbps for HD). Content subject to change and may require fees. Wireless connectivity requires an 802.11 home network (802.11n recommended).
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NJ You've put out two Christmas books in the past two years. The newest, a children's book, tells the story of you and your sister opening up your presents early. What inspired you to write them?
HUCKABEE The book that came out last year was very well-received, it was on the New York Times best-seller list for many weeks, and after the success of it, the publisher said, "Why don't we make a children's book using one of the stories from it?" So we did it. They hired an illustrator to do it who did a great job. We essentially wanted to make it very simple, with a moral, absolutely so simple even most members of Congress could read it, which is a pretty low threshold. We wanted to make sure 5 year olds could read it, so that was our target.
NJ Something that carried over from both books is that you're not good at sitting around, you're pretty impatient and like to be on the move. Is that so?
HUCKABEE That's a very accurate description. The quicker I can get somewhere, the better.
NJ Where are you headed now? Are you happy doing the book tour, radio show, and TV?
HUCKABEE I've enjoyed it a lot; it's been great fun. Both on television and radio, writing and speaking, all the things I'm doing right now are an incredible opportunity for me to speak on issues that are important to me, [to] have a part in the public discussion on issues of the day. It's really, in many ways, a perfect world.
NJ Is that a perfect world you're ready to mess with, or is this something you're going to be doing for a while?
HUCKABEE That's a question I've got to contemplate over the next few months, whether I want to keep [doing] what I'm doing, or whether it's time to jump back in. It's not a decision I have made, nor is it one I'll make very hastily. Having gone through the process before, and knowing just what it entails, it's not a decision I'll make lightly.
NJ You're building a house in Florida. How is the construction going? Do you plan to make it your primary residence?
HUCKABEE The house is going very well; it's pretty much on schedule, which for a construction project is all you can hope for. Florida actually already is our primary residence. We've been renting down there while our house is under construction. We have deep roots in Arkansas, and I'll always be a razorback. Two of our adult children live there, and we maintain our house there. Part of it is, I have to travel to New York every week from Thursday to Saturday, sometimes more, [and] it's a little easier to get there from Florida. We're anticipating a year from now that there may be some nonstop flights from Florida, which will make it a lot easier for travel. I'm taking it each day at a time. One of the things I've learned about life is, don't ever say never.
NJ What was it like to work with your daughter (Iowa field director Sarah Huckabee) on your campaign the last time around?
HUCKABEE Well, it was just an incredible thrill. To be able to spend the time with her, she was primarily doing a lot of field work and traveling with me a great deal. As a dad, it was one of the greatest joys of my life. I love my kids; I'm very close to all three of them. We have a very ideal relationship in terms of very open communication. All of my children are ideologically and politically in sync with me, they all have authentic Christian faith. It's something I'm very grateful for. When people ask me what my greatest accomplishment is, they usually expect me to talk about some political success that I've had or some legislative success. But I always tell them it was raising three children that turned out OK. I think the time we were able to spend together [on the campaign] and to watch her not as the little girl that sat in my lap that I would read stories to every night, but to watch her as an adult manage people older than her, to do it effectively and skillfully, it was one of the greatest thrills of my life. She is an incredible political operative; she's one of the best I know.
NJ From what she told National Journal, she wants to stay in Arkansas. She doesn't want to return to D.C. or go work in another state doing field operations. Do you think that's the right choice for her?
HUCKABEE I think it is. She worked in D.C. for a couple of years at the Education Department, and it was a great experience for her, she loved it. She worked with some terrific people there. She loved the culture of the city, like so many young people there, but she's married now, she's realizing D.C. is not exactly conducive to the settling down world of marriage and raising kids, all of those things. The stability and serenity of life she looks for in Little Rock, I think that's a sign in itself of her maturity.


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Boston College - Alumni StadiumThis panorama of Alumni Stadium, taken by Christopher Gjevre, captures the action of a Boston College Eagles football game. The roots of Alumni Stadium and on-campus football at Boston College date back to 1915. Years later, after playing at two off-campus sites, the current stadium was built on Boston College's lower campus and opened in 1957. Renovations took place in 1971 and 1998, bringing seating capacity to its current 44,500. The Eagles football team, a member of the Atlantic Coast Conference, began play in 1892 and is consistently ranked among the nation's best for academic achievement and graduation. Boston College was established in 1863 and is located in Chestnut Hill, Massachusetts.
Bring your wall alive with the glory of college football in Boston! This spectacular, rare Eagles print features a glorious game night at Alumni, as the fans thrill to another big ACC victory. Printed in brilliant color and perfect focus on high-quality print stock, and complete with a sharp white border that includes the official team logo and a brief descriptive paragraph, this is both a beauty for the wall of home or office, and a great collector's item for years to come. Perfect for the wall of any student, alumnus, athlete, Eagles fan, or Boston native!
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No doubt, nail art is seriously having a moment. But we're already at a point where certain patterns have become passé (accent finger anyone?). To keep your tips covered in fresh, fantastic looks, we've compiled Nail Art's New Wave, a collection of our favorite new patterns inspired by super-talented manicurist Julie Kandalec and Maybelline New York's Color Show Nail Lacquer – plus hints on how to execute them perfectly.
Nail art is so hot right now, which is probably half the reason we were so excited about the totally retro '60s pattern that we've dubbed "The Mod World." The other half of why we're in love with this look is the increasingly complicated series of circles and curves. Sure, it looks darn-near impossible, but stick with us through the Beginner, Intermediate, and Advanced stages of our little how-to, and you'll have this one dancing on your tips before you even know it.
Photographed by Mark Iantosca
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Photographed by Mark Iantosca


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DURHAM, N.C. -- This week's Duke Football Summer Spotlight highlights junior linebacker David Helton, who enters the 2013 season as a key contributor for the defense at the Mike linebacker slot.
Helton, a 6-4, 235-pound native of Chattanooga, Tenn., has been a maintsay on the defensive side of the ball since his true freshman year. In 22 career games, including six starts, he has 80 tackles, 5.0 tackles for loss, 1.5 sacks and three quarterback hurries. As a sophomore, he logged a career-high 55 tackles while playing in all 13 games for the Blue Devils.
The Duke Football Summer Spotlight runs every Wednesday on GoDuke.com. Be sure to check back next week for the newest installment.
Duke Football Summer Spotlight
Week 7: Kelby Brown
Week 6: Brandon Connette
Week 5: Dave Harding
Week 4: Issac Blakeney
Week 3: Jamal Bruce
Week 2: Juwan Thompson
Week 1: Anthony Boone


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Antigua Guatemala
Antigua Guatemala
Antigua, the capital of the Captaincy-General of Guatemala, was founded in the early 16th century. Built 1,500 m above sea-level, in an earthquake-prone region, it was largely destroyed by an earthquake in 1773 but its principal monuments are still preserved as ruins. In the space of under three centuries the city, which was built on a grid pattern inspired by the Italian Renaissance, acquired a number of superb monuments.
Antigua Guatemala
Antigua, capitale de la Capitainerie générale du Guatemala, fut fondée au début du XVIe siècle. Bâtie à 1 500 m d'altitude dans une zone de secousses telluriques, elle fut en grande partie détruite par un séisme en 1773, mais ses principaux monuments sont toujours préservés en tant que ruines. Construite selon un plan en damier inspiré des principes de la Renaissance italienne, elle s'est, en moins de trois siècles, enrichie de monuments superbes.
أنتيغوا غواتيمالا
تأسست أنتيغوا عاصمة القُبطانية العامة في غواتيمالا في مطلع القرن السادس عشر، على ارتفاع 1500 متر عن سطح البحر في منطقة تشهد هزات أرضية. ودُمّرت دماراً جزئياً عام 1773، إلا أنّ أبنيتها الرئيسية لا تزال مصانة كآثار قديمة، وأُعيد بناؤها وفقاً لتصميم مُستوحى من مبادئ النهضة الإيطالية مما أدى إلى إثرائها بالنصب التذكارية الجميلة في أقلّ من ثلاثة قرون.
source: UNESCO/ERI
source: UNESCO/ERI
Город Антигуа-Гватемала (Старая Гватемала)
Антигуа, столица генерал-капитанства Гватемала, была основана в начале XVI в. Расположенный на 1500 м выше уровня моря в зоне сильных землетрясений, в 1773 г. город был сильно разрушен стихией. Но его основные памятники сохранились в виде руин. В течение почти трех столетий город, построенный по прямоугольной сетке со зданиями, возводимыми в стиле итальянского Возрождения, обогатился и другими прекрасными памятниками.
source: UNESCO/ERI
Ciudad de Antigua
La ciudad de Antigua, sede de la Capitanía General de Guatemala, fue fundada a principios del siglo XVI. Edificada a 1.500 metros de altura en una zona de sacudidas sísmicas, fue destruida en gran parte por un terremoto en 1773. Construida con arreglo a un trazado en damero inspirado en los principios del Renacimiento italiano, Antigua llegó a poseer en menos de tres siglos un gran número de monumentos soberbios.
source: UNESCO/ERI
source: NFUAJ
Antigua, Guatemala
Antigua is de voormalige hoofdstad van het 'Capitanía General de Guatemala', ook wel het Koninkrijk van Guatamala genoemd, dat het grootste deel van Midden-Amerika omvatte in de Spaanse periode. De stad werd in het begin van de 16e eeuw gesticht en ligt 1.500 meter boven de zeespiegel. In 1773 werd Antigua grotendeels verwoest door een aardbeving, maar de belangrijkste monumenten zijn nog bewaard als ruïnes. In een tijdspanne van minder dan drie eeuwen verwierf de stad – gebouwd volgens een schaakbordpatroon geïnspireerd door de Italiaanse Renaissance – een aantal prachtige monumenten. De stad wordt gekenmerkt door koloniale architectuur en moderne bouw in koloniale stijl, in de vorm van herenhuizen en kleinere woningen.
Source: unesco.nl
Outstanding Universal Value
Brief Synthesis:
Built 1,530.17 m above sea level in an earthquake-prone region, Antigua Guatemala, the capital of the Captaincy-General of Guatemala, was founded in 1524 as Santiago de Guatemala. It was subsequently destroyed by fire caused by an uprising of the indigenous population, re-established in 1527 and entirely buried as a result of earthquakes and an avalanche in 1541. The third location, in the Valley of Panchoy or Pacán, was inaugurated in March 1543 and served for 230 years. It survived natural disasters of floods, volcanic eruptions and other serious tremors until 1773 when the Santa Marta earthquakes destroyed much of the town. At this point, authorities ordered the relocation of the capital to a safer location region, which became Guatemala City, the county's modern capital. Some residents stayed behind in the original town, however, which became referred to as "La Antigua Guatemala".
Antigua Guatemala was the cultural, economic, religious, political and educational centre for the entire region until the capital was moved. In the space of under three centuries the city acquired a number of superb monuments.
The pattern of straight lines established by the grid of north-south and east-west streets and inspired by the Italian Renaissance, is one of the best examples in Latin American town planning and all that remains of the 16th-century city. Most of the surviving civil, religious, and civic buildings date from the 17th and 18th centuries and constitute magnificent examples of colonial architecture in the Americas. These buildings reflect a regional stylistic variation known as Barroco antigueño. Distinctive characteristics of this architectural style include the use of decorative stucco for interior and exterior ornamentation, main facades with a central window niche and often a deeply-carved tympanum, massive buildings, and low bell towers designed to withstand the region's frequent earthquakes. Among the many significant historical buildings, the Palace of the Captains General, the Casa de la Moneda, the Cathedral, the Universidad de San Carlos, Las Capuchinas, La Merced, Santa Clara, among others, are worth noting.
The city lay mostly abandoned for almost a century until the mid-1800s when increased agricultural production, particularly coffee and grain, brought new investment to the region. The original urban core is small, measuring approximately 775 metres from north to south and 635 metres east to west, covering 49.57 hectares.
Criterion (ii): Antigua Guatemala contains living traces of Spanish culture with its principal monuments, built in the Baroque style of the 18th century preserved today as ruins. Antigua Guatemala was a centre for the exportation of religious images and statues to the rest of the American continent and to Spain during the 17th and 18th centuries.
Criterion (iii): Antigua Guatemala is one the earliest and outstanding examples of city planning in Latin America in which the basic grid plan, dating from 1543, has been maintained. Its religious, private and government buildings are outstanding evidences of Spanish colonial architecture in Antigua.
Criterion (iv) The many churches and monasteries in Antigua Guatemala testify to the influence of the Christian church, during the colonial period, on every aspect of daily life in the city. Barroco antigueño developed in this area, a regional adaptation of the Baroque style designed to withstand the earthquakes common in the region.
Antigua Guatemala has retained the integrity of its 16th-century layout and the physical integrity of most of its built heritage. The relocation transfer of the capital after the 1773 earthquake and the abandonment of the area by most of its population permitted the preservation of many of its monumental Baroque-style buildings as ruins. In addition to vulnerability to natural disasters, including earthquakes, volcanic eruptions and hurricanes, the conditions of integrity for the property are threatened by tourist exploitation and uncontrolled growth. Further concerns on potential erosion of integrity include the illegal construction and gentrification as well as increased traffic through the historic district.
Due to the partial abandonment of the city in 1776, and the regulations prohibiting the repair and construction of new buildings, the city's 16th-century Renaissance grid pattern and Baroque-style monumental buildings and ruins have survived along with cobblestone streets, plazas with fountains, and domestic architecture.
While some of the original residences have been fully restored, new construction in recent years has followed a neo-colonial or "Antigua Style", which impacts the conditions of authenticity. Additional concerns relate to new development that has been inserted into existing ruins. For example the modern hotel (Casa Santo Domingo) was constructed within the ruins of the Santo Domingo church and monastery, which also impact the form and function of buildings. Adaptative re-use of historic buildings, driven by tourism development pressures, is also a matter of concern to be addressed through the enforcement of regulations and development of adequate conservation guidelines.
Protection and Management Requirements
Legal protection for Antigua Guatemala was established in 1944, when the city was declared a national monument with the intention to protect it from uncontrolled industrial and urban development. However, as responsibility was not given to a specific institution, the actual enforcement of protective and regulatory measures was minimal. The Pan-American Institute of Geography and History declared it an American Historical Monument in 1965 which took affect four years later with the approval of Article 61 of the Constitution of the Republic of Guatemala, Legislative Decree 60-69 (Law for the Protection of the City of La Antigua Guatemala). The establishment of the "National Council for the Protection of Antigua Guatemala" in 1972 created an institution responsible for this protection and restoration of the city's monuments.
Modern development pressure and increased tourism in the area have required more protection for the historic area and certain initiatives, at both the community and legislative levels, have been undertaken. These include recently developed tools for promoting local awareness, the participation by the community association Salvemos Antigua (Save Antigua), as well as a public education campaign (with a newsletter, schoolchildren programs etc.) supported by the Japanese government. The revision of Antigua's Protection Law, which requires approval of Congress, has also been promoted to adequately respond to existing factors and threats. Sustaining the Outstanding Universal Value of the property will require not only the updating and enforcement of legislative and regulatory measures, but also the definition and efficient protection of a the buffer zone and the sustained implementation of a master plan. The latter will need to include provisions for risk preparedness and disaster risk management, particularly in light of the vulnerability of the property. Comprehensive visitor management and clear conservation guidance and policies, will also be crucial for the property.
Long Description
Antigua Guatemala is an outstanding example of preserved colonial architecture and of cultural value. The religious, private and government buildings bear exceptional testimony to the Spanish colonial architecture in Antigua.
Built 1,500 m above sea level in an earthquake-prone region, Antigua, the capital of the Captaincy-General of Guatemala, was founded in the early 16th century as Santiago de Guatemala. The conquerors chose this location as the previous capital had flooded in 1541 and the valley provided an adequate source of water and a fertile soil. Antigua Guatemala was the seat of Spanish colonial government for the Kingdom of Guatemala, which included Chiapas (southern Mexico), Guatemala, Belize, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua and Costa Rica. It was the cultural, economic, religious, political and educational centre for the entire region until the capital was moved to present-day Guatemala City after the damaging earthquakes of 1773, but its principal monuments are still preserved as ruins. In the space of under three centuries the city, which was built on a grid pattern inspired by the Italian Renaissance, acquired a number of superb monuments.
Much of the architecture today dates from the 17th and 18th centuries and provides us with a colonial jewel in the Americas. The construction of the Palace of the Captains-General was begun on the original building in 1549 and completed in 1558, but the building has been repeatedly reconstructed following damaging earthquakes. In 1735 the Casa de la Moneda was inaugurated in this large complex, but most of the structure was destroyed in the 1773 quakes. On the east side of the Plaza de Armas stood the cathedral, inaugurated in 1680, after 11 years of construction. The cathedral was laid out with three aisles and salient transepts in a cruciform plan. Bays off the side aisles contained chapels. The present day church is a reconstruction of a small portion of the front of the cathedral. In the centre of the Plaza stands the Fountain of the Sirens, designed in 1739 by architect Miguel Porras. On the north side of the Plaza stands the Ayuntamiento or City Hall dating from 1743 which was little damaged by the 1773 earthquakes.
The Universidad de San Carlos was built around 1763, when the university, founded in 1676, was moved to this site. By the end of the 18th century the building required extensive renovations. The present portal was built in 1832 when the building was turned into a public school, the university having been moved to Guatemala City where it remains today.
Among the masterpiece of religious architecture, one of the most fascinating colonial sites in Antigua is Las Capuchinas (the Capuchin Convent) completed in 1736 under the direction of Diego de Porres, the chief architect of the city. Today the convent is partially intact and partially in ruins. The present church of La Merced was finished in 1767; the facade is one of the most beautiful in Antigua, featuring intricate and ornate patterns in white stucco on a yellow background. The church has short squat bell towers different from the churches built in seismically less active Mexico during the same epoch. The monastery attached to La Merced was totally destroyed by the Santa Marta quakes, and never rebuilt. Another very special ruin is that of the convent of Santa Clara founded in 1699 by the arrival of five nuns and one legate from Mexico. The convent's first church was completed in 1705, but destroyed in 1717. The remains standing today are those of a new church and convent started in 1723 and finished in 1734. The church of El Carmen, completed in 1728, is the third to occupy this site. The main facade of the church is ornate Baroque, and unique in Antigua with its triple pairs of columns set on podia projecting forward from the main wall in place of the niches and saints usually occurring here on Antigua's churches.
Religious and government buildings do not hold a monopoly on Spanish colonial architecture in Antigua, however: colonial architecture and modern construction in colonial style is found throughout Antigua in mansions and in humbler homes.Source: UNESCO/CLT/WHC


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Commemorate the return of the Olympics to Rome - the legendary games of Wilma Rudolph, Cassius Clay, Al Oerter, and Oscar Robertson! Published by the IOC at the Olympic Museum in Lausanne, Switzerland, this poster features a reprint of the official poster for the 1960 Olympic Summer Games in Rome, Italy. Designed by legendary graphic artist Armando Testa, the winning entry from a pool of over 200 artists, this all-time classic incorporates the modern Olympic rings with several icons of ancient Rome - city founders Romulus and Remus suckling from the she-wolf, atop a classical column adorned with a victorious athlete being lauded by toga-clad admirers. Whether you or a family member competed in the games, you attended as a fan, are a citizen of the host country, or are simply a fan of the Olympic movement, this is a must for the wall of your home or office!
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Pre-Valentine's Lock & Key Singles Party
Best Valentine's Day Parties For Singles In Sacramento
Valentine's Day doesn't only have to be for couples. Embrace being single this year by celebrating in your own way. There are numerous events happening around Sacramento that cater to the single crowd. And who knows, you might just meet a sweetheart at one of them.


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The Details
Mini Leaf Studies III
Dimensions: 16" w x 19.50" h
Item#: 071011C
Giorgio Caucacci
We've added drama to this reproduction of petite antique nature studies with a mat of bold proportions. Finished in a delicate gold wood frame with simple beaded detail, it retains a gentle beauty. By Giorgio Caucacci.


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Vonn captures win number 57 in St Moritz
Lindsey Vonn edged closer to yet another record in winning her second Super G of the season in St Moritz. This was a gutsy and aggressive run by the HEAD World Cup Rebel and when she crossed the finish line, the fire was there for all to see: This result meant a lot to her, the clenched fist and roar said she was back in the race for the Overall. "That's what I am talking about," she roared in the finish area. Tina Maze scored another podium and Julia Mancuso made it two HEAD World Cup rebels on the podium.
St Moritz is a hard slope for the racers as it is all above the tree line and the weather plays a larger than usual role. The weather Gods shone for Lindsey as she blasted out of the start with the sun starting to break through. Better visibility means the racers are more confident at the high speeds.
With Maze the first of the top seeds to go, she took the lead. With Vonn going at 21, the script was set and with the green light all the way down, Vonn was able to banish the frustration of coming out in the Super Combined slalom section. Maze's coach had set the course and Vonn had put in a faster time than his charge. "I did not ski it totally clean," Vonn commented afterwards yet had been aggressive and had let the skis run.
"Records are what inspire me as that is what I will leave behind," explained Vonn after the race, "yet for now I stay focused and will just take it day by day."
With the Super G World Cup very tight and close, Julia Mancuso was delighted to be on the podium yet again. "I am enjoying things in Super G at the moment, another podium is good but I just need to work out how Lindsey is that bit quicker," explained Mancuso after the race.
Maria Hoefl-Riesch made it three HEAD World Cup Rebels in the top five yet was slightly disappointed with the technical aspects of her run as she placed fifth.
The win moves Vonn up to third with Maria Hoefl-Riesch in second in the race for the Overall Title.
1. Lindsey Vonn (USA) HEAD
2. Tina Maze (SLO)
3. Julia Mancuso (USA) HEAD
5. Maria Hoefl-Riesch (GER) HEAD
18. Lizzi Goergl (AUT) HEAD
21. Margret Altacher (AUT) HEAD


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Fast and reversible redox reactions at considerably reduced temperatures are achieved by epitaxial stabilization of multivalent transition metal oxides. This illustrates the unprecedented potential of complex oxides for oxide-ionics, where oxidation state changes are used for energy generation, storage and electrochemical sensing.
Thermomechanical degradation reduces the overall performance and lifetime of many perovskite oxides undergoing reversible redox reactions, such as those found in solid oxide fuel cells, rechargeable batteries, electrochemical sensors, oxygen membranes, and catalytic converters. To mitigate this degradation, these reactions must occur at lower temperatures. However, high temperatures (>700 oC) are often required in conventional perovskites for fast catalysis and bulk diffusion. The epitaxial stabilization of strontium cobaltite (SrCoOx) is here shown to lower the redox temperature to ~ 200°C. Switching between two distinct topotactic crystalline phases, either the perovskite SrCoO3-δ or the brownmillerite SrCoO2.5, occurs rapidly and reversibly. Theory and optical spectroscopy indicate that this transformation corresponds to a metal-insulator transition. Quite interestingly, the SrCoO2.5 film also exhibited significant activity for carbon monoxide oxidation, which suggests its potential as a heterogeneous catalyst.
H. Jeen, W. S. Choi, M. D. Biegalski, C. M. Folkman, I. C. Tung, D. D. Fong, J. W. Freeland, D. Shin, H. Ohta, M. F. Chisholm,, and H. N. Lee, "Reversible redox reactions in an epitaxially stabilized SrCoOx oxygen sponge" Nature Materials, DOI: 10.1038/NMAT3736 (2013).
W. S. Choi, H. Jeen, J. H. Lee, S. S. A. Seo, V. R. Cooper, K. M. Rabe, and H. N. Lee, "Reversal of the lattice structure in SrCoOx epitaxial thin films studied by real-time optical spectroscopy and first-principles calculations," Phys. Rev. Lett. 111, 097401 (2013).
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166394536742048Holiday Carrier Card
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Printed in vibrant full color, this Business Holiday Card is a great way to reach out and connect with each of your clients during the holiday season. By personalizing the colors, photo(s), logo, and greeting, you can tailor this design in a way that reflects your brand and resonates with your clients. For quantities of 3,000 or more, please request a quote.
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Layout Number
|5" x 7" Folded


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National Alliance on Mental Illness
page printed from http://www2.nami.org/
(800) 950-NAMI; email@example.com
PACT - A Client's Perspective
Note: Dylan Abraham describes his experiences with the Program of Assertive Community Treatment, or PACT. For more information about the program, visit the NAMI website (www.nami.org), or call the NAMI ACT Technical Assistance Center at 1-800-950-6264.
It was spring of 1977. At that time my life was in a shambles. I was hospitalized in a psych ward for the fourth straight year, desperately trying to find health and peace of mind. I had first been hospitalized in 1974, at the age of 18, with a diagnosis of schizophrenia. My spirits were low, as was my self-esteem. I had no job, no car, no money, and I was not attending college. Generally, after fighting valiantly against my illness, I had hit rock bottom. What was I to do?
A social work student at the hospital arranged to get me into the Program of Assertive Community Treatment, or PACT. I had no idea what PACT was or how it operated. I rebelled against getting involved with the program and hoped-one way or another-I could find a way out of my situation.
But the answer was right under my nose if I would be open to it. That spring I did join PACT, the program that was about to turn my entire world around into a life that I thought I would never reach.
PACT is a true community-treatment program that doesn't use inpatient care unless there are no other options. Most staff time is spent out in the community, dealing with clients and their needs and problems on their turf. Clients and staff keep in touch on a day-to-day basis, whenever and wherever the client needs someone to help. Over 50 percent of PACT clients are working, and if Social Security rules that discourage full-time work are changed, PACT could be even more successful in helping clients obtain work.
That first year, 1977, I literally had to start from scratch, not only with PACT but with my life as well. I was frustrated, bitter, and angry at the system and at myself, feeling as though I had really messed up. I looked at PACT as a dumping ground, a place where they put you when nothing else works. It was a difficult adjustment to be in PACT as opposed to psych wards and seeing a private doctor. But, within the first two years I realized that PACT was more than just a safety net. It was an opportunity if I used the program the right way.
With time, an apartment, a good volunteer job at a children's day care center and another volunteer job at an adult day care center, I was back working. It was a good step, the jobs were enjoyable, and I felt some self-worth and self-esteem returning to my life. It wasn't perfect, but it was a start. I began to appreciate what PACT was attempting to do and began to respect what staff accomplished.
I was becoming somebody again. Slowly but steadily I was doing what I wanted to do and what I liked to do. I wrote a book about my experiences with mental illness. I also began to write poetry. I've written many articles and spoken about PACT and mental illness across the country and in England. Now as well as writing and public speaking, I am a staff member in the crisis service of a community mental health center.
We must remember that recovery is an individual concept. PACT has worked for my recovery and other people's recovery by providing medication, helping with housing and social skills, and finding work. Many people work, some go to school, and others like myself work as a professional and write. People are making it in the community.
Staff have rough times as well as smooth. Sometimes they're dealing with the person who has gone off meds, the client who is being evicted from an apartment, or somebody getting into trouble with the law. Despite a person's problems, PACT is still there for them when they are in trouble. The ill person may need more meds, more contacts with staff, or simply a couple of days off from work. PACT is there 24 hours a day for their people.
I also realize-and so does PACT-that if somebody needs to be hospitalized in a psych ward, it isn't a failure. Rather, it is part of the process for that particular person in their recovery.
One of the good features of PACT is that people have ongoing care that provides stability and continuity in their lives. And the care provided by the staff can mean a break and a relief for the family; no longer do families have to be the treaters. Instead they can live their lives knowing their loved one is being treated, and that eases the stress and strain on families. For the most part, families are a part of the treatment team at PACT. They are listened to and are respected by the program.
This community-based program, in my thinking, is another word for hope. It isn't perfect. But for now, PACT-even after some 25+ years-is still an innovative idea. With time and hard work there will be more PACTs out there with more and more people getting good quality community treatment.
The years have come and gone. I've gone from a man with nothing to a man with a life, a man whose worst nightmare turned into a dream come true. My life took an unexpected turn that in the long run has been positive and has led me to a life that is important, has meaning, and is enjoyable.
PACT has stood the test of time as have I and others. PACT is a program that needs to be tried elsewhere. People need the experience of an independent life. And finally, people just need to be people, and that includes clients at PACT. We are not guinea pigs in PACT. The illnesses and brain disorders are the real guinea pigs we are treating.
To close, I would say that in the long run, PACT has been a key in my recovery and a key to my continued health. Hopefully, we can all have positive experiences when treated for mental illnesses, and I ask all of you to help in making this program sprout nationwide so others like me can have access to it. I can honestly say that PACT gets the job done.