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I must admit I'm one of those folks who keeps my deco's up for as long as possible (I've been known to swap out Xmas decorations for Australia Day ones!). I guess – historically speaking – one should pack away Christmas By Jan 6, which is the 12th Night. However, many of us don't have [Continue reading…]
Reindeer Hot Chocolates
You have to love a bit of Christmas Craft. I'm a big fan of it when it comes home from Kindy or School but do tend to stay away from doing it at home. Frankly I just hate the cleaning up part. Miss N has a play day after school today and I thought it [Continue reading…]
There are only 2 weeks until December and if you plan on having an Advent Calendar you don't have long to get one organised! You may remember last year I made a super cute Advent Calendar out of socks. This year I'm using a calendar that was given to me by one of my Au Pairs. [Continue reading…]
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We are super excited about today's Road Test Tuesday! The awesome elves at Santa's Portable North Pole (PNP) have been busy during the past year creating all sorts of new and exciting things for our little ones this Christmas! If your kids are like ours and love getting messages from Santa then the PNP is [Continue reading…]
Today we are talking Christmas F&B. Now is the time to go and clean out that fridge, take stock of what's in your deep freezer and go through your pantry to make sure you can be ahead of the game this Christmas. Grab your Christmas Planner we gave you last week and lets get going! [Continue reading…]


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Agnes Strickland
1 portrait
© National Portrait Gallery, London
Agnes Strickland
by John Hayes
oil on canvas, 1846
36 1/4 in. x 28 1/4 in. (921 mm x 718 mm)
Bequeathed by Agnes Strickland, 1875
Primary Collection
Click on the links below to find out more:
Sitterback to top
- Agnes Strickland (1796-1874), Historian. Sitter in 7 portraits.
Artistback to top
- John Hayes (1786-1866). Artist associated with 9 portraits.
Linked publicationsback to top
- Ormond, Richard, Early Victorian Portraits, 1973, p. 436
- Saywell, David; Simon, Jacob, Complete Illustrated Catalogue, 2004, p. 595
Subjects & Themesback to top
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Can you tell us more about this portrait? Spotted an error, something missing, or do you know anything that we don't know? If you have any information to share please complete the form below
See this portrait
On display in the Ladies Drawing Room at Bodelwyddan Castle
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subset: commoncrawl


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Topic: Russia-Georgia, Turkey, Caucasus, Central Asia (Read 28703 times)
Power User
Posts: 34544
Georgia under Russian pressure
Reply #100 on:
March 11, 2015, 09:43:36 AM »
As Russian forces consolidate their gains in Ukraine over the flat protests of Western leaders, the specter of Russian revanchism is keeping much of Eastern Europe on edge. But lumbering tanks and legions of insta-separatists arent the only concern. Ukraine isnt Russias only target.
Perhaps most alarming are the warning signs going off in Georgia, a steadfast Euro-Atlantic partner where a pro-Western political consensus has long been a foreign-policy calling card. A long-standing opponent of Russian military adventurism, Georgia sought escape velocity from Russian regional dominance by courting membership in Euro-Atlantic structures and earned a reputation as an enthusiastic and credible Western partner. But
Western quiescence in the face of Russian territorial aggression is starting to have an effect.
Western quiescence in the face of Russian territorial aggression is starting to have an effect. After decades of acrimony in which Georgians have watched Russian proxies occupy 20 percent of their territory and ethnically cleanse some 300,000 of their compatriots, certain groups are starting to ask if maintaining close ties to the West is worth all the loss. Increasingly, Georgians are beginning to think that it isnt.
The groups spearheading Russian influence operations in Georgia fly beneath the international radar under the cloak of local-language media and the oft-repeated surety of pro-Western sentiment. But they can be seen protesting in Tbilisi streets, preaching in Georgian churches, and holding improbably well-funded campaign rallies ahead of elections. The evidence shows that Russian influence in Georgia is growing stronger. (In the photo, a Stalin impersonator poses at a memorial service for the Soviet dictator in his Georgian hometown of Gori.)
But at Washington roundtables and in private conversations, Western officials and experts tend to downplay the possibility of Russian-exported propaganda taking root in Georgia. The root of this complacency is tied to regular polling from the U.S.-funded International Republican Institute and the National Democratic Institute (NDI) that has consistently showed public support for Euro-Atlantic integration at between 60 and 70 percent. Successive governments have relied on this popular approval to justify their Western-facing foreign-policy agendas.
So support for Euro-Atlantic integration is broad. But is it deep? Those who have spent time with ordinary Georgians say the reality, as is often the case, is far more complex.
There, in a scene in the popular Georgian soap opera Chemi Tsolis Dakalebi (My Wifes Best Friends), revelers at a wedding reception are interrupted by an announcement that Georgia has just been awarded a long-coveted MAP (membership action plan), a prelude to NATO membership. The announcement shocks the crowd into a stunned silence, which then gives way to raucous cheers. One character, while clapping and celebrating along with the others, turns to another partygoer and asks: Whats a MAP?
While the scene colorfully illuminates NATOs outsized social, and even civilizational, pull among Georgians, it also suggests a harsher truth: that Georgian societys Western moorings may be more emotive than well-informed. The headline numbers from public opinion polls dont tell the whole story. Look deeper into the data, and the picture is much more worrisome.
According to an NDI poll last August, integration with the West was at best a tertiary issue for Georgians. Instead, kitchen table issues dominated respondents concerns, with worries about jobs (63 percent) and poverty (32 percent) eclipsing other issues. NATO and EU integration came in far behind at 10th and 17th, respectively. And of 21 issues polled, Georgians picked NATO and EU membership as the top issues the government spent too much time discussing.
But most concerning, buried deep in the survey results, were signs of growing support for joining the Eurasian Union, a Moscow-led EU alternative. A full 20 percent favored the idea of Georgian membership. This percentage has risen steadily from 11 percent in late 2013 to 16 percent in mid-2014. Who are these Georgians who would surrender their countrys sovereignty to the same power that keeps a steely grip on Georgian territory and carves other neighboring states with impunity?
Part of the answer can be found in a budding segment of the nongovernmental sector, consisting of innocuously named pro-Russian groups like the Eurasian Institute, Eurasian Choice, and The Earth Is Our Home. Many of these organizations pop in and out of existence as needed the Peace Committee of Georgia one week, something else the next but they are often tied to the same group of pro-Russian ideologues and policy entrepreneurs who make regular pilgrimages to Moscow and, according to Georgian officials in the ruling party and the opposition, almost certainly receive Kremlin funding. Their common message isnt high-church Russian apologia or Soviet nostalgia, but rather Eurasianism and Orthodox civilization Kremlin shorthand for Putinism. Appeals to Georgian social conservatism, economic vulnerability, and lingering anger over past government abuses are winning converts within a population increasingly impatient with Georgias unrequited love affair with the West.
In mid-2014, Eurasianist groups made headlines for their raucous opposition to an anti-discrimination bill making its way through the Georgian parliament. Their opposition centered on language in the bill banning discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation, which opponents claimed was tantamount to promoting non-heterosexual lifestyles. But they didnt come to the protests alone accompanying the pro-Russian activists were unmistakably garbed clerics from the Georgian Orthodox Church.
The church, too, was nonplussed over the anti-discrimination bill and called for language protecting sexual minorities to be ejected. One of the oldest existing Christian churches in the world, the Georgian Orthodox Church is both a touchstone for Georgian nationalism and reliably polls as the most trusted institution in the country. But the churchs common cause with the Eurasianists was not limited to tactical alliances over anti-gay rhetoric. Although nominally in favor of Georgian membership in the European Union, influential factions within the Orthodox hierarchy openly stoke religious nationalism and express admiration for Russia.
Today, church representatives are increasingly seen as a vanguard for reactionary activity. In mid-2013, clergy members were on the front lines of a horrifying anti-gay pogrom in central Tbilisi. Church officials have justified protests against and attacks on Georgian Muslims. And church leaders have called the West worse than Russia, sometimes describing the 2008 Russian invasion as a kind of heavenly intervention against Western integration. Such language is echoed by Georgias Eurasianist NGOs.
The growing profile of pro-Russian organizations and the sharpening anti-Western stance of the church is converging with a third leg in an emerging pro-Russian triad: the revitalization of anti-Western political parties.
Since the 2012 change in power, pro-Russian politicians have risen from the darkest margins of Georgian political life into an increasingly viable political force.
Since the 2012 change in power, pro-Russian politicians have risen from the darkest margins of Georgian political life into an increasingly viable political force.
Onetime pro-Western advocate turned pro-Russian political agitator Nino Burjanadze has fashioned a political coalition aimed squarely at breaking Georgias Euro-Atlantic consensus. In presidential and local elections in 2013 and 2014, respectively, Burjanadze managed to get about 10 percent of the vote, armed with Eurasianist rhetoric and fueled by massive influxes of what was likely Russian money. And the rapidly growing Alliance of Patriots a populist party with anti-Western leanings, which recently held a major rally in Tbilisi won almost 5 percent in June 2014. If these numbers hold, parliamentary elections in 2016 could very well yield a very differently oriented Georgian government. A 15 percent result would be more than enough to send pro-Russian deputies into parliament in force, shattering cross-partisan foreign-policy unity and potentially playing kingmakers in coalition talks.
Irakli Alasania, Georgias former defense minister, has Russia on his mind. There are very active pro-Russia groups and thousands of protesters who are against Western integration, he told me recently, referring to the Alliance of Patriots rally. He expressed worry that the current government is downplaying a growing Russian threat. With his own Free Democrats now part of the parliamentary opposition, the ruling Georgian Dream coalitions ranks of solidly pro-Western parties has noticeably thinned, and the leverage of socially conservative, protectionist factions within the coalition has increased.
But this is probably only the beginning. If trends hold, Georgias foreign-policy consensus long taken for granted in the West could begin to unravel in earnest. Although Georgian Dream, to its credit, has managed to skate the knifes edge between geopolitical pragmatism and Euro-Atlantic enthusiasm, it is increasingly losing popularity among once-hopeful voters. As things stand, parliament in 2016 looks like it will be very different from todays parliament. The pro-Western opposition United National Movement will likely see its 51 seats slashed by half or more. In its place is likely to be a collection of openly anti-Western deputies from Burjanadzes coalition and the Alliance of Patriots. If it stays together, Georgian Dream may well remain the largest parliamentary bloc, but the introduction of large anti-Western groupings into parliament could compel it to dilute, or even abandon, its pro-Western policies out of political necessity.
This trajectory ought to be a cause for deep concern. Even a Georgia that tried to split its orientation between the West and Moscow would likely sink into the quicksand of Russian dominance, as have each of the other paragons of this strategy Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Kazakhstan. This result would mean the consolidation of Russian geostrategic supremacy over the Caucasus and, with it, a complete Russian monopoly over trans-Eurasian energy and trade flows.
There are ways the West could throw a much-needed lifeline to Georgian liberals.
There are ways the West could throw a much-needed lifeline to Georgian liberals. While the association agreement with the European Union signed last June is surely a welcome symbol, and the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area has great future potential, the real prize for most ordinary Georgians is the prospect of visa-free travel to the EU. If this is introduced this year, as widely hoped, this could be a real boon for Western credibility. And if not outright NATO membership, other strong gestures, such as U.S. major non-NATO ally status, would be a relatively painless upgrade that would enshrine what is essentially the status quo while recognizing Georgias long-outsized dedication and contributions to the Euro-Atlantic space.
What is clear is that the days of taking Georgias pro-Western consensus for granted are quickly coming to a close. Russian influence is resurgent across its periphery, from Eastern Europe to the Caucasus to Central Asia, and Georgia remains a long-coveted prize. It may have taken successive military interventions, information warfare, and influence operations, but Moscow looks to be turning a corner in its bid to regain Georgia both by hook and by crook.
Power User
Posts: 34544
Why Russia will send more troops to Central Asia
Reply #101 on:
April 12, 2015, 01:32:10 PM »
Why Russia Will Send More Troops to Central Asia
April 11, 2015 | 12:59 GMT
Text Size
Russian soldiers take part in the August 2014 Indestructible Brotherhood joint military exercises at the Ala-Too training ground in Kyrgyzstan. (VYACHESLAV OSELEDKO/AFP/Getty Images)
Russia is making a concerted effort to increase its military and security presence throughout Central Asia, just not for the reasons it would have you think. Though the Kremlin is concerned with the threat of spillover violence from Islamist militancy in Afghanistan its purported motive for deploying more troops it is far more alarmed by what it sees as Chinese and Western encroachment into lands over which it has long held sway. It is this concern that will shape Moscow's behavior in Central Asia in the years to come.
Central Asia has played an important role in the projection of Russian military power since the Russian Empire's expansion in the 18th and 19th centuries. During this period, Russia established military outposts as it competed with the British Empire for influence in the region. By the mid-19th century, Russia had brought modern-day Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan into its empire. In the early 20th century, the countries were incorporated into the Soviet Union.
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia retained a military presence in Central Asia and played a major role in regional conflicts, such as the 1992-1997 Tajik civil war. Today Russia still has military bases in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. Kazakhstan is a member of the Collective Security Treaty Organization, a military bloc dominated by Moscow. And while Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan are not members of the bloc, they do have important security and military ties with Russia through arms purchases.
Concerns of Militancy
Russia's long-standing influence in Central Asian military affairs frames several of the country's recent moves. On April 2, the base commander of Russia's 201st military base in Tajikistan said Russia would increase the number of troops stationed there from 5,900 to 9,000 over the next five years and add more military equipment through 2020. Then on April 3 an unnamed source in the General Staff of the Russian armed forces told Kommersant that Russia was prepared to grant Tajikistan $1.2 billion in military aid over the next few years. Russian military specialists were reportedly dispatched to Turkmenistan's border with Afghanistan on March 24 as well. Turkmen officials have yet to confirm this, but local media report that Ashgabat requested Russian assistance to protect the Afghan border.
Officially, these developments are tied to growing concern over violence spilling over from Afghanistan into Central Asia. It is a legitimate fear for many Central Asian governments as NATO and the United States draw down their forces in Afghanistan. Regional governments have voiced discomfort with the increased militant presence in northern Afghanistan, including the Taliban and the Islamic State.
Russia has echoed this fear. Russian President Vladimir Putin's special representative for Afghanistan alleged that Islamic State fighters in the north are training thousands of militants near the Tajikistan and Turkmenistan borders. Collective Security Treaty Organization summits have focused on the issue, and Tajikistan urged the bloc to do more to counter the threat at the April 1-2 Dushanbe summit.
Despite a definite uptick in militant attacks in northern Afghanistan, no concrete evidence has emerged of attacks over the border in Central Asian states. Central Asia's last major wave of regionwide militancy was 1999-2001, when the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan conducted attacks in the Fergana Valley in Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan. The U.S. intervention in Afghanistan following 9/11, however, wiped out much of the group. Surviving elements then dispersed throughout the Afghanistan-Pakistan border area.
Since then, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Kazakhstan have seen some attacks by Islamist militants. But many were related to political dynamics, not the movement in Afghanistan. A spillover of Afghan militancy is possible, but so far the threat is minimal.
More Pertinent Factors
Because Islamist spillover from northern Afghanistan is still a relatively minor threat, Russia's push into Central Asia may have other motivations. Moscow is engaged in a tense standoff with the West over Ukraine, just one theater in the competition for influence along the former Soviet periphery. Central Asia is another key region in this contest. The region possesses sizable oil and natural gas resources that are attractive to the European Union as it seeks to diversify energy supplies and end its dependence on Russia. Europe has already pursued Turkmenistan to join the Trans-Caspian pipeline project.
The United States has also been active in Central Asia, particularly from a security standpoint. The United States no longer uses Central Asian military bases that had been logistical centers for operations in Afghanistan, such as the Kant Air Base in Kyrgyzstan or the Karshi-Khanabad Air Base in Uzbekistan. These bases, however, have left a regional legacy. Washington maintains some security operations that include counternarcotics training with Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan.
The United States has also expressed interest in increasing its commitment. The commander of U.S. Central Command, Gen. Lloyd Austin, said the United States was willing to provide military equipment and technology to support Turkmenistan's efforts to secure its border with Afghanistan. The United States also announced in January that it would grant over 200 Mine Resistant Ambush Protected vehicles to Uzbekistan previously used in the U.S. Northern Distribution Network in Afghanistan. Such gestures point to a U.S. desire to develop more cooperative security relationships with Central Asian states.
Moscow's military and security expansion efforts stem partly from its concern about these gestures. But Russia has not limited itself to deploying military personnel. Moscow has expanded the scope and membership of its Eurasian Union to include broader cooperation on issues including border controls. Kazakhstan is already a member, and Kyrgyzstan will soon join. Russia increased the number of exercises held by Collective Security Treaty Organization members. It also called on Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan to cooperate more with the security bloc, though both have been hesitant.
However, Moscow's ability to solidify its position in Central Asia will be limited. Russia has a weak economy. Already, many Central Asian migrants who once worked in Russia have left, causing a decline in Russian remittances to the region. The West, and particularly the United States, will continue to have influence in the region. China, too, will continue to make economic and energy inroads.
Meanwhile, instability in the region will probably increase. Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan both have potential succession crises in the offing. Moreover, demographic growth and competition over water resources are likely to threaten the region's security. Russia will see its position in Central Asia tested in the coming years. Islamist militancy is just one concern among many for Moscow and Central Asian governments.
Power User
Posts: 34544
Russia to build Turkish Stream Pipeline
Reply #102 on:
May 24, 2015, 09:35:25 PM »
I have posted many times on this matter of the geopolitical significance of central Asia gas and how Russia needed it in order to control Europe:
Russia Carries On With Turkish Stream Pipeline
May 22, 2015 | 16:10 GMT
Russian energy company Gazprom has made it clear that it intends to move forward with the construction of the Turkish Stream natural gas pipeline as quickly as possible, whether or not the project can overcome political obstacles in Europe. Earlier in May, Gazprom notified a subsidiary of Italian energy firm Saipem that it could begin laying pipes for the planned 63 billion-cubic-meter pipeline in the Black Sea and also resumed a contract with Germany's Europipe for 150,000 metric tons of pipe for the project. Russia said it plans to start constructing the underwater portion of the pipeline in June.
Gazprom has already told Europe that it plans to cease using its current export route through Ukraine in 2019 and shift those natural gas supplies to the Turkish Stream pipeline. But the Europeans believe Russia will not follow through with its plans if Europe does not build the infrastructure necessary to deliver gas from Turkey to the markets currently serviced by the Ukrainian route. Meanwhile Russia has invested enough and has sufficient supplies available to at least begin construction on the first of Turkish Stream's four parallel pipelines, each with a capacity of about 16 billion cubic meters. Russia is banking on Europe caving in by the time Gazprom is ready to start constructing the other pipelines. Even if Europe does not compromise in the medium term, Gazprom can use a smaller version of Turkish Stream to supply the small but growing Turkish natural gas market.
One of Russia's tools for influence in Europe is its status as the dominant producer of natural gas and oil for the Continent. Moscow also uses its pipeline networks to exert influence over transit states such as Belarus and Ukraine as well as European countries further downstream.
For much of the 2000s, Russia's primary export route into Europe was a main line through Ukraine that branched out as it headed west toward Austria, Italy, Germany and other major consumers. This meant that whenever Russia and Ukraine had a dispute that led to a cutoff of natural gas to Ukraine, as occurred in 2006 and 2009, it invariably impacted the supply of energy to the rest of Europe. To avoid repeating this scenario, Moscow mustered enough financial and political support to build the Nord Stream pipeline, which now delivers natural gas across the Baltic Sea directly to Germany, Gazprom's largest European customer.
South Stream was meant to be the southern route that would bypass Ukraine by delivering natural gas across the Black Sea directly to Bulgaria and then to Central and Southeastern Europe. The financial and political support for South Stream came more slowly than support for its northern counterpart, but by the end of 2013, South Stream had enough resources to begin awarding contracts for pipe-laying, pipe fabrication and other construction-related services. However, the crisis in Ukraine halted the project before all the contracts had been awarded, and what little political support it had in Southeastern Europe evaporated under strong political pressure from the European Commission and more dominant European countries. At the same time, Russia spiraled into another major financial crisis, leaving funding for such large projects in question.
South Stream was canceled in December 2014. Almost immediately, it was replaced with the Turkish Stream plan, which is being designed to send the same amount of natural gas to Turkey as its ill-fated predecessor, almost directly across the border with Bulgaria. For Russia, Turkish Stream achieves the same goal as South Stream, but without the political constraints of transporting gas to EU member Bulgaria. And in return for its support of the new project, Turkey is hoping to get a 10.25 percent discount on its energy supply from Russia.
Turkish Stream
Russia is now using the contractors and subcontractors it enlisted for South Stream to accelerate the development of Turkish Stream. The contracts with Europipe and Saipem are just two of many that are likely to be migrated from the canceled project to its replacement. Gazprom is also likely prioritizing work on the first of the four planned parallel pipelines, each of which would carry about one-fourth of Turkish Stream's planned capacity. Gazprom hopes to have the first pipeline finished by December 2016.
Neither the Russian government nor Gazprom have the financing in place for the entire Turkish Stream project. Instead, they have opted to take a piecemeal approach. With oil and natural gas prices low, financing the later portions of Turkish Stream could be a challenge for Gazprom until Russia's economy improves.
Even before Russia envisioned Turkish Stream, it would have been difficult, if not impossible, for Gazprom to concurrently finance both South Stream and another planned energy project, the Power of Siberia pipeline to China the combined cost of which would exceed $100 billion. This was one of the main reasons Gazprom sought international financial partners for both projects. Russia has secured significant financing from China for the Power of Siberia project, though Gazprom has complained that China has been slow in delivering the money. Russia has also swapped the order in which it initally planned to construct the two pipelines to China, choosing to prioritize the Altai pipeline, which will transport natural gas from western Siberia to the border with China between Kazakhstan and Mongolia. Choosing to construct this shorter pipeline first gives Gazprom more flexibility in financing Turkish Stream given limited Western capital.
Getting foreign participation from Europe is even more difficult for the Turkish Stream project than it was for South Stream. Even if the West relaxes sanctions on Russia, business confidence in long-term contracts with Russia will remain relatively low, meaning that Russia must offer fairly high rates of return. Politically, Turkish Stream is highly unpopular in Europe. The Europeans are making every effort possible to develop alternatives, such as the Trans-Anatolian, Trans-Adriatic and Trans-Caspian pipelines, which could transport natural gas from Turkmenistan to Europe. Companies in Europe are throwing their support and finances behind some of these other projects.
A major worry for Moscow is that Russia will build Turkish Stream but have no means of transporting Europe's natural gas beyond the Turkish border. Right now, almost all of Europe's natural gas transportation infrastructure goes either from Northwestern Europe, bringing natural gas from the North Sea into Central and Southeastern Europe, or from Ukraine westward or southward. None of the infrastructure is designed to bring natural gas from the extreme southeast to other markets. In essence, Turkey and Bulgaria are at the end of Eurasia's natural gas supply chain networks. Moving natural gas to the north and west was a problem with South Stream as well, but Russia eventually found partners to extend the pipeline all the way into Central Europe. Because of the European Union's Third Energy Package, Gazprom cannot build and operate pipelines in Europe, so it must wait for the Europeans to develop the infrastructure. The Trans-Adriatic and Trans-Anatolian pipelines are designed to solve this problem for natural gas from the Caspian region, but the initial capacity for the Trans-Adriatic is exempt from Europe's open access rules, meaning Gazprom cannot use it anytime soon.
Differences Between Nord Stream and Turkish Stream
A similar process existed for the construction of the Nord Stream pipeline. Gazprom began awarding the construction contracts and building the pipeline well before Moscow and Berlin finalized the political agreement for the project and before Gazprom had hammered out the final details concerning the onshore distribution networks. However, there are two major differences between Nord Stream and Turkish Stream.
First, Germany is Europe's wealthiest economy, and its industrial base provided the money needed to finance and build the infrastructure for Nord Stream. There is no equivalent sponsor country for Turkish Stream. The biggest consumer in the immediate region is obviously Turkey, which currently gets half of its Russian natural gas through Ukraine notably, close to the same amount it could get through one of Turkish Stream's four planned pipelines, about 15 billion cubic meters. Turkey would not need to build a lot of infrastructure, since Turkish Stream would tap into existing pipeline networks north of Istanbul that deliver natural gas southward via the Ukrainian route. Italy could gain from the project, but it is already tied into other networks and is not heavily reliant on Russian natural gas. Economic constraints on many of the countries in Southeastern Europe, including Turkey, limit the financial backing available for projects such as Turkish Stream. Russia's best hope is that Western Europe would provide loands or other menas to incentivize the construction of networks to link to the planned Russian pipeline, but doing so would undermine the Europeans' policy of support for Ukraine and is thus politically unpopular in the European Union.
Second, Nord Stream was built in an entirely different geopolitical environment. Germany has become relatively assertive in negotiations with the Kremlin over the future of Ukraine. Nord Stream was planned and built without this tension as a backdrop. Moreover, Brussels has a greater political imperative to protect Ukraine's integrity and prominence. Its role as a transit state is key, because if Russia disrupts natural gas supplies to Ukraine, the Europeans will get involved, making the consequences more daunting for Moscow. Nord Stream was also built during a time of high energy prices, meaning high returns on investments in energy projects. Now that oil and natural gas prices are low, similarly high returns are unlikely.
Building the entire Turkish Stream pipeline project will be a complicated and protracted process, and the project may never reach its full potential. However, Russia's approach reveals a nuanced, low-risk plan for the pipeline. The capacity of the first of four planned pipelines is roughly equivalent to all of the natural gas that Russia delivers to Turkey through Ukraine. Moreover, the pipeline network that carries supplies from Ukraine to Turkey is already filled to capacity. Turkey is one of Russia's most important natural gas markets in the long term, and its natural gas demand has more than doubled over the past 10 years. By the mid 2020s, Turkey's natural gas demand could amount to the entire volume carried by the first two legs of Turkish Stream, and it will almost certainly need the amount of natural gas carried by the first leg even sooner.
This means that moving forward with Turkish Stream serves dual purposes: If the Europeans build the necessary infrastructure for Russia to tap into, then Moscow will have no problem accelerating the rest of the project. If not, then the new pipeline will still allow Russia to expand its export potential to the rapidly growing Turkish energy market.
Power User
Posts: 34544
Turkmenistan and geo political issues in natural gas
Reply #103 on:
June 27, 2015, 06:12:03 PM »
How Turkmenistan Can Alter the Russia-West Standoff
Geopolitical Diary
June 25, 2015 | 23:32 GMT
Text Size
On Thursday, Russian Energy Minister Alexander Novak expressed interest in potentially increasing Russia's natural gas imports from Turkmenistan. The same day, the Kazakh parliament ratified an agreement on the delineation of the Caspian Sea boundaries between Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan. While seemingly mundane and unrelated, these two events are interconnected and reflect Turkmenistan's potential to fundamentally alter an important element of the standoff between Russia and the West.
Turkmenistan's importance stems from two factors: its energy resources and its location. The country produces 77 billion cubic meters of natural gas per year and exports 44 bcm annually. Its natural gas reserves, an estimated 17.5 trillion cubic meters, are among the world's largest, making it a major global natural gas producer and exporter capable of becoming an even more important energy player down the road.
But it is Turkmenistan's location that has elevated the country in the standoff between Russia and the West. Situated astride the Caspian Sea and between major energy consumers to the east and the west, Turkmenistan has become a key component of the "Southern Corridor" energy route that the European Union has been giving increasing consideration to as a means of reducing Europe's dependence on Russian energy. This route, which would facilitate the transport of energy supplies from the Caspian region through the Caucasus and Turkey and onward to Europe, is explicitly meant to avoid Russia, both as a supplier and transit route for energy.
Until now, Azerbaijan has been the only meaningful contributor to the Southern Corridor, primarily through the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan and South Caucasus pipelines, which have been transporting oil and natural gas respectively for the past decade. But the volumes that Azerbaijan exports to Europe are relatively small, and even the slated expansion of production and exports from the Shah Deniz II natural gas field, which is set to come online in 2018, is expected to add only around 10 bcm of natural gas supplies to Europe. But if another legitimate natural gas producer like Turkmenistan were to add to the natural gas supplies from Azerbaijan, the possibility of real diversification from Russia would go up considerably.
This consideration spawned an intense European diplomatic offensive over the past few months in an effort to persuade Turkmenistan to contribute to the Southern Corridor. The European Union is particularly interested in the Trans-Caspian Pipeline, which would be a relatively short conduit connecting Turkmenistan and Azerbaijan along the Caspian Sea.
However, two major issues stand in Europe's way. One is the legal status of the Caspian Sea, with maritime boundaries in dispute among the littoral states of Russia, Iran, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan. It has been a thorny issue for decades, and numerous summits and meetings have led to little concrete movement toward a legal resolution. But recent developments, including today's bilateral ratification between Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan over their border and statements by Kazakh Foreign Minister Erlan Idrissov that a "breakthrough" could be reached on the legal convention at the next Caspian summit in Astana in 2016, show that this issue may not be an obstacle for long.
The other, more difficult, issue is Russia itself. As it does in the rest of Central Asia, Moscow has political, social, economic and security influence over Ashgabat. Combined with Turkmenistan's self-imposed isolationism, centralized political system and wariness of Western involvement, Russia's leverage has made Ashgabat cautious when it comes to working with Europe, especially on strategic projects that threaten Russian interests and could provoke Moscow's ire.
But Turkmenistan is not willing to do Russia's bidding unconditionally. Ties between Ashgabat and Moscow have been strained since 2009, when a pipeline blast ruptured a major energy connection between the two countries. Previously, Turkmenistan had been sending more than 90 percent of its natural gas to Russia. But after that incident, Ashgabat sped up work on alternative pipeline projects, redirecting much of its exported natural gas to China. Though Turkmenistan is still reluctant to openly and officially commit to any Southern Corridor projects with Europe, Ashgabat has been more willing to discuss the matter and show that it is at least interested. Russia's pronouncement that it is open to increasing imports from Turkmenistan again is likely an acknowledgment that Ashgabat has other options as well as that Turkmenistan's strategic importance has increased in light of Russia's weakened position and the West's more assertive actions in challenging Moscow in its near abroad.
Turkmenistan's decision to either remain aloof from Europe's attempts to diversify from Russian energy or to commit officially to participating in the Southern Corridor could have significant consequences. Ashgabat is likely to hold its cards close to its chest as long as it can, but watching for any indications of which direction Turkmenistan is leaning will be tremendously important to gauging the fate of the broader conflict between Russia and the West.
Power User
Posts: 34544
Russia quietly encroaches on Georgia
Reply #104 on:
August 01, 2015, 11:15:12 AM »
Russia Quietly Encroaches on Georgia
July 28, 2015 | 09:00 GMT
Protesters wave Georgian flags in the village of Khurtaveli, close to the breakaway Georgian territory of South Ossetia, July 17. (VANO SHLAMOV/AFP Photo)
With Russia's help, the disputed territory of South Ossetia is encroaching more deeply into Georgia, but the expansion is unlikely to escalate into a major conflict. On July 10, Russian-backed South Ossetian forces unilaterally placed border markers close to the Georgian villages of Tsitelubani and Orchosani. The newly occupied area incorporated 1,605 meters (almost a mile) of the BP-operated Baku-Supsa pipeline. Though this symbolic show of power is important in its own right, it is part of a larger trend: The South Ossetians have slowly been pushing their boundaries southward into Georgian territory over the past several years. The drive is prompted by several factors, including Russia's insecure military position in South Ossetia, which lacks geographic depth and is threatened by the West's increased military activities in the Black Sea region. However, despite the slow advancement into Georgian territory, Russia is unlikely to stage a major military campaign any time soon.
Since the war between Georgia and Russia-backed South Ossetia ended in 1992, following the collapse of the Soviet Union, there has been no clearly demarcated line between Tbilisi-controlled and separatist-controlled territory. After the war, Tbilisi governed large parts of the territories that belonged to the South Ossetian autonomous republic during Soviet times, including most of the strategically important Akhalgori region. Although skirmishes along the dividing line occasionally took place, they did not devolve into something serious until 2008, when war broke out between Georgia and Russia. In August 2008, South Ossetian and Russian forces occupied the Akhalgori region and pushed past the demarcated border to occupy land controlled by Tbilisi. Since then, the South Ossetians, with Russian help, have been actively building defensive infrastructure to fend off any possible Georgian assault.
Following the 2008 war, the Russians began creeping into Georgian territory rather than forcefully advancing on it. In 2010, reports surfaced alleging that Russian forces had pushed the border 2 kilometers southward in the Akhalgori region. Authorities quickly denied the reports, but Tbilisi had to admit that the border had indeed advanced farther into Georgian territory since the 2008 war, particularly near the Perevi village in eastern South Ossetia. In March 2013, Russian and South Ossetian forces fenced in five villages, comprising some 100 hectares. Later, in May and September of the same year, the Russians moved farther south and occupied the mainly Georgian-populated villages of Ditsi and Dvani. In Dvani alone, the border moved by some 600 meters. But these moves were dwarfed this year by Russia's July 10 advance into the Georgian-populated villages of Tsitelubani and Orchosani.
Russia's Strategic Motivations
Moscow had military superiority over Georgia in the war of 2008. However, Russian forces faced an important strategic challenge thereafter: how to defend South Ossetia, which unlike the other breakaway territory of Abkhazia, does not share a long border with Russia. Instead, South Ossetia is almost completely surrounded by Georgian territory. And Tskhinvali the capital of South Ossetia and a strategically important city on the route north to the major Caucasian pass Djava is very close to the Georgian border, which inhibits the Russian forces from having geographic depth for effective defense. Furthermore, there are no major rivers or mountain ranges running along the contact line between the Georgian and separatist regions. In fact, there is no geographic barrier at all until Gori a strategically important city at the center of the country. Moving southward provides the Russians with a necessary geographic depth, which, along with the development of defensive infrastructure, would buy them time if conflict broke out again. Nevertheless, the Russians would still find the lack of natural obstacles problematic if it came to open warfare.
The timing of the July 10 advance is also interesting because of the evolving political situation and rising Western military influence in the South Caucasus amid the broader standoff between Russia and the West. Georgia's integration efforts with the European Union present a major problem for Russia. In addition, Moscow is especially worried about the increasing military cooperation, constant defense meetings and military drills taking place between Georgia, Azerbaijan and Turkey intended to protect the major infrastructure projects running through all the three countries. Russia is also likely uncomfortable with the fact that the Georgian military has been holding joint military drills with U.S. and NATO forces more and more regularly over the past several months. In fact, many previous Russian pushes southward also took place as Tbilisi made major steps toward integration with the European Union and NATO, so it is unsurprising that the most recent push would coincide with the NATO-sponsored military drills dubbed Agile Spirit that are currently taking place in Georgia.
Although tactical border movements seem like an unusual political response, they are important when it comes to ensuring Russia's defensive capabilities in South Ossetia. A NATO training center is set to open in Georgia later this year, which will enhance Tbilisi's military capabilities and boost the Western military presence on Georgian soil. It is within this context that Russia is working to also expand its capabilities in the area. And this improvement aligns with Russia's broader regional policies; at the beginning of this year, the Kremlin announced it would strengthen its bases in South Ossetia, Abkhazia and Armenia. It also recently provided Armenia with a $200 million loan for military purchases.
Georgia can be divided roughly into two parts, east and west, connected only through the east-west highway. The section of the BP-operated pipeline that falls within the recently-seized territory may be important for Russia, but the highway, which serves as a major trade route for land transportation from Azerbaijan to the Black Sea ports and east Turkey, is no less important. Because two BP-operated pipelines, the Baku-Supsa and Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan, roughly run along this major highway, Russian posturing there sends a clear message to the West that Russia has a great deal of control over energy as well as Caspian and European trade. Though so far energy flows through the Baku-Supsa have not been hindered, and BP and Western governments alike seem relatively calm, by advancing southward Russia has acquired an additional tool for influencing regional governments and BP in the South Caucasus region.
Thus, Russia's recent moves in South Ossetia are motivated by its security and strategic concerns in the territory and are part of its overall military strategy in the South Caucasus. Though a major Russian military operation into Georgia is very unlikely at the moment, it is clear that both sides, Georgia and South Ossetia with Russian support, are trying to improve their position within the given restraints. Georgia is trying to connect to its NATO and Western allies and is trying to improve its own military capabilities. South Ossetia, on the other hand, is integrating security efforts with Russia and is trying to gradually nudge the border outward to increase the depth of its territory, enabling Tskhinvali to better defend itself.
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- ParaguayFoodFunding via Fundación Paraguaya
ZunildaParaguayFoodFunding via Fundación Paraguaya
Ara Pyahu G...ParaguayFoodFunding via Fundación Paraguaya
Virgen De Fatima Group
Ylda, who is at a low-income level, doubles her efforts so that she can improve her life and that of her family. She sells food, which her customers say is very tasty. For this reason, she is doing very well. Ylda is requesting a a loan in order to buy vegetables, condiments, flour, eggs, and other supplies so that she can continue preparing food and helping her family.
Ylda, quien en su encuesta mostró un nivel bajo de ingresos cuenta que se está esforzando el doble para poder ir mejorando su vida y la de su familia. Ella se dedica a la venta de comidas, las cuales según sus clientes son muy ricas, y es por eso que le está yendo muy bien.
Ella solicita de este crédito para la compra de verduras, condimentos, harina, huevo, y demás insumos para poder seguir haciendo sus comestibles y ayudar a su familia.
Additional Information
More information about this loan
This loan is part of the innovative "Poverty Stoplight" program developed by Fundación Paraguaya for women living in poverty. A "stoplight" measurement tool is used to help borrowers self-identify the type of poverty that affects them most (lack of income, dearth of financial opportunities, poor living conditions etc.). Borrowers rate 50 areas of their life as green (not poor), yellow (poor) or red (extremely poor). Together with their loan officer, they come up with a plan to resolve yellow and red indicators. Through this program, Fundación Paraguaya hopes to lift 9,000 women and their families out of poverty by 2017.
To learn more about this unique approach to eliminating poverty, you can read this article on Fundación Paraguaya's website.
About Fundación ParaguayaFundación Paraguaya is a financially self-sustaining social enterprise that promotes entrepreneurship in urban and rural areas through microfinance, education programs, and more. Its focus on agriculture has helped many farmers boost their crop yields. And a number of other borrowers have taken out loans to start and grow social businesses that have helped deliver eyeglasses, medicines and other helpful services in their local communities.
This is a Group Loan
In a group loan, each member of the group receives an individual loan but is part of a larger group of individuals. The group is there to provide support to the members and to provide a system of peer pressure, but groups may or may not be formally bound by a group guarantee. In cases where there is a group guarantee, members of the group are responsible for paying back the loans of their fellow group members in the case of delinquency or default.
Kiva's Field Partners typically feature one borrower from a group. The loan description, sector, and other attributes for a group loan profile are determined by the featured borrower's loan. The other members of the group are not required to use their loans for the same purpose.
About Paraguay
104View loans »
Success!! The loan was 100% repaid
- Repayment Term
- 6 months (Additional Information)
- Repayment Schedule
- Monthly
- Pre-Disbursed:
- May 29, 2013
- Listed
- Jun 26, 2013
- Currency Exchange Loss:
- Covered
- Ended:
- Oct 17, 2013


text:
Idahoan® Buttery Homestyle Flavored Mashed Potatoes are always a hit. Spice them up with whole-grain mustard and you've got the perfect savory side for this healthy-but-hearty take on chicken sausage and cabbage. It's a whole-meal dish that's quick to make and impossible to resist. This main course dish combines healthier chicken sausage with cabbage and fluffy mashed potatoes that get a flavor boost from whole-grain mustard.
- 1 4-ounce package Idahoan Buttery Homestyle Flavored Mashed Potatoes
- Olive oil
- 1 package chicken sausage*
- 1 head of cabbage
- Splash of chicken stock*
- Splash of balsamic vinegar
- Sea salt
- Ground pepper
- 2 tablespoon stone ground mustard
- *These ingredients may contain gluten. If you're targeting a gluten-free recipe
- option, make sure to check the labels.
Coat bottom of high-sided frying pan or Dutch oven with oil and heat over
medium-high heat.
Cut sausages in diagonal pieces and add to heated oil. Cook until heated through
and then remove to a plate.
Quarter cabbage and remove core. Add cabbage to frying pan and sauté.
Once slightly wilted add chicken stock and cover with lid. Once cooked through
splash with balsamic vinegar and add the cooked sausage. Season to taste with
salt and pepper.
While all the flavors are mixing in the pan, prepare the Buttery Homestyle
Mashed Potatoes according to package directions.
Add stone ground mustard and stir thoroughly.
Serve cabbage sausage mixture aside mashed potatoes and have more
balsamic vinegar available as a condiment.
Recipe reprinted by permission of 174;. All rights reserved.
RecID 12089
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Brick Mayor John Ducey
Brick's Proposed Municipal Budget Includes a Nearly Two Cent Tax Hike
Forum on Foodtown Redevelopment
The Friends of Forge Pond NJis holding a public forum Wednesday at 7 p.m. at the Ocean County Library's Brick Branch to discuss its ideas for the former Foodtown site on Route 70.
Restructuring in Brick Township
"There's actually more to come. This is only three different departments. There used to be six, now there's five, so there's another three departments to go," said Brick Mayor John Ducey, following the Township Council's approval Tuesday night of streamlining the Land Use and Community Development, Recreation and Public Works Departments.
Brick Township Offering Amnesty for Work Done without Permits
Brick Township residents who did work to their properties before or after super storm Sandy without permits will get a chance to file the proper paper work without being penalized.


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The Strong Arm Hood Lift Support is made from a chromium-plated hardened steel rod and glossy finish heavy gauge steel body. It is designed with self-cleaning orifice that keeps the piston area free of contaminants, reduces clogging, and prevents lock up. It features a sealing system that uses a Triple-Lobe rubber seal and rubber O-ring piston seal that withstand high pressure, vibration, side-loading, and misalignment. This lift support is provided with nitrogen gas charge up to 2500 psi that does not affect any of the internal components and glycol fluid lubricant that slows down the movement prior to full open.
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Stabilus OE Replacement Hood Lift Support allows effortless opening and safe closing of the hood. It lets the hood stay reliably secure in position and cannot slam shut when open. This product can be installed easily and is absolutely maintenance-free.
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Going against the No. 1 offense in the South Central Conference last Friday was a tough enough chore for the Vandalia defense.
Doing it with several injuries and two players – sophomores Ryan Ambuehl and Luke Smith – making their first varsity starts on defense, would seemingly be an impossible mountain to climb.
But that's just what Vandalia did on senior night, though a happy ending was not to be after Greenville defeated the Vandals, 35-28, in another hard-fought game.
The Illinois Federation for Outdoor Resources recently held a membership drive. Winners were: Roger Withers (pictured), 36-gun safe with mystery gun; Jeff Cearlock, Stoeger model 835; Cindy Smith, Tarus 357 magnum; Bob Trexler, H&R slugger 12-gauge; Dillard Smith, .22 Cricket; Richard Schuesteer, H&R 20-gauge; and Don Klingston, .22 semi-automatic.
Marty Johnson threw two touchdown passes to senior Daniel Bell, but the Vandals came up just short against Greenville on Friday, falling 35-28.
The loss eliminated Vandalia from the playoffs and ended the careers of nine players.
A full story will appear in Thursday's edition of The Leader-Union.
UMP DIRTcar Modified Division
- Saturday (33 cars)
Heat 1
1. 73B Brian Bielong
2. 5 Rob Timmons
3. 6B Dave Baldwin
4. 28X Kevin Morrow
Heat 2
1. N59 Chad Evans
2. 1X Tim Hancock
Tenth-seeded Brownstown was defeated by Windsor (25-11, 25-10), St. Elmo (25-14, 25-20) and Neoga (25-23, 25-15) in the National Trail Conference Volleyball Tournament.
Kills – Morgan Stinebring, 8; Katy Satterthwaite, 6; Bethany Oberlink, 2; Tara Johnson, 2; Breann Barnick, 1.
Service Aces – Satterthwaite, 6; Oberlink, 3; Morgan Walk, 2; Stinebring, 1.
Digs – Johnson, 8, Brittany Kistler, 5
The Brownstown/St. Elmo co-op junior high girls basketball teams have started their seasons.
The seventh-graders are 1-5 thus far, having defeated Sacred-Heart, 36-10, and lost to Ramsey (28-8), Greenville (30-16), Stew-Stras (43-21), Altamont (39-19) and Greenville (30-11).
Vandalia High School athletic director and boys basketball coach Kevin Jackson has announced the dates for the Jr. Pro basketball program.
Boys in grades K-6 are eligible to participate in the program, which will meet on Saturday, Oct. 30, from 9-10:30 a.m.; Tuesday, Nov. 2, from 6-7:30 p.m.; Saturday, Nov. 6, from 9-10:30 a.m.; and at the Red/White game on Nov. 13. Registration is $25 for an individual and $40 for two or more children from the same household. Forms can be picked up at the high school office.
Hosick Motors will be hosting a tent event and tailgate by KFC/Taco Bell in Vandalia this Friday to raise money for Vandalia High School athletics.
For each vehicle at the event that is test driven throughout the day prior to the football game, Vandalia athletics will receive $20.
Coach Walt Kinney handed out the following awards at the Vandalia High School soccer team banquet on Tuesday:
Most Valuable Player – Lucas McDowell
Hustle Award – Matt Hubbart
Hustle Award – Steven Daley
Iron Man Award – Brett Ambuehl
Iron Woman Award – Chelsea Roberts
Most Goals – Matt Grove
Most Goals – Lucas McDowell
Most Assists – Lucas McDowell
Coach's Award – Austa Keppler
Louis Daugherty, a 2005 graduate of South Central High School, has been hired as an assistant high school basketball coach for the Cougars.
Additionally, he will coach the JV and freshman/sophomore teams.
Daugherty played basketball for the Cougars in high school and was named to the IBCA Honorable Mention All-State Team as a senior. He also played baseball for South Central.
Copyright © 2015
The Leader Union is your source for local news, sports, events and information in Vandalia, Il, and the surrounding area.


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- windwalker11 07/28/2009
Good site
I agree with ghostbuck and smparadox's comment. This is a joke site making its rounds in an email on the internet that is intended to outrage and scare people until they go there and realize they're the butt of a prank. I thought it was funny. "
- jeff134 03/30/2011
Malware or viruses
This site engages in activity which might negatively affect your computer. Proper discretion should be used when visiting this site or providing any personal information. "
- fyrjamm3r 06/19/2009
Good site
It's a joke site. The first clue that it's a joke is where it says "all US states are required to adhere to the Driver's B.S. statute". The ads at the end? Just don't click them. Enjoy the prank and pass it along. "
- top124 09/18/2011
people this website is a joke. go to THIS website and youll see
http://www.hoax-slayer.com/drivers-licence.html "
- QuickMan 05/15/2010
I don't believe it's a joke, They may use it to steal some identity. "
- smparadox 05/05/2009
Good site
This is a prank website, that pretends to allow you to view your driver's license online, then puts up an image with a baboon's face on it, with the caption: "Gotcha! You didn't really think you could view your driver's license online did you?" the information it requests - your name and general location, is used to put your name on the image of the baboon's driver's license. "
- UltraJoe 11/11/2010
Good site
Yes, there is a possibility it may be a scam or a phishing scheme. There's also a possibility it's just a joke. "
Popularity & Ranking:
- Server location:


text:
Do you have Instagram?
Login to Instagram now to like or comment on this photo/video.
- @tinglybutthole
What idiots. Tramps are different then regular homeless. So are Hobos.
- @tophatsasquatch
Love this guy
- @mmiotts
Loved this toy line. Dug how they had Dick in a white shirt and suspenders rather than the yellow trenchcoat
- @weirdotoys
I had outgrown toys by the time these things were around but my adult child self appreciates them now.
- @doomkick
That's BS. People are dumb!
- @doomkick
Never heard that before...wish I still had all my DT figures
- @spacetrog
@weirdotoys I worked with Playmates back then and I remember the controversy being his weapon was a plank of wood with a nail(?) Go fogure...
- @restinpigments
Just saw a bunch of these in the package at the swap should've snagged em excellent early90s toy line
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text:
Photo by BRIAN LEATART
Leave a Review
absolutly amazing! Made them for easter breakfast everyone loved the,flag if inappropriate
Wonderful! My kids loved them.flag if inappropriate
I've made these pancakes twice without the apple mixture and they are quite good. More milk needs to be added, particularly as the cooking progresses, the batter thickens up a lot. However, this time I made them with the apples and they are phenominal. Subtly sweet and almost creamy inside. Next I may do the whole recipe and make the cinnamon butter too!flag if inappropriate
These really didn't live up to my expectations, the apple was lost in the overpowering flavor of the lemon, and the butter, while good, smothered any strengths the pancakes might have had. Overall this left me thinking of the faint citrus smell of dawn dishsoap- good when I'm cleaning but not what I want foremost in mind when I'm eating.flag if inappropriate
Really filling but quite yummy and a change from regular pancakes. Quite easy also. The cinnamon butter is yummy although I am sure that the pancakes would also be good with maple syrup, apple sauce or any number of other suggestions.flag if inappropriate
This was sooo good. The lemon really added alot to it. I made them for easter breakfast for my family and they loved them. I'll definitly make them again.flag if inappropriate
yummyflag if inappropriate
My 9 year old daughter made this with her cooking class, they loved it. She is making it for the family this weekend.flag if inappropriate
it was so good!!!flag if inappropriate
I doubled the recipe, used pears & cinnamin instead of apples, and skipped the lemon juice & zest. Everybody loved them.flag if inappropriate


text: JgamB 5pts I made my vote at the Mazda dealer with my wallet. My comparison results weren't nearly as close as the authors, and I'm not embarking on that carrier deck launch drive train destroying journey again with AWD. Aftermarket support for the MS3 is superb, and a lot of these minor quibbles can be rectified for a just a few bucks (rear sway bar for the understeer, bushings in the rear motor mount for $35), and considering my tech equipped '13 was under 25K I'm extremely satisfied.The Mazda simply wins hands down on the fun-o-meter.


text:
The Style Gallery is a great new way for you to view, love, and share outfit photos. It's meant to showcase
all the expressive, creative, and inspirational personalities of our community!
Love you too!
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Tonight's your night out on the town with your sweetie, so you slip on this colorblocked dress by Tatyana! The cream top of this sheath dress is accented by a decorative front tab and button detail that sits just above the textured teal fabric of its pencil skirt. You buckle on a pair of basic slingback pumps and affix a bold pin to the front of this vintage-inspired dress and head out for a night of dinner and dancing!
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text:
Abbas urges support for Palestinian hunger strikers in Israeli jails
Wed Feb 13, 2013 4:4AM
Abbas stated that many detainees, particularly Samer Assawi, Jaafar Ezzedine, Ayman Sharawneh, and Tareq Qaadan, are in urgent need of special attention.He also wrote a letter to UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon in which he cited the deteriorating health of the hunger strikers and demanded their release. On Monday, the Free Samer Assawi Campaign said on Twitter that Assawi, who has been on hunger strike for seven months, is dying. "The longest hunger strike in history and the world doesn't say a thing about it," the campaign tweeted. The Palestinian prisoners have demanded better prison conditions and urged Israel to end detention without trial for Palestinians. The striking prisoners have said they will only consume water and salt until their demands are met. Palestinian prisoners have long complained of the difficulty of securing family visits and the invasive searches visiting relatives have to go through. GJH/HJL


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36 year old woman | Napa, CA, United States | Seeking men 30-38 within 50 miles
Act now: supply is limited!
Hi, I'm Stacy: word nerd. Grammar freak. Music lover. Amateur foodie. I've lived in California (both Northern Southern) all my life, and am now looking forward to settling into life back in Napa/the Bay Area. Related: if you're one of those who thinks I'm "too far" up in Napa, I understand. But I'm all over the Bay Area often for shows, and Napa's only about an hour, and... Have you been here lately? This town is wonderful! I grew up with four boys (my brother and three step-brothers) and that's not counting my dad, so I have a bit of a tomboy streak that manifests mostly as a love of sports. I enjoy football, baseball, and especially basketball. Between Cal and the Warriors, I bleed blue and gold; I've been going to Ws games since before most of the team was born ('86, to be exact). Bottom line: I don't believe there's much to the idea of the "fairy tale." I believe in honesty, trust, kindness, friendship, fun, laughter, communication, and commitment. I'm hoping to find someone I can build a friendship with, because I'm not the girl who'll settle for less than marrying my best friend. I'm excited to meet new people and see what happens; I'm ready to find my guy and start my life with him.
Coffee and conversation , Cooking , Dining out , Movies/Videos , Music and concerts , Exploring new areas , Performing arts , Travel/Sightseeing , Watching sports , Wine tasting
Baseball, Basketball, Football, Other types of exercise, Swimming, Walking / Hiking, Weights / Machines, Yoga
I exercise 5 or more times per week.
I have Dogs
Aside from most of NorCal, I consider San Diego, Boston, New York, and Paris my favorite cities so far.
University of California, Berkeley, Berkeley, CA
David Bowie is my all-time favorite musician. I also love Queen, Aerosmith, Billy Joel, Pink, 30 Seconds to Mars, Switchfoot and the Fray, as well as a big handful of LA-based singer-songwriters.
I love live music, as well as checking out new (and undiscovered) restaurants and the like. I rarely turn down tickets to a game, especially basketball. I love cooking dinner and sharing a bottle of wine and a good movie, too.
I've been exploring classics lately. Tom Sawyer, Alice's Adventures in Wonderland, Through the Looking Glass... Wuthering Heights is next, along with The Happiness Project.
Z{{Cta}} {{#if HasMoreInfo}} ?{{CtaSecondary}} {{/if}}
|What she is looking for
|5'9" (175cms)
|5'9" (175cms) to 8'11" (271cms)
|Body type:
|About average
|Slender, About average, Athletic and toned
|Blue, Grey, Green, Hazel
|Dark brown
|Auburn / Red, Black, Light brown, Dark brown, Blonde, Salt and pepper, Dark blonde, Bald
|No Way
|No Way, Occasionally
|Social Drinker
|Never, Social Drinker
|Artistic / Creative / Performance
|Executive / Management, Financial / Accounting / Real Estate, Legal, Medical / Dental / Veterinary / Fitness, Political / Govt / Civil Service / Military, Sales / Marketing, Self-Employed / Entrepreneur, Technical / Science / Computers / Engineering, Travel / Hospitality / Transportation, Other profession, Architecture / Interior design
I write concert reviews for a local music blog in SF. I also own several blogs: one is a travel blog, another on culinary (mis)adventures. I'm currently putting most of my energy into a MASSIVE future project.
|$25,001 to $35,000
|$25,001 to $35,000, $35,001 to $50,000, $50,001 to $75,000, $75,001 to $100,000, $100,001 to $150,000, $150,001+
|Never Married, Divorced
|Have kids:
|Wants kids:
|Not sure
|Definitely, Someday, Not sure
|White / Caucasian
|Black / African descent, White / Caucasian
|Spiritual but not religious
|Agnostic, Spiritual but not religious
|Bachelors degree
|Associates degree, Bachelors degree, Graduate degree, PhD / Post Doctoral


text:
Ethereal Review
key review info
- Application: Ethereal 0.10.14
- Reviewed on:
application features
- 683 protocols can currently be dissected
- (3 more, see all...)
Network protocol analyzers, also known as packet sniffers, are programs that capture network traffic. They are very useful for network administrators, software developers or for people who want to know how network protocols work. As data travels back and forth over the network, the sniffer captures packets and eventually decodes, analyzes and displays them.
Ethereal is one of the best protocol analyzers available. You can compile the source code or install from a precompiled package. Ethereal doesn't have its own code to capture packets; it uses libcap or WinPCap for this task, so it can only capture on networks supported by these libraries.
The Interface
Ethereal has a simple and easy to use interface. The main window is divided in three panes that show the user a great deal of information. The panes appear only if you have captured data to display. The first pane shown gives a summary of each captured packet, displaying the packet number, its source and destination addresses, the type of the upper layer protocol contained in the packet, and some additional information about the packet. By clicking on packets in this pane you control what is displayed in the other two. The second pane gives detailed information about a selected packet; it shows the headers of all the protocols contained in it. For example, if you have captured an HTTP packet, you will be shown the Ethernet, IP, TCP and HTTP headers. The third pane displays the actual bytes that form the packet in a hex dump style. The left side shows the offset in the packet data, in the middle the bytes are shown in hexadecimal and on the right the data is shown in the ASCII format. If a value is not a valid ASCII code it will be represented by a dot. You can tell Ethereal to colorize the captured packet list to help you better see the packets.
Capturing data
Ethereal understands many protocols from RIP, OSPF to STP and Token Ring. You will certainly find all the protocols you want. You can capture packets only intended for you or you can capture packets in promiscuous mode. For example, if you are connected to a hub you will see all the traffic that the hub handles because hubs are made to transmit a packet on all ports regardless of what the destination is. If you are connected to a switch you will see only broadcast packets and packets that have you as their destination. Switches are smarter then hubs because they use the destination MAC address contained in the packet to make forwarding decisions.
First of all you need to have root privileges to start a live capture (remember that!). To capture packets use the Ctrl+K shortcut or select Start from the Capture menu. The Capture options window will appear. Here you can set a few things. First you must choose the NIC (network interface card) you want to use for capturing packets.
One very useful feature of Ethereal is the fact that you can use filters. When capturing network data with Ethereal, you will probably want to filter out some packets and concentrate on the packets that are of interest to you. You can create one or more filters and you can save them, but you can only apply one filter at a time to a capture. For example you can create a filter to capture only ARP or UDP packets. Ethereal also uses display filters, to sort through captured packets, but these filters do not alter the saved traffic.
If you want to analyze the data later, you can save the capture to a file. You can read in a previously saved capture file by selecting Open from the File menu. If you have captured simultaneously from multiple interfaces at once using multiple instances of Ethereal, you can merge several capture files into one.
The statistical tools are available from the Statistics menu. There are some really useful tools. If you want to see a summary of the captured packets, Ethereal provides a summary that includes, among others, the length of the capture, elapsed time between packets and average bytes per second. Ethereal can even generate throughput graphs and has the capability to follow a TCP stream. It creates a readable representation of a conversation contained in your packet capture. There are many more options here, but you will get used to them after a few packet captures.
The Good
Ethereal can recognize all the protocols you might think of and has an easy to use interface. The possibility to create filters and the statistical tools are also a big plus.
The Bad
Nothing bad here. Ethereal works fine and has great functionality. It's one of my favorites.
The Truth
If you want a software tool to use for network troubleshooting or education, use Ethereal. It's one of the best packet sniffers around.


text:
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Published August 26, 2014
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Editors cruise along the Hudson River while they peruse the latest ideas in beauty and personal care. Read More »
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A perfume's ancillary products prove popular, says NPD. Read More »
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text:
Nunn Bush BloomingtonSKU: #8350666
Product Information
- Perfect for a casual Friday or weekend adventures, these Nunn Bush® shoes are sure to be your newest favorite look.
- Suede upper in a classic oxford silhouette.
- Lace-up closure allows for a secure and adjustable fit.
- Breathable leather lining helps keep feet dry and cool.
- Dynamic Comfort textile insole for all-day support.
- Durable rubber outsole.
- Imported.
- Measurements:
- Heel Height: 1 in
- Weight: 15 oz
- Product measurements were taken using size 12, width M (D). Please note that measurements may vary by size.


text:
Welcome to Boot and Shoe Cottage
The historic Boot and Shoe lies on the banks of the River Tees, at an ancient crossing from Yorkshire into Durham. The cottage offers 4 star accommodation for self-catering holidays for four guests in the heart of Teesdale, near Barnard Castle and the North Pennines AONB and close to the Yorkshire Dales. The area offers something for everyone - gentle walks or the rugged Pennine Way, historic castles and museums, traditional market towns and villages with shops and antiques, birdwatching, sports and more.
We offer a warm welcome with a roaring log burner and home-baking, comfy sofas and country antique furnishings. Outside the River Tees flows past the back garden with an abundance of wildlife including the resident kingfishers and occasional otter and to the front there are fields with horses, sheep and rabbits. A short walk through our wood brings you to our tennis court. Private fishing is also available.
Barnard Castle has a wide selection of local shops, several antique shops on "The Bank", a weekly market and monthly farmers' market. The nearest farm shop is 2 miles and the nearest pub is a 10 minute walk. There are also several good restaurants close by.
- Well situated for exploring Teesdale, Durham, North Pennines and Yorkshire Dales
- Walkers and cyclists welcomed
- Ideal for a relaxing short break or a longer stay in some of England's most beautiful scenery
- Idyllic riverbank setting
- A haven for wildlife - flora and fauna


text:
On Tue, Aug 16, 2005 at 12:26:00AM -0700, john_gore yahoo com wrote:
> My vg mounts fine under fc3, but when i installed fc4 on a new drive, I cant bring in the vg. I get errors for hdc like "Couldn't find device with uuid..." and PV unknown device (from pvscan).
Check for a bogus partition table.
If a device (e.g. /dev/hdd) is partitioned, you can't use /dev/hdd as the PV
but have to use one of its partitions instead e.g. /dev/hdd1.
If something like this happened, you need to remove the partition table.
agk redhat com
linux-lvm mailing list
linux-lvm redhat com
read the LVM HOW-TO at http://tldp.org/HOWTO/LVM-HOWTO/