text:
Teacher resources and professional development across the curriculum
Teacher professional development and classroom resources across the curriculum
A computer can perform random sampling and estimation faster than you can. Use the computer to help you estimate a penguin population from computer-selected random samples.
Study the names and abbreviations of volume units in both the metric and British systems. Then play a game to see how well you remember them.
You are working for candidate Fletcher. Read his political profile, view the demographic profile of the city, and decide which random sample increment to use when you conduct your first telephone poll of Republican women.
The concept of the arithmetic mean and deviation from the mean can be graphically representated as a line plot. You will create a line plot to represent specified allocations of coins.
Choosing whether to buy or lease a car depends on your individual circumstances, preferences, driving habits and budget. Use math and some basic car buying and leasing concepts to make the decision that's right for you.
© Annenberg Foundation 2015. All rights reserved. Legal Policy


text:
Update: It looks like as of Mavericks this doesn't quite behave like it used to. It will still append search domains on lookups involving only a single domain level, however if you do multi-level look-ups like. it will not append any search domains. Looking through the mDNSResponder binary there doesn't appear to be any new addition flags to change this behaviour :(
Thanks to Erik for pointing this out, he has also put up a easy HOWTO for fixing this on his blog.
So it turns out all is not lost, you can still revert to the original behaviour of apples resolver! They've added a parameter to mDNSResponder called
-AlwaysAppendSearchDomains. Implying that this new behaviour was very intentional. I had read that Windows apparently made a similar change in one of there past updates as well so I guess this is to help fight some phishing attacks maybe? Either way, tres-annoying!
Anyway the gist of how to fix it is this:
Open up
/System/Library/LaunchDaemons/com.apple.mDNSResponder.plist and add
-AlwaysAppendSearchDomains following parameter to the list in the ProgramArguments block:
Then reload the launchd config for it, this should take care of restarting it as well:
launchctl unload -w /System/Library/LaunchDaemons/com.apple.mDNSResponder.plist
launchctl load -w /System/Library/LaunchDaemons/com.apple.mDNSResponder.plist
icarus:~ bseibel$ ping util01.tor
PING util01.tor.verticalscope.com (126.96.36.199): 56 data bytes

subset: commoncrawl


text: Lynn Wendell | IBDB: The official source for Broadway Information IBDB: The official source for Broadway Information Official Broadway League sites: - sites - broadway.org broadwayleague.com broadwayfanclub.com kidsnightonbroadway.com stagespecs.org tonyawards.com Quick Search For: In This Category: All Show People/Org. Theatre Season Lynn Wendell Performer Female Productions ProductionsDate of ProductionsBrigadoon[Musical, Comedy, Revival] Performer: Lynn Wendell [Singer]Jan 30, 1963 - Feb 10, 1963The Music Man[Musical, Comedy, Original] Performer: Lynn Wendell Resident of River City - ReplacementDec 19, 1957 - Apr 15, 1961 Find out where Lynn Wendell and are credited together © 2001-2015, The Broadway League, All Rights Reserved. (Copyright and Disclaimer)


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Item 3547353
Dritz Knit Elastic, 3/4 Inch, White
Product Actions
Additional Information
Dritz Knit Elastic is a soft and comfortable elastic that is curl resistant. It is great for necklines, sleeves, swimwear, waistbands and leg bands. Dry Cleanable as well as, Machine washable and dryable in temperatures up to 200 degrees Fahrenheit. White, ¾ inch. Made of 67% Polyester 33% Rubber.
- Brand: Dritz
- Manufacturer: Prym Consumer


text:
Dee Zeffiro-Krenisky, who for nearly two decades has been an advocate for individuals with developmental disabilities as the superintendent of the Huron County Board of Developmental Disabilities, will retire at the end of 2014.
Zeffiro-Krenisky, who is better known around Huron County as "Dr. Dee," called her departure from Christie Lane, "bittersweet."
"I'm looking forward to having more control of my days and the opportunity to spend time with my husband," Zeffiro-Krenisky said. "At the same time, I'm walking away from a place that I have grown to love. Christie Lane will always have a special place in my heart. It will be very difficult to say good-bye to so many wonderful people and that includes the individuals we serve -- the board and my staff. But, it's time for someone else to take the reins and guide the future of this wonderful organization."
Greg Higgins, president of the Huron County Board of Developmental Disabilities, said a search would begin immediately for Zeffiro-Krenisky's replacement. Finding a replacement for Zeffiro-Krenisky, he said, will be no easy task.
"It goes without saying that the next superintendent will have some big shoes to fill," Higgins said. "Not only has Dr. Dee been an outstanding superintendent, but she is recognized around the state for her leadership and advocacy for self determination for individuals with developmental disabilities. Christie Lane recently received a five-year accreditation from the Ohio Department of Developmental Disabilities. In other counties, these are rare occurrences. But under Dr. Dee's leadership, they have been regular occurrences in Huron County. We have been fortunate to have her leading Christie Lane for nearly 20 years."
A native of Connecticut, Zeffiro-Krenisky earned a bachelor's degree in special education and child study from Saint Joseph College in 1979. She holds a master's degree in management from the Hartford Graduate Center through Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute, and a doctorate in leadership and administration from the University of Massachusetts-Amherst.
While completing her education, Zeffiro-Krenisky held a number of posts in Connecticut with agencies involved with serving individuals with developmental disabilities. She moved to Ohio in 1990 and became director of clinical services with Lucas County Children Services. She served three years with the Lorain County Board of Developmental Disabilities as the director of residential services before being named superintendent of Christie Lane in July 1995.
During her tenure as superintendent of Huron DD, Zeffiro-Krenisky spearheaded many initiatives, including:
n Oversight of back-to-back, five-year accreditations from the Ohio Department of Developmental Disabilities;
n The introduction of self advocacy/self determination programs in Huron County, including Project STIR and The Good Life;
n The expansion of residential supports;
n Introduction of fiscal initiatives that resulted in cost reductions and cost sharing activities;
n Oversaw Medicaid expansion for individuals with developmental disabilities;
n Ran numerous successful levy campaigns; and
n Further developed programs and pushed community integration efforts for individuals with developmental disabilities.
On the state level, Zeffiro-Krenisky served two terms as the president of the Ohio Superintendents of County Boards Association and was a board member of a number of other organizations, including the Ohio Self Determination Association and the Ohio Association of County Boards serving People with Developmental Disabilities (OACBDD). She also has been active in strategic planning and system transformation with the Ohio Department of Developmental Disabilities.
The OACBDD (www.oacbdd.org) will conduct the superintendent search this summer.


text:
Not removing bugs
Making the tough decisions to leave bugs in - for now.
Today is Kimmy-the-wonderwife's birthday. We celebrated quietly at home. There is the traditional cake and ice cream, some home made cards, and presents. It's not clear how best to celebrate other anniversaries. I get email each year from a Java developer I know on the anniversary of a bug he filed many years ago that remains unresolved.
In today's
, Graham Hamilton feels the pain of those who have submitted bugs over the years and is fighting his first impulse to have these squashed. In Stabilizing the Tiger Release he writes that he is "sorry that not every possible bug fix has gone into Tiger. But we are doing a balancing act and the engineering teams have been carefully assessing all the candidate bugs. I know priorities can look different from different angles (especially if a given bug is interfering with your app!) but we've been trying to be thoughtful and to balance for the overall community good. Tiger contains a lot of important new features and also a lot of significant bug fixes and we want to deliver it to the community in a safe and timely way. That requires a driving focus on stabilizing the release and thus on progressively clamping down on change. I know this is an imperfect process, but we try to make the best choices we can."
Daniel Brookshier reports from the education community and suggest that you "Try to imagine what people are using Java for in the education and research world. Then think again, because this list of new projects is amazing. From NASA to pictures, there are some very interesting ideas here. Take a look at the current harvest from the Education and Learning Community (JELC)."
Jeff Kesselman has the Post Labor day blues. He reports on his development efforts and then on the games he's been playing with. In passing he bemoans the fact that you cannot delete directories in CVS.
Also in Java Today
, there are potential performance problems dealing with large XML
files - an in-memory approach, like DOM, is wholly unsuitable for working
with files of unknown and potentially infinite size. Instead, as Eugene
Kuleshov writes, "applications based on SAX or the new StAX APIs can
process documents iteratively during parsing" and as an added bonus, they
allow you "chain handlers together in order to implement sophisticated
transformations and processing rules." In href="http://www.onjava.com/pub/a/onjava/2004/09/01/digester.html">Parsing
and Processing Large XML Documents with Digester Rules, Eugene
demonstrates the Jakarta Digester, a SAX-based XML parser that allows you
to extend its processing with custom rules.
In part one of Annotations in Tiger, Brett McLaughlin shows you how to
metadata to Java code. Brett writes that "annotations are pretty
easy to understand and use. That said, the standard annotation types that
come with Tiger are rather bare-boned and leave much to be desired.
Metadata is increasingly useful, and you'll certainly come up with
annotation types that are perfect for your own applications."
Projects and Communities
, the transcript from the href="http://java.sun.com/developer/community/chat/JavaLive/2004/jl0824.html">wireless
chat on JavaLive has been posted with questions and answers on the
Java 2 Platform, Micro Edition (J2ME) Wireless Toolkit 2.2.
Help select the cover person for the upcoming Head First Design Patterns
book. href="http://saloon.javaranch.com/cgi-bin/ubb/ultimatebb.cgi?ubb=get_topic&f=75&t=000114">Take
a look at the options and then JavaRanch members can href="http://saloon.javaranch.com/cgi-bin/ubb/ultimatebb.cgi?ubb=get_topic&f=75&t=000115">post
their comments.
There are things you can't say discussed in today's
Forums. Jonathan Simon introduces the topic "This chapter is focused on social norms and acceptance of what you can and can't say without negativity from society. [Are] there possibly lurching, fundamental flaws of Java that we are afraid to admit to ourselves? In 20 years, are we not going to be concerned with what we were wearing around 2004, but be saying "Jeez, I can't believe I was coding in Java!" Or, do these concepts just not apply to programming."
John M responds to a post" Fashions make comebacks about 20 years later. Is there also a correlation between programming practices and revitalized fashions?Sure, but they often come back with a different name and with a twist... For example, hip-hugger bell-bottom jeans and CASE tools => MDA (um, er, model-driven architecture)."
Rhythos responds to this looking back, saying " No one is allowed to say "Oh my! Why on earth were they using punch cards?!" because the technology and ideas hadn't progressed to the point where anything else was usable. Maybe we're all smart enough to recognize that there is a reason why people use backwards technology - it's because they don't know any better until someone comes along with a brilliant idea from no where, or because someones brilliant idea sparked a new brilliant idea is another."
In today's java.net
News Headlines
- Commons JEXL 1.0 Final
Framework 1.1 Final
Apache Cocoon
GetTogether Registration Opens
- blojsom 2.18
- MagicDraw UML 8.0
- JForum RC5
Oracle Application Server
Standard Edition One Available
Registered users can submit news items for the
href="http://today.java.net/today/news/">java.net News Page using
our news submission
form. All submissions go through an editorial review before being
posted to the site. You can also subscribe to the href="http://today.java.net/pub/q/news_rss?x-ver=1.0">java.net News RSS feed.
Current and upcoming
Java Events
- September 8, 2004
Support for JavaServer Faces
- September 10-11, 2004
href="http://www.nofluffjuststuff.com/2004-09-saltlakecity/">Salt Lake
Software Symposium
- September 15, 2004 JavaZone 2004
- September 1,2004 For Worth JUG P2P
and JXTA
Registered users can submit event listings for the
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Archives and Subscriptions: This blog is delivered weekdays as the
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text:
While armed security works, gun bans do not. Anti-gun legislation keeps guns away from the sane and the law-abiding — but it does not keep guns out of the hands of criminals, as the National Rifle Association's Wayne LaPierre has observed. Nearly all mass shootings have occurred in "gun-free" zones. Law-abiding citizens do not bring their guns to gun-free zones, so murderous wackos know they can inflict more harm in these unprotected environments. The sane and the law-abiding become easy targets.
Politicians congratulate themselves for mandating gun-free zones, touting increased safety while actually making us more vulnerable to the next horrible monster in search of soft targets.
If we could simply legislate gun-free zones, why can't our politicians with the stroke of a pen remove all guns from banks, airports, rock concerts and government buildings?
We already have more than 20,000 under-enforced or selectively enforced gun laws on the books. Gun regulation affects only the guns of the law-abiding. Criminals will not be bound by such gestures, especially as we continually fail to prosecute serious gun violations or provide meaningful and consistent penalties for violent felonies using firearms.
In lieu of empty gestures, we should address gun violence by doing what works. By safeguarding our Second Amendment rights, we preserve meaningful protection for women.
Every woman deserves a fighting chance.
Gayle Trotter is an attorney and senior fellow of the Independent Women's Forum. The views expressed are her own.


text:
Technical Services Special Interest Section
TS at 2015 Annual Meeting
• Silent Auction Raises Over $800 •
• Worst Book Contest Winner Announced! •
• Committee and Other Reports (updated 8/15/2015) •
• TS/OBS Conference Blog •
AALL's Annual Meeting Homepage
Please send updates, corrections, or information about broken links to: Martin Wisneski, Washburn University Law Library, firstname.lastname@example.com.
Member Login


text:
Archives for "Society and culture"
March 5, 2010 4:10 pm
In Bates College lecture, Harvard professor of religion to discuss significance of tears
Kimberley Patton, professor of the comparative and historical study of religion at the Harvard Divinity School, offers a lecture titled "The Gates of Weeping Are Not Closed: The Powerful Work of Tears in Human Experience" Monday, March 22, in Bates College's Chase Hall Lounge.
March 4, 2010 3:06 pm
Expert on U.S. penal system to speak at Bates College
Caleb Smith, an expert in the legal and cultural development of the U.S. penal system, offers a lecture at 7:30 p.m. Monday, March 15, in the Edmund S. Muskie Archives at Bates College, 70 Campus Ave.
February 12, 2010 9:39 am
Activists to discuss indigenous politics, environmentalism in the Americas at Bates College
The politics and environmental interests of indigenous peoples in the Americas, including Native Americans from Maine, are at issue in two nights of panel discussions at Bates College at Monday, Feb. 22 and Tuesday, Feb. 23.
January 15, 2010 11:13 am
Psychologist to discuss unconscious mind and its relation to behavior
Mahzarin Banaji, a social psychologist at Harvard University, visits Bates College to discuss what happens when well-intentioned people behave in ways that deviate from their own consciously stated intentions. Her talk takes place at 4:15 p.m. Thursday, Feb. 4, in the Keck Classroom (G52), Pettengill Hall, 4 Andrews Road (Alumni Walk).
December 23, 2009 7:46 am
A Place We Can Talk
In Alex Dauge-Roth's Short Term course, Bates students learn with, not from, orphan survivors of the 1994 genocide in Rwanda.
December 23, 2009 6:37 am
Following Suit
In the wake of an NCAA ban on high-tech swimsuits, the focus is again on the swimmers, not on what they wear.
December 23, 2009 6:12 am
The Right Questions
Wagner's peace psychology journal adds to the discussion about torture and interrogation.
December 21, 2009 1:01 pm
Indigenous Delights
A collaboration between Dining Services and Multicultural Affairs, Bitsoie's program was designed to increase representation of Native American culture on campus. (Bates, Bowdoin, Colby, and Maine's Indian tribes are working together to draw more Native American students into college.)
December 18, 2009 11:53 am
Open Forum
Letters to the editor from the Fall 2009 issue of Bates Magazine.
December 18, 2009 8:56 am
'Valence, for Whom I Testify'
While visiting his former school, Ecole secondaire de Nyange, Ildephonse Majyambere, an orphan survivor of the genocide in Rwanda, tells what happened on March 18, 1997.


text:
Capaceta and Carr are enthusiastic about future collaboration between Narconon and Sinaloa rehab centers. "This workshop was a success," said Capaceta. "We intend to work together to bring more Narconon techniques to bear on the drug problem." "The more we know and can share," added Carr, "the more lives we can save, and that is what counts, isn't it?"
For further information, visit www.narconon.org or http://espanol.narconon.org for Spanish.
This release was issued on behalf of the above organization by Send2Press(R), a unit of Neotrope(R).http://www.Send2Press.com
|SOURCE Narconon International
Copyright©2009 PR Newswire.
All rights reserved


text:
This is a great introductory guide to those wanting to learn about data management tools.
The most valuable sections are
part II: Change Management and
Part III: Upgrades
The book covers
- Data Mover
- Archive Manager
- Environment Management Framework
- Change Assistant
- Change Impact Analyzer, and
- Test Framework
The lesson on the Test Framework walks you step by step with detailed explanations in configuration, security, and how to record a simple test.
In various examples it will give you differences between Tools 8.51 and 8.52
[easyazon-link asin="B003XVYE8M" locale="us"]PeopleSoft PeopleTools Tips & Techniques (Oracle Press)[/easyazon-link]
[easyazon-block align="center" asin="B003XVYE8M" locale="us"]
[easyazon-cta align="center" asin="B003XVYE8M" height="28″ key="amazon-us-wide-orange" locale="us" width="176] [easyazon-cta align="center" asin="B003XVYE8M" height="28″ key="amazon-uk-wide-orange" locale="us" width="170″]
Garrett O'Brien
Garrett is the Chairman of the Executive and Advisory Boards for
The HRIS World Research Network
With 20+ years in roles as a client executive sponsor, project manager as well as functional / technical lead, Garrett is sought for his expertise globally.
He has been involved in large-scale and complex implementations since 1991 and has recently moved his operations to be with his wife in Brazil.
Garrett has had the pleasure of working with some of the greatest talents in the industry, and constantly shares his experiences and knowledge through content and webinars.
He has managed somehow to be fluent in Portuguese, German, French and English along the way.
When not working, you will have to be adventurous to stay up with him as Garrett loves motorcycling, gunnery, boating, sailing, flying, and sports fishing.
Garrett's current roles…
- Publisher, editor, writer, and owner of 6 leading HRIS system and career blogs which are read by 50,000+ monthly visitors monthly in 90+ countries, 40%+ the audience being decision-makers in their organization (and about half of that being C-levels!).
- Serves on the HR.com Advisory Board for the CoreHR, HRIS and Payroll Community
- Is the CEO for CGServices USA, focusing on multi-provider, multi-line implementations for HRIS systems
- Is a Council and Education Member of Gerson Lehrman Group Council, helping institutions of the world leaders meet, engage and manage experts across a wide range of sectors and disciplines.
In the news...
HR and the Cloud
Isabella Chan of HR Matters talks to Garrett O'Brien about the growth of cloud computing and building a technology strategy around HR.
Your Invite to Contribute
If you'd like to provide a post, a series of posts, or even be a regular contributor to any of The HRIS World blogs, you can use our contact page or reach us through our social media for details...
You can always contact Garrett via email, social media, or by leaving a comment below...
Latest posts by Garrett O'Brien (see all)
- LinkedIn Announces Changes to Their Group Features - Wed, 7-Oct-2015
- Speaker Interview Series: Sharlyn Lauby - Tue, 6-Oct-2015
- Countdown to HR Change & Transformation Conference London #HRCT15 - Wed, 23-Sep-2015
- Introducing Our 2 New Advisory Board Members - Wed, 22-Jul-2015
- Expert Solutions for Talent Management and Assessments – free eBook - Tue, 21-Jul-2015


text:
PHOTOGRAPHY REVIEW; Exploring Alienation Through Windows, Bare Trees and Murky Enigmas
By MARGARETT LOKE
Published: February 16, 2001
The photographers Osamu James Nakagawa, Katsumi Omura and Kith Tsang Tak Ping have different approaches to their medium. They are united in ''Sightlines,'' at Sepia International, and the differences appear to be pronounced.
In his ''Mado'' (''Window'') series, Mr. Nakagawa confines himself to 4-by-5-inch black-and-white minimalist prints. For his ''Sketchbooks'' series of street scenes in Tokyo, Seoul and New York, Mr. Omura produced 5-by-7-inch or 7-by-10-inch carefully colored prints or diptychs whose edges have been coarsened with sandpaper. For his series ''A Diary of the Distancing Place,'' Mr. Tsang created 24-by-18-inch black-and-white prints whose darkly inchoate subjects are often not readily identifiable.
But the three photographers do have something in common. With varying degrees of success they have created works that explore a not unfamiliar theme: existential alienation.
Mr. Nakagawa, born in New York City in 1962, was taken by his Japanese-born parents back to Japan when he was an infant. The family returned to the United States 15 years later, and Mr. Nakagawa went to high school in Houston. He remained in Texas after his parents returned to Japan. ''Mado,'' which he has worked on for more than a decade, is the wistful view, often through rain-soaked windows, of a perpetual outsider.
Rainy days may strike some as melancholy, but Mr. Nakagawa's images are not sad. Because the prints are small, they invite the viewer to draw close, the better to share in his view through fogged-up windows. Often a window screen adds another layer between the photographer and the world outside.
Mr. Nakagawa has likened his work to haiku, and the images are often calligraphic in their simplicity. Beyond the windows are hazy outlines of trees, houses, power lines, perhaps a lighthouse on a lonely outcropping. Sometimes the inside-outside perspective is whimsically off kilter. In one image the head of a snail seems to be hanging upside down on a window screen, beyond which is a neighboring building's peaked roof. In some images raindrops on the screen form beautifully abstract patterns. In an exquisite picture rain and condensation conspire to create the illusion of burning candles. Draw closer and you see the delicate lines of a small funnel of rainwater dripping down to form one of the ''candlesticks.''
There can be too much of a good thing, though, and the 43 prints on view -- out of more than 60 in the series -- suffer from too many similar images.
The Omura section, too, has a surfeit of prints; 40 are shown from the 1,600 in the ''Sketchbooks'' series, resulting in an inevitable diluting of the strong by the weak. If the smaller prints, with their sanded-down edges and fancy coloring, are meant to have the look of faded color postcards -- and postcards are shorthand for an ''I'm just passing through'' detachment -- they also quickly lose the power to engage, as postcards tend to do.
Mr. Omura, formerly a commercial photographer, was born in 1965 in Japan. Although photographic special effects work well in the commercial milieu, they seem too clever in the present context. He has printed black-and-white negatives on color photographic paper, adding, it would appear, an orange overlay to give a sepia cast to the skies in some pictures. A similar orange overlay seems to be in his color images as well, lending them a precious color-tinted look.
Mr. Omura does have a keen eye for form and color in the urban environment, and some of his images are strikingly appealing. In one, the graceful lines of a tall, bare tree in the foreground fit, serendipitously, within the framework of a tall narrow blue screen erected over part of a multistory building. In another, drapes drawn back from a window hide all but the hindquarters of a cat perched on a windowsill, beyond which is an angular edge of a building and the lines of a bare tree.
In some images a lone bird flies overhead, among boldly crisscrossing power lines or, in one photograph that calls to mind the crystalline industrial work of Margaret Bourke-White, among a loose clutch of thick black lines against a sky that changes in color from beige to blue.
Of the three photographers in ''Sightlines,'' Mr. Tsang appears to be the most angst ridden. He was born in Hong Kong in 1959, and he began his ''Distancing Place'' series six months before Britain handed Hong Kong over to China in 1997.
The 12 seriously blurred, foreboding images here, out of 17 in the series, are at best enigmatic and at worst pretentious. They seem to be murky versions of Aaron Siskind's black-and-white Abstract Expressionist photographs of the 1970's that paid homage to Franz Kline. Or they are vaguely reminiscent of Shomei Tomatsu's powerfully dark photographs of postwar Japan.
Mr. Tomatsu shot an iconic picture of a circular watch that had stopped at 11:02 a.m. on Aug. 9, 1945, at Nagasaki. Out of the darkness in one of Mr. Tsang's prints a big round clock also emerges: ticking away the hours before the hand-over of Hong Kong? Mr. Tomatsu also photographed the statue of a robed saint that was beheaded by the atomic explosion in Nagasaki.
Mr. Tsang has photographed the statue of a presumably Western man in a flowing cape. The statue seems to be headless: an allusion to the soon-to-depart British colonial government? Another image suggests a pair of scissors on a bed: a reference to the cutting of bonds between Hong Kong's mostly Chinese population and Britain?
There appear to be windows here as well. Only it isn't clear what Mr. Tsang has seen, beyond his own forebodings.
''Sightlines'' is at Sepia International, 148 West 24th Street, Chelsea, (212) 645-9444, through Feb. 24.
Photo: A minimalist image from Osamu James Nakagawa's ''Mado'' series. (Sepia International)


text:
Book your room at Arenaa Mountbatten Boutique Hotel
Deluxe RoomMax Occupancy: 2 guests (up to 1 child, 1 infant)
Premier RoomMax Occupancy: 2 guests (up to 1 child, 1 infant)
Junior SuiteMax Occupancy: 2 guests (up to 1 child, 1 infant)
Family Quadruple RoomMax Occupancy: 4 guests (up to 3 children, 2 infants)
Exclusive Shared Dormitory (Private Four Bed)Max Occupancy: 4 guests (up to 3 children, 1 infant)
Exclusive Shared Dormitory (Private Six Bed)Max Occupancy: 6 guests (up to 5 children, 2 infants)
Shared Dormitory, 1 Single BedMax Occupancy: 1 guest
Get an overview of this hotel3-star Kuala Lumpur hotel in Golden Triangle, walk to Merdeka Square
Located in Golden Triangle, this hotel is within a 10-minute walk of Jamek Mosque, Merdeka Square, and Petaling Street. Sultan Abdul Samad Building and National Mosque are also within 1 mi (2 km).
Hotel Features
Along with a restaurant, this hotel has laundry facilities and a 24-hour front desk. WiFi in public areas is free. Other amenities include tour/ticket assistance and a front-desk safe.
Room Amenities
All 46 rooms offer free WiFi, rainfall showerheads, and LCD TVs with satellite channels. Safes, phones, and desks are among the other amenities that guests will find.Information missing or incorrect? Tell us!
Hotel Amenities
Hotel Amenities
The hotel offers a restaurant. High-speed wireless Internet access is complimentary. This Kuala Lumpur hotel also offers tour/ticket assistance, laundry facilities, and a safe deposit box at the front desk.
- 24-hour front desk
- Total number of rooms - 46
- Number of floors - 6
- Elevator/lift
- Tours/ticket assistance
- Free WiFi
- Laundry facilities
- Luggage storage
- Restaurant
- Safe-deposit box at front desk
- Free parking nearby
- Year Built 2011
- Number of buildings/towers - 1
Available in all rooms: Free WiFi
Available in some public areas: Free WiFi
Free parking nearby
Room Amenities
- Air conditioning
- Phone
- Daily housekeeping
- Rainfall showerhead
- Desk
- In-room safe
- Iron/ironing board (on request)
- Satellite TV service
- Free WiFi
Where to Eat
Arenaa Diner - This restaurant serves lunch and dinner. Guests can enjoy drinks at the bar.
Hotel Policies
Check-in time starts at 2 PM
Minimum check-in age is 18
Check-out time is noon
Payment types
You need to know
Extra-person charges may apply and vary depending on hotel policy.
Government-issued photo identification and a credit card or cash deposit are required at check-in for incidental charges.
Special requests are subject to availability upon check-in and may incur additional charges. Special requests cannot be guaranteed.
We should mention
Children 11 years old and younger stay free when occupying the parent or guardian's room, using existing bedding.


text:
- 128Promote
Art Print
Summer of Love - Groovy Greenby Olivia Joy StClaire
Collect your choice of gallery quality Giclée, or fine art prints custom trimmed by hand in a variety of sizes with a white border for framing.
VW, Volkswagen, retro, vintage, green, auto, van, automobile
Totally in love with this!!!
You can't beat a good ole VW campervan :)
beautiful! love the color! :)
Very cool capture!
wonderful work great colors
Ally, my dream is to find one (& of course be able to afford it) & wander & roam, & shoot & hike with Mags! :D
Thanks Jo Bekah!
Thanks Deepti! xo
Awesome color!
Cool! Love that green!
wonderful! LOL LOVE THIS
fab retro
gorgeous ♥
Thanks Deepti, gwenola & Biff! ♥
The Classic View of this iconic vehicle conjures up a Summer of Love , superb Olivia Love it .
Thanks you Justart, catspaws & VIAINA! ♥
love it
Thanks Wondrous!
Cool! Love the color
Thanks Nina!
of course I love this :)))) - I missed so many from you Joy :((((((
Fun stuff - great color!
♥ Thanks Lyle!
See More Comments


text:
Southern strategy
In American politics, the Southern strategy refers to a Republican Party strategy of gaining political support for certain candidates in the Southern United States by appealing to racism against African Americans.[1][2][3]
The mid-1960s saw the African-American Civil Rights Movement, the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Voting Rights Act of 1965, and a push for desegregation. During this period of social upheaval, Republican Presidential candidates Senator Barry Goldwater[4][5] and Richard Nixon worked to attract southern white conservative voters to their candidacies and the Republican Party.[6] Goldwater won the five formerly Confederate states of the Deep South (Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Carolina) in the 1964 presidential election, but he otherwise won only in his home state of Arizona. In the 1968 presidential campaign, Nixon won Florida, South Carolina, North Carolina, Virginia, and Tennessee, all former Confederate states, contributing to the electoral realignment of white voters in some Southern states to the Republican Party. After federal civil rights legislation was gained via bipartisan votes, including the Voting Rights Act of 1965, more than 90 percent of black voters registered with the Democratic Party. The VRA provided tools to end their decades-long disenfranchisement by southern states. Hundreds of cases have been litigated to change election systems, such as at-large voting, that have prevented even significant minorities from electing candidates (of their own races) for city and county positions.
As the twentieth century came to a close, most white voters in the South had shifted to the Republican Party. It began to try to appeal again to black voters and rebuild the political relationship that had lasted through the 1920s, though with little success.[6] In 2005, Republican National Committee chairman Ken Mehlman formally apologized to the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), a national civil rights organization, for exploiting racial polarization to win elections and ignoring the black vote.[7][8]
- 1 Introduction
- 2 Background
- 3 Roots of the Southern strategy (1963–1972)
- 4 Evolution (1970s and 1980s)
- 5 Shift in strategy (1990s)
- 6 Scholarly debates
- 7 See also
- 8 References
- 9 Further reading
- 10 External links
Although the phrase "Southern strategy" is often attributed to Nixon's political strategist Kevin Phillips, he did not originate it[9] but popularized it.[10] In an interview included in a 1970 New York Times article, Phillips stated his analysis based on studies of ethnic voting:
- From now on, the Republicans are never going to get more than 10 to 20 percent of the Negro vote and they don't need any more than that...but Republicans would be shortsighted if they weakened enforcement of the Voting Rights Act. The more Negroes who register as Democrats in the South, the sooner the Negrophobe whites will quit the Democrats and become Republicans. That's where the votes are. Without that prodding from the blacks, the whites will backslide into their old comfortable arrangement with the local Democrats.[1]
While Phillips sought to increase Republican power by polarizing ethnic voting in general, and not just to win the white South, the South was by far the biggest prize yielded by his approach. Its success began at the presidential level. Gradually southern voters began to elect Republicans to Congress, and finally to statewide and local offices, particularly as some legacy segregationist Democrats retired or switched to the GOP. In addition, the Republican Party worked for years to develop grassroots political organizations across the South, supporting candidates for local school boards and city and county offices, as examples. But, following the Watergate scandal, in the 1976 election, southern voters came out in support for the "favorite son" candidate, Southern Democrat Jimmy Carter.
From 1948 to 1984 the Southern states, for decades a stronghold for the Democrats, became key swing states, providing the popular vote margins in the 1960, 1968 and 1976 elections. During this era, several Republican candidates expressed support for states' rights, an issue over which southern states had argued against the federal government prior to the Civil War. Some political analysts said this term was used in the 20th century as a "codeword" to represent opposition to federal enforcement of civil rights for blacks and to federal intervention on their behalf; many individual southerners had opposed passage of the Voting Rights Act.[3]
19th century Reconstruction to Solid South[edit]
During the Reconstruction era, 1863-1877, the Republican Party built up its base across the South, and for a while in each state except Virginia had control. From a national perspective, however, the Republican Party always gave priority to its much better established northern state operations. The northern party distrusted the scalawags, found the avaricious carpetbaggers distasteful, and lacked respect for the black component of their Republican Party in the South. Richard Abbott says, national Republicans always "stressed building their Northern base rather than extending their party into the South, and whenever the Northern and Southern needs conflicted the latter always lost."[11] In 1868, the GOP spent only five percent of its war chest in the South. Grant was reelected, and the New York Tribune advised it was now time for Southern Republicans to "root, hog, or die!" (that is, to take care of themselves).[12]
In a series of compromises, most famously in 1877, the Republican Party withdrew United States Army forces that had propped up its last three state governors and in return gained the White House for Rutherford B. Hayes.[13] All the southern states were now under the control of Democrats, who decade by decade increased their control of virtually all aspects of politics in the ex-Confederate states. There were occasional pockets of Republican control, usually in remote mountain districts.[14]
After 1890 the white Democrats used a variety of tactics to reduce voting by African Americans and poor whites.[15] In the 1880s they began to pass legislation making election processes more complicated and in some cases requiring payment of poll taxes, which created a barrier for poor people of both races.
From 1890 to 1908, the white Democratic legislatures in every Southern state enacted new constitutions or amendments with provisions to disenfranchise most blacks[16] and tens of thousands of poor whites. Provisions required payment of poll taxes, and complicated residency, literacy tests, and other requirements, which were subjectively applied against blacks. As blacks lost their vote, the Republican Party lost its ability to effectively compete in the South.[17] There was a dramatic drop in voter turnout as these measures took effect, a decline in African-American participation that was enforced for decades in all southern states.[18]
Blacks did have a voice in the Republican Party, especially in the choice of presidential candidates at the national convention. Boris Heersink and Jeffery A. Jenkins argue that in 1880–1928, GOP leaders at the presidential level adopted a "Southern strategy" by "investing heavily in maintaining a minor party organization in the South, as a way to create a reliable voting base at conventions." As a consequence, federal patronage did go to southern blacks, as long as there was a Republican in the White House. The issue exploded in 1912, when President William Howard Taft uses control of the southern delegations to defeat former president Theodore Roosevelt at the Republican national convention,[19][20]
Because blacks were closed out of elected offices, the South's congressional delegations and state governments were dominated by white Democrats until the 1980s or later. Effectively, Southern white Democrats controlled all the votes of the expanded population by which Congressional apportionment was figured. Many of their representatives achieved powerful positions of seniority in Congress, giving them control of chairmanships of significant Congressional committees. Although the Fourteenth Amendment has a provision to reduce the Congressional representation of states that denied votes to their adult male citizens, this provision was never enforced. Because African Americans could not be voters, they were also prevented from being jurors and serving in local offices. Services and institutions for them in the segregated South were chronically underfunded by state and local governments, from which they were excluded.[21]
During this period, Republicans held only a few House seats from the South. Between 1880 and 1904, Republican presidential candidates in the South received between 35 and 40 percent of that section's vote (except in 1892, when the 16 percent for the Populists knocked Republicans down to 25 percent). From 1904 to 1948, after disenfranchisement, Republicans received more than 30 percent of the section's votes only in the 1920 (35.2 percent, carrying Tennessee) and 1928 elections (47.7 percent, carrying five states).
During this period, Republican administrations appointed blacks to political positions. Republicans regularly supported anti-lynching bills, but these were filibustered by Southern Democrats in the Senate. In the 1928 election, the Republican candidate Herbert Hoover rode the issues of prohibition and anti-Catholicism[22] to carry five former Confederate states, with 62 of the 126 electoral votes of the section. After his victory, Hoover attempted to build up the Republican Party of the South, transferring his limited patronage away from blacks and toward the same kind of white Protestant businessmen who made up the core of the Northern Republican Party. With the onset of the Great Depression, which severely affected the South, Hoover soon became extremely unpopular. The gains of the Republican Party in the South were lost. In the 1932 election, Hoover received only 18.1 percent of the Southern vote for re-election.
World War II and population changes[edit]
In the 1948 election, after Harry Truman signed an Executive Order to desegregate the Army, a group of Southern Democrats known as Dixiecrats split from the Democratic Party in reaction to the inclusion of a civil rights plank in the party's platform. This followed a floor fight led by Minneapolis mayor and (soon-to-be senator) Hubert Humphrey. The disaffected Democrats formed the States' Rights Democratic, or Dixiecrat Party, and nominated Governor Strom Thurmond of South Carolina for president. Thurmond carried four Deep South states in the general election: South Carolina, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana. The main plank of the States' Rights Democratic Party was maintaining segregation and Jim Crow in the South. The Dixiecrats, failing to deny the Democrats the presidency in 1948, soon dissolved, but the split lingered. In 1964, Thurmond was one of the first conservative southern Democrats to switch to the Republican Party.[23][24]
In addition to the splits in the Democratic Party, the population movements associated with World War II had a significant effect in changing the demographics of the South. More than 5 million African Americans migrated from the South to the North and West in the second Great Migration, lasting from 1940-1970. Starting before WWII, many had moved to California for jobs in the defense industry, as well as to major industrial cities of the Midwest.[25]
With control of powerful committees, during and after the war, Southern Democrats gained new federal military installations in the South and other federal investments. Changes in industry, and growth in universities and the military establishment in turn attracted Northern transplants to the South, and bolstered the base of the Republican Party. In the post-war Presidential campaigns, Republicans did best in those fastest-growing states of the South that had the most Northern transplants. In the 1952, 1956 and 1960 elections, Virginia, Tennessee and Florida went Republican, while Louisiana went Republican in 1956, and Texas twice voted for Dwight D. Eisenhower and once for John F. Kennedy. In 1956, Eisenhower received 48.9 percent of the Southern vote, becoming only the second Republican in history (after Ulysses S. Grant) to get a plurality of Southern votes.[26]
The white conservative voters of the states of the Deep South remained loyal to the Democratic Party, which had not officially repudiated segregation. Because of declines in population or smaller rates of growth compared to other states, Mississippi, Alabama, Arkansas and North Carolina lost congressional seats from the 1950s to the 1970s, while South Carolina, Louisiana and Georgia remained static. Republican Dwight D. Eisenhower was elected president in 1952, with strong support from the emerging middle class suburban element in the South. He appointed a number of Southern Republican supporters as federal judges in the South. They in turn ordered the desegregation of Southern schools in the 1950s and 1960s. They included Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals judges John R. Brown, Elbert P. Tuttle, and John Minor Wisdom, As well as district judges Frank Johnson and J. Skelly Wright.[27] However, five of his 24 appointees supported segregation.[28]
Roots of the Southern strategy (1963–1972)[edit]
The "Year of Birmingham" in 1963 highlighted racial issues in Alabama. Through the spring, there were marches and demonstrations to end legal segregation. The Movement's achievements in settlement with the local business class were overshadowed by bombings and murders by the Ku Klux Klan, most notoriously in the deaths of four girls in the bombing of the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church.[29]
After the Democrat George Wallace was elected as Governor of Alabama, he emphasized the connection between states' rights and segregation, both in speeches and by creating crises to provoke Federal intervention. He opposed integration at the University of Alabama, and collaborated with the Ku Klux Klan in 1963 in disrupting court-ordered integration of public schools in Birmingham.[29]
Many of the states' rights Democrats were attracted to the 1964 presidential campaign of conservative Republican Senator Barry Goldwater of Arizona. Goldwater was notably more conservative than previous Republican nominees, such as Dwight D. Eisenhower. Goldwater's principal opponent in the primary election, Governor Nelson Rockefeller of New York, was widely seen as representing the more moderate, pro-Civil Rights Act, Northern wing of the party (see Rockefeller Republican, Goldwater Republican).[30]
In the 1964 presidential campaign, Goldwater ran a conservative campaign that broadly opposed strong action by the federal government. Although he had supported all previous federal civil rights legislation, Goldwater decided to oppose the Civil Rights Act of 1964.[31] He believed that this act was an intrusion of the federal government into the affairs of states and, second, that the Act interfered with the rights of private persons to do business, or not, with whomever they chose, even if the choice is based on racial discrimination.
Goldwater's position appealed to white Southern Democrats, and Goldwater was the first Republican presidential candidate since Reconstruction to win the electoral votes of the Deep South states (Louisiana, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and South Carolina). Outside the South, Goldwater's negative vote on the Civil Rights Act proved devastating to his campaign; the only other state he won was his home one of Arizona, contributing to his landslide defeat in 1964. A Lyndon B. Johnson ad called "Confessions of a Republican," which ran in the North, associated Goldwater with the Ku Klux Klan. At the same time, Johnson's campaign in the Deep South publicized Goldwater's support for pre-1964 civil rights legislation. In the end, Johnson swept the election.[32]
At the time, Goldwater was at odds in his position with most of the prominent members of the Republican Party, dominated by so-called Eastern Establishment and Midwestern Progressives. A higher percentage of the Republican Party supported the Civil Rights Act of 1964[31] than did the Democratic Party, as they had on all previous Civil Rights legislation. The Southern Democrats mostly opposed their Northern Party mates — and their presidents (Kennedy and Johnson) — on civil rights issues. At the same time, passage of the Civil Rights Act caused many black voters to join the Democratic Party, which moved the party and its nominees in a progressive direction.[33]
Lyndon Johnson was concerned that his endorsement of Civil Rights legislation would endanger his party in the South. In the 1968 election, Richard Nixon saw the cracks in the Solid South as an opportunity to tap into a group of voters who had historically been beyond the reach of the Republican Party. George Wallace had exhibited a strong candidacy in that election, where he garnered 46 electoral votes and nearly 10 million popular votes, attracting mostly southern Democrats away from Hubert Humphrey.[34]
The notion of Black Power advocated by SNCC leaders captured some of the frustrations of African Americans at the slow process of change in gaining civil rights and social justice. African Americans pushed for faster change, raising racial tensions.[35] Journalists reporting about the demonstrations against the Vietnam War often featured young people engaging in violence or burning draft cards and American flags.[36] Conservatives were also dismayed about the many young adults engaged in the drug culture and "free love" (sexual promiscuity), in what was called the "hippie" counter-culture. These actions scandalized many Americans and created a concern about law and order.
Nixon's advisers recognized that they could not appeal directly to voters on issues of white supremacy or racism. White House Chief of Staff H. R. Haldeman noted that Nixon "emphasized that you have to face the fact that the whole problem is really the blacks. The key is to devise a system that recognized this while not appearing to."[37] With the aid of Harry Dent and South Carolina Senator Strom Thurmond, who had switched to the Republican Party in 1964, Richard Nixon ran his 1968 campaign on states' rights and "law and order." Liberal Northern Democrats accused Nixon of pandering to Southern whites, especially with regard to his "states' rights" and "law and order" positions, which were widely understood by black leaders to symbolize southern resistance to civil rights.[38] This tactic was described in 2007 by David Greenberg in Slate as "dog-whistle politics."[39] According to an article in The American Conservative, Nixon adviser and speechwriter Pat Buchanan disputed this characterization.[40]
The independent candidacy of George Wallace, former Democratic governor of Alabama, partially negated Nixon's Southern strategy.[41] With a much more explicit attack on integration and black civil rights, Wallace won all of Goldwater's states (except South Carolina), as well as Arkansas and one of North Carolina's electoral votes. Nixon picked up Virginia, Tennessee, North Carolina, South Carolina and Florida, while Democratic nominee Hubert Humphrey won only Texas in the South. Writer Jeffrey Hart, who worked on the Nixon campaign as a speechwriter, said in 2006 that Nixon did not have a "Southern Strategy" but "Border State Strategy;" as he said that the 1968 campaign ceded the Deep South to George Wallace. Hart suggested that the press called it a "Southern Strategy" as they are "very lazy".[42]
In the 1972 election, by contrast, Nixon won every state in the Union except Massachusetts, winning more than 70 percent of the popular vote in most of the Deep South (Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, Florida, and South Carolina) and 61% of the national vote. He won more than 65 percent of the votes in the other states of the former Confederacy. Nixon won 18% of the black vote nationwide. Despite his appeal to Southern whites, Nixon was widely perceived as a moderate outside the South and won African-American votes on that basis.
Glen Moore argues that in 1970, Nixon and the Republican Party developed a "Southern Strategy" for the midterm elections. The strategy involved depicting Democratic candidates as permissive liberals. Republicans thereby managed to unseat Albert Gore, Sr., of Tennessee, as well as Senator Joseph D. Tydings of Maryland. For the entire region, however, the net result was a small loss of seats for the Republican Party in the South.[43]
Regional attention 1970 focused on the Senate, when Nixon nominated Judge G. Harrold Carswell of Florida, a judge on the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals to the Supreme Court.[44] A lawyer from north Florida, Carswell had a mediocre record, but Nixon needed a Southerner and a "strict constructionist," to support his "southern strategy" of moving the region toward the GOP. Carswell was voted down by the liberal block in the Senate, causing a backlash that pushed many Southern Democrats into the Republican fold. The long-term result was a realization by both parties that nominations to the Supreme Court could have a major impact on political attitudes In the South.[45]
In a year-by-year analysis of how the transformation took place in the critical state of Virginia, James Sweeney shows that the slow collapse of the old statewide Byrd machine gave the Republicans the opportunity to build local organizations county by county and city by city. The Democratic Party factionalized, with each faction having the goal of taking over the entire statewide Byrd machine. But the Byrd leadership was basically conservative, and more in line with the national Republican Party in economic and foreign policy issues. Republicans united behind A. Linwood Holton, Jr. in 1969, and swept the state. In the 1970 senatorial election the Byrd machine made a comeback by electing Independent Harry Flood Byrd, Jr. over Republican Ray Lucian Garland and Democrat George Rawlings. The new Senator Byrd never joined the Republican Party and instead joined the Democratic caucus. Nevertheless, he had a mostly conservative voting record especially on the trademark Byrd issue of the national deficit. At the local level, the 1970s saw steady Republican growth with this emphasis on a middle-class suburban electorate that had little interest in the historic issues of rural agrarianism and racial segregation.[46]
Evolution (1970s and 1980s)[edit]
As civil rights grew more accepted throughout the nation, basing a general election strategy on appeals to "states' rights," which some would have believed opposed civil rights laws, would have resulted in a national backlash. The concept of "states' rights" was considered by some to be subsumed within a broader meaning than simply a reference to civil rights laws.[2][3] States rights became seen as encompassing a type of New Federalism that would return local control of race relations.[47]
Republican strategist Lee Atwater discussed the Southern strategy in a 1981 interview later published in Southern Politics in the 1990s by Alexander P. Lamis.[48]
Atwater: As to the whole Southern strategy that Harry Dent and others put together in 1968, opposition to the Voting Rights Act would have been a central part of keeping the South. Now [the new Southern strategy of Ronald Reagan] doesn't have to do that. All you have to do to keep the South is for Reagan to run in place on the issues he's campaigned on since 1964 . . . and that's fiscal conservatism, balancing the budget, cut taxes, you know, the whole cluster...
Questioner: But the fact is, isn't it, that Reagan does get to the Wallace voter and to the racist side of the Wallace voter by doing away with legal services, by cutting down on food stamps?
Atwater: You start out in 1954 by saying, "Nigger, nigger, nigger." By 1968 you can't say "nigger" — that hurts you. Backfires. So you say stuff like forced busing, states' rights and all that stuff. You're getting so abstract now [that] you're talking about cutting taxes, and all these things you're talking about are totally economic things and a byproduct of them is [that] blacks get hurt worse than whites. And subconsciously maybe that is part of it. I'm not saying that. But I'm saying that if it is getting that abstract, and that coded, that we are doing away with the racial problem one way or the other. You follow me — because obviously sitting around saying, "We want to cut this," is much more abstract than even the busing thing, and a hell of a lot more abstract than "Nigger, nigger."
In 1980, Republican candidate Ronald Reagan made a much-noted appearance at the Neshoba County Fair.[49] The "I believe in states' rights" speech he gave there was cited as evidence that the Republican Party was building upon the Southern strategy again.[50] Reagan's campaigns used racially-coded rhetoric, making attacks on the "welfare state" and leveraging resentment towards affirmative action.[51] During his 1976 and 1980 campaigns Reagan employed stereotypes of welfare recipients, often invoking a welfare queen with a large house and a Cadillac using multiple names to collect over $150,000 in tax-free income.[51] His dog-whistle politics extended to field-testing language in the South referring to an unscrupulous man using food stamps as a "strapping young buck."[51]
During the 1988 U.S. presidential election, the Willie Horton attack ads run against Democratic candidate Michael Dukakis built upon the Southern strategy in a campaign that reinforced the notion that Republicans best represent conservative whites with traditional values.[52] Lee Atwater and Roger Ailes worked on the campaign as George H. W. Bush's political strategists,[53] and upon seeing a favorable New Jersey focus group response to the Horton strategy, Atwater recognized that an implicit racial appeal could work outside of the Southern states.[54] The subsequent ads featured Horton's mugshot and played on fears of black criminals. Atwater said of the strategy, "By the time we're finished, they're going to wonder whether Willie Horton is Dukakis' running mate."[55]
In addition to presidential campaigns, subsequent Republican campaigns for the House of Representatives and Senate in the South employed the Southern strategy. During his 1990 re-election campaign, Jesse Helms attacked his opponent's alleged support of "racial quotas," most notably through an ad in which a white person's hands are seen crumpling a letter indicating that he was denied a job because of the color of his skin.[56][57]
New York Times opinion columnist Bob Herbert wrote in 2005 that "The truth is that there was very little that was subconscious about the G.O.P.'s relentless appeal to racist whites. Tired of losing elections, it saw an opportunity to renew itself by opening its arms wide to white voters who could never forgive the Democratic Party for its support of civil rights and voting rights for blacks."[58] Scholars[who?] have also described the transition of the Southern strategy saying that it has "evolved from a states' rights, racially conservative message to one promoting in the Nixon years, vis-à-vis the courts, a racially conservative interpretation of civil rights laws—including opposition to busing. With the ascendancy of Reagan, the Southern Strategy became a national strategy that melded race, taxes, anticommunism, and religion."[59]
Some analysts viewed the 1990s as the apogee of Southernization or the Southern strategy, given that the Democratic president Bill Clinton and vice-president Al Gore were from the South, as were Congressional leaders on both sides of the aisle.[60] During the end of Nixon's presidency, the Senators representing the former Confederate states in the 93rd Congress were primarily Democrats. During the beginning of Bill Clinton's, 20 years later in the 103rd Congress, this was still the case.[61]
Shift in strategy (1990s)[edit]
While running for President, Clinton promised to "end welfare as we have come to know it" while in office.[62] In 1996, Clinton would fulfill his campaign promise and one manifestation of the longtime GOP goal of major welfare reform was passed. After two welfare reform bills sponsored by the GOP-controlled Congress were successfully vetoed by the President,[63] a compromise was eventually reached; Clinton signed the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Act into law on August 22, 1996.[62] Around this time, the main focus of the Southern Strategy had drifted away from race-related campaign issues and shifted towards cultural issues, such as the preservation of religious conservatism in American society.[64]
In the mid-1990s, the Republican Party made major attempts to court African-American voters, believing that the strength of religious values within the African-American community and the growing number of affluent and middle-class African Americans would lead this group increasingly to support Republican candidates.[65] An early example of this shift showed during the 1996 Presidential election, when Republican Presidential nominee Bob Dole chose Jack Kemp as his running mate. The New York Congressman had long advocated for urban revitalization projects, a position to appeal to inner-city blacks.[6][6] General Colin Powell, an African American who gained national recognition for his role in Operation Desert Storm's success, announced he was a registered Republican.[6] (He later was appointed as Secretary of State in the George W. Bush administration.)
Though the Republican Party attracted the interests of some African-American voters,[65] the group still remained loyal to the Democratic Party.[6][65] During his time in office, Clinton connected greatly with the Africans Americans.[63] Born into a poor, Southern working-class family, Clinton life and social-economic status growing up resembled that of many African Americans. Since his youth, Clinton had befriended several African Americans. He was easy about making these friendships public since his time as Governor of Arkansas.[63] In addition to his background,[63] Clinton's policies and decisions to appoint numerous African Americans in his cabinet helped him cement his status among those voters.[63] By the time he left office, Clinton's popularity in the African American community surpassed that of Colin Powell and longtime African American civil rights activist Jesse Jackson, according to polls. His administration strengthened African-American loyalty to the Democratic Party.[63]
21st century[edit]
Few African Americans voted for George W. Bush and other national Republican candidates in the 2004 elections, although he attracted a higher percentage of black voters than had any GOP candidate since President Ronald Reagan.[citation needed] Following Bush's re-election, Ken Mehlman, Bush's campaign manager and Chairman of the RNC, held several large meetings in 2005 with African-American business, community, and religious leaders. In his speeches, he apologized for his party's use of the Southern Strategy in the past. When asked about the strategy of using race as an issue to build GOP dominance in the once-Democratic South, Mehlman replied,
"Republican candidates often have prospered by ignoring black voters and even by exploiting racial tensions," and, "by the '70s and into the '80s and '90s, the Democratic Party solidified its gains in the African-American community, and we Republicans did not effectively reach out. Some Republicans gave up on winning the African-American vote, looking the other way or trying to benefit politically from racial polarization. I am here today as the Republican chairman to tell you we were wrong."[66][67]
The election of President Barack Obama saw a new type of Southern strategy emerge among conservative voters. His election is utilized as evidence of a post-racial era to deny the need of continued civil rights legislation, while simultaneously playing on racial tensions and marking him as a "racial bogeyman".[68] Thomas Edge described three parts to this phenomenon saying:
"First, according to the arguments, a nation that has the ability to elect a Black president is completely free of racism. Second, attempts to continue the remedies enacted after the civil rights movement will only result in more racial discord, demagoguery, and racism against White Americans. Third, these tactics are used side-by-side with the veiled racism and coded language of the original Southern Strategy."[68]
Southern strategy and Southernization[edit]
In 2005, Republican National Committee chairman Ken Mehlman formally apologized to the NAACP for exploiting racial polarization to win elections and ignoring the black vote.[7] But two days after his address to the NAACP he characterized this as a general strategy, not particularly Southern: "It always interests me when people say it was a Southern strategy. The fact is that folks in the North, the South, the East and the West sometimes did this."[69]
In a New York Times article writer Adam Nossiter quoted three political scientists who considered the decisive victory of Democratic Senator Barack Obama in the 2008 presidential election and subsequent re-election in 2012 to represent the lessened influence of Southernization in national politics:
- Wayne Parent, a political scientist at Louisiana State University, said that "The region's absence from Mr. Obama's winning formula means it's becoming distinctly less important,... The South has moved from being the center of the political universe to being an outside player in presidential politics."[60]
- Thomas Schaller, a political scientist at the University of Maryland, Baltimore County, stated that the Republicans had become "a Southernized party.... They have completely marginalized themselves to a mostly regional party," noting that he believed Southernization was over and that the South was no longer needed to win national elections.[60]
- Merle Black, an expert on the region's politics at Emory University in Atlanta, said the Republican Party went too far in appealing to the South, alienating voters elsewhere. 'They've maxed out on the South,' he said, which has 'limited their appeal in the rest of the country.'"[60]
Scholarly debates[edit]
Though scholars generally emphasize the role of racial backlash in the realignment of southern voters, other scholars disagree. Historian Hugh Davis Graham argues that the strategy was really a border strategy, aimed not at voters in the "Deep South" but rather at those in the "Rim South." Nixon's biographer Joan Hoff argues that however it is defined, it was very short-lived, especially after the failure of the confirmation of Carswell to the Supreme Court.[70]
Matthew Lassiter says, "A suburban-centered vision reveals that demographic change played a more important role than racial demagoguery in the emergence of a two-party system in the American South."[71] Lassiter argues that race based appeals can't explain the GOP shift in the south while also noting that the real situation is far more complex.[72]
Kalk and Tindall separately argue that Nixon's Southern strategy was to find a compromise that on race would take the issue house of politics, allowing conservatives in the South to rally behind his grand plan to reorganize the national government. Kalk and Tindall emphasize the similarity between Nixon's operations and the series of compromises orchestrated by Rutherford B Hayes in 1877 that ended the battles over Reconstruction and put Hayes in the White House. Kalk says Nixon did end the reform impulse and sowed the seeds for the political rise of white Southerners and the decline of the civil rights movement.[73][74]
Kotlowski argues that Nixon's overall civil rights record was, on the whole, responsible and that Nixon tended to seek the middle ground. He campaigned as a moderate in 1968, pitching his appeal to the widest range of voters. Furthermore, he continued this strategy as president. As a matter of principle, says Kotlowski, he supported integration of schools. However Nixon chose not to antagonize Southerners who opposed it, and left enforcement to the judiciary, which had originated the issue in the first place.[75][76] In particular Kotlowski believes historians have been somewhat misled by Nixon's rhetorical Southern Strategy that had limited influence on actual policies.[77] Valentino and Sears state that other scholars downplay the role of racial prejudice even in contemporary racial politics. They write:
- A quarter century ago, what counted was who a policy would benefit, blacks or whites" (Sniderman and Piazza 1993, 4-5), while "the contemporary debate over racial policy is driven primarily by conflict over what the government should try to do, and only secondarily over what it should try to do for blacks" [emphasis in original], so "prejudice is very far from a dominating factor in the contemporary politics of race." (Sniderman and Carmines 1997, 4, 73)[78]
Valentino and Sears conducted their own study and reported that "the South's shift to the Republican party has been driven to a significant degree by racial conservatism" and also concluded that "racial conservatism seems to continue to be central to the realignment of Southern whites' partisanship since the Civil Rights era".[78]
Political scientists and historians point out, that the timing does not fit the "Southern strategy" model. Nixon carried 49 states in 1972, so he operated a successful national rather than regional strategy. but the Republican Party remained quite weak at the local, and state level across the entire South for decades. Matthew Lassiter argues that Nixon's appeal was not to the Wallacites or segregationists, but rather to the rapidly emerging suburban middle-class. Many had Northern antecedents; they wanted rapid economic growth and saw the need to put backlash politics to rest. Lassiter says the Southern strategy was a "failure" for the GOP and that the southern base of the Republican Party "always depended more on the middle-class corporate economy and on the top-down politics of racial backlash." Furthermore, realignment in the South "came primarily from the suburban ethos of New South metropolises such as Atlanta and Charlotte, North Carolina, not to the exportation of the working-class racial politics of the Black Belt."[79]
Mayer argues that scholars have given too much emphasis on the civil rights issue; it was not the only deciding factor for Southern white voters. Goldwater took positions on such issues as privatizing the Tennessee Valley Authority, abolishing Social Security, and ending farm price supports that outraged many white Southerners who strongly supported these programs. Mayer states:
- Goldwater's staff also realized that his radical plan to sell the Tennessee Valley Authority was causing even racist whites to vote for Johnson. A Florida editorial urged Southern whites not to support Goldwater even if they agreed with his position on civil rights, because his other positions would have grave economic consequences for the region. Goldwater's opposition to most poverty programs, the TVA, aid to education, Social Security, the Rural Electrification Administration, and farm price supports surely cost him votes throughout the South and the nation.[80]
Political scientist Nelson W. Polsby argued that economic development was more central than racial desegregation in the evolution of the postwar South in Congress.[81] In The End of Southern Exceptionalism: Class, Race, and Partisan Change in the Postwar South the British political scientist Byron E. Shafer and the Canadian Richard Johnston, developed the Polsby the argument in greater depth. Using roll call analysis of voting patterns in the House of Representatives, they found that Issues of desegregation and race were less important than issues of economics and social class when it came to the transformation of partisanship in the South.[82]
Gareth Davies argues that "[t]he scholarship of those who emphasize the southern strategizing Nixon is not so much wrong – it captures one side of the man – as it is unsophisticated and incomplete. Nixon and his enemies needed one another in order to get the job done."[83][84] Lawrence McAndrews makes a similar argument, saying Nixon pursued a mixed strategy:
- Some scholars claim that Nixon succeeded, by leading a principled assault on de jure school desegregation. Others claim that he failed, by orchestrating a politically expedient surrender to de facto school segregation. A close examination of the evidence, however, reveals that in the area of school desegregation, Nixon's record was a mixture of principle and politics, progress and paralysis, success and failure. In the end, he was neither simply the cowardly architect of a racially insensitive "Southern strategy" which condoned segregation, nor the courageous conductor of a politically risky "not-so-Southern strategy" which condemned it.[85]
In interviews with historians years later, Nixon denied that he ever practiced a Southern strategy. Harry Dent, one of Nixon's senior advisers on Southern politics, told Nixon privately in 1969 that the administration "has no Southern strategy, but rather a national strategy which, for the first time in modern times, includes the South."[86]
See also[edit]
- Bible Belt
- Conservative Coalition
- Politics of the Southern United States
- Racism in the United States
- Solid South
- ^ a b Boyd, James (May 17, 1970). "Nixon's Southern strategy: 'It's All in the Charts'" (PDF). The New York Times. Retrieved 2008-08-02.
- ^ a b Carter, Dan T. From George Wallace to Newt Gingrich: Race in the Conservative Counterrevolution, 1963-1994. p 35
- ^ a b c Branch, Taylor (1999). Pillar of Fire: America in the King Years 1963-65. New York: Simon & Schuster. p. 242. ISBN 0-684-80819-6. OCLC 37909869.
- ^ Black & Black, Earl & Merle (2003). Rise of the Southern Republicans. Harvard University Press. p. 442.
- ^ Kalk, Bruce H. (2001). "The Goldwater Effect, 1962-1966". The Origin of the Southern Strategy. Lanham, Md. [u.a.]: Lexington Books. p. 55. ISBN 978-0-7391-0242-8.
- ^ a b c d e f Apple, R.W. Jr. (September 19, 1996). "G.O.P. Tries Hard to Win Black Votes, but Recent History Works Against It". The New York Times. Archived from the original on January 22, 2012.
- ^ a b Rondy, John (July 15, 2005). "GOP ignored black vote, chairman says: RNC head apologizes at NAACP meeting". The Boston Globe. Reuters. Archived from the original on January 22, 2012.
- ^ Allen, Mike (July 14, 2005). "RNC Chief to Say It Was 'Wrong' to Exploit Racial Conflict for Votes". Washington Post. Retrieved October 14, 2013.
- ^ Javits, Jacob K. (October 27, 1963). "To Preserve the Two-Party System". The New York Times.
- ^ Phillips, Kevin (1969). The Emerging Republican Majority. New York: Arlington House. ISBN 0-87000-058-6. OCLC 18063. passim
- ^ Richard H. Abbott, The Republican Party and the South, 1855-1877: The First Southern Strategy (1986) p. 231
- ^ Tali Mendelberg (2001). The Race Card: Campaign Strategy, Implicit Messages, and the Norm of Equality. Princeton UP. p. 52.
- ^ C. Vann Woodward, Reunion and Reaction: The Compromise of 1877 and the End of Reconstruction(1956) p 8, 205-12
- ^ Vincent P. De Santis, Republicans face the southern question: The new departure years, 1877-1897 (1959) pp 71-85
- ^ Nicholas Lemann, Redemption: The Last Battle of the Civil War (New York: Farrar Straus & Giroux, 2007), pp.74-80
- ^ Zinn, Howard (1999). A People's History of the United States. New York: HarperCollins. pp. 205–210, 449. ISBN 0-06-052842-7.
- ^ Perman, Michael (2001). Struggle for Mastery: Disfranchisement in the South, 1888-1908. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press. pp 1-8
- ^ "Turnout for Presidential and Midterm Elections". Politics: Historical Barriers to Voting. University of Texas. Archived from the original on August 1, 2008.
- ^ Boris Heersink and Jeffery A. Jenkins, "Southern Delegates and Republican National Convention Politics, 1880–1928," Studies in American Political Development (April 2015) 29#1 pp 68-88
- ^ Edward O. Frantz, The Door of Hope: Republican Presidents and the First Southern Strategy, 1877-1933 (University Press of Florida, 2011)
- ^ "Beginnings of black education", The Civil Rights Movement in Virginia. Virginia Historical Society. Retrieved April 12, 2009.
- ^ Dobbs, Ricky Floyd (January 1, 2007). "Continuities in American anti-Catholicism: the Texas Baptist Standard and the coming of the 1960 election.". Baptist History and Heritage. Archived from the original on January 22, 2012.
- ^ "Thurmond to Bolt Democrats Today; South Carolinian Will Join G.O.P. and Aid Goldwater". The New York Times. September 16, 1964. p. 12. Retrieved December 27, 2010.
Both senators have opposed the Administration on such matters as civil rights...
- ^ Benen, Steve (May 21, 2010). "The Party of Civil Rights". Washington Monthly. Retrieved June 18, 2012.
- ^ Gregg, Khyree. "The Second Great Migration". inmotionaame. inmotionaame. Retrieved 6 May 2015.
- ^ James L. Sundquist (2011). Dynamics of the Party System: Alignment and Realignment of Political Parties in the United States. Brookings Institution Press. p. 285.
- ^ G黱ter·Bischof and Stephen E. Ambrose, eds. (1995). Eisenhower: A Centenary Assessment. Louisiana State University Press. pp. 92–93.
- ^ Sheldon Goldman (1999). Picking Federal Judges: Lower Court Selection from Roosevelt Through Reagan. Yale University Press. p. 128.
- ^ a b McWhorter, Diane (2001). Carry Me Home: Birmingham, Alabama, The Climactic Battle of the Civil Rights Revolution. New York: Simon & Schuster. ISBN 0-684-80747-5. OCLC 45376386.
- ^ Robert H Donaldson (2015). Liberalism's Last Hurrah: The Presidential Campaign of 1964. Taylor & Francis. p. 27.
- ^ a b "Civil Rights Act of 1964 - CRA - Title VII - Equal Employment Opportunities - 42 US Code Chapter 21". Finduslaw.com. Retrieved January 22, 2012.
- ^ Gregg, Khyree. "Election of 1964". American Presidency Project. American Presidency Project. Retrieved 6 May 2015.
- ^ Rutenberg, Jim (29 July 2015). "A Dream Undone". New York Times. Retrieved 29 July 2015.
- ^ Risen, Clay (March 5, 2006). "How the South was won". (subscription required) The Boston Globe. Retrieved 2007-02-11
Thomas R. Dye, Louis Schubert, Harmon Zeigler. The Irony of Democracy: An Uncommon Introduction to American Politics, Cengage Learning. 2011
Ted Van Dyk. "How the Election of 1968 Reshaped the Democratic Party", Wall Street Journal, 2008
- ^ Zinn, Howard (1999) A People's History of the United States New York:HarperCollins, 457-461
- ^ Zinn, Howard (1999) A People's History of the United States New York:HarperCollins, 491
- ^ Robin, Corey (2011). The Reactionary Mind: Conservatism from Edmund Burke to Sarah Palin. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 50. ISBN 0-19-979393-X.
- ^ Johnson, Thomas A. (August 13, 1968). "Negro Leaders See Bias in Call Of Nixon for 'Law and Order'". The New York Times. p. 27. Retrieved 2008-08-02.(subscription required)
- ^ Greenberg, David (November 20, 2007). "Dog-Whistling Dixie: When Reagan said "states' rights," he was talking about race.". Slate. Archived from the original on January 22, 2012.
- ^ "Nixon in Dixie", The American Conservative magazine
- ^ Childs, Marquis (June 8, 1970). "Wallace's Victory Weakens Nixon's Southern Strategy". The Morning Record.
- ^ Hart, Jeffrey (2006-02-09). The Making of the American Conservative Mind (television). Hanover, New Hampshire: C-SPAN.
- ^ Glen Moore, "Richard M. Nixon and the 1970 Midterm Elections in the South." Southern Historian 12 (1991) pp: 60-71.
- ^ John Paul Hill, "Nixon's Southern Strategy Rebuffed: Senator Marlow W. Cook and the Defeat of Judge G. Harrold Carswell for the US Supreme Court." Register of the Kentucky Historical Society 112#4 (2014): 613-650.
- ^ Bruce H. Kalk, "The Carswell Affair: The Politics of a Supreme Court Nomination in the Nixon Administration." American Journal of Legal History (1998): 261-287. in JSTOR
- ^ James R. Sweeney, "Southern strategies," Virginia Magazine of History & Biography (1998) 106#2 pp 165-200.
- ^ Aistrup, Joseph A. (2015). The Southern Strategy Revisited: Republican Top-Down Advancement in the South. University Press of Kentucky. p. 48. ISBN 0-8131-4792-1.
- ^ Lamis, Alexander P. (1999). Southern Politics in the 1990s. Louisiana State University Press. pp. 7–8. ISBN 978-0-8071-2374-4.
- ^ "Ronald Reagan's Neshoba County Speech". C-SPAN. C-SPAN. April 10, 2010. Retrieved June 11, 2015.
- ^ Herbert, Bob (November 13, 2007). "Righting Reagan's Wrongs?". The New York Times. Archived from the original on January 22, 2012.
White, Jack (December 14, 2002). "Lott, Reagan and Republican Racism". Time. Archived from the original on January 22, 2012.
Cannon, Lou (2003). Governor Reagan: His Rise to Power, New York: Public Affairs, 477-78.
Michael Goldfield (1997) The Color of Politics: Race and the Mainspring of American Politics, New York: The New Press, 314.
Walton, Hanes (1997). African American Power and Politics. p. 20. ISBN 978-0-231-10419-7.
- ^ a b c Aistrup, Joseph A. (2015). The Southern Strategy Revisited: Republican Top-Down Advancement in the South. University Press of Kentucky. p. 44. ISBN 0-8131-4792-1.
Haney-Lopez, Ian (January 11, 2014). "The racism at the heart of the Reagan presidency". Salon.
Reagan also trumpeted his racial appeals in blasts against welfare cheats. On the stump, Reagan repeatedly invoked a story of a "Chicago welfare queen" with "eighty names, thirty addresses, [and] twelve Social Security cards [who] is collecting veteran's benefits on four non-existing deceased husbands. She's got Medicaid, getting food stamps, and she is collecting welfare under each of her names. Her tax-free cash income is over $150,000."
- ^ Aistrup, Joseph A. (2015). The Southern Strategy Revisited: Republican Top-Down Advancement in the South. University Press of Kentucky. pp. 51–52. ISBN 0-8131-4792-1.
- ^ Swint, Kerwin (2008). Dark Genius: The Influential Career of Legendary Political Operative and Fox News Founder Roger Ailes. New York: Union Square Press. pp. 37–38. ISBN 1-4027-5445-0.
- ^ Mendelberg, Tali (2001). The Race Card: Campaign Strategy, Implicit Messages, and the Norm of Equality. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. pp. 143–144. ISBN 0-691-07071-7.
- ^ Whitaker, Morgan (October 21, 2013). "The legacy of the Willie Horton ad lives on, 25 years later". MSNBC.
- ^ Helms' "Hands" campaign ad on YouTube
- ^ Caliendo, Stephen Maynard; McIlwain, Charlton D. (2005). "Racial Messages in Political Campaigns". Polling America: An Encyclopedia of Public Opinion 2. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press. p. 643. ISBN 0-313-32713-0.
- ^ Herbert, Bob (October 6, 2005). "Impossible, Ridiculous, Repugnant". The New York Times. Archived from the original on January 22, 2012.
- ^ Aistrup, Joseph A. The Southern Strategy Revisited: Republican Top-down Advancement in the South University Press of Kentucky, 1996
- ^ a b c d Nossiter, Adam (November 10, 2008). "For South, a Waning Hold on National Politics". The New York Times. Archived from the original on January 22, 2012.
- ^ Alexander P. Lamis, ed., Southern Politics in the 1990s (1999) pp 1-9
- ^ a b Vobejda, Barbara (August 22, 1996). "Clinton Signs Welfare Bill Amid Division". Washington Post. Retrieved 2013-10-21.
- ^ a b c d e f "Why blacks love Bill Clinton" - interview with DeWayne Wickham, Salon.com, Suzy Hansen, published February 22, 2002, accessed October 21, 2013.
- ^ Aistrup, Joseph A. (2015). The Southern Strategy Revisited: Republican Top-Down Advancement in the South. University Press of Kentucky. pp. 56–58. ISBN 0-8131-4792-1.
- ^ a b c African-American voting trends Facts on File.com
- ^ Allen, Mike (July 14, 2005). "RNC Chief to Say It Was 'Wrong' to Exploit Racial Conflict for Votes". Washington Post. Archived from the original on January 22, 2012. Retrieved 2008-08-02.
- ^ Benedetto, Richard (July 14, 2005). "GOP: 'We were wrong' to play racial politics". USA Today. Retrieved January 22, 2012.
- ^ a b Edge, Thomas (January 2010). "Southern Strategy 2.0: Conservatives, White Voters, and the Election of Barack Obama". Journal of Black Studies 40 (3): 426–444.
- ^ "Transcript of CNN Late Edition with Wolf Blitzer". CNN. July 17, 2005.
- ^ >Joan Hoff (1995). Nixon Reconsidered. BasicBooks. p. 79.
- ^ Lassiter, Matthew; Kruse, Kevin (Aug 2009). "The Bulldozer Revolution: Suburbs and Southern History since World War II". The Journal of Southern History 75: 699. JSTOR 27779033.
Alexander, Gerard (Sep 12, 2010). "Conservatism does not equal racism. So why do many liberals assume it does?". Washington Post. Retrieved March 25, 2015.
Alexander, Gerard (March 20, 2004). "The Myth of the Racist Republicans". The Claremont Review of Books 4 (2). Retrieved March 25, 2015.
- ^ Lassiter, Matthew (2007). The Silent Majority: Suburban Politics in the Sunbelt South. Princeton University Press. p. 232. ISBN 978-0-691-13389-8.
Chappell, David (March 2007). "Did Racists Create the Suburban Nation?". Reviews in American History V 35: 89–97.
Lassiter scrupulously denies suburbanites their racial innocence. The suburbs are disproportionately white and the poor are disproportionately black. But he rejects "white backlash" partly because the term exempts from responsibility those voters, North and South, who have racially liberal roots. Their egalitarianism may be genuine. But unless liberals are lucky enough to live in secession-proof metro areas, whose judges have a strong commitment to comprehensive integration, they behave the same way as people who act frankly on their fear of large concentrations of black people.
Chappell, David (March 2007). "Did Racists Create the Suburban Nation?". Reviews in American History (Johns Hopkins University Press) V 35: 89–97.
In an original analysis of national politics, Lassiter carefully rejects "racereductionist narratives" (pp. 4, 303). Cliches like "white backlash" and "southern strategy" are inadequate to explain the conservative turn in post-1960s politics.5 ... Racism has not been overcome. One might say rather that it has become redundant. One of Lassiter's many fascinating demonstrations of racism's superfluousness is his recounting of the actual use of the "southern strategy." The strategy obviously failed the Dixiecrats in l948 and the GOP in l964. The only time Nixon seriously tried to appeal to southern racism, in the l970 midterm elections, the South rejected his party and elected Democrats like Jimmy Carter and Dale Bumpers instead (pp. 264–74). To win a nationwide majority, Republicans and Democrats alike had to appeal to the broad middle-class privileges that most people believed they had earned. Lassiter suggests that the first step on the way out of hypersegregation and resegregation is to stop indulging in comforting narratives. The most comforting narratives attribute the whole problem to racists and the Republicans who appease them.
Lassiter, Matthew; Kruse, Kevin (Aug 2009). "The Bulldozer Revolution: Suburbs and Southern History since World War II". The Journal of Southern History 75: 691–706. JSTOR 27779033.
- ^ Bruce H. Kalk, "Wormley's Hotel Revisited: Richard Nixon's Southern Strategy and the End of the Second Reconstruction," North Carolina Historical Review (1994) 71#1 pp. 85-105 in JSTOR
- ^ George B. Tindall, "Southern Strategy: A Historical Perspective," North Carolina Historical Review (1971) 48#2 pp. 126-141 in JSTOR
- ^ Dean J. Kotlowski, "Nixon's southern strategy revisited." Journal of Policy History (1998) 10#2 pp: 207-238.
- ^ Kotlowski, Dean (2009). Nixon's Civil Rights: Politics Principle, and Policy. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-03973-5.
- ^ Aldridge, Daniel (Summer 2002). "Review". The Georgia Historical Quarterly 86.
- ^ a b Valentino NA, Sears DO (2005). "Old Times There Are Not Forgotten: Race and Partisan Realignment in the Contemporary South" (PDF). American Journal of Political Science 49: 672–688. doi:10.1111/j.1540-5907.2005.00136.x.
- ^ Matthew D. Lassiter, "Suburban Strategies: The Volatile Center in Postwar American Politics" in Meg Jacobs et al. eds., The Democratic Experiment: New Directions In American Political History (2003): 327-349; quotes on pp 329-30.
- ^ Jeremy D. Mayer, "LBJ Fights the White Backlash: The Racial Politics of the 1964 Presidential Campaign, Part 2 " Prologue 33#2 (2001) pp: 6-19.
- ^ Byron E. Shafer and Richard Johnston, The End of Southern Exceptionalism: Class, Race, and Partisan Change in the Postwar South (Harvard University Press, 2006) p vii
- ^ Byron E. Shafer and Richard G.C. Johnston. "The transformation of southern politics revisited: The House of Representatives as a window." British Journal of Political Science (2001) 31#4 pp: 601-625. In their 2006 book they write, "economics and social class clearly trumped desegregation and racial identity as engines for partisan change." Shafer and Johnston, The End of Southern Exceptionalism p vii
- ^ Gareth Davies, See Government Grow: Education Politics from Johnson to Reagan (2007) p 140).
- ^ Gareth Davies, "Richard Nixon and the Desegregation of Southern Schools." Journal of Policy History 19#04 (2007) pp: 367-394.
- ^ Lawrence J. McAndrews, "The politics of principle: Richard Nixon and school desegregation." Journal of Negro History (1998): 187-200, quoting page 187. in JSTOR
- ^ Joan Hoff (1995). Nixon Reconsidered. BasicBooks. p. 79.
Further reading[edit]
- Aistrup, Joseph A. "Constituency diversity and party competition: A county and state level analysis." Political Research Quarterly 57#2 (2004): 267-281.
- Aistrup, Joseph A. The southern strategy revisited: Republican top-down advancement in the South (University Press of Kentucky, 2015)
- Aldrich, John H. "Southern Parties in State and Nation" Journal of Politics 62#3 (2000) pp: 643-670.
- Applebome, Peter. Dixie Rising: How the South is Shaping American Values, Politics, and Culture (ISBN 0-15-600550-6).
- Bass, Jack. The transformation of southern politics: Social change and political consequence since 1945 (University of Georgia Press, 1995)
- Black, Earl and Merle Black. The Rise of Southern Republicans (Harvard University Press, 2003)
- Brady, David, Benjamin Sosnaud, and Steven M. Frenk. "The shifting and diverging white working class in US presidential elections, 1972–2004." 'Social Science Research 38.1 (2009): 118-133.
- Brewer, Mark D., and Jeffrey M. Stonecash. "Class, race issues, and declining white support for the Democratic Party in the South." Political Behavior 23#2 (2001): 131-155.
- Bullock III, Charles S. and Mark J. Rozell, eds. The New Politics of the Old South: An Introduction to Southern Politics (5th ed. 2013)
- Carter, Dan T. From George Wallace to Newt Gingrich: Race in the Conservative Counterrevolution, 1963-1994 (ISBN 0-8071-2366-8)
- Carter, Dan T. The Politics of Rage: George Wallace, The Origins of the New Conservatism, and the Transformation of Southern Politics (ISBN 0-8071-2597-0)
- Chappell, David L. A Stone of Hope: Prophetic Religion and the Death of Jim Crow (ISBN 0-8078-2819-X)
- Davies, Gareth. "Richard Nixon and the Desegregation of Southern Schools." Journal of Policy History 19#04 (2007) pp: 367-394.
- Egerton, John. "A Mind to Stay Here: Closing Conference Comments on Southern Exceptionalism", Southern Spaces, 29 November 2006.
- Frantz, Edward O. The Door of Hope: Republican Presidents and the First Southern Strategy, 1877-1933 (University Press of Florida, 2011)
- Havard, William C., ed. The Changing Politics of the South (Louisiana State University Press, 1972)
- Hill, John Paul. "Nixon's Southern Strategy Rebuffed: Senator Marlow W. Cook and the Defeat of Judge G. Harrold Carswell for the US Supreme Court." Register of the Kentucky Historical Society 112#4 (2014): 613-650.
- Inwood, Joshua F.J. "Neoliberal racism: the 'Southern Strategy' and the expanding geographies of white supremacy." Social & Cultural Geography 16#4 (2015) pp: 407-423.
- Kalk, Bruce H. The Origins of the Southern Strategy: Two-party Competition in South Carolina, 1950-1972 (Lexington Books, 2001)
- Kalk, Bruce H. "Wormley's Hotel Revisited: Richard Nixon's Southern Strategy and the End of the Second Reconstruction." North Carolina Historical Review (1994): 85-105. in JSTOR
- Kalk, Bruce H. The Machiavellian nominations: Richard Nixon's Southern strategy and the struggle for the Supreme Court, 1968-70 (1992)
- Kruse, Kevin M. White Flight: Atlanta and the Making of Modern Conservatism (ISBN 0-691-09260-5)
- Lisio, Donald J. Hoover, Blacks, and Lily-Whites: A Study of Southern Strategies (UNC Press, 2012)
- Lublin, David. The Republican South: Democratization and Partisan Change (Princeton University Press, 2004)
- Olien, Roger M. From Token to Triumph: The Texas Republicans, 1920-1978 (SMU Press, 1982)
- Perlstein, Rick. Nixonland: The Rise of a President and the Fracturing of America (2009)
- Phillips, Kevin. The Emerging Republican Majority (1969) (ISBN 0-87000-058-6)
- Boyd, James. "Nixon's Southern strategy 'It's All In the Charts'", New York Times, May 17, 1970
- Scher, Richard K. Politics in the New South: Republicanism, race and leadership in the twentieth century (1992)
- Shafer, Byron E., and Richard Johnston. The end of Southern exceptionalism: class, race, and partisan change in the postwar South (Harvard University Press, 2009)
- Shafer, Byron E., and Richard G.C. Johnston. "The transformation of southern politics revisited: The House of Representatives as a window." British Journal of Political Science 31#04 (2001): 601-625. online
External links[edit]
- Buchanan, Patrick J. "The Neocons and Nixon's Southern Strategy", December 2002, Patrick Buchanan Official Website
- UPI, "Why The GOP's Southern Strategy Ended", 23 February 2001, at NewsMax


text:
- Filed Under
Two Florida men accused of running a $1 million identity fraud tax return scheme were indicted by a federal grand jury Thursday in Nashville.
Samara Y. Henderson, 25, and Marlow S. Favors, 34, both of Tampa, Fla., were indicted on nine counts of conspiracy, mail fraud and aggravated identity theft, according to Jerry E. Martin, U.S. attorney for the Middle District of Tennessee.
The duo acquired confidential material from individuals to file false tax returns in their names, often using the victims' Social Security numbers without their knowledge, according to a Justice Department news ...


text:
NEW ORLEANS — Oklahoma's offensive line, missing two starters, was a big question mark heading into the Sugar Bowl.
Sugar Bowl notebook: Dionte Savage, Sooners' makeshift offensive line come up huge
The Sooners were down two starters and started Dionte Savage for the first time.
But the unit more than held their own allowing just one sack in OU's 45-31 upset victory over Alabama.
"It's hard to say right now but really proud of him," Sooners offensive line coach Bill Bedenbaugh said of Savage's play. "He kind of got down when he wasn't playing and just kept fighting and battling and against a D-line like this — obviously they're one of the best defenses in the country. That's no lie, so really proud of what he was able to do."
With his first extra-point of the night, Sooners kicker Michael Hunnicutt broke a tie with Steve Owens for second place on Oklahoma's all-time scoring list.
Hunnicutt scored nine points in the win, moving to 351 points in his career.
With one season of eligibility remaining, Hunnicutt is closing in on DeMarco Murray's record of 390 points in a career.
Hunnicutt's second-quarter 47-yard field goal was his longest of the season and tied for the third-longest of his career.
It didn't take long for Oklahoma's defense to accomplish something that no team had vs. the Crimson Tide in several years.
Just one play after Trevor Knight was picked off by Alabama's Landon Collins early in the first quarter, Gabe Lynn intercepted AJ McCarron's pass. A play later, the Sooners tied the game at 7.
The turnover was Alabama's first in a bowl game since the Crimson Tide turned it over twice in its 2009 BCS Championship win over Texas.
The Sooners forced three Alabama turnovers in the first half.
On Oklahoma's final touchdown of the first half, a 13-yard pass to Sterling Shepard, the Sooners nearly helped give Alabama the momentum entering halftime.
After Shepard's touchdown, he put his hands together near the center of his chest and ripped them apart in a "Superman" motion, mimicking Carolina quarterback Cam Newton's touchdown celebration.
Officials flagged Shepard for unsportsmanlike conduct, taking the gesture as a "throat slash" motion that is prohibited.
Continue reading this story on the...